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DR. HENRY S. KISSINGER

October 12, 1994

INTRODUCTION: Ladies and

gentlemen, this dinner is absolutely exquisitely timed
with enormous precision. You will be served dessert as
I am introducing the guest of honor. By the time I get
finished you will have dessert, so that he can proceed
unhampered, I almost say or molested, which I do not
think would be the case in this audience anyway. But
this is a very interesting evening for me emotionally.

CSIS prepares these affairs very carefully as they prepare
everything and I am visited shortly before the evening to
have the program explained to me and I am given a
certain script and I am down at the bottom here and it
says 8:15 p.m. When dessert has been served you
introduce Henry K. and I thought how nice that is.

Henry Kalfman is a very good friend of mine and
you will all be fascinated by the latest analysis of what
is going to happen to interest rates. I expressed that
sentiment and they said oh no, not that Henry K. and I am
now in the investment banking business and I thought,
oh, Henry Kravitz, known for the biggest fees on Wall

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Street, I will give a very elaborate introduction. They
said not that Henry K., Henry Kissinger and I said, well,
why did that not dawn upon me. Obviously, here we are
at the National Portrait Gallery. I had this mental image
that I would be up here with Dave Abshire and at the
climax of the evening we would pull the chain, the
curtain would part and there is an enormous portrait of
Henry Kissinger. Not until I arrived this evening did I
discover that was not the case. I inquired why not. I
was told that Henry had a conflict of interest. Your
picture cannot hang in this gallery until you have been
dead for ten years. I understand the decision that Henry
has made in the normal course of events, but of course
we are delighted to have him here with us, a counsellor
of CSIS, notable for many other things.

The man that, as they say in all these
introductions, needs no introduction, a legend in his own
time. Henry understands that. I invite you to come to
the podium, Henry, and say whatever you want to say, in
whatever manner you want to say it and we will come
back and celebrate some years later, when you find it in
your convenience to plan a suitable dedication of your

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1 portrait in this place. Henry Kissinger.

2 DR. KISSINGER: I have had
3 a lot of introductions, but I have never been introduced,
4 when, in the name of three other people, and then have
5 to present and leave the room. If it were possible it
6 might teach me humility. Now I am never sure about
7 these rooms. I gave a dinner once, when I was Secretary
8 of State, in the National Gallery of Art in a room
9 somewhat like this. Beautiful room, appalling acoustics
10 and you could not hear on one side of the room, you
11 could not hear on both sides of the room, that was
12 certain. Art Buchwald wrote an article afterwards. It
13 was for the French Foreign Minister and he said Henry
14 Kissinger gave a marvelous speech. He said that the
15 French President was one of the least intelligent people
16 he had ever encountered. The French Foreign Minister
17 got up and said, thank Dr. Kissinger for his brilliant and
18 refreshive and constructive remarks and then declared
19 war on the United States, at the end of which they both
20 toasted, they both toasted each other.

21 So I do not know what the acoustics are here
22 and I have never understood what the, when a speaker

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asks the audience, can you hear me, because obviously
those who cannot hear you, cannot respond. Now I have
only got ten minutes to speak, because everything at
CSIS is run on schedule and I was handed a script like
Mr. Volkert and it said it ends at 9:15, right Dave. Let
me make a few observations about the current state of
international affairs as it affects the United States. I
speak twice a year to this group and the basic problem,
that has not changed fundamentally. The basic problem
is that we live in an entirely new environment, different
from the cold war and different from any historical
experience we have. That the reaction to it is being
supervised by an administration which is a product of the
most divisive period in the American domestic debate,
namely the Vietnam war, whose formative experience and
in whose basic categories of thinking were shaped then
and therefore their reaction to these events is almost
always, in my view, not relevant to the problems.

I would like to explain that in relation to a
number of areas of the world. The fundamental change
and the novel experience for America is that the
traditional pattern by which we have comprehended

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1 foreign policy is no longer really relevant. The United
2 States is the only country in the world whose history has
3 a precise beginning. You can date it exactly. The only
4 country people entirely, a lot or almost entirely, by
5 immigrants, the only country that has never had a
6 powerful neighbor. The only country, that until recently,
7 has never had a significant threat. Therefore, America
8 has never had to learn a geopolitical or strategic
9 approach to international affairs and has been able to
10 identify ideology and geopolitics, morality and practice
11 and has never had to choose between them. Therefore,
12 too, America traditionally has transformed its
13 international adventures into causes with specific
14 terminal dates that could be solved by a massive
15 mobilization of resources. The cold war was ideally
16 suited for these American qualities. There was an
17 ideological challenge. It was synonymous with a
18 geopolitical challenge. It permitted the mobilization, the
19 selfless mobilization of resources and if you ask yourself
20 whether you can conceive any country in the world that
21 would emerge out of a war and say the key to peace is
22 the reconstruction of the defeated enemy, I cannot

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1 imagine that. Or imagine any other country in the world
2 that has the huge technological and economic advantage
3 that the United States has and then developed an
4 economic theory, by which it convinces itself that
5 spreading its technology and creating competitors all
6 over the world, is beneficial not only to the world, which
7 it was, but also to itself. These propositions which seem
8 self evident to Americans, would not be remotely self
9 evident to any other society. I cannot literally imagine
10 one other country, that had the roles been reversed,
11 would have acted in this way.

12 So now we find ourselves in a world of four,
13 five, six countries, whose capacity to effect events in
14 most situations, is more or less equal with us.
15 Therefore, we talk about a new world order. But we talk
16 about the new world order as if it already existed. We
17 never talk about the fact that our real task is to help
18 construct it. I am one of the few people, I think, who
19 reads carefully every Presidential speech on foreign
20 policy from a philosophical point of view, not to argue
21 with it as a political issue, but I try to understand what
22 the thinking is that is behind it. I have read with

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interest, that in the two years of the administration, they
have never once mentioned NATO or the Atlantic Alliance
in its own right. It is always listed as a vestige of the
cold war. It is something that is being overcome and it
is a step towards a new world order which is defined by
the Partnership for Peace.

What is the philosophy behind the Partnership
for Peace? It is that military force is used as an
instrument of bringing nations together rather than of
defending them. Military establishment as a social
welfare institution. So you would find press
conferences, where the President of Kazakhstan stands
next to the President of the United States and they ask
the President, what are you going to plan together and
they say rescue operations, peace keeping operations, as
if peace keeping is a universal mission. I mention this
only to bring home that there are, this is a philosophy.
The philosophy is that we are in the world to do good.
One of the good we have to do is to keep the peace. We
have to enlarge democracy. We have to rely on
international institutions and all of this makes it
extraordinarily difficult to establish a relationship with

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the real world that I briefly described at the beginning.

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For example in the press conference with Yeltsin, President Clinton said, we do not object to what the Soviet Union is doing in the near abroad. All we ask of the Soviet Union is that they do it like we did at Haiti. What does he think happened in Haiti? We went in with 20,000 troops and two aircraft carriers, which is as much as we had in the Mediterranean all during the cold war to keep them, to go into Haiti. In what way should the Soviet Union act in the near abroad? Well, presumably because we had U.N. support. Well, the U.N. support we had, had nothing to do with the merit of the case. The U.N. support we achieved was from Russia precisely to evoke the reaction that I have just described from Britain and France, because it is an enormous uneasiness about the future relationships with Europe from China because, for reasons which I will get to around midnight, because they have a great strategic interest in improving relations with us. It was no restraint whatever on anybody's action and the practical consequence of this proposition is to establish fields of interest of a totally unequal nature. On the one hand it brought, it abandoned a well

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established principal of American foreign policy, which
was that issues within the western hemisphere,
especially if they involve military force, should not be
solved by the invitation of nations outside the western
hemisphere.

Normally, any American administration, of
whatever party, would have submitted an issue like this
if it submitted it to any international organization, it
would have submitted it to the Organization of American
States. It was unprecedented to submit it to the United
Nations. The reason we did not submit it to the
Organization of American States is because we knew very
well that they would not approve it. But what we did in
Haiti, which I think is extremely ill advised, because it
will get us, the easiest part of it is over. The tough part
is now beginning. But that is a different issue. It had no
impact on the strategic situation. What Russia does in
the near abroad has a huge impact on the security
situation, in Europe, in Asia, and even vis-a-vis, China.

Therefore by adopting these general principals
of peace keeping as if they were some abstract rule you
can apply universally around the world, in part pretending

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that every nation has exactly the same interests in every problem, we lose track of what we most need at this moment, namely to define, what our national interest is. What the issues are that only we can solve. What the issues are that we must solve with others, and what the issues are we cannot solve at all. What issues justify the use of military force? What issues are desirable, but stop short of military intervention, and what issues, again, we should leave to others. None of this has had a systematic consideration. With this tentative background, let me apply it briefly to a number of areas in the world. A subject that is never discussed, or practically never discussed is America's relations with Europe. Yet in the whole post war period America's relation to Europe has been the core element of American foreign policy. Conditions have changed fundamentally. The Russian army is no longer on the offense. Germany is unified. Eastern Europe is liberated. So the objective conditions of Europe have changed. On the other hand, if the phrase, enlargement of democracy, has any meaning, the beginning of wisdom would be to hold together those nations which are genuinely democratic.

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I, actually, believe the phrase, enlargement of
democracy, has only a very limited meaning, because if
you look at the nations in the world that are democratic,
their number is finite. Many nations that call themselves
democratic cannot be called such by historic standards.
In any event it raises the question to what extent we
have a capacity to do this. But I put this issue aside. I
have no problem saying we should preserve the
democracies that exist and that would begin with Europe.
Moreover, in every crisis, again this week in the Gulf, our
European allies have stood more with us than any other
group of nations in the world. They have sometimes
faltered, but from Korea to the war in the Gulf, they have
made significant contributions to American efforts.

Therefore, it would seem to me that redefining
the relationship between Europe and the United States,
in the light of current circumstances, should be a top
priority of American foreign policy. Nevertheless, it is an
issue that is never addressed, except in relationship to
the Partnership for Peace, to which I will turn in a
minute. I have opposed the Partnership for Peace and I
get periodically briefed by administration people who are

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trying to calm me down and tell me that, of course it is
possible for other nations to join NATO, and if I would
just calm down a little bit, it is perfectly possible for
Poland and the Czech Republic and Hungary to go into
NATO and I am quite sure they are telling the Russians,
do not worry, you can also go into NATO, but I am not
obsessed with who gets into NATO. I am obsessed with
another problem. In redefining the relationship with
Europe, common sense suggests that one should begin by
defining where Europe starts. My objection to the
Partnership for Peace, is that it erodes the distinction
and that it leaves open deliberately, the question that
Russia and all the Republic (tape went blank)...
impossible to establish a special relationship with the
United States. That is the key issue. If the
administration had said the Partnership for Peace applies
only to eastern Europe and not to the former Soviet
Union, I would not have cared. I am not obsessed with
whether they are in NATO, but now that they have
established it, one needs NATO to establish a dividing
line.

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If you watch what Russia is doing, they are

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trying to establish a situation in which they have a
defacto veto over European developments. So I would
say the biggest problem we have right now, one which
has never been articulated, is to define what the
European, American relationship is, what Europe consists
of and to stop this double talk that leaves it open
whether Uzbekistan and Belgium are part of the same
military arrangement. If that is not done, NATO will
gradually dissolve itself. Technically it will dissolve
itself because it is not possible for them to plan joint
exercises that make no sense anyway, with twelve
different nations...(end of side one).

We are taking everything for granted. I believe
that the elections in Germany this Sunday will mark the
end of the cold period, even if he wins, because he will
not be able to maintain that coalition if he can even
achieve it, for the whole four years of his term. Then we
will have a much more fluid political situation in Europe.
So we are wasting the time when the leaders that are still
used to close cooperation with America are in power and
it is the least noticed, and to my mind, the most
dangerous aspect. This is why I so strenuously keep

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1 objecting, not because of the military planning factor.

2 Now this undermining of the Atlantic relationship is all

3 the more worrisome, because we and Europe really should

4 be addressing new issues, such as the rise of Islamic

5 fundamentalism. It is not that I have a great answer to

6 that question. But I can already see the debate in

7 Washington beginning, should we conciliate the

8 fundamentalists in Algeria.

9 In fact, we seem to like to do this. Which

10 recalls Iran and the unwillingness to accept the

11 proposition that the fundamentalists define themselves

12 by their ideological, moral opposition to western values.

13 That is what makes them fundamentalists. They cannot

14 be conciliated and remain fundamentalists and we cannot

15 convert them by offering them material goods. If Algeria

16 goes, becomes fundamentalist, Morocco, and Tunisia will

17 be under unbelievable pressure, probably unsustainable

18 pressure. The internal balance in Egypt will change and

19 the problems we now get from a minor, basically minor

20 Islamic country like Iraq, which has a limited population,

21 would multiply, especially when this spreads to Turkey

22 and elsewhere. I am not saying that I know what the

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answer to that problem is, but if you would think of the
mass migrations that will start when fundamentalism
spreads in North Africa, you cannot refuse to admit that
this is a western problem. If that is not a western
problem, then we do not have any common problems
anymore. So that is one structural problem.

The second structural problem, many of you
have heard me talk about before, and so I will be
relatively brief on it, is relations with Russia. I wrote an
article a few weeks ago, in which I said Strope Albert,
who is the chief ideological defender of the existed view,
I said to Strope Albert, it is a product of the Wallace
movement and one of my conservative friends said to me
afterwards, well, I am beginning to think better of him.
He thought it was the George Wallace movement. I am
talking about the Henry Wallace movement. The
movement that presented the ideological debate of the
late '40s, out of which the dominant American policy
emerged. The view of the Wallace adherence was, there
is no need for a call to work, there is no moral distinction
between the Soviet Union and the United States. But at
any rate the United States is just as guilty and the United

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States must purify itself before it can enter international affairs, and therefore must concentrate on its domestic cleanliness and not play around in the world. All of these trends are very visible today. When people say they do not want to conduct foreign policy and then present a domestic policy, the real reason is they want to reform this country to make it worthy of something later. It creates also the obsession with Russia as to salvation. Now many of you remember that in the 70's, I did not always have unanimous support, because people thought I was too interested in better relations with the Soviet Union and I was, and I remain so as on the principal of state ground. Not as a psychiatric exercise. The dominant view is that if Russia is democratic and if Russia adopts market economics, it will become a member of the international community and there will be no longer any foreign policy problem. The interesting thing is there is not a single neighbor of Russia who believes this. No Scandinavian pacifist would ever utter such a thing about Russia. I literally know no country bordering Russia that remotely holds such views. These views are articulated in the face of the reality that in the 500 years

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of recorded Russian history, no Russian leader has ever
left office while indebted, never. That in Russian
history, there is not one generation in which the country
has not expanded in some direction, usually by a territory
larger than the largest European country. It is this view
is being advocated in the face of a Russian foreign policy
which is extraordinarily impressive in its subtlety, single
mindedness and expansionism. What is Kozerev doing in
Baghdad tomorrow. He is trying to counterpoise Russian
power to America. What are Russian armies doing in
Georgia, Multavia, in almost all the former Republics of
Russia. So I, coming from the unreconstructed,
unpurified element of America, being above 40, have a
rather simple minded Russian strategy. I warned them,
if they are going to be expansionists, to start as far east
as possible.

Secondly, I accept that we have severe limits
about our ability to affect their internal evolution,
especially since it seems to me they are all carrying out,
more or less the same policy anyway. So I would say the
fundamental goal of American foreign policy ought to be
to make sure they do something they have not done in

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1 400 years, namely stay within their border. If you keep
2 in mind that St. Petersburg is closer to New York than it
3 is to Vladivostov, and that Vladivostov is closer to
4 Seattle than it is to Moscow, it is not an excessive
5 demand. They should not feel too confined by staying in
6 their territory. If they are surrounded by weak countries
7 that can offer no conceivable threat to them, this might,
8 in fact, offer a structural solution to the problem of
9 European peace. West of the Russian European border,
10 there is no possibility of war, other than ethnic conflict
11 in the Balkan. If Russia does not have large military
12 forces near the border, there is no possibility of war in
13 Europe, period. Nor does Russia need to fear invasion
14 from Europe, having 20,000 nuclear weapons. So it
15 should be in everybody's interest to make this a principal
16 goal of foreign policy. But it is not being done. We have
17 made Russia the imperial leader of the former empire by
18 the attention we pay, by channelling almost all our aid
19 through Moscow, by not paying much attention to the
20 leaders of the other countries or by concentrating our
21 attention on these leaders on domestic reform in their
22 countries as if we were a foundation rather than a

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1 country.

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So, I believe that the, just as I believe it is
necessary to create a structure for Europe and the United
States, so it is necessary to create a concept of what we
would like to have happen there. We are in fact doing it
to some limited extent in the Baltic, to apply this to the
rest and make this the condition and the basis for
improved relations with Russia and if it ever takes hold,
it would then pacify a great part of Eurasia, infinitely
more than fretting about whether anything we do
strengthens Ziranovsky or Yeltsin, when in all likelihood,
they are figures that we cannot even think of that are
now emerging in the political system. When you look at
the reality that all of them are more or less pursuing with
enormous consistency, and great skill, essentially the
same policy. When we use the phrase peacekeeping to
apply equally to Haiti and to Azerbaidzhan, we are
dooming ourselves to irrelevance.

The other day I spoke to a representative from
a country, from Turkmenistan, squeezed between Iran,
Russia, Ukraine, who need a little comfort. What they
get are endless lectures about how to establish a

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1 democratic system in a country about which I know very
2 little, but I would have thought they get, I am not
3 convinced that it is going to be easy to establish a middle
4 class party there. That you are much more likely to get
5 a fundamentalist party and a communist party than
6 anything else. So our danger is irrelevance. Now let me
7 go to Asia for a few minutes. In a few weeks there will
8 be a meeting in Indonesia of the Asian Pacific heads of
9 state, which is a very good idea. I strongly favor it. I
10 am sure I can write our speech for the subject. It will
11 assert that there is an Asian Pacific community that
12 should now commit itself to free trade and collective
13 security working together. It will be a tremendous
14 headline favorably received in the United States and it
15 will be irrelevant to the realities of Asia. The nations of
16 Asia do not view themselves as members of a community.
17 China, Japan, Korea, the Siberian part of Russia, India,
18 Southeast Asia, view themselves as competitors and if
19 you want to hear classic geopolitical analysis, go to
20 Japan, or China and hear their analysis of what their
21 problems are. Now one of the, we have overcome in
22 relations with China, the MFN issue and that is a major

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1 achievement. The Chinese responded by saying this now
2 opens the possibility for a political dialogue. But that
3 requires that we understand what a political dialogue is.
4 The Chinese, as I have said here before, governed
5 themselves for 5,000 years without significant advice
6 from the United States. They are not waiting to be
7 lectured about how to organize themselves domestically,
8 how to handle their drug problems, about the abstract
9 virtues of non proliferation. They find it
10 incomprehensible that we would lecture them about their
11 selling missiles to Pakistan, which is not threatening us,
12 while we refuse to discuss our sale of high performance
13 aircraft to Taiwan, which is after all, threatening them,
14 or at any rate, could threaten them. So until we are able
15 to establish some kind of equivalence in the dialogue,
16 even without MFN, it is not going to prosper. What the
17 Chinese would like to conserve with us is attitudes
18 towards the Asian Pacific environment, not based on
19 generalities of community of collective security of all
20 nations, existing together for extra peace, none of which
21 you can apply to any complete circumstance that is likely
22 to arise. I think they are very eager for closer relations

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1. with us. Not so much for commercial reasons as because
2. they feel we are a counter weight to some of the more
3. immediate dangers around them. But this cannot happen
4. if we cannot manage a discussion of how we view the
5. future. In my view, the correct American policy in Asia
6. would be for the United States to be closer to all of the
7. countries than they are to each other. That enables us in
8. specific situations to throw our weight in the direction as
9. to maximize our objective. But that is a style we have
10. absolutely not mastered, because we like to be either
11. schoolmasters or deal in abstract universal turf.

12. Now let me conclude by saying that what I said
13. about Europe, I look at as an opportunity, not as a crisis.
14. If we add to it the western hemisphere, there is another
15. huge opportunity because here in fact we are dealing
16. with democratic countries in their majority. Genuinely
17. market oriented and eager to establish some economic
18. community with the United States. I have my doubts
19. about global free trade operating very smoothly. But one
20. does not have to solve that question in the abstract, if
21. we begin with the western hemisphere system, we then
22. have a basis to go in either direction. If there is global

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1 free trade, it can become an important component of it.
2 If there is not, it is a key bargaining chip. But to achieve
3 some of the things that I have described, we have to be
4 more serious about how we conceive foreign policy. If
5 you look at what is planned for the President's schedule
6 after the election, he is supposed to go to an Asian
7 Pacific head of government meeting in the middle of
8 November. Then he is planning to go to a western
9 hemisphere summit around December 8th. Then there are
10 many who are urging him to go to a central European
11 security conference summit in Budapest in the middle of
12 December. It is not possible to prepare properly for so
13 many heads of government meetings. It is an invitation
14 to turn them into one shot P.R., single speech enterprises
15 without follow up. Moreover the western hemisphere
16 summit will take place with a president in Mexico who
17 has just been inaugurated and a president of Brazil who
18 will not be inaugurated for three weeks afterwards. The
19 European security conference summit, if it is not
20 preceded by some structure for the Atlantic Alliance, will
21 actually be a step on the road towards undermining the
22 Atlantic Alliance by subsuming it all in that vague

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Vladivostok to Vancouver structure. So these are the structural problems of foreign policy as I see them now. Many of them would exist regardless which administration is in office. I am not saying that great leadership is coming from many directions, but unless somebody points a direction, our danger is not, we will face a danger not of the 70's where a series of catastrophes befell us, but of progressive irrelevance, so that more and more events occur that we cannot shape.

That more and more countries are drifting away from us and the price for that will not be paid in this electoral period, but it will become increasingly apparent as the century comes to a conclusion. These are my worries at this moment, but I always have to balance it by saying nobody will be able to substitute what our leadership, nothing that I have described is irrevocable and so when all is said and done, the opportunity to create a new world order is a blessing that does not often come along. The situation in this respect is a great improvement over what it was, say five or seven years ago and I put these ideas forward as a challenge and not as a counsel of despair. So let me stop here. Should I

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1 take a few questions?

2 **QUESTION:** (inaudible)

3 **DR. KISSINGER:** I have no criticism of how we responded to the movement of Saddam Hussein towards Kuwait. It has been the best run foreign policy operation of the administration and if I had been asked I would have given substantially the advice that to do what they did. In the Gulf war, I have not, I do not have to do it with 20, 20 hindsight, I at the time was in a position to give some advice, and my advice was, that if you look at American post war wars, we always stop military operations too soon. We stopped military operations in Korea at the beginning of negotiations. We stopped the bombing of Vietnam at the beginning of negotiations and I thought we should have kept the war going longer, until Saddam Hussein was overthrown or the republican got destroyed and I thought it could have been done in another 48 or 72 hours.

19 But I, also, feel that most of the people who now criticize President Bush for it, have absolutely no moral right to do it, because they were opposed to getting into the war at all and President Bush deserves 22

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enormous credit for having stuck with it for many months
of build up in the face of enormous opposition. I
testified before the Senate Armed Services Committee
and the vast majority of the democrats, including my
esteemed friend, Sam Nunn, were against the, what later
became known as Desert Storm. So I have sympathy for
President Bush that he did not want to run any additional
risks in the face of what he thought was a very
precarious domestic situation. I think he would have
been better off to keep the war going another 48 or 72
hours also for another reason. In an 18th century world,
one would say, sooner or later we have to come to terms
with Saddam Hussein. In the modern world that is not
possible. No American leader can come to any
understanding with Saddam Hussein, no matter what he
does.

On the other hand, we run a great risk that we
will unbalance the relationship in the middle east again
as we did when we backed Saddam Hussein too far in the
war against Iran and if we create a total vacuum in Iraq
and focus everything on the destruction of Iraq's military
power, we create a vacuum that Iran is bound to fill. So

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I would like to see the overthrow of Saddam Hussein now, so that we can get a government into Baghdad, with which we can work in terms of the local equilibrium. But if you ask me have I any idea how to overthrow Saddam Hussein, I really do not. At this point, he probably suffered a certain humiliation, having to withdraw his troops. The other hand, I think we will also see development of a pattern similar to the crisis with Castro, that after the immediate crisis is over, there will be many pressures, not so much in this country, but certainly from France, China and Russia and Turkey, to begin alleviating the embargo and I would not bet for how long we can sustain that in the United Nations. The best I can think of now is that we should unilaterally announce that the next time we have to bring forces back, there will be an overthrow that will, that if he again concentrates his forces, it will be tantamount to restarting Desert Storm. We may not get a lot of support for that from, certainly not from France, and probably not from China and Russia. I think it is the best we can do under present circumstances, but I agree with the specific actions taken by President Clinton. Yes, sir.

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AUDIENCE: (inaudible)

SPEAKER: We want to

thank you all for being here and to tell you the buses are outside waiting for you. But before I finish I want to say a word about our speaker tonight. Henry Kissinger to me, as I was thinking of him tonight and of CSIS, this man is unmatched in the world for the length, the breadth and the depth of his knowledge of foreign policy and for 30 years he has been helping us here at CSIS. Henry, the first book I read on nuclear policy was in the 1960's by you and here you were talking about North Korea two minutes ago and the American held in highest esteem by that country that has governed itself for 5,000 years, China, is you. In the meantime you talk about the Scandinavians and their rightful concern about their neighbor Russia and you have been a neighbor of Scandinavia by birth, and yet nobody has spoken more eloquently or felt more deeply about the haven of the United States as a bastian of freedom. Tobin and I live on the border of Mexico and the Mexicans think you can think like a Mexican. You are rare, you are wonderful and we are very proud to have you at CSIS. Thank you.

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(WHEREUPON, the speech by DR. HENRY S. KISSINGER,
was concluded.)

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CAPTION

The Speech by DR. HENRY S. KISSINGER, in the
matter, on the date, and at the time and place set out on
the title page hereof.

It was requested that the Speech be reduced to
typewritten form.

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[LC]

CERTIFICATE OF REPORTER

STATE OF VIRGINIA AT LARGE:

I, TONIE M. WALLACE, R.P.R., Notary Public
for the State of Virginia at Large, do hereby certify
that the foregoing was recorded by mechanical means,
which matter was held on the date set out on the title
page hereof and that the foregoing constitutes a true
and accurate transcript of same.

I further certify that I am not related to any of the
parties, nor am I an employee of or related to
anyone representing the parties, and I have no financial
interest in the outcome of this matter.

GIVEN under my hand and Notarial seal this 21st
day of October, 1994.

My Commission Expires:

April 30, 1995

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Dr. Kissinger:

We have received several requests for a transcript of
the CSIS speech you gave on October 12, including
one request from Congressman Edward Royce of
California. The speech was written about in a
Washington Post article entitled "Misuse of Military"
(attached) on October 17.

Times?

Gina has the transcript, but has not edited the speech
as you had instructed her to hold it for possible use for
a future article.

Would you like Gina to edit the speech for
distribution? Or would you prefer it not be
distributed?

Ask Gina to edit and distribute ______

Hold unedited speech; do not distribute ______

Prefer ______

TC