"U. S. Foreign Policy and Higher Education"

Mr. Henry A. Kissinger

MR. KISSINGER: Dr. Bolger, Dr. Smith: It is a great honor to speak at the opening session of this group, although I was warned before I came here that one should never speak to a group who make a living by criticizing their colleagues.

The subject that I have chosen is "American Foreign Policy and Higher Education," and the problems that I'd like to emphasize here are not so much the technical problems we read about in the newspapers, but some of the psychological difficulties we have had in adjusting our preconceptions to a situation that is changing more rapidly, and often in directions quite different from those for which we have been prepared.

We have tended to believe that peace was the normal relation among states; that there was an inherent merit in the process of negotiations, and that this process operated independent of any of the pressures that might be brought to bear. We have also believed that aggression was an unambiguous act, and we have interpreted it extremely to the extent that our desire for peace was great. We have come to believe that aggression would always take the form of an attack on the international system, and that the proper strategy for combatting it was punishing the aggressor by inflicting the maximum amount of destruction on him. We believed that war and peace were successive bases of policy, and that peace was assured not only by a strategy of a maximum amount of force, but through a system of collective security which assembled the greatest number of allies. Now, past security has also tended us to

- 1 -

- I -

greatest number of allies. Now, beat security has also tended us to force, put through a system of collective security which assembled the and that peace was assured not only by a strategy of a maximum amount of on him. We believed that war and peace were successive phases of policy, blotting the aggressor, by inflicting the maximum amount of destruction national system, and that the broken strategy for competing it was that aggression would always take the form of an attack on the interior - extent that our desire for peace was great. We have come to believe was an unmitigable fact, and we have interpreted it extremely to the that might be brought to bear. We have also believed that aggression would, and that this process operated independent of any of the breaches among states; that there was an independent work in the process of settlement. We have tended to believe that peace was the normal relation we have been prepared.

in satisfying our preconceptions to a situation that is changing more and more, put some of the benachological difficulties we have had to face are not so much the technical problems we read about in the and Higher Education¹, and the problems that I'd like to emphasize The subject that I have chosen is "American Foreign Policy a living dr. criticizing their colleagues.

before I came here that one should never ask to a friend who was to ask at the opening session of this Congress, at which I was earned

MR. KISSIMMER: Dr. Boelter, Dr. Smith: It is a great honor

MR. Henry V. Knaufner

N. S. Foreign Policy and Higher Education

[LC]

2.

believe that we could always substitute our industrial potential for any
mistake we might make in the assessment of forces, and for any failure
to engage ourselves in an international dispute.

All of these preconceptions, or at least most of them, have
been overthrown by recent developments. As geography has shrunk, we
have learned that the normalcy of peace and the clearness of aggression
was a historical illusion which was produced by the fact that the kind
of transformation that was required to threaten American security was so
drastic and so major that many other nations would enter the fray before
we did.

For a century and a half, Americans liked to believe that
there was something wicked about the European balance of power; that
the wars it produced were due to the shortsightedness of little men. We
didn't realize that what seemed pettiness to us was a much narrower margin
of survival; that many transformations which were not particularly important
to the United States were very threatening to the European powers. We
profited because the European powers would be quicker to recognize a
threat than we were.

In retrospect, both World War I and World War II seem to us as
having been fought to resist an attempt at world domination. We forget
that both of them started on issues which to Americans of the time did
not seem worth engaging themselves — the invasion of Belgium in 1914;
the invasion of Poland in 1939. We have had the great difficulty that
ever since the end of World War II, any resistance to aggression or any
achievement of a positive goal has depended not on the *ultimate* action of

achievement of a positive result has depended not on the *ultimate* action of
ever since the end of World War II, and resistance to aggression or any
the invasion of Poland in 1939. We have had the great difficulty that
not seem worth engaging themselves — the invasion of Belgium in 1918
that both of them started on lines which to Americans of the time did
having been taught to resist an attempt at world domination. We forget
In retrospect, both World War I and World War II seem to me as
faintest than we were.

brought because the European powers would be quicker to recognize a
to the United States were very threatening to the European powers. We
of annihilation; that many fraternizations which were not barterially imposts
didn't realize that what seemed fairness to us was a much narrower margin
the war was it produced were due to the shortcoming of little men. We
there was something wicked about the European balance of power; that
for a century and a half, Americans liked to believe that
we did.

drastic and so major that many other nations would enter the war before
of fraternization that was required to threaten American security was so
was a historical illustration which was produced by the fact that the King
have learned that the norm of peace and the fairness of aggression
been overthrown by recent developments. A geography has shrunk, we
VII. of these preconceptions, or at least most of them, have
to establish ourselves in an international grave.

believe that we could smoke and appease our industrial potential for any

S.

[fc]

3.

[LC]

the United States, but on the initial action of the United States.

In many areas of the globe, neither negative nor positive measures have been possible unless the United States was willing to lend a hand, and the United States has had a great difficulty in realizing that we were living through a revolutionary period characterized by two revolutions — the anti-colonial revolution which represents the attempt of many nations formerly ruled from abroad to achieve independence and national dignity, and the Soviet revolution which attempts to overthrow the international system based on the principles of dignity of man and the democratic institutions which characterize much of the nineteenth-century world.

When reality clashes with our expectation of it, ambivalence is the inevitable consequence, and the United States has been torn between applying its attitude for preceful relations or its remedy for aggression. We have oscillated between a conciliation which has often been mechanical and an intransigence which has been equally mechanical — between negotiating as if all problems were soluble and could be resolved by the process of negotiation independent of any of the pressures, or insisting that negotiations were inherently futile. We have had great difficulty in balancing the capabilities of other states against their intentions.

With respect to the Soviet orbit, we have often been so obsessed with the problem of Soviet intentions that we have great difficulty in grasping the opportunities which have been available to us. Ever since the death of Stalin, and in fact before that, there have been periodic discussions in America on whether a basic change had in fact occurred in the Soviet system and whether the time had now come where the successors of Lenin or Stalin might pursue a more peaceful course. There has been a tendency, when we have negotiated, to interpret Soviet intentions most favorable, as

when we have negotiated, to interpret Soviet inferences most favorably, as Stalin might burp a more beautiful course. There has been a tendency, among us and whether the time had now come where the successors of Benin or in America on whether a peace change had in fact occurred in the Soviet death of Stalin, and in fact before that, there have been periodic discussions breaking the opportunities which have been available to us. Ever since the with the problem of Soviet inferences that we have great difficulty in

With respect to the Soviet orbit, we have often been so concerned with financing the capabilities of other states against their intentions, negotiations were inherently unstable. We have had great difficulty in of negotiation independent of any of the reasons, or insinuating that using as it all problems were simple and could be resolved by the process and an intramixture which has been adroitly measured — between negotiators We have oscillated between a conflictation which has often been meandering, applying its attitude for beneficial relations or its remedy for aggression, the inevitable consequence, and the United States has been torn between when resupply crises with our expectation of it, amply suffice in carrying world.

the democratic institutions which characterize much of the nineteenth- century欧洲, and the Soviet revolution which attempts to overthrow national dignity, and the Soviet revolution which attempts to overrule of many nations formerly ruled from abroad to confine independence and revolutions — the anti-colonial revolution which represents the attempts that we were making through a revolutionary period characterized by two periods, and the United States has had a great difficulty in realizing the United States, put on the initial action of the United States.

[fc]

3.

4.

[LC]

if we could not negotiate against the background of a recognized hostility. And, in fact, it is very difficult for Americans, and for the best of reasons, to understand implacable hostility. There is very little in the American scene that would prepare us for such a phenomenon, and that would prepare us for negotiators that are not so much concerned with their opposite numbers at the conference table, but with the world at large, and that may in fact use a negotiation in order to undermine the position of their protagonists.

The obsession with Soviet intentions has come to expression recently in the debate about whether there should be a Summit conference. The advocates of a Summit conference have maintained that there has been a basic change in the Soviet system; that the new educated class, the new industrialists and the new bureaucracy were not willing to risk everything on a final showdown and on continued intransigence. The opponents of negotiations have maintained that there has not been a basic change, or if there has been a basic change, that the Soviet Union should give a simple symptom of its good faith. In the process I would suggest that we have not paid sufficient attention to the problem whether negotiations may not be necessary precisely when we are convinced of Soviet bad faith, whether the question of negotiations is not essentially irrelevant to the question of Soviet intentions. A negotiation, after all, does not only define the possibility of a settlement; it also defines an issue for which to contend. We do not have to be so nervous about meeting an antagonist. If the Soviet Union is willing to settle, a conference is the proper place to do it; if it is not willing to settle, a conference is the best place to expose it.

place to expose it.

place to do so; if it is not willing to settle, a conference is the best
If the Soviet Union is willing to settle, a conference is the better
to contend. We do not have to be so nervous about meeting an antagonist.
determine the possibility of a settlement; it also defines an issue for which
direction of Soviet influence. A negotiation, after all, does not only
whether the creation of negotiations is not essentially irrelevant to the
may not be necessarily precisely when we are convinced of Soviet padtat,
we have not said anything attention to the problem whether negotiations
simple showbow of its good faith. In the process I would suggest that
or, if there has been a basic change, that the Soviet Union should give a
of negotiations have maintained that there has not been a basic change,
thing on a strict showdown and on continued intransigence. The obsoles-
industrialize and the new pureseness were not willing to risk overly-
s a basic change in the Soviet system; that the new educated class, the new
The advocates of a summit conference have maintained that there has been
recently in the debate about whether there should be a summit conference.

The occasion with Soviet influence has come to expression
position of their position.
first, and that may in fact use a negotiation in order to undermine the
their objective numbers at the conference table, put with the world at
world pressure for negotiations that are not so much concerned with
the American scene that would prepare me for such a phenomenon, and that
reasons, to understand implausible hostilities. There is a very little in
And, in fact, it is very difficult for Americans, and for the rest of
it we could not negotiate against the background of a recognized hostility.

17.

[TC]

5.

[LC]

The uncertainty about negotiating may be due in part to the fact that we are not clear about our own purposes, and that we are in difficulty where the perpetuation of the status quo often seems the only concern, because we have been so concerned with intentions, or at least with intentions when we have negotiated.

There has also been the tendency in our relations with the uncommitted nations to conceive of policy as if it were a popularity contest and to overlook the fact that in many regions of the world the situation is revolutionary precisely because old values are disintegrating; and to ask nations what they want may only increase their uncertainty since their dilemma is precisely the fact that they do not exactly know the direction in which they wish to go.

If we look back on our own history, we should realize that nothing that Great Britain could have done in the first 120 years of our existence could ever have brought us into an alliance or even into a close alignment with Great Britain. The closer the European powers would have sought to approach to us, the more we would have moved away. It may be the same in our relations with the uncommitted — that the closer we try to approach, the more they may move away from us in order to show their independence. This does not mean that we cannot have good relations with the uncommitted. It does mean that not every criticism is a symptom of the real problem, and it also means that the relations with the uncommitted may depend more on the clarity of our own purpose and on the majesty of our own behavior than on our attempt to determine precisely what it is that they may wish.

Now, if in the problem of negotiation we have been too much concerned with intention and too little concerned with our purpose, in our approach to the problem of power we have been equally absolute. We

our approach to the problem of power, we have been edully specific. We concerned with intention and too little concerned with our purpose, in

Now, it in the problem of negotiation we have been too much

what it is that they may want.

maturely of our own behavior than on our attempt to determine precisely

what may happen more on the clarity of our own purpose and on the

of the real problem, and it also means that the relations with the uncom-

with the uncommitted. It does mean that not every criticism is azympom

have sought to approach to na, the more we would have moved away. If my

close agreement with Great Britain. The closer the European powers would

our existence could ever have brought me into an alliance or even into a

nothing that Great Britain could have done in the first 150 years of

situation is revolutionarily precisely because old airlines are disintegrating;

conflict and to overlook the fact that in many regions of the world the

uncommitted nations to conceive of policy as if it were a polarity.

intention when we have negotiated.

cer, because we have been so concerned with intentions, or at least with

tact, where the interpretation of the attitude one often seems the only con-

tact that we are not clear about our own purposes, and that we are in dil-

2.

[RC]

6.

[LC]

have argued since 1945 that any war would inevitably start with an all out attack on the United States; that its target would be the installations of our strategic air force, and its objective would be the destruction of our industrial potential. We properly conceived that against such an attack our task was to inflict the greatest amount of punishment. We thought of war as a clear act which would follow a period of peace, and we thought of strength as something which we would have to build and which would then be self-evident and could be self-evidently used in the process of negotiations. We did not fully realize how absolute the concept of war was which we had developed and how it inhibited us in the crises which in fact arose.

In every crisis, from the Berlin air lift, to Korea, to Indonesia, to Suez, and to Hungary, the argument that the real threat was the all out war tended to support the Soviet strategy of ambiguity. It gave arguments for deferring a showdown to a more propitious moment or to a clearer case. We had to learn that over-all strength does not guarantee particular strength, and that both the horror and the power of modern weapons tended to paralyze us -- the horror because it made most issues not worth contending for, and the power because it made most transformations seem irrelevant. A gap opened up between our policy of deterrence and the strategy we were willing to implement, between the desire to assemble a maximum amount of force and the desire to construct the widest system of collective security.

Moreover, the more terrible the consequences of our strategic doctrine, the more reluctant other powers became to support us. In the past, the decision to resist aggression was always a reasonable one because the worst that could happen as the result of an unsuccessful war

cause the worst that could happen as the result of an unreasonably
brutal, the declaration to restate aggression was always a reasonable one be-
deenlight, the more reluctant other powers became to abhor her. In the
Moreover, the more terrible the consequences of our战略
attract the widest system of collective security.

the desire to assemble a maximum amount of force and the desire to con-
of deterrence and the strategy we were willing to implement, between
transmutations seem irrelevant. A bad opened up between our behalf
most issues not worth contending for, and the power because it made
of modern weapons tended to paralyze us — the horror because it made
Guerrilla warfarebarrierar, and that both the horror and the power
or to a clearer case. We had to learn that overall strength does not
It gave arguments for deferring a showdown to a more prolonged moment
the all out war tended to abhor the Soviet strategy of simplicity.

China, to Korea, and to Hungary, the argument that the real threat was
In every case, from the Berlin air lift, to Korea, to Indo-
cases which in fact arose.

concept of war was which we had developed and how it indicated us in the
in the process of negotiations. We did not fully realize how specific the
and which would then be self-evident and could be self-evidently need
and we thought of strength as something which we would have to build
We thought of war as a clear act which would follow a period of base,
and an attack our task was to inflict the greatest amount of punishment.
tion of our industrial potential. We properly conceived that against
forces of our strategic air force, and its objective would be the defeat-
out attack on the United States; that its target would be the installa-
particular since 1912 that any war would inevitably start with an all

[L]

7.

[lc]

was national disintegration, but when national disintegration seemed
to be the consequence of the beginning of a war, massive retaliation
and the decision to engage in all out war came to seem less and less
attractive. We have had recent examples in our offer of missile
installations to Europe. Suddenly our allies realized that deterrence
might have to be implemented; that a war might have to be fought within
the territories of these countries; that our military doctrine and our
policy of military security are becoming increasingly inconsistent.

In short, we have had great difficulty in bridging power and
policy, and to bring our expectations into line with the challenges
which we have in fact faced. As a result, we have had to spend more
time in analyzing the nature of the problem that in solving it.
There has come about the defense which has been so characteristic
of our foreign policy, and which is also so out of tune with the
spirit of the age, which is revolutionary precisely because it
opposes the status quo.

Now, many of the difficulties I have described could be
related to specific policies, but I would like to relate them to
the personnel which have actually conducted our policies, because
it seems to me that the deepest reason for our defensiveness is not
the failure of this or that policy, but the difficulty our leadership
groups have had, in coming to grips with the situation we have faced.

The two groups from which most of the leaders of the
government are drawn are business men and lawyers, and very little in
the experience of these individuals prepare them for the challenges which
they have to face. The role of the business man on the whole is to
consider the goals of his institution as given. His skill is in judging

consider the costs of his institution as given. He efforts in judging
they have to face. The role of the business man on the whole is to
the experience of these individuals prepare them for the challenges which
Government are drawn are business men and lawyers, and very little in
the two bronchos from which most of the jockeys of the
Kronbe have had, in coming to be able with the situation we have faced.

the failure of life or that broncho, but the difficulty our leadership
it seems to me that the greatest reason for our delinquency is not
the herosone who have successfully conducted our bronchos, because
related to specific bronchos, put I would like to relate them to
Now, many of the bronchoes I have described could be
oppose the entire duo.

 spirit of the age, which is revolutionarily precisely because it
 of our foreign broncho, and which is also so out of time with the
 there has come about the defense which has been so characteristic
time in satisfying the nature of the problem that in solving it,
which we have in fact faced. As a result, we have had to expend more
 broncho, and to bring our expectations into line with the challenges

In short, we have had great difficulty in bringing power and
power of military security are possible increasingly inconsistent,
the territories of these countries; that our military doctrine and our
might have to be implemented; that a war might have to be fought within
institutions to Europe. Suddenly our allies realized that deterrence
attractive. We have had recent examples in our offer of misrule
and the decision to engage in all out war came to seem less and less
to be the consequence of the beginning of a war, whereas retaliation
was national differentiation, put when national differentiation seemed

8.

[Lc]

between various administrative positions. His excellence presupposes
that some criteria are fixed. But the problem of our situation is that
our criteria for judging policy are disintegrating and that all over
the world our deepest challenge is not the technical implementation of
goals but the definition of goals. And the problem of many of our lawyers
is that much of their training runs counter to the hypothetical cases
which are inherent in long-range planning. The skill of many of our
lawyers is in analyzing individual cases. They tend to reject the hypo-
thetical case involved in long-range planning. They have a tendency to
wait until all facts are in but by the time all facts are in it is too
late to do something about them.

I am not saying that these groups are not able. On the contrary,
they are extremely able. The very fact that they are the groups which are
most highly rewarded in our society brings about a greater concentration
of talent than in any comparable group. The difficulty is that very
little in their pre-government experience causes them to reflect about
the problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-
ment, and a great deal of their time within government has to be spent
on the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.

One symptom of our difficulty is that there is frequently
disagreement within our government and in fact within our nation, whether
a given set of circumstances in fact constitutes a problem until a crisis
has broken out. Because of the difficulty of assessing the situation
there is also a slow reaction time. There is often more time spent in
analyzing a situation than in finding remedies for them.

["satisfying a situation thus in finding remedies for them.", "One symptom of our difficulty is that there is frequently\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nin the problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nin the problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent", "on the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the more elementary tasks of getting to know their problems.\nand a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\nthe problems with which they will have to deal when they are in govern-\nment, and a great deal of their time within Government has to be spent\non the

11.

[Lc]

order of theoretical ability indicates a low order of total ability.
An association is as beneficial to the scholar as it is to the man
of affairs; in fact, perhaps more beneficial to the scholar than to
the man of affairs.

It is essential for the scholar, particularly the scholar concerned with question of national policy, because many of the traditional methods of scholarship do not apply to the same degree in the areas of national policy. Much of the knowledge is in the minds of men who have had experience, and much of the judgment depends on a contingency of application to which one should be exposed from time to time. These study programs do not have to yield dramatic results or dramatic headlines. It is peculiarly an activity which is worth doing for its own sake and which may stimulate the participants to concern themselves with problems which will be of importance to them throughout their lives.

But beyond the rather mechanical problem of forming study groups, and associating the men of affairs at a formative stage of their careers with the scholars at an equally formative stage of their careers, is the problem of what the universities themselves can do to create the kind of atmosphere in which they can enrich and in fact ennoble not only their students but their other participants.

It seems to me — that the scholars themselves have been torn by ambivalence. On the one hand, in the field of national policy there has been a tendency to disregard the problem of relevance, to insist that what cannot be researched by traditional means does not exist; and, the development of a perfectionism which paralyzes action just as surely as the excessive empiricism described earlier. There is very often a tendency to confuse the mode of analysis with the mode of action, and to assume that because a given man of action is prevented by the pressure of having to make decisions from formulating his views as clearly as the man of thought,

make decisions from formulating the views as clearly as the man of thought,
because a given man of action is prevented by the pressure of having to
to combine the mode of analysis with the mode of action, and to assume that
the excessive empiricism described earlier. There is very often a tendency
development of a barter economy which barter as action just as easily as
what cannot be resuscitated by traditional means does not exist; and, the
been a tendency to disregard the problem of relevance, to inattent that
impulsiveness. On the one hand, in the field of national policy there has
It seems to me — that the scholarship themes have been torn by
embrace put their other barterbants.

atmosphere in which they can enrich and in fact enrich not only their
problem of what the universities themes can do to create the kind of
with the scholarship at an equally formative stage of their careers, if the
and associating the men of allaire at a formative stage of their careers
But beyond the rather mechanical problem of forming an andro
with problems which will be of importance to them throughout their lives.
sake and which may accumulate the barterbants to concern themselves
lines. It is certainly an activity which is worth doing for its own
study programs do not have to be left dramatic results or dramatic results
application to which one should be exposed from time to time. These
used experience, and much of the judgment depends on a contingency of
national policy. Much of the knowledge is in the minds of men who have
methods of scholarship do not apply to the same degree in the areas of
carried with direction of national policy, because many of the traditional
If it is essential for the scholar, barterbants, the scholar con-
the man of allaire.

of allaire; in fact, barbs have more benefit to the scholar than to
An association is as beneficial to the scholar as it is to the man
order of theoretical ability indicates a low order of total ability.

Ir.

[fc]

10.

of an outside governmental committee is either that it confirms the
existing pattern of thought, and therefore the task could equally have
been performed within the bureaucracy; or else if it is too much in
advance of the bureaucracy, it is ignored. I have occasionally been
amused by the situation where a committee, when it first makes its
report, is rejected because it is too radical, and two years later a
committee is formed on the same topic which rejects the previous
recommendation because now it is too antiquated.

These factors produce an oscillation between rigidity and
spasms of innovation. The rigidity comes about because no matter
with how much doubt a policy was accepted, once it is adopted it
becomes becomes sacrosanct because on the other side of existing
policy is intellectual chaos. And, worse than this, a repetition
of the process that produced the policy in the first place.

And when the impasse of existing policy becomes too great,
there is then a call for new decision at any cost, and the most
radical proposals are given a hearing, not because they are considered
meritorious but because they are new.

Now, it would be idle to suggest that it is very easy to
do something about this situation. The problem is, rather, what edu-
cation can do for our leadership groups both while they are receiving their
training and afterwards. I have become deeply convinced that one of our
grave mistakes is to assume that education ends with the A.B. degree,
a mistake, incidentally, that the military services never makes. We
should find ways of motivating our most talented individuals while they
are going through education; we should seek opportunities in the
communities in which we are located to relate the men of affairs to the
men of reflection. We must not make the mistake of assuming that a low

men of reflection. We must not make the mistake of assuming that a few committees in which we are located to relate the men of states to the are going through education; we should seek opportunities in the should find ways of motivating our most talented individuals while they a mistake, incidentally, that the military services never make us brave mistakes. I to assume that education ends with the V.B. degree, training and afterwards. I have become deeply convinced that one of our cation can do for our faglorious broome both while they are receiving their do something about this situation. The problem is, rather, what eulogy, it would be idle to suggest that it is very easy to meritorious put because they are new.

rigorous probosbes are given a hearing, not because they are considered there is then a call for new declaration at any cost, and the most And when the impasse of extorting a bollby becomes too great,

of the process that produced the bollby in the first place.
bollby is intellectual chaos. And, worse than that, a repetition becomes a sorasance because on the other side of extorting which now coms a bollby was accepted, once it is adopted it abates of innovation. The rigidity comes about because no matter

These factors produce an occlusion between rigidity and

recommendation because now it is too simplified.
committee is formed on the same topic which rejects the previous
report, it is rejected because it is too radical, and two hours later a
summed up the situation where a committee, when it is formed its
advance of the puerility, it is ignored. I have occasionally been
been performed within the puerility; or, e.g., if it is too much in
extorting pattern of thought, and therefore the task could easily have
of an outside governmental committee is either that it confirm the

10.

11.

[LC]

order of theoretical ability indicates a low order of total ability. An association is as beneficial to the scholar as it is to the man of affairs; in fact, perhaps more beneficial to the scholar than to the man of affairs. These study programs do not have to yield dramatic results or dramatic headlines. It is peculiarly an activity which is worth doing for its own sake and which may stimulate the participants to concern themselves with problems which will be of importance to them throughout their lives.

It is essential for the scholar, particularly the scholar concerned with question of national policy, because many of the traditional methods of scholarship do not apply to the same degree in these areas. Much of the knowledge is in the minds of men who have had experience, and much of the judgment depends on a contingency of application to which one should be exposed from time to time. But beyond the rather mechanical problem of forming study groups, and associating the men of affairs at a formative stage of their careers with the scholars at an equally formative stage of their careers, is the problem of what the universities themselves can do to create the kind of atmosphere in which they can enrich and in fact ennoble not only their students but their other participants.

make decisions from formulating his views so clearly as the man of thought,
becomes a given man of action if he develops his true nature of living so
to combine the mode of activity with the mode of action, and to seem so
that the excessive embodiment described earlier. There is rarely often a tendency
development of a berlebitionism which PARISSE action just as easily as
what cannot be researched by traditional means does not exist; and, fine
been a tendency to disregard the problem of relevance, to inure that
impulsiveness. On the one hand, in the field of national policy there has
It seems to me — that the action themselves have been from that
point empane not only their students but their other barriochants.
can do to create the kind of atmosphere in which they can exist and in
state of their careers, if the problem of what theغاerials themselves
to formative stage of their careers with the action at an equally formative
problem of learning and growth, and associating the men of allsorts at a
one should be exposed from time to time. But beyond the rather meagre
and much of the judgment depends on a contingency of application to which
Much of the knowledge is in the minds of men who have had experience,
methods of action which do not apply to the same degree in these areas.
carried with direction of national policy, because many of the traditional
If it is essential for the scholar, particularly the scholar con-
throughout their lives,
concern themselves with problems which will be of importance to them
worth going for its own sake and which may stimulate the barriochants to
result in dramatic headlines. If it be beneficial an activity which is
the man of allsorts. These study programmes do not have to be dramatic
of allsorts; in fact, perhaps more beneficial to the scholar than to
An association is as beneficial to the scholar as it is to the man
order of theoretical splendor indicates a low order of toffé splendor.

rr.

[RC]

12.

[LC]

that there is no moral validity in what he does.

On the other hand, when the scholar does enter the field of national policy, he sometimes takes too short a view of relevance. Then he may let his "customer", whether it is the government or a large foundation, decide what is relevant and he becomes inwardly committed to being consulted and to having his advice taken.

The universities and institutions of higher learning have to find a middle ground between excessive abstractness and a kind of utilitarianism which gives the answer in the very definition of the problem. There is a very important function of creating a haven for reflectiveness, of slowing down somewhat the pace of life, and slowing down somewhat the insistence on immediate decisions. The universities, it seems to me, can contribute more to national policy by an attitude than by specific solutions. They should measure themselves not only by the projects which they attract but by those which they define.

I am sure that over the next few days there will be a great deal of discussion here about excellence and motivation. These are not subjects about which I dare speak with confidence but I would like to suggest that the problem of excellence can take two forms. It can take the form of doing the familiar as well as possible, or it can take the form of finding new approaches and vistas. I would also suggest that our major problem is not only in doing the familiar thing better, and not only of improving our existing personnel, but of opening new horizons and attracting better talent. Whenever a society stagnates, it is because of what may be called the cult of "cumulative experience" in which individuals are attracted into those fields into which mere longevity is an asset, and in which the more experience one acquires, the better one can perform.

better one can belong.

longevity is an asset, and in which the more experience one acquires, the
in which individuals are attracted into those lives into which were
if it becomes of what may be called the out of "emotional experience"
portions and attracting better talent. Whenever a society attains a
not only of improving our existing personnel, but of opening new
our major problem is not only in doing the similar living better, and
form of living new approaches and lives. I would also suggest that
the form of doing the similar as well as possible, or it can take the
assess that the problem of excellence can take two forms. It can take
subject to about which I dare ask with confidence but I would like to
des of discussion here about excellence and motivation. These are not

I am sure that over the next few days there will be a great
projects which they attract but by those which they define.

a specific solutions. They should measure themselves not only by the
if some to me, can contribute more to national bench by an attitude than
down somewhat the instance on immediate decisions. The universities,
reflectiveness, of allowing down somewhat the pace of life, and allowing
problem. There is a very important function of creating a haven for
utilitarianism which gives the answer in the very definition of the
find a middle ground between excessive apathy and a kind of

The universities and institutions of higher learning have to
be giving consented and to having the advice taken.

combination, decide what is relevant and he becomes inwardly committed
Then he may get his customer, whether it is the Government or a large
of national bench, he sometimes takes too short a view of relevance.

On the other hand, when the scholar does enter the life of

what there is no moral validity in what he does.

rs.

[c]

13.

[lc]

One of our problems is to find individuals who are willing to risk themselves in fields in which experience is not fully as cumulative, in which a challenge is not necessarily a guarantee for future success. If one were to consider perhaps the deepest contribution that we from the universities can make, it would seem to me that it is in this. For our experience is not actually cumulative. A successful book is no guarantee of any future success; a successful research project does not remove the need of risking oneself again. If we are going to attract people into the deepest sense of policy making, if we are going to teach them that not every good intention guarantees success, and that there may be tragic aspects in the lives of nations it would seem to me that we can teach it to them in part by improving the tone and the reflectiveness of our universities. (Applause)

the reflectiveness of our universities. (Abbranee)

seem to me that we can teach it to them in part by improving the tone and
and that there may be fragile sabres in the lives of nations it would
GOING to teach them that not every good intention guarantees success,
attract people into the greatest sense ofíchich might, if we are
not remove the need of taking oneself again. If we are going to
ensure that our future success is necessary research project does
our experience is not sufficiently cumulative. A successful book is no
the universities can make, it would seem to me that it is in this. For
It one were to consider perhaps the greatest contribution that we from
in which a challenge is not necessarily a guarantee for future success.
risk themselves in life in which experience is not fully a cumulative,
One of our problems is to find individuals who are willing to

13.

[fc]

Mr. Henry A. Kissinger

We have tended to believe that peace was the normal relation among states; that there was an inherent merit in the process of negotiations, and that this process operated independent of any of the pressures that might be brought to bear. We have also believed that aggression was an unambiguous act, and we have interpreted it extremely to the extent that our desire for peace was great. We have come to believe that aggression would always take the form of an attack on the international system, and that the proper strategy for combatting it was punishing the aggressor by inflicting the maximum amount of destruction on him. We believed that war and peace were successive bases of policy, and that peace was assured not only by a strategy of a maximum amount of force, but through a system of collective security which assembled the greatest number of allies. Now, past security has also tended us to believe that

[Y]

- 2 -

In retrospect, both World War I and World War II seem to us as
having been fought to resist an attempt at world domination. We forget
that both of them started on issues which to Americans of the time did
not seem worth engaging themselves -- the invasion of Belgium in 1914;
the invasion of Poland in 1939. We have had the great difficulty that
ever since the end of World War II, any resistance to aggression or any
achievement of a positive goal has depended not on the ultimate action of

In many areas of the globe, neither negative nor positive measures have been possible unless the United States was willing to lend a hand, and the United States has had a great difficulty in realizing that we were living through a revolutionary period characterized by two revolutions -- the anti-colonial revolution which represents the attempt of many nations formerly ruled from abroad to achieve independence and national dignity, and the Soviet revolution which attempts to overthrow the international system based on the principles of dignity of man and the democratic institutions which characterize much of the nineteenth-century world.

When reality clashes with our expectation of it, ambivalence is the inevitable consequence, and the United States has been taught that when applying its attitude for peaceful relations or its remedy for aggression, we have oscillated between a conciliation which has often been mechanical and an intransigence which has been equally mechanical - between negotiating as if all problems were soluble and could be resolved by the process of negotiation independent of any of the pressures, or insisting that negotiations were inherently futile. We have had great difficulty in balancing the capabilities of other states against their intentions.

With respect to the soviet orbit, it is at least obvious that we have been so obsessed with the problem of Soviet intentions that we have had great difficulty in grasping the opportunities which have been available to us. Ever since the death of Stalin, and in fact before

- 4 -

[Y]

that, there have been periodic discussions in America on whether a basic
change had in fact occurred in the soviet system and whether the time
had now come where the successors of Lenin or Stalin might pursue a more
peaceful course. There has been a tendency, when we have negotiated, to
interpret Soviet intentions most favorably, as if we could not negotiate
against the background of a recognized hostility. And, in fact, it is
very difficult for Americans, and for the best of reasons, to understand
implacable hostility. There is very little in the American scene that
would prepare us for such a phenomenon, and that would prepare us for
negotiators that are not so much concerned with their opposite numbers
at the conference table, but with the world at large, and that may in
fact use a negotiation in order to undermine the position of their pro-
toganists.

The obsession with Soviet intentions has come to expression
recently in the debate about whether there should be a Summit conference.
The advocates of a Summit conference have maintained that there has been
a basic change in the Soviet system; that the new educated class, the new
industrialists and the new bureaucracy were not willing to risk every-
thing on a final showdown and on continued intransigence. The opponents
of negotiations have maintained that there has not been a basic change,
or if there has been a basic change, that the Soviet Union should give a
simple symptom of its good faith. In the process I would suggest that
we have not paid sufficient attention to the problem whether negotiations
may not be necessary precisely when we are convinced of soviet...
whether the question of negotiations is not essentially irrelevant to the

- 5 -

question of soviet intentions. A negotiation, after all, does not only define the possibility of settlement; it also defines an issue for which to contend. We do not have to be so nervous about meeting an antagonist. If the Soviet Union is willing to settle, a conference is the proper place to do it; if it is not willing to settle a conference is the best place to expose it.

If we look back on our own history, we should realize that nothing that Great Britain could have done in the first 120 years of our existence could ever have brought us into an alliance or even into a close alignment with Great Britain. The closer the European powers would have sought to approach to us, the more we would have moved away. It may be the same in our relations with the uncommitted -- that the closer we try to approach, the more they may move away from us in order to show

[Y]

- 6 -

their independence. This does not mean that we cannot have good relations with the uncommitted. It does mean that not every criticism is a symbol or a symptom of the real problem, and it also means that the relations with the uncommitted may depend more on the clarity of our own purpose and on the majesty of our own behavior than on our attempt to determine precisely what it is that they may wish.

Now, if in the problem of negotiation we have been too much concerned with intention and too little concerned with our purpose, in our approach to the problem of power we have been equally absolute. We have argued since 1945 that any war would inevitably start with an all out attack on the United States; that its target would be the installations of our strategic air force, and its objective would be the destruction of our industrial potential. We properly conceived that against such an attack our task was to inflict the greatest amount of punishment. We thought of war as a clear act which would follow a period of peace, and we thought of strength as something which we would have to build and which would then be self-evident and could be self-evidently used in the process of negotiations. We did not fully realize how absolute the concept of war was which we had developed and how it inhibited us in the crises which in fact arose.

In every crisis, from the Berlin air lift, to Korea, to Indonesia, to Suez, and to Hungary, the argument that the real threat was the all out war tended to support the soviet strategy of ambiguity. It gave arguments for deferring a showdown to a more propitious moment or to a clearer case. We had to learn that over-all

[x]

- 8 -

Now, many of the difficulties I have described could be related
to specific policies, but I would like to relate them to the personnel
which have actually conducted our policies, because it seems to me that
the deepest reason for our defensiveness is not the failure of this or
that policy, but the difficulty we have had, the difficulty our leadership groups have had, in coming to grips with the situation we have
faced.

[Y]

- 13 -

5

with continuing studying programs on questions of major concern to the
whole nation. These study programs do not have to yield dramatic results
or dramatic headlines. It is peculiarly an activity which is worth
doing for its own sake and which may stimulate the participants to concern
themselves with problems which will be of importance to them throughout
their lives.

I think it is essential also for the scholar, particularly
the scholar concerned with question of national policy, because many
of the traditional methods of scholarship do not apply to the same
degree in these areas. Much of the knowledge is in the minds of men
who have had experience, and much of the judgment depends on a
contingency of application to which one should be exposed from time
to time. But beyond the rather mechanical problem of forming study
groups, and associating the men of affairs at a formative stage of
their careers with the scholars at an equally formative stage of their
careers, is the problem of what the universities themselves can do to
create the kind of atmosphere in which they can enrich and in fact
enoble not only their students but their other participants.

It seems to me -- I can speak only of the field with which
I am familiar -- that the scholars themselves have been torn by ambivalence.
On the one hand, in the field of national policy there has been a tendency
to interpret the problem, to disregard the problem of relevance, to
insist that what is not researched by traditional means does not exist;
and, on the other hand, a perfectionism which paralyzes action just as
surely as the excessive imperfections, and the case-to-case approach
described earlier. There is very often a tendency to confuse the