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## RELATIONS WITH ALLIES AND FRIENDS

America's close ties with the industrial democracies of North America, Western Europe and Japan have been the cornerstone of world stability and peace for three decades. Today, looking beyond immediate security and defense, we are working together on a range of new issues. Through our consultations, we have begun joint efforts to ease international tensions; to coordinate our national policies for economic recovery; to work together on common challenges such as energy and the environment; and to address the great issues that concern the developing countries.

These endeavors are in pursuit of universal goals; they are not directed at any nation or group of nations. They are designed as building blocks for a broader international community.

In the same spirit, the United States has opened a new dialogue with its neighbors in Central and Latin America. We have taken important steps toward resolving major political problems; we have begun close consultations for cooperation in promoting economic and social development. Alliance relations in the Western Hemisphere have a long history and great promise for the future. With imagination and dedication, we can make inter-American cooperation on the tasks of development an example and a pillar of the global community.

## EAST-WEST RELATIONS

Peace to be secure must place on a more durable and reliable basis the relations between the nations possessing the means to destroy our planet.

In recent years, the bipolar confrontation of the last generation has given way to the beginning of dialogue and an easing of direct conflict. In this body, of all organizations, there is surely an appreciation of the global importance of lessened tension between the nuclear superpowers. All nations have a stake in its success. When weapons of mass destruction can span continents in minutes, nuclear conflict threatens the survival of all mankind.

We recognize that the suspicion and rivalry of a generation will not be swept away with a document or a conference. Real ideological and political differences exist. We shall firmly defend our vital interests and those of our friends. But we shall never lose sight of the fact that in our age peace is a practical necessity as well as a moral imperative. We shall pursue the relaxation of tensions on the basis of strict reciprocity. We know the difference between posturing and policy; we will not encourage the belief that anyone can benefit from artificial tensions. We are deeply conscious that we owe it to future generations not to be swayed by momentary passions.

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The state of United States-Soviet relations today and just a decade ago presents a dramatic contrast. The world is no longer continually shaken by chronic and bitter confrontations. Periodic consultations -- including at the highest level -- encourage restraint and amplify areas of mutual interest. The forthcoming meeting between President Ford and General Secretary Brezhnev should strengthen this process.

Principles of mutual restraint have been enunciated at various summit meetings; they were reaffirmed by the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe two months ago. These principles provide a standard of behavior by which our actions will be tested. If they are observed -- as we insist -- and if neither side seeks unilateral advantage, the specter of general war will be lifted not only from our own people but from all nations. There is no more important task before us.

We have likewise pursued more constructive and beneficial relationships with the countries of Eastern Europe. The United States has many traditional and deep-rooted bonds of friendship with the proud peoples of that region. We see widening possibilities for practical cooperation as the barriers between East and West in Europe diminish.

There is no relationship to which the United States assigns greater significance than its new ties with the People's Republic of China. We believe that the wellbeing and progress of a quarter of humanity is an important element in global stability. The hostility of decades between our two nations has been replaced by a relationship of mutual respect which is now a durable feature of the world scene. It serves not only the interest of our two countries but also the broader interests of peace and stability in Asia and around the world. President Ford plans to visit the People's Republic of China later this year to confirm the vitality of our relationship and to advance the ties between us on the basis of the strict implementation of the Shanghai Communique. We take seriously the process of normalizing our relationship. We are dedicated to pursuing it.

## CONTAINING REGIONAL CONFLICTS

The world community must find a way to contain or resolve regional conflicts before they spread into global confrontation. Nowhere has the danger been greater than in the Middle East. Nowhere has the need for persistent and imaginative negotiation between suspicious rivals been more evident. Nowhere is there greater promise of moving from perennial crisis towards peace. Nowhere has the United Nations Security Council established a clearer framework of principles than in its resolutions 242 and 338.

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The road toward a lasting peace stretches long and hard before us. The Middle East has seen more than its share of dashed hopes and disappointment. But the conclusion of the recent Sinai agreement marks a major step forward. It is the first agreement in the long and tragic history of the Arab-Israeli conflict which is not the immediate consequence of hostilities. It could mark a turning point.

The agreement deserves the support of all the countries assembled here because every nation here has an interest in progress towards peace in the Middle East. It is another step in the process launched by Security Council Resolution 338. The alternative was a continuing stalemate which would have led over time to another war creating a serious threat to world peace and the prospect of broad global economic dislocation.

Neither fear of the future nor pride should obscure the fact that an unusual opportunity for further progress on all issues now exists. But opportunities must be seized or they will disappear. I want to emphasize that the United States did not help negotiate this agreement in order to put an end to the process of peace but to give it new impetus.

President Ford has stated that we will not accept stalemate and stagnation in the Middle East. That was true before the Sinai agreement was signed; it remains true today. The objective of our policy is not merely to create another temporary truce but to sustain the momentum of negotiations. The United States is determined to take every feasible step to help promote further practical progress towards final peace.

As a first step, it is essential that the Sinai agreement be carried out impeccably, within the terms and the time frame that are stipulated.

In the improved atmosphere thus created, the United States stands ready to participate in any promising initiative towards peace at the request of the parties concerned.

We have made clear that we are prepared to make a serious effort to encourage negotiations between Syria and Israel.

We also intend to consult over the coming weeks with all concerned regarding the reopening of the Geneva Conference which met at an early crucial phase. As co-Chairmen of the Geneva Conference together with the Soviet Union, our two countries have special responsibilities in this regard.

We are prepared also to explore possibilities for perhaps a more informal multilateral meeting to assess conditions and to discuss the future.

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The United States seeks no special benefit; we do not attempt to exclude any country. We will cooperate with any nation that is willing to make a contribution. We have no preference for any particular procedure. We will support whatever process seems most promising. Our approach will continue to be both flexible and determined.

The search for final peace must be conducted on a wide basis. We have already begun discussions with the Soviet Union, with a view to assessing the current situation in the Middle East and weighing possible diplomatic approaches to bring about a just and durable peace in accordance with Security Council Resolutions 242 and 338. While we have had important differences with the Soviet Union, our two countries have held parallel views that the situation in the Middle East poses grave dangers and that partial steps must be part of and contribute to progress towards a comprehensive settlement.

The role of the world organization remains essential. If this organization had no other accomplishment than its effective peacekeeping role in this troubled area, it would have well justified itself. These soldiers of peace, wearing the blue beret of the United Nations, as members of UNTSO, UNEF, UNDOF have become indispensable to the maintenance of the two 1974 disengagement accords as well as the Sinai agreement. I want to take this occasion to salute Secretary General Waldheim and his staff, and General Siilasvuo, the Chief Coordinator of the UN Peacekeeping Missions in the Middle East, and all the men and women from many countries who have served in the forces without an enemy.

The deliberations of this Assembly regarding the Middle East also play a central role. They can encourage progress or exacerbate tensions. Procedural decisions can be based on the recognition that dialogue requires universality of membership, or they can fuel a futile, self-defeating effort to discriminate--in violation of the Charter--against a member state whose participation is vital for a solution.

The Middle East will continue to be an area of anguish, turmoil, and peril until a just and durable peace is achieved. Such a peace must meet the principal concerns and interests of all in the area; among these are territorial integrity, the right to live in peace and security and the legitimate interests of the Palestinians.

In the Middle East today there is a yearning for peace surpassing any known for three decades. Let us not doom the region to another generation of futile, struggle. Instead, let the world community seize the historic opportunity before it. The suffering and bravery of all the peoples of the Middle East cry out for it; the hopes and interests of all the world's peoples demand it. The United States promises its full dedication to further progress towards peace.

The contribution of the United Nations to the process of peace is essential in Cyprus as well. The Secretary-General has the responsibilities of organizing the peacekeeping forces on the island, and of facilitating the talks between the leaders of the Greek and Turkish communities.

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Strict maintenance of the cease-fire is imperative. For this we look to the restraint of the parties and the efficacy of the UN peacekeeping forces.

We know that the world community shares our sense of urgency that the negotiating process be resumed and that the parties demonstrate flexibility and statesmanship. The status quo on the island must not become permanent; a rapid and equitable solution is essential. The Secretary General has worked tirelessly and imaginatively under the most difficult circumstances to narrow the differences. He deserves the full support of the parties and of every nation here.

The details of a Cyprus settlement are for the two communities themselves to decide. However, in keeping with United Nations resolutions which the United States has fully supported, the following principles are essential:

- A settlement must preserve the independence, sovereignty and territorial integrity of Cyprus;

- It must ensure that both the Greek-Cypriot and the Turkish-Cypriot communities can live in freedom and have a large voice in their own affairs;

- The present dividing lines cannot be permanent. There must be agreed territorial arrangements which reflect the economic requirements of the Greek-Cypriot community and take account of its self-respect;

- There must be provision for the withdrawal of foreign military forces other than those present under the authority of international agreements;

- And there must be security for all Cypriots; the needs and wishes of the refugees who have been the principal victims and whose tragic plight touches us all must be dealt with speedily and with compassion.

These goals match the aspirations of the overwhelming majority of the Cypriot people as well as the interests of all neighboring states.

Another area where this organization will be called upon to take responsible action is the Korean peninsula.

This requires, above all, maintenance of the Armistice, pending agreement by all of the parties most directly concerned to replace it with a new arrangement. The existing Armistice is the only legal instrument committing the parties to maintain the peace. It is a carefully designed structure for monitoring and policing the military demarcation line.

The UN Commander-in-Chief is a signatory to that agreement. The Armistice machinery functions daily. None of the signatories has repudiated it. Nor could they do so, without serious risks to the peace of the world.

Since 1972, South and North Korea have pledged themselves to enter into a dialogue and to seek unification without resort to arms. This Assembly in 1973 and 1974 encouraged this process -- first in a consensus resolution supporting talks between the two sides; then in a resolution which looked toward termination of the UN Command. The United States agrees that twenty years after the end of the Korean war, it is timely to terminate the UN Command. We have, in fact, co-sponsored a resolution to that effect which is now before you.

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