Court to rule if tapes of Kissinger's talks can be public

APR 1 1979

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Supreme Court agreed today to decide whether Henry A. Kissinger can bar public access to transcripts of his telephone conversations while he was Secretary of State and White House national security adviser.

The justices voted to study two separate appeals — one from Kissinger and one from several organizations seeking access to the transcripts — in reaching a decision.

Lower court rulings cleared the way for public access to at least a portion of the transcripts of conversations Kissinger had while Secretary of State.

Those rulings, however, barred public release of the transcripts made for Kissinger in his job as na-

tional security adviser for Presidents Richard M. Nixon and Gerald R. Ford.

At issue is the scope of the Freedom of Information Act.

Kissinger served as national security adviser from 1968 to 1975. In 1973, he also became Secretary of State, a post he held until January 1977.

Kissinger's secretaries both at the White House and the State Department took shorthand notes while listening to his telephone conversations.

Court documents show 15,000 pages of transcripts were compiled of Kissinger's State Department conversations, and 17,000 pages during his years at the White House.

Before he left office, Kissinger donated all the transcripts and other papers to the Library of Congress on the condition that they not be made public for 25 years or until five years after his death, whichever was later.

He did so after the State Department's legal adviser concluded that the notes were not government property.

But U.S. District Judge John L. Smith ruled in late 1977 that the State Department transcripts should not have been removed from that agency's custody because they were not Kissinger's personal property.

Because the transcripts had been produced on government time and

by government secretaries and equipment, Smith ruled they were public property.

Public release of the transcripts had been sought in a Freedom of Information lawsuit filed by the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press, the American Historical Association, the Military Audit Project and nine individuals.

Smith ordered the Library of Congress to return the 15,000 pages of transcripts to the State Department for government archivists to review and to determine what information could be made public.

Smith's order has been held in abeyance pending Kissinger's appeal. To date, all the transcripts have remained in Library of Congress custody.

The trial judge also said the library did not have to release transcripts of telephone conversations Kissinger had in his White House job.

Smith ruled that the records were those of a presidential aide and thus were exempt from the Freedom of Information Act, a law passed by Congress in 1966 to eliminate some government secrecy.

The U.S. Court of Appeals in Washington upheld Smith's ruling last November.

In seeking Supreme Court review, lawyers for Kissinger argued that "Dr. Kissinger legitimately believed when the notes were made that they would not be treated as official State Department records."

"The decision below retroactively reclassifies the notes as records in a manner which invades Dr. Kissinger's constitutional privacy rights and threatens the privacy rights of many other past and present government employees," the appeal contended.

The reporters committee and others urged the justices to rule that transcripts of Kissinger's White House telephone conversations became public documents once they were stored at the State Department.

The Carter administration urged the justices to grant full review to both appeals, and sided with Kissinger.

Washington Whispers®

White House Job for Charles Kirbo? ... Why Al Ullman
Faces Rebellion ... No Help on SALT From Ford, Kissinger

Jimmy Carter's stature with a defiant
Congress, never very high, has hit a
new low. The way lawmakers tell it,
the President is so vacillating that
they feel free to ignore the White
House, push their own programs on
such issues as energy, farm subsidies
and Social Security taxes.

State Department insiders report that
Andrew Young, ambassador to the
U.N., and Paul Warnke, chief U.S.
arms negotiator, were the strongest
voices trying to persuade Carter to
ban production of neutron war-
heads—Young on moral grounds,
Warnke in the belief that Russia
might reciprocate, halt development
of one of its own major weapons.

Friends are urging the President to
persuade Charles Kirbo, 61-year-old
Atlanta lawyer and an old friend and
informal adviser, to come to the
White House in a top capacity to beef
up the staff. Said one associate: "Car-
ter needs someone with gray hair."

Leading businessmen are telling the White House it can expect more companies to boost prices in coming months simply to beat any attempt by the President to impose price controls—a move Carter insists he will not take but which many executives feel is politically inevitable.

Rebellion against House Ways and
Means Chairman Al Ullman is boiling up in the committee. Democratic members grumble privately that Ullman has lost touch with the public and is too much of an errand boy for the White House on Social Security and crude-oil taxes.

Alabama Governor George Wallace
is no longer a sure thing in his bid for
a U.S. Senate seat, according to po-

litical analysts. His lead over former
Alabama Supreme Court Justice
Howell Heflin in the Democratic pri-
mary race—tantamount to election—
is said to be shrinking fast.

Former President Ford and Henry
Kissinger—both of whom lent their
support to Carter for the Panama Ca-
nal treaties—have signaled the White
House not to expect their backing for
a new SALT pact with Russia. Al-
though the arms agreement is similar
to one negotiated by the Ford admin-
istration, Ford and Kissinger feel Car-
ter's cancellation or slowdown of
major weapons programs changes the
whole strategic picture.

The White House is convinced it can
prevent a rollback of Social Security
taxes now being pushed in Congress,
because the lawmakers will become
so tangled up over just how to do it
that the idea will fade away.

Speculation is rising that Gen. Alex-
ander Haig, commander of U.S. and
NATO forces in Europe, may step
down before long. Visitors who have
seen Haig lately note he is showing
signs of restlessness about his job.

Russian sources in Moscow are
spreading word that Soviet boss
Brezhnev will duck a summit meet-
ing with Carter until a new SALT
pact is O.K.'d by the Senate. Until
now, a summit had been planned so
the two leaders could sign the treaty,
but Soviet officials say Brezhnev has
ruled this out because he does not
want to risk being embarrassed by
Senate rejection of the agreement.

Suggestions by some administration
officials that if Congress passed a tax
on crude oil the revenues might be
diverted to Social Security seem to

have backfired. Oil-state lawmakers
who might have been willing to com-
promise with Carter on a wellhead
tax now fear any levy would be per-
manent and might be increased over
the years to finance social programs.

Word is circulating that Michael Col-
lins, former astronaut and now direc-
tor of the National Air and Space
Museum, is being groomed to suc-
ceed S. Dillon Ripley as head of the
Smithsonian Institution, which has
come under fire in Congress for its
snarled finances.

Capitol Hill experts predict that the
decision of Chairman John Flynt of
the House Ethics Committee to retire
at year's end will result in a panel
much more aggressive in ferreting
out wrongdoing by lawmakers. In
line for the chairmanship is Represen-
tative Charles E. Bennett, a Florida
Democrat considered one of the
House's leading hard-liners on ethics.

A top Democrat is giving the White
House this blunt advice: Carter skips
around too much from one contro-
versial issue to another. He needs
more follow-through, someone to
keep the heat on Congress and the
country for action.

A new congressional study shows at
least 160 retired Army and Navy offi-
cers now holding federal civilian jobs
collect pay and military pensions that,
combined, exceed the $66,000 a year
earned by cabinet officers—and
about 40 receive more than the
$75,000 salary of the Vice President.

Sign of the dollar's decline: Pickpock-
ets in Europe are avoiding Americans
and singling out Japanese for their
yen, a currency that has appreciated
sharply against the dollar.

16

U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, April 17, 1978

WHAT WILL HENRY DO
FOR AN ENCORE?

Though he is still
shadowed by
Vietnam, the former
Secretary of State is
living the good life,
writing a book to
assure his place in
history and flirting
with the idea of
running for the Senate.

By Marvin Kalb

Bunched together in the large, elegant foyer of Israeli Ambassador Simcha Dinitz's home in northwest Washington, a pool of reporters, cameramen and technicians waited, an unsatisfied lot entangled in cables. They had already "shot" or interviewed Prime Minister Menachem Begin, Vice President Walter Mondale, former Vice President Nelson Rockefeller, Senators Edward Kennedy and Charles Percy, among others. However, their professional instincts told them that they didn't have their story yet. Then, suddenly, it arrived.

First Nancy, wearing an attractive evening gown, and then husband Henry — tan, reasonably trim, tailed by several bodyguards — moved in on the unsuspecting reception and instantly occupied it. The television lights played on the former Secretary of State; cameras whirred; newsmen offered variations of a single question: What did Kissinger think about the fateful Carter-Begin talks?

Henry Kissinger, dean of Washington's foreign-policy "counterestablishment," reflected for a moment. The smile passed from his face. Just a few hours earlier, he had conferred with Begin for the second time in three days; no other prominent American had exchanged ideas with the Israeli leader both *before* and *after* his meet

Marvin Kalb, diplomatic correspondent for CBS News, is the co-author with Bernard Kalb of the biographical study "Kissinger."

ings at the White House. Kissinger had also discussed the results of the White House talks with Secretary of State Cyrus Vance.

"I am not at all discouraged," he said, as always choosing his words with caution. "These are difficult negotiations, but then again all of them are." The band of reporters tightened around Kissinger. "This kind of deadlock, or apparent deadlock, is really to be expected." Pens flashed over notebooks.

"Agreement is too close to lose optimism."

Actually, Kissinger was deeply depressed. His talks with Begin and Vance had convinced him that both the President and the Prime Minister had fumbled another opportunity for peace in the Middle East. "Last January," he had told friends, "I felt that the Sadat initiative was doomed to success. Ninety percent certain. Now . . ." He rotated his right hand, like a radar dish

searching for the correct signal. "Now, 55-45, at best."

Kissinger knew that his words to the reporters would probably be studied in Jerusalem, Cairo, Moscow as well as in Jimmy Carter's White House; and so, like a chameleon adjusting to changing light, he had slipped into his old role as star diplomat and delivered his reassuring public message. It was a message consistent in tone and content with his self-image: responsible, wise,

Neil Selkirk

The New York Times Magazine / April 16, 1978 29

Nancy (seated) and Henry Kissinger, standing arm-and arm with Mrs. Thomas Enders, wife of the United States Ambassador to Canada (laughing at left), share a quip with their hostess, arts patron Ina Ginsburg.

Kissinger conducts seminars at Georgetown University's Center for Strategic and International Studies.

After a day of work on his book, Kissinger leaves

above the fray and, when possible, supportive.

Fifteen months out of office, after eight controversial years in power, Kissinger still retains a strong grip on the popular imagination. No official from the Carter crowd has yet risen to challenge Kissinger's standing as one of the foremost personalities on the Washington scene. He remains a kind

of stratified folk hero, who is now trying to find a new place for himself in the American dream.

He is, like so many other graduates of the Nixon era, writing his memoirs, and getting rich doing it. He is, unlike the others, building diplomatic bridges to banks, broadcasting networks and brokerage houses; strengthening his ties on Embassy Row; widening his social contacts beyond the Katharine

Grahams of Washington and the Nelson Rockefellerers of Pocantico Hills. In a broad effort reminiscent of his days of power, he is reaching for an unassailable respectability — perhaps even for a seat in the United States Senate.

"If Javits announces that he's not running in 1980, and if then people come to me," Kissinger said during a recent talk, "I might consider it, but I haven't spoken to any party leaders."

Yet even as he tries to fashion his future, the past tugs at his coattails. He is surrounded by bodyguards because he believes that there are still threats against his life. He is paying huge legal fees for his defense in two active lawsuits: one relating to his role in the wiretapping of 17 Government officials and newsmen; the other affecting more than 33,000 pages of telephone transcripts accumulated over eight years of

his office for home. With him are two bodyguards, one behind the wheel of his Mercedes. He employs five full-time bodyguards in all, costing him $150,000 a year.

Government service. He is also haunted by the possibility that the Nixon White House tapes, when and if they are released, may damage his reputation. Kissinger knows, by now, that he cannot escape his past, but he is trying to limit the potential damage.

As the perception widens that the Carter Administration is having trouble coping with the responsibilities of

power, Kissinger has discovered that many diplomats, politicians and columnists are turning to him for answers. He is, after all, America's newest elder statesman. But while this trend is flattering, it does nothing for his relations with the President's inner circle of advisers. They tend to regard Kissinger as a political threat, a potentially dangerous source of advice and intelligence for the President's challengers.

According to one conspiratorial theory, Kissinger is seen as a kind of government in exile, plotting a return to power by a subtle use of plants and contacts; according to a more charitable view, he is viewed as a powerful leader of the "loyal opposition," playing by the established rules of the game but nurturing the same goal nonetheless.

"Nonsense," snaps Kissinger, when

told about his alleged plotting. "I am not a government in exile, and I am not the 'loyal opposition.' Neither idea is really very appropriate, because each implies that I am in opposition to the Government, to the Administration, which I am not" — he pauses — "inevitably."

In his red-brick Georgetown home, Kissinger receives a visitor in one of two back-to- (Continued on Page 54)

The New York Times Magazine / April 16, 1978 31

Nicolee Asciu

# NO ROOM IN THE LIFEBOATS

The Age of Scarcity and accompanying new 'lifeboat ethic' threatens some basic American beliefs, is giving rise to authoritarianism elsewhere and heightens the conflict between rich and poor.

By Richard J. Barnet

The most striking aspect of Jimmy Carter's 1979 budget now before Congress is its similarity to the budgets of Richard Nixon and Gerald Ford. All three are premised on a new brand of economic "realism" that is imposing se-

Richard J. Barnet is the author of "The Giants: Russia and America," and is writing a book about world resources.

vere political strains on the country and is challenging some of our fundamental ideals. Austerity, lowered expectations and limits to what government can do have been the ascendant political slogans of the 1970's. Sluggish growth, inflation and high unemployment are no longer regarded as periodic problems to be remedied by swift government action but are now accepted by both parties as chronic conditions of our economic life.

In a little over 10 years the myth of abundance has been replaced by the myth of scarcity. The world is running out of oil; experts disagree only as to how fast. The United States' dependence on critical minerals is increasing dramatically, and so are prices. Crippling shortages of oil, natural gas, food and water, even breathable air, are now a familiar part of the worldwide political landscape. (In many poor countries there is even a grave

shortage of firewood, their principal energy source.) Some scarce items seem almost inexhaustible but politics and economics conspire to keep them out of reach—at the right place, at the right time, at the right price. Each shortage tends to aggravate others. For example, the more dependent we are on foreign oil, the more food we must export and the higher the price of groceries in the supermarket. Because of drastically higher

costs of producing and distributing critical resources, and of managing their ecological side effects, corporations are finding it ever harder to develop profitable investments. Thus the worldwide "capital shortage."

The fear that we have come to the end of the ever-expanding frontier of economic growth challenges one of our most cherished political beliefs. The era that began in the New Deal was rooted in the

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KISSINGER

*Continued from Page 31*

Kissinger with personal secretary Christine Vick in his Washington offices.

back living rooms on the first floor. He sits in the corner of a low, blue sofa, hands folded across his stomach. "Having conducted foreign policy for eight years," he says, "I am not going to second-guess the Administration on specific issues. The main lines of the President's policy seem to me consistent with what we did."

What about the Middle East, SALT, Africa?

When Kissinger answers questions during an interview, he is diplomatically evasive. "I don't want to get into the tactical, day-to-day problems." When prodded, he generally acknowledges differences with the Administration, but he refuses to detail them. "I have stated publicly that I don't agree with some of the tactics the Administration has pursued. I think some of them have been counterproductive."

Kissinger places his feet on the edge of the coffee table, carefully avoiding a large ashtray. "I am not in agreement with some of the African policies." In what way? "I will not go into details." And relations with the Russians? "They are very complex. As I said, I don't agree with some of the tactics." Human rights? Kissinger seems to come out of his shell, slightly. "Strangely enough, I think the Administration did well in emphasizing the values for which America stands. I applaud the basic perception that America must be seen to represent something beyond the national interest." Silence slowly descends on the conversation.

Kissinger, in fact, opposes a wide range of Presidential decisions: suspending production of the B-1 bomber; withdrawing American ground troops from South Korea; flirting with the notion of aiding Vietnam; siding with Ethiopia and then with Somalia while the Cubans act with impunity as Russia's surrogates in extending Communist influence in the Horn of Africa; joining the Russians in an appeal for a comprehensive settlement of the Middle East conflict at a reconvened Geneva conference; and finally, changing the negotiating ground rules for another strategic-arms agreement.

When possible, Kissinger has supported the President — for example, in his quest for Senate ratification of the Panama Canal treaties. But increasingly in his public statements, Kissinger's reservations about the Administration's capacities have bubbled to the surface. "Henry worries about the President's inexperience," says one veteran Kissinger watcher. "He's afraid it may lead to a reheating of the cold war — with Carter being forced to prove his manhood, and the Russians so absorbed in a succession struggle that they'll feel they have to take him on."

This lack of Presidential instinct or insight, in Kissinger's judgment, has been obvious in the Administration's handling of the Sadat peace initiative. "Henry felt strongly that the United States should have urged Sadat and Begin to come to a separate agreement," one of his former advisers said,

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Tokyo is hot,” said one American publisher. “The fascination with Kissinger, everywhere, is undiminished. The book should gross more than $5 million.”

Kissinger is also lecturing. Probably the highest-paid speaker on the lecture circuit these days, he can easily command $10,000 for each appearance. Last year, having worked out an arrangement with Harry Walker, a New York lecture agent, Kissinger accepted about 10 speaking dates, mostly from large corporations, such as I.B.M., which are usually content with a 20-minute, off-the-cuff presentation of his views about world problems, followed by a 20-minute question-and-answer session. Twice last spring, I.B.M. sent private jets to Washington to transport Kissinger to regional meetings in Bermuda.

Kissinger is, in addition, a special consultant on world affairs for NBC — a controversial arrangement engineered for him by Herbert Schlosser, a personal friend who was then president of NBC. He has a five-year contract that costs the network an estimated $1 million. It also costs the network the esteem of many of its own newsmen, who privately view the arrangement as “unconsional” and “embarrassing.” By equating Kissinger, who has never been a professional journalist, and who may never be totally objective, with a network commentator, the newsmen feel that NBC has compromised their journalistic integrity. When Kissinger’s television special on Eurocommunism in mid-January earned a rating of 65 in a field of 65, the newsmen smirked in self-satisfaction. Their judgment had been vindicated.

Kissinger has three academic jobs, too, all of which pay what he calls “a modest salary.” He is University Professor of Diplomacy at Georgetown University’s School of Foreign Service ($20,000 a year), counselor at Georgetown’s Center for Strategic and International Studies ($15,000) and a senior fellow at the Aspen Institute ($20,000). Far more important than these stipends, though, Georgetown and Aspen provide Kissinger with impressive suites of offices, plus staff, in Washington and in New York, and they provide him with occasional teaching responsibilities that give the former Secretary of State the sense of professorial dignity and respectability that he feels his image requires.

Finally, Kissinger receives “consulting fees” from the Chase Manhattan Bank for serving as chairman of its international advisory committee and from the Wall Street brokerage house of Goldman Sachs & Company for giving them advice on countries in which they are interested in investing.

In all, he appears to be earning about $400,000 a year, excluding a substantial additional sum from his book publishers.

Into this busy schedule he has also managed to shoehorn such nonremunerative jobs as director of the Foreign Policy Association, chairman of the Board of Advisers of the Alliance to Save Energy, a director of the Council on Foreign Relations, chairman of the board of International House, trustee for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund and the Metropolitan Museum of Art, member of the sponsoring committee for fund raising of thebert H. Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs and member of the executive committee of the Trilateral Commission.

"Why do you bother?" a friend asked, after Kissinger had informed him that he was flying to Europe for three days of meetings last fall. "Because," Kissinger answered, to the absolute astonishment of his friend, "people think of you when vacancies come up as board chairman or something."

In Kissinger, such traces of insecurity have always coexisted with a hard streak of self-confidence that his critics translate as arrogance but his friends consider only a logical extension of his brilliance. At this stage of his life — he’s approaching his 55th birthday a calmer person — Kissinger does not engage in excessive introspection. “I’m on a tranquil mountain lake,” he observes, “for the first time in many years.” He sinks deeper into an armchair, conveying a sense of contentment.

Everything is relative. Ever since Secretary Kissinger became Dr. Kissinger once again, he has been engaged in a continuing struggle to protect his image and his legacy, both of which he has characteristically placed on lofty pedestals. His critics, who come from the staff of the National Security Council at the White House, the academic community and the press, have been trying to whittle Kissinger down to size.

For example, Zbigniew Brzezinski, who deeply dis-

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likes Kissinger, has carried
their old graduate-school
competition into the arena of
global politics. "Zbig's trying
to out-Henry Henry," one
mutual colleague remarked.
In many of his comments,
Brzezinski highlights the dif-
ferences between this Admin-
istration's foreign policy and
that of previous administra-
tions, whenever possible dis-
paraging Kissinger's contribu-
tions, rather than stressing the
theme of continuity. Kissinger
responds by taking the high
ground. "Most administra-
tions come to office thinking
they are going to save the
world," he quipped. "This one
came to office thinking it
created the world."

Kissinger avoids confrontations whenever possible. Last spring, he received an offer to teach at Columbia University, an endowed chair in the School of International Affairs. Because New York was home, the offer was tempting. However, Kissinger rejected it, in part because more than 1,200 students and 140 faculty members objected. Vietnam, Cambodia and Chile had appalled them. "Hiring Kissinger," charged one student demonstrator, "would be like hiring Charles Manson to teach religion." A Kissinger aide dismissed the importance of their demonstrations, but it was easier to go elsewhere. Eventually, Kissinger chose Georgetown, explaining that it was closer to his papers at the Library of Congress.

There are times, though,
when Kissinger cannot avoid
his past associaton with Viet-
nam. Last October, he re-
ceived an invitation to speak
at a reunion of Nieman Feli-
lows at Harvard. "Off the
record," he had demanded,
"no reporters." (That stand-
ard, though highly dubious,
Kissinger rule must surely be
a deliberate device for height-
ening local journalistic curi-
osity, because that is its inevi-
table effect.) The Harvard
Crimson learned about Kiss-
inger's unpublicized appear-
ance, ran a story, and, lo and
behold, when Kissinger ar-
rived at the Boston Museum of
Science, where the dinner was
to be held, there was a small
anti-Kissinger demonstration,
a throwback to the antiwar
demonstrations of the Viet-
nam years.

Kissinger delivered his talk,
but it was clear that he was al-
ready on guard. He had
brought along his 16-year-old
son, David, apparently expect-
ing a pleasant evening. Among
the Nieman Fellows was a
radio reporter from a local FM
station. Holding a leaflet that

he had accepted from one of
the demonstrators, the re-
porter rose, looked at David
and then at Kissinger, and
asked how the former Secre-
tary of State could "justify"
himself to his own children
when his policy in Indochina
had cost so many hundreds of
thousands of human lives and
billions of dollars, all squan-
dered in a hopeless, foolish
cause. For an instant, Kiss-
inger froze, then nervously
cleared his throat. "I didn't
ask to come here," he said. "I
was invited here, and history
will judge the merits of my
policy." A few minutes later,
Kissinger left, his son at his
side, silent. An aide explained
that he had to catch the last
shuttle to New York.

Vietnam remains a chronic
anguish. It is a major moral
stain on his record, the one ob-
stacle he cannot hurdle on his
way toward a reconciliation
with his critics. Kissinger
seems almost in despair when
reminded of the old charges of
"duplicity," "immorality" —
and, most cutting, "war crimi-
nal."

"I think these issues are
very hard to judge on the basis
of such invective," he says.
Kissinger suddenly looks
much older. He speaks very
slowly, as though he were
delivering a defense memo-
rized in a nightmare. "The
basic problem was that we
came into office, and we found
550,000 Americans in combat
10,000 miles away — in a war
that had already taken over
30,000 lives. From the first
day, we attempted to disen-
gage from the war. We with-
drew troops, unilaterally. We
made proposal after propos-
al."

His pace quickens, but his
eyes remain riveted on the
rug. "The one proposal we
would not accept is that we
would install a Communist
government on the territory of
an ally. That was the one irre-
ducible demand. We thought
the position of the United
States in the world, our cred-
ibility and our honor, de-
pended upon it. I would say
that the great tragedy is that
our objective and that of the
critics were really quite simi-
lar. We both wanted to get out
of the war. The critics ought to
ask themselves whether they
did not have some responsibil-
ity for prolonging the war by
the constant doubts they were
creating. Obviously, when
there is such a breakdown in
communication, the Govern-
ment is not innocent either."
Kissinger thinks for a while, as
though seeking the right sum-
mary sentence. "The fate of
the peoples of Indochina under

Communist rule suggests that those who tried to prevent that from happening were not guided by some ignoble purpose."

Kissinger refuses to accept the simple, widely held view that his policy in Vietnam was a disaster.

The Washingtonian magazine asked in its March 1978 issue, "Who's the biggest star in Washington?" Jimmy Carter? Ted or Ethel Kennedy? Elizabeth Taylor? Sonny Jurgenson? Reporter Richard Lee attended the 10th anniversary gala of the American Film Institute at the Kennedy Center, hoping to find the answer. Lauren Bacall was there; so were Art Buchwald, Tip O'Neill, Frank Church, Brzezinski, Eric Sevareid, Al Pacino, Andy Warhol, Diane Von Furstenberg and many other celebrities. "But," Lee concluded, "the biggest star in that superglittery assemblage, the star most oohed and aahed over, the star the TV cameras zeroed in on first when they panned the audience in the Opera House for the CBS taping, was ex-Secre-

Vietnam is viewed by many as a moral stain on his record. Kissinger seems almost in despair when reminded of the old charges of "duplicity," "immorality"—and, most cutting, "war criminal."

tary of State Henry Kissinger.

It is one of the wonders of the public-relations world that, although Kissinger no longer holds a formal position of power, he is still perceived to be a man of power by officials and reporters alike. This perception keeps him in the limelight of national and international politics.

"He can sit at a dinner party ... next to the exit sign ... and he's still the center of attention," notes Diana McLellan of The Washington Star. "Henry is always good for a quote — he'll always give you something," says Sally Quinn of The Washington Post. Kiss-

inger disagreed with Carter's choice of "Gone With the Wind" as the best American film of all time: "Quite frankly, I was in favor of 'Citizen Kane,' which is, as you know, my story."

Kissinger enjoys worldwide fame and contacts. During 10 days in Europe last fall, filming his Eurocommunism special for NBC, Kissinger waltzed through dinners with prime ministers and receptions with mere ministers. Versailles was selected as the location for his long interview with David Brinkley. "It had something to do with my ego," Kissinger deadpanned. When the NBC crew arrived in Rome, the Pope happened to

be busy preparing beatification ceremonies for two candidates for sainthood. One NBC man asked, "Kissinger and who else?"

Such notoriety breeds problems, of course. According to the Secret Service, Kissinger may be on the hit list of a number of fanatical fringe groups, from the Japanese Red Guards to the rejectionist Palestinians. While in the Government, he was provided with Secret Service protection; when he left, the protection continued, for several months, on the assumption that the threats continued. Then the President's political advisers decided that Kissinger did not really need such protection, and they cut off funding for his special detail. Many of them thought that he was on an expensive ego trip at Government expense. An aide privately condemned the decision as "vindictive," but Kissinger controlled his tongue.

He hired five bodyguards, led by Walter Bothe, a former Secret Service agent, at an estimated cost of $150,000 a year. This is, according to Kissinger, "a murderous expense," but, he thinks, a nec-

essary one. He receives "a very high level of threatening crank mail," and occasionally "someone will make a run on me." Three times, Kissinger says, "people tried to get into my house; mostly cranks, we think, but cranks of the kind that got Wallace." Kissinger is sensitive to criticism that, by maintaining a private force of bodyguards, he is living a Walter Mitty dream of eternal power. Not so, Kissinger argues: "They do nothing for my standard of living."

Although Kissinger says that he is "philosophical" about efforts to reduce him to "the dimensions of a mortal," it is interesting that he remembers every slight, real or imagined. When he visits Vance at the State Department, for example, he is always escorted to the public elevators, never to the Secretary's private elevator. Kissinger takes note of such things. The "no parking" sign that used to hang in front of Kissinger's home has been removed. A neighbor sued, on grounds that Kissinger was now a private citizen, presumed to be no better or worse than any other taxpaying,

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Kissinger encourages the impression that he is larger than life. Recently, for example, the State Department's curator, Clement Conger, rejected a portrait of Kissinger that was to hang with portraits of other Secretaries of State from Thomas Jefferson to William P. Rogers. Conger said that the portrait, painted by Boston artist Gardner Cox, did not project any of Kissinger's "dynamism." Nancy Kissinger thought it lacked "vitality." Kissinger was plainly disappointed with the result. "Like most of my foreign policy," he explained, with self-deprecating humor, "it just didn't work."

Kissinger is treated as someone to be admired and protected by his friends, who include, among others, the William Paleys, the Lew Wassermans, Joseph Alsop, Kitty Carlisle, Oscar de la Renta, Mollie Parnis. At dinner parties, for example, when Kissinger holds court over cognac, his candid and caustic comments about his successors in the Carter Administration, excluding Vance ("He'd have been my own first choice, but no one asked me"), are often regarded as "eyes only" material, never to be repeated. It is almost as though a guest, thrilled to be part of a soiree featuring Kissinger, does not want to abuse the privilege, or "hurt Henry." The former Secretary, at one and the same time, exudes an aura of immense power and personal vulnerability.

As Kissinger adjusts to normalcy — his wife, Nancy, says that, for them, “normalcy is the absence of normalcy” — the centerpiece of his life has become his book. For most of 1977, Kissinger reviewed his private collection of papers, transcripts and documents at the Library of Congress, steep-

ing himself in the material. Since December 1, he has been involved in the actual writing. It is a tough and time-consuming task. "He's obsessive about it," Nancy says. "It's become 90 percent of his day."

Most afternoons, Kissinger can be found sitting at the end of a long, rectangular table in his Washington office, writing his book in longhand on yellow, lined legal pads. He is surrounded by photographic highlights of his past: framed pictures with Sadat ("Dear Henry" in English followed by an Arabic inscription); with Ford at the Helsinki summit, July 31, 1975; with Brezhnev on Nov. 12, 1972; with Schmidt, Wilson, Giscard; and with the Israeli Cabinet, led by Golda Meir, during the disengagement negotiations of early 1974. There is no picture of Nixon.

Kissinger's bookshelves are crowded with an eclectic collection of modern mysteries and histories, Bismarck's works and eight volumes of Metternich's "Memoirs and Documents," in German. One table against a wall is covered with the latest issues of The New York Times, The Washington Post, The Christian Science Monitor, The Baltimore Sun, The Observer, The Times of London, Die Welt and The Jerusalem Post. Hanging behind his desk, which he rarely uses, is a painting of Nancy and a series of playful cartoons of himself.

Unlike many other writers, who suffer gloriously in old sweaters and splendid isolation, Kissinger remains in his usually conservative three-piece suit, hunched over loose-leaf books of material prepared by three researchers: Peter Rodman, a veteran of his National Security Council staff, who writes many of Kissinger's speeches and helps edit his copy; Rosemary Niehuss, a Middle East specialist from his National Security Council staff; and Mary Brownell, a specialist on Latin America from the same staff. They collate relevant documents and write factual reports on particular subjects. When Kissinger wants to check documents, he goes to the Library of Congress, where he is provided with a Spartan office, reminiscent of the study cubicles at Harvard's Widener Library.

So far, his secretaries have typed up more than a thousand manuscript pages, but, as he quips, "I still haven't gotten out of 1969."

The ballooning size of the manuscript poses two massive problems for his publisher:

(Continued on Page 68)

Picture Credits

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26—THE NEW YORK TIMES/JACK MANNING

37-38—NICULAE ASCIU

52—EVELYN HOFER

54—NEIL SELKIRK

62—THE NEW YORK TIMES/GEORGE TAMES

108—THE NEW YORK TIMES/BILL ALLER

110-112—MICHAEL KUH

113—NORMAN MCGRATH

131—COLUMBIA TRIBUNE/KEITH MCMILLIN

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back into high office. It's very
sad, and always destructive."

Kissinger enjoys suggesting
that he is going to take John
Freeman's advice. Freeman,
a British journalist and former
Ambassador to the United
States, told Kissinger that a
man should change his life
style "totally" once every 10
years or so, "to enrich his
scope, never to look back."
That may be easier for a Free-
man to do than for a Kissinger.

Still, among a small group of
political insiders in Washing-
ton and New York, there is
that one far-fetched idea for
radical change. If Senator
Javits were to retire in 1980,
Kissinger might allow himself
to be advanced as a possible
successor. Through the Rocke-
fellers, the former Secretary
of State surely has the right
connections with New York's
Republican establishment.

"Honestly," relates Kissinger, "I have not had to address this question in any significant way. Javits is a close friend of mine. I think he is an outstanding senator. He is vigorous, and extremely able. My present inclination would be not to run, if Javits were to retire."

Would Kissinger challenge
Javits for the nomination?

"Under no conceivable cir-
cumstances. If Javits chooses
to run, I shall support him for
the nomination, and I'll sup-
port him in the election."

One G.O.P. leader from New
York considers the possibility
of a Kissinger race for the Sen-
ate as "remote but not totally
nutty." Kissinger has "many
problems with upstate conser-
vatives, who disapproved of
his détente policy, but if Rocky
throws his money and reputa-
tion behind Kissinger, it's pos-
sible."

Nancy Kissinger is totally
opposed to the idea — so much
so that one close friend of the
family says, half-jokingly,
that "Nancy would divorce
Henry" if he ever decided to
switch from diplomacy to poli-
tics. "I think it's just absurd,"
Nancy told me. One of Kissinger's closest aides said: "It's
not a serious idea — at the mo-
ment." That kind of hedge has
encouraged some speculation
that Kissinger might be agree-
able to a minidraft. "He's
tempted by the prospect," one
friend remarked, "tempted
and very flattered." A top
labor leader laughed. "My
God, what a potent combina-
tion from New York: Moyni-
han and Kissinger." He
paused, deliberately. "Is the
Senate large enough for two
such egos?"