THE SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON

October 15, 1974

Dear Mr. President:

I very much appreciate the warm hospitality and cordial reception which you have so graciously accorded me during my visits to Damascus. I ask that you convey my gratitude to the members of your government and staff for their assistance in making us feel at home in your country.

I am grateful also for the opportunity to meet with you again and know that you share my view that our talks were useful.

Permit me to extend to you and your family on behalf of Mrs. Kissinger and myself best wishes for a most happy 'Id al-Fitr.

Warm regards,

His Excellency
Hafez al-Asad,
President of the Syrian Arab Republic,
Damascus.

Washington, D. C., November 9, 1976

JAIME ALBA

The Honorable
The Secretary of State
Henry A. Kissinger
The Department of State
2201 C Street
Washington, D. C. 20520

Since I will have a wedding in the family in
January--that of one of my sons (the most brilliant)
and an American girl--I have postponed my return to
Spain, where there are too many Ambassadors at Large
with little to do...

In going through my things as we moved out of
the Embassy I noticed that I have various photographs
autographed by the President but none by the Secretary
of State. Having found this good photograph, one of
a memorable event for us and which I find less formal
or conventional since Mrs. Kissinger is included, I
wonder if you would be so kind as to autograph it
and return it to me at your convenience.

I hope this is not an imposition and I thank you
in advance for the courtesy of granting me this favor,
one of great meaning to me and for which I shall
always be personally grateful.

With all best wishes.

2300 Pimmit Drive, Falls Church, Va. 22043

ACHILLE ALBONETTI

Via Riccardo Landonai, 11. Tel. 323660
Roma

1er décembre 1975

Mr. Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
State Department
Washington, D. C. 20520
U. S. A.

From der HENRY,

Merci beaucoup pour votre lettre du 4 novembre dernier, qui s'est croisée avec la mienne du 14, et que j'ai trouvée particulièrement intéressante.

Je relève dans la presse que l'attitude du président Ford, et votre propre attitude, envers l'URSS, deviennent de plus en plus fermes et je m'en réjouis.

Je suis certain que c'est avec plaisir que vous pouvez constater que l'Eglise catholique se réveille enfin et, après un silence de plusieurs années, s'engage ouvertement dans la lutte contre le communisme en Italie.

Je vous envoie ci-joint une interview du Cardinal Poletti, Vicaire du Pape à Rome, parue dans le "Daily American" du 30 novembre/1er décembre, qui a eu un énorme écho ici. On n'avait pas vu une prise de position pareille depuis des années.....

Prenn amicalement.

Achille

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The Washington Star [LLC]

225 Virginia Avenue, S. E.

Washington, D. C. 20061

Joe L. Allbritton
Publisher
(202) 484-4860

March 9, 1976

Dear Mr. Secretary:

What an absolute pleasure to have enjoyed
your hospitality at lunch today.

It is a splendid job you are doing as
Secretary of State; even my criticisms pale in
light of your record of accomplishments. You
continue to accomplish and I will try to criticize
a little less.

I only hope that future months give us an
opportunity to return the hospitality to you.

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Department of State
Washington, D. C. 20520

Atlanta Chamber of Commerce

ATLANTA, GEORGIA

OFFICE OF THE PRESIDENT

June 25, 1975

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Washington, D.C. 20500

Dear Mr. Secretary:

On behalf of everyone who had an opportunity
to participate in Monday evening's dinner
with you, let me express grateful apprecia-
tion. I hope that you felt the evening was
as successful as those Atlantans who partici-
pated.

As Atlanta, Georgia and the Southeast region
develop into greater international participa-
tion, we become increasing more aware of the
role the United States plays in world affairs.
Your visit did a great deal to intensify that
understanding.

We have received a substantial number of very
complimentary remarks from a number of guests
who attended the dinner. I am sure you will
hear from many of them directly, but wanted
you to know how delighted we were to have you
with us.

IAIII:lgr

October 13, 1974

Dear Yigal:

It was, as always, a pleasure to see you
again in Israel. I welcome these opportunities
to maintain our long friendship.

With your assistance, I feel we have
succeeded in moving a bit further toward the time
when Israel, and the entire Middle East, can once
again enjoy peace and tranquility. Our relation-
ship should assure that future steps toward this
goal will be taken in a spirit of true cordiality.

His Excellency,
Yigal Allon,
Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Ministry for Foreign Affairs,
Jerusalem.

February 19, 1975

Dear Yigal:

Nancy and I thank you for your warm hospitality during our latest visit to Israel. I feel very strongly that our frequent and amicable consultations have served to strengthen our mutual relations and to make joint progress toward a durable peace.

I particularly want to express my appreciation to you for hosting the dinner on Tuesday evening at which I had the opportunity to renew my friendship with you and so many of your associates.

His Excellency
Yigal Allon,
Minister for Foreign
Affairs of Israel,
Jerusalem.

March 25, 1975

Dear Yigal:

I leave Jerusalem saddened that we
have not been able to move closer towards
peace but mindful of your many kindnesses
during my recent visit.

Nancy and I want to thank you for your
gracious hospitality. I very much appreciate all that you and your staff did to
make our many stops in Israel so pleasant.

Nancy and I also want to tell you
again that you have our deepest sympathy
for the personal loss you suffered during
this negotiation to which you contributed
so much, and to say that you have our great
admiration for the dedicated manner in which
you nevertheless carried on.

Warm regards,

Henry A. Kissinger

His Excellency
Yigal Allon,
Minister for Foreign Affairs,
Jerusalem.

DEPUTY PRIME MINISTER
AND
MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS

Personal

ALLON YIGAL [IC]
Personal File

סגן ראש הממשלה
ושר החוץ

Jerusalem, 21 March 1976

Dear Henry,

I enjoyed very much the luncheon which you were kind to extend to me at the Department on March 12, and the opportunity to review with you the general situation in the Middle East, as well as some specific items of interest to our two countries.

On a more personal note, let me say that I was delighted to see that, despite the heated controversies in the United States about your policy, you were in good spirits and were taking the criticism in your stride.

I have no doubt that a difficult period lies ahead of us and that together we shall be able not only to face up to the problems but also make progress towards peace.

Confident of our continuous and lasting cooperation and personal friendship,

As ever,

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Secretary of State of the
United States of America
State Department
Washington, D.C.

GORDON ALLOTT

March 25, 1975

Dear Henry:

After reading the papers upon your return, I cannot
refrain from writing you.

I know that you are disappointed in your most recent
trip to the Near East, but as time goes on the
American people will realize, as I do and as many
others do, the great contribution you have made to
our country. Your physical stamina surpasses
anything I can understand, but your constructive
intellectual output in my opinion is a standard
to which all of us could well cleave.

This does not need an answer, but I just wanted
you to know that as one American who has spent
much time in public service I admire you, and
you have the thanks of many of us for your great
and skilled efforts -- they will pay off some
day.

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Department of State
2201 C Street
Washington, D. C.

JOSEPH ALSOP

2806 N Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20007

Telephone
(202) 965-1770

September 4, 1975

This is just to record my eternal gratitude to
your office and most particularly to Jerry Bremer. Your
friend and admirer, my maid Gemma, had her papers stolen
as she was about to get on the Rome-Washington plane.
Until I turned to Jerry, there seemed to be no way of
solving the problem presented by Gemma's loss of her
crucial work permit-visa. Jerry went to work in the
most energetic, trouble-taking and effective manner,
however. So when you and Nancy next come to a meal
at 2806 N Street -- which I hope will be very soon --
you will have Jerry to thank far more than me; for
no meal in this house would be possible without Gemma.

The Secretary of State
Department of State
Washington, D. C.

Sir:

You asked for an explanation of how Mr. Alsop's
undated letter of last week was handled.

The letter was delivered via the internal State
Department mail system. It was not delivered directly to
your office, ~~before you left~~,

The letter arrived in your office on Monday, December
1, after your departure for China. It was listed in the daily
mail cable sent to you on December 1. (Cable attached at
Tab B).

Mr. Alsop's note ("I hope you think it's ok. Indeed I
pray you do for it's past the stage for more than minor
corrections.") was interpreted by your staff to mean that
Mr. Alsop did not expect any specific action from you. The ~~ABC~~
*handling of the letter reflects this interpretation.*

Paul

Attachments:

Tab A - Mr. Alsop's letter.

Tab B - Daily mail cable - December 1.

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FOR THE SECRETARY
A: MAIL

1. SENATOR HUMPHREY WRITES URGING YOU TO MAKE PLANS FOR STAFFING AND REOPENING THE GOTHENBURG CONSULATE-GENERAL IN SWEDEN TO COINCIDE WITH OUR BICENTENNIAL CELEBRATIONS. HE FURTHER URGES YOU TO CONSIDER THE APPOINTMENT OF DAVID NELSON (CURRENTLY BUREAU CHIEF IN WASHINGTON FOR THE RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF AMERICA) FOR THIS POST.

2. J. GOLDHAMMER, DIPL. ING. IN JERUSALEM WRITES TO ANNOUNCE THAT TWO TRANSFORMER-STATIONS IN THE JERUSALEM DISTRICT OF THE ISRAEL ELECTRIC CORPORATION HAVE BEEN NAMED AFTER YOU AND MRS. KISSINGER: "HENRY" AND "NANCY." MR. GOLDHAMMER ENCLOSES A SITE-PLAN AND SAYS THIS WILL BE A LASTING MONUMENT TO YOUR ACTIVITY IN HIS COUNTRY.

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3. JOSEPH ALSOP SENDS THE PAGE PROOFS OF HIS PIECE WHICH HE TOLD YOU ABOUT. HE HOPES YOU THINK IT IS OK.

4. AMBASSADOR RAMSBOTHAM WRITES THAT JIM CALLAGHAN ASKED HIM TO LET YOU KNOW HE IS SENDING APPROPRIATE MESSAGE TO ANTUNES FOR HIM AND HIS COLLEAGUES, INCLUDING AZEVEDO, AND SOARES. AMBASSADOR RAMSBOTHAM ALSO THOUGHT YOU MIGHT LIKE TO KNOW THAT ROY HATTERSLEY SAW THE PORTUGUESE AMBASSADOR IN LONDON ON NOVEMBER 26 AND SAID HE WAS SURE THAT JIM CALLAGHAN, ON HIS RETURN FROM THE MIDDLE EAST, WOULD WISH TO SHOW HIS SUPPORT AND SYMPATHY FOR THE MODERATES AND THE WITH PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT BY SAYING IN PUBLIC ANYTHING HE THOUGHT MIGHT BE HELPFUL.

5. HARVEY S. BASS (COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY) WRITES TO THANK YOU FOR THE HONOR YOU BESTOWED UPON HIM BY AWARDING HIM THE KISSINGER SCHOLARSHIP AWARD.

6. JAN RUS WRITES ESTENDING WARMEST CONGRATUALTIONS TO YOU UPON BEING SELECTED TO RECEIVE THE COVETED "MR. SAM AWARD." THE AWARD WILL BE PRESENTED TO YOU AT THE TOUCHDOWN CLUB'S 41ST ANNUAL "TIMMIE" AWARDS DINNER, SCHEDULED FOR SATURDAY, JANUARY 17, 1976 AT THE SHERATON PARK HOTEL.

7. GEORGE MEANY REQUESTS YOUR READING OF THE FOLLOWING SITUATION: HE WAS ADVISED THAT BY AGREEMENT BETWEEN GOVERNMENTS OF IRAN AND IRAQ, MORE THAN 80,000 KURDISH REFUGEES WHO RECENTLY FLED TO IRAN ARE NOW BEING FORCIALLY RETURNED TO KURDISTAN, AN IRAQI TERRITORY. MR. MEANY STATES HE IS ALSO ADVISED THAT KURDISH REFUGEES IN IRAN HAVE BEEN NOT FOR RESISTING REPATRIATION, REALIZING THAT IF THEY WERE REPRIATED THEY WOULD ALSO SUFFER A SIMILAR FATE.

8. ROGER FISHER WROTE YOU A FOUR-PAGE LETTER OUTLINING THE ITEMS HE WANTED TO DISCUSS WITH YOU IN YOUR MEETING SCHEDULED FOR NOVEMBER 19, WHICH HAD TO BE CANCELLED. THE PRIMARY TOPIC IS THE NEXT STAGE IN THE MIDDLE EAST TALKS WITH RESPECT TO THE PALESTINIAN ISSUE.

B. THERE WERE NO SOCIAL INVITATIONS RECEIVED TODAY.

C. THERE WERE NO TELEPHONE CALLS RECEIVED FOR THE SECRETARY TODAY. INGERSOLL

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In the upshot, thank God, Congress grudgingly ratified the Sinai bargain; but I must also tell you that the aftermath left me thunderstruck all over again. Even our case-hardened Secretary of State was thunderstruck by the plea a leading Senator secretly made to him shortly after the ratification.

As you will recall, the bargain included an American commitment to provide $2.3 billion of military and economic aid for Israel in 1976. Despite this formal published commitment by our country, the Senator in question begged Henry Kissinger to cut the promised sum severely before sending the necessary request for an appropriation up to Capitol Hill. By voting for the full amount, whined the Senator, he would also be voting for his own defeat at the next election. I wish I were free to give you the whining Senator's name; but you can probably guess it anyway, from the simple fact that he has always been known as one of Isreal's two or three most ardent supporters in the entire Congress!

Furthermore, this former tower of strength has been sordidly transformed into a leaning tower of jello, precisely because he has been terrorized by what he is hearing from the folks back home. He is not alone, either, for the same thing has been happening to great numbers of Senators and Representatives. In short, there are all too many signs of a new trend in Congress and in American opinion that can later prove really disastrous for Israel—unless ways are soon found to reverse the trend.

The central question, of course, is just where and how such totally unprecedented trouble started between your country and mine. The answers lies in the remarkable story of the pressures and the counterpressures that finally produced the Sinai bargain. But before I come to this hitherto untold story, I must set the stage for it.

Briefly, the Israeli-American relationship began to be significantly but indirectly transformed as long ago as 1971. Your archenemy, Gamal Abdel Nasser, had been dead for less than a year. With his extraordinary antennae,

8

choose between bringing down his Cabinet, by trying to force through the kind of interim agreement he had originally said he would support or now explaining to Henry Kissinger that he could not support such an agreement after all. He chose the second alternative—Secretary Kissinger thinks rightly, for he has told me that bringing down the Cabinet would only have made matters worse.

You Israelis must face the unpalatable fact, however, that matters were already pretty bad because of the failure of the first round of Sinai bargaining in March. On an issue of war or peace of the utmost importance to your American partners, Israel's viciously competitive domestic politics had been allowed to take command. That, and only that, was the basic reason our President was so angry when he wrote your Prime Minister. That, and only that, was what really started the trouble between your country and mine—at least on the American side, which is the side that endangers you. Unfairly enough, of course, trouble with American can be fatal to Israel, but trouble with Israel does not gravely endanger the U.S. So about what happened in Israel, I shall say only that you Israelis were plainly so angry with Henry Kissinger because you were still so unprepared for serious pressure from an American Secretary of State to come to any kind of terms with your Arab neighbors. And this, in turn, was because you had not made a realistic prior adjustment to the radically novel situation produced by America's changed relations with these neighbors of yours.

really

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Lerner

By JOSEPH ALSOP

Dear Amos,

For a while at least, we no longer have to live with the constant danger of another Middle Eastern war. A badly needed breathing spell began last August, when Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger finally succeeded in working out the new arrangements in the Sinai between Israel and Egypt.

Meanwhile, however, another danger has arisen on a very different front. For the first time in your country's brief, inspiring history, bad trouble has begun between Israel and America. It was so unexpected that everyone is still trying to pretend it isn't really there, as people always do at first when wholly novel dangers suddenly confront them. But this trouble is there—very much there, I'm afraid. So I write you to suggest that you Israelis and we Americans urgently need to do some hard-headed stocktaking.

Since honest stocktaking between friends always tends to be painful, I'd better start by explaining my own point of departure. To you, I don't have to elaborate on my attachment to your country, or my admiration for your people, or my unhesitating (though wholly insignificant!) support for Israel in all the many crises since Israel became a state. There's something else, however, which I've never told you.

Any American must always put American interests first, so I've thought a lot about the way Israel affects American interests. Some of the effects have been adverse, rather obviously, as in the area of American relations with the Arab world. Yet such considerations are heavily outweighed, in my opinion, as soon as you apply the acid test to the Israeli-American relationship. It is a macabre test. Because of Israel's perilous national situation, we Americans always have to think about how America would be affected by Israel's actual destruction.

Against the cruel background of this cruelest of centuries, moreover, anyone can foresee at least one sure effect of the destruction of Israel—which Heaven forefend! This would be the automatic release, here in America, of such a flood of guilt and hatred and recrimination as might fatally corrode the whole fabric of our society. Hence I have long believed that we Americans must assure Israel's survival, if only to assure the survival of those American values that I cherish most. There you have my personal bottom line where your country is concerned.

That being said, I can get down to cases. My concern about the Israeli-American relationship began last spring when I made another of my many visits to your country. Frankly, I was shocked by what I found, and more particularly by the drastically altered attitude towards Henry Kissinger. Only a few months earlier, he had been all Israel's hero—and deservedly!—because of the enduring memory of his courageous leadership of U.S. policy in the Yom Kippur war. For a long time after those hair-raising weeks of war in 1973, he was even treated as a supernumerary member of the Israeli Cabinet.

Yet last spring, I ran into something almost resembling an anti-Kissinger campaign. The closest Kissinger friends in your Government complained that he had "turned against us." One high personage—not a Kissinger friend, to be sure—actually told me, "We'd be better off without a Jew at the State Department," thereby implying that our first Jewish Secretary of State was victimizing Israel in a cowardly attempt to be more gentile than the gentiles. Anything like that was of course too cheap and nasty for so great a woman as Golda Meir; yet Mrs. Meir, whom Henry Kissinger truly reveres, was only half-jesting when she spoke of "my lost friend, Henry."

It did not take long to discover that this abrupt change in Israel could be traced to Secretary Kissinger's unsuccessful first round of Sinai bargaining in March. When I got home again, moreover, I quickly found that the March failure had also had alarming sequels in America.

The most dramatic sequel was, of course, the still unpublished but notoriously bitter letter that President Ford wrote, in hottest anger, to Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin. More generally, what our policy makers were saying about yours was the mirror-image of what your policy makers were saying about Henry Kissinger. Fortunately, this ugly feeling between the policy makers rapidly subsided when the Sinai bargain was finally hammered out last August. It was only important, in any case, because of what followed after; for even at the ugly feeling's peak, no significant figure in the Ford Administration ever forgot the basic rule that come what might, America must continue to assure Israel's survival. I have even heard the President himself analyzing the factors that impose this American rule about Israel in much the way I did at the opening of this letter.

As you well know, however, the President and his Secretary of State do not control the Congress; and neither the Congress nor the policy makers can ever manage to buck a strong tide in American public opinion. From Congress, moreover, we've already had grim warnings. With the deep knowledge of our affairs that you acquired from many years in your Embassy here, you must have been much worried by the first warning. When the Sinai bargain was reached at long last, the Congress was carpingly critical—and the carping above all concerned the various commitments to Israel that were attached to the bargain! I was plain thunderstruck by this kind of hostile Congressional reaction to a major diplomatic success that may later be remembered as the first historic move towards real peace in the Middle East.

JOHN ALSOP

95 WOODLAND STREET
HARTFORD, CONNECTICUT 06101

March 18, 1976

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Department of State
2201 C Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20520

Dear Mr. Secretary:

Let me say first of all that I continue to feel the gratitude
to you and the admiration for you and the confidence in you
that I have always felt. It seems a curious thing to me that
all of these politicians regard it as beneficial to them to
attack you. I hope that you will disregard the attacks in
the realization that there are many millions of us who are
indeed happy to have you where you are.

I also write to tell you that I am aware that the Greater
Hartford Chamber of Commerce has written you with the idea of
coming to Hartford. This originated from the article in the
New York Times about your coverage of the country and the
"town meetings series." I simply write to urge you to come
and to tell you that the Greater Hartford Chamber of Commerce
will really turn out a crowd of all the leaders in these parts
if you would be willing to do so. Again, my thanks for all
you have done and all you are doing.

JA/shl