9 NOV 1974

Dear Mr. Abdullah:

Thank you sincerely for all that you did
to make my recent visit to Afghanistan a success.
I am particularly grateful for the chance to
benefit from your insight on regional and world
matters.

My visit to Kabul was an exciting experience,
and I will always carry fond memories of your
beautiful country. Please convey my thanks to
the officials of your Ministry for the excellent
arrangements for me, and for your own personal
counsel and attention.

My wife joins me in best personal wishes.

Henry A. Kissinger

His Excellency
Waheed Abdullah,
Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs,
Kabul.

["Kabul,", "Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs,", "Wahed Abdullah,", "His Excellency", "Henry A. Kraaijer", "Best regards,", "My wife joins me in best wishes.", "congratulations for me, and for your own beraousi\nthe officials of your Ministry for the excellent\nbeautiful country. Please convey my thanks to\nand I will always carry fond memories of your\nMy visit to Kabul was an exciting experience,", "", "matters.\nbenefit from your insight on regional and world\nI am particularly grateful for the chance to\nI am particularly grateful for the chance to

[y]

9 NOV 1974

Dear Mr. President:

Mrs. Kissinger and I sincerely thank you for the kind
reception provided us by the Government and people of India.
We particularly appreciated your gracious hospitality in
allowing us to enjoy your official residence during our stay.

In resuming our journey, we left with a deeper under-
standing of your country and the bonds which unite our
two democracies. I am convinced that the United States
and India can and will work effectively together in future
years, not only to achieve greater understanding between
our two peoples but also to advance the cause of peoples
everywhere.

It was most thoughtful of you to present me with the
photograph in the handsome silver frame. I am very
pleased to have it.

Best regards,

Henry A. Kissinger

His Excellency
Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed,
President of the Republic of India,
New Delhi.

New Delhi.
President of the Republic of India,
Fakhruddin Ali Ahmed,
His Excellency

Henry V. Klaasen

Best regards,

Blessed to have it.
Photography in the handsome silver frame. I am very
It was most thoughtful of you to present me with the
everywhere.
Our two peoples put also to advance the cause of peoples
years, not only to achieve greater understanding between
and India can and will work effectively together in future
two democracies. I am convinced that the United States
stands of your country and the people which make our
In reamning our journey, we left with a deeper under-

Allowing us to enjoy your official residence during our stay.
We particularly appreciated your gracious hospitality in
reception provided us by the Government and people of India.
Mrs. Klaasen and I sincerely thank you for the kind

Dear Mr. President:

9 NOV 1974

IV. 31 Mar 72

JAPAN

C 1

AKAHATA VIEWS PURPOSE OF KISSINGER'S UPCOMING VISIT

Tokyo AKAHATA in Japanese 31 Mar 72 p 4 T

[Commentary]

[Text] U.S. Presidential Assistant for National Security Affairs Kissinger has finally decided to visit Japan, thus bringing an end to various rumors which have surfaced off and on since last fall about such a visit. Being President Nixon's brains, Kissinger is the planner and the promoter of the Nixon strategy. Therefore, the fact that he has decided to make his first visit to Japan just at this juncture is of important significance.

The White House explanation emphasized that his visit to Japan is by no means to explain the details of President Nixon's visit to China or the United States' China policy, but to deepen mutual understanding between the two countries and to strengthen their cooperation.

Based on his belief that he has gained China's acceptance of the continuation of U.S. aggression in Indochina, Nixon intends to develop his "Nixon doctrine" in Indochina more effectively than ever.

In this connection, the Nixon administration has perhaps decided that it is time to send Kissinger to Japan in order to urge Japan to play a larger role as a supporter of the United States' Asian strategy, while dispelling some of the Japanese ruling group's uncertainties about the U.S. posture following Nixon's visit to China over their heads, and to strengthen the Japan-U.S. military alliance in line with the requirements of the security treaty, the Japan-U.S. joint communique, and the San Clements talks.

At his 30 March press interview, Mr. Iwasa stated: "Mr Kissinger expressed his desire to hear extensive opinions from people in various quarters and, especially, from those whom he met at the San Clements talks." Mr Iwasa also added: "I expect him to meet--in addition to members of the Japan-U.S. Economic Council--the prime minister, the foreign minister, former foreign ministers, Liberal-Democratic Party leaders, scholars of international politics, and even members of the opposition parties." Though close top-level consultations have been held between the two countries on the United States' Asian strategy time and again, there have been a number of events in Japan recently which may have disappointed the U.S. side.

For instance, the Japanese Government's attitude, even after the San Clements talks, was still indecisive and inconsistent, as was obvious from its stance toward the "confusion" in the National Diet for 3 weeks in February over the question of the unwarranted budget appropriations for the fourth defense buildup plan. Kissinger may urge the Japanese Government to place "Japan-U.S. cooperation" on a firmer basis, while "adjusting" differences between the two countries.

KISSINGER VISIT TO PROVIDE OPPORTUNITY FOR EXCHANGE OF VIEWS

Tokyo TOKYO SHIMBUN in Japanese 31 Mar 72 Morning Edition p 5 T--FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY

[Editorial: "Presidential Aide Kissinger's Visit to Japan"]

[Text] Presidential aide Kissinger will arrive in Japan for a 3-day visit to exchange views with political and business leaders. He is not only a promoter of the new U.S. world policy, which includes the Nixon doctrine and President Nixon's visits to the PRC and the USSR, but also the creator of the word "multipolarization." Talks between such an important person and various Japanese leaders are of great significance.

IV. 31 Mar 72

C 2

JAPAN

The present U.S.-Japanese relations are said to be worse than ever before. One of the major reasons for the aggravation of their relations is said to be the serious shocks which the United States has given to Japan. Certainly, the application of its new Asia policy seems to have created misgivings, distrust, and misunderstanding between Japan and the United States. It is desirable, therefore, that such misgivings be removed by direct talks with the man who has worked out this policy.

As a result of this new U.S. diplomatic policy, various Japanese circles have the following worries: To what extent will U.S. influence in Asia be reduced? Does the United States intend to keep its promises to the Asian countries? The new diplomatic policy is strongly criticized even in the United States.

For instance, former undersecretary of state Ball is a critic of the new policy. Nixon and Kissinger regard the United States, Europe, the USSR, the PRC, and Japan as the five poles of the world, and they imagine a world where balance is maintained by these five poles. However, Ball criticizes this Nixon-Kissinger diplomatic policy as just an "illusion." Ball asserts that neither Europe nor Japan should be regarded as an independent pole but as an ally working jointly with the United States to maintain a balance against the "expansionist forces." Ball's assertion might also be that of the Japanese Government.

The portion in the U.S.-PRC joint communique dealing with Taiwan has not only created great repercussions but has received various interpretations in Japan. Since the U.S. attitude toward the Taiwan question has a direct bearing on Japan's policy toward China, Japan must try to find out what the United States plans to do in regard to Taiwan.

At the same time, by taking the forthcoming opportunity to exchange opinions with a U.S. leader, Japan must try to make its stand clear in order to remove any U.S. misunderstanding because there are some people in the United States who do not trust Japan. A certain top-level U.S. Government official--presumably Dr Kissinger--once expressed his misgivings about Japan's future course and pointed out that Japan would take one of the following three courses: 1) Japan will maintain its present relations with the United States; 2) Japan will have a confrontation with the United States by establishing solidarity with communist countries; 3) Japan will become a big military power armed with nuclear weapons. If this person were really Dr Kissinger, his visit to Japan will provide a good opportunity to remove his misgivings about Japan.

It is feared that the recent confusion in the Diet and the consequent deterioration of the Japanese Government's leadership are causing foreign countries to have misgivings about Japan's stability. The United States probably wants to know whether such a phenomenon is just pro tempore and due to the imminent downfall of the Sato government.

Since the announcement of the Nixon doctrine, the United States has shown part of its new foreign policy. Now it is Japan's turn to clarify how it will deal with the new U.S. foreign policy and what it wants the United States to do in Asia. Therefore, Japan must try to make the coming talks with Dr Kissinger an opportunity to convey its views to the United States while listening to what he has to say.

SATO SAYS HE CANNOT QUIT POST AT THIS TIME

Tokyo KYODO in English 0557 GMT 31 Mar 72 T

[Text] Tokyo Mar 31 KYODO--Prime Minister Eisaku Sato declared in the Diet Friday that he cannot quit his post so easily. Sato made the statement while replying to questions by Socialist Shiro Takeda and Chuji Matsunaga, at a meeting of the House of Councillors Budget Committee.

GENERAL

JOSEPH ALSOP

2720 Dumbarton Avenue
Washington, D. C. 20007

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

Telephone

(202) 965-1770

December 13, 1971

Never before, have I written a letter on the kind of
subject I am about to tackle. But I am genuinely outraged
by the State Department's treatment of Charlie Whitehouse;
and I am also very worried about Charlie.

Briefly, Molly Whitehouse has been a very good Acting
Chief of Mission's wife, in Guinea, where real courage was
required. I know she will do a good job in Saigon, too. But
she is neurotic in some ways; there are other difficulties;
and for these reasons Charlie recently came to Susan Mary in
near-despair. One of Molly's neuroses is something like a
persecution mania. Charlie had persuaded her to come out to
Saigon with him as Deputy Ambassadress. He had just been
told, however, by Mr. Hall at the State Department, that the
Department had now decided he would _not_ be Deputy Ambassador,
but would instead by simply DCM. With all the other compli-
cations I have briefly noted, he feared this unpalatable news
might have very disturbing effects on Molly. And this was
why he consulted Susan Mary, who is his cousin, and really
his closest relative.

-2-

December 13, 1971

I have no idea whether the President knows about this
change in the Department's plans for Charlie, or indeed whether
you know about it. Quite aside from the human complications,
I am outraged because I know of no member of the Foreign
Service who has served his country with such courage and ef-
ficiency as Charlie showed in over two years in III Corps.
He is one of the half dozen men to whom I would give most of
the credit for making the President's Vietnamization program
work on the spot. He was a great leader, deeply admired by
the 2,000 or so officers and civilians who worked under him
in III Corps. He showed not only superb judgment, but also
just the kind of guts and style that one wants to see in
Americans overseas.

I sometimes think that the Department positively loathes
any of its officers who have guts and style, and, I must add,
also wishes to downgrade its few officers who happen to be
Republicans. It is a minor point that Charlie is a Republican,
of course, but it is still a point of some interest. As a
Foreign Service Officer, he naturally cannot be an active
partisan; but unless I am mistaken, his mother, Mrs. Sheldon
Whitehouse, is even a large and regular contributor.

This matter of the Department's motives is wholly
subordinate, however. The essential point is that Charlie

-3-

December 13, 1971

has served ten times better than most of the damn fools who
have ambassadorial rank. He deserves the promotion that he
was promised. And if the promotion is denied to him, this
may even do great damage in his personal life. These are
the reasons that I feel free to write you about a development
I only learned of, because Charlie came to Susan Mary in a
purely personal manner, for advice about his family-generated
worry and distress.

Dr. Henry Kissinger
The White House

JOSEPH WRIGHT ALSOP
2720 DUMBARTON AVENUE
WASHINGTON, D. C. 20007

May 1, 1973

Dear Henry,

Just for the record, this is to send you our most "humble and hearty thanks" for the wonderful caviar. It will give us more pleasure than I can say, and coming from you, it means a lot extra to Susan Mary and me, as I need hardly say.

Why don't we plan an evening, next week-end, for instance, when you and Nancy and Susan Mary and I, and maybe Stew and Tish, can make the first attack on it? Our chef, who is a Turk, and therefore a caviar expert, assures me that it will keep two or three weeks in the ice box. I don't like eating anything so really wonderful all by myself. Yet there is no one I much want to share it with except you and Nancy and Stew and Tish.

[LC]

September 24, 1973

Dear Henry

This is just a line to say how moved I was
by the ceremonies on Saturday; how much I enjoyed
the luncheon; and how honored I was to have been
included. It was a great occasion.

S.M. was very kind to me to come to N.Y. - she asks me to tell you.

Madame, ANDRE Eliane née OLIVIER-TILLY
65, Boulevard H. MARQUES
Bâtiment A 6 - Escalier 1
94200 IVRY sur SEINE

IVRY, le 21 NOVEMBRE 1972

Monsieur H. KISSINGER
aux bons soins de
1'Ambassade des ETATS-UNIS
2, Avenue Gabriel
75008 PARIS

Monsieur,

Avec toutes les excuses que je vous présente et que je vous demande de bien vouloir accepter pour la liberté que je prends en vous adressant ces lignes.

J'ai appris un peu tard l'anniversaire des 50 ans de mariage de vos parents, sinon je me serai permise de vous adresser un té-légramme de félicitations à leur égard, et pourquoi? simplement parce que le jour qui vous réunissait à eux était précisément le jour anniversaire aussi des 50 ans de mariage de mes parents et que pour moi cela représen-te tant et tant de choses, aussi au nom de cette - AMERIQUE - enchante-resse et parfois incompréhensible, je me décide ce jour à vous adresser, Monsieur, qui la représentait de par le Monde cette lettre. En maintes occasions heureuses ou malheureuses j'ai voulu écrire mais je me trou-vais embarassée quant à l'endroit.

Mon mari et moi-même sommes natifs du HAVRE (Seine-Maritime) et comme tant d'autres nous devons beaucoup aux troupes alliées, le passé est passé mais il y a des événements qui marquent.

En cette fin d'année qui approche puis-je vous demander de présenter à votre Président, à sa famille, d'accepter pour vos Parents, pour Vous-même, pour tout le peuple américain et les enfants du monde entier mes voeux de bonne fin d'année et un bon CHRISTMAS avec beaucoup de sapins illuminés pour réchauffer le cœur des milliers d'enfants qui ne comprennent pas toujours pourquoi il y a tant d'étoiles au ciel et que la terre n'oublie jamais.

Veuillez agréer, Monsieur, l'expression de mes sentiments très respectueux.

THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON

June 14, 1973

MEMORANDUM FOR:

FROM:

DR. HENRY KISSINGER
ANNE ARMSTRONG

In February, the President appointed me to serve as the White House liaison for a National Commission on the Future of America in its Third Century which will conduct a Study of the Role of the Modern State in a Changing World. Governor Nelson Rockefeller serves as Chairman of the Commission, and a transcript of his May 14 press conference regarding the Commission is attached.

The Governor has asked me to consult with you about the membership of the Commission. Attached is a list of possible members he submitted to me in a meeting in my office on May 22. Also attached is a list of names submitted to me from several sources of my own as candidates for the Commission.

So that there can be consensus and constructive action, the Governor feels that the members of the Commission should not be extremely divergent in their political-philosophical views. I told him that since the President had expressed his support for this Study and since it would be backed by federal funds, I felt that the membership of the Commission should not include anyone openly hostile to the President. He agreed.

The President did not commit a specific sum to the Governor. Rockefeller has requested about $18 million in federal funds. His staff and Paul O'Neill, Assistant Director of OMB, are working on the budget now. It is probable that the $18 million figure will be scaled down.

Regarding the list of possible members, the Governor seemed particularly eager to have William Ronan and George Woods as members. I expressed concern that Jay Forester had taken some anti-Administration stands, but the Governor reassured me that he has not and that he is apolitical. I also have reservations about Bess Meyerson.

I told the Governor that I did not think there were enough women on the recommended list. He agreed and asked for my suggestions, which are also attached. I would appreciate your comments on these women and also your suggestions for other women Commission members. The Governor told me that Nancy Maginnes will have a major

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER'S TENTATIVE RECOMMENDATIONS OF MAY 22
FOR MEMBERSHIP ON THE NATIONAL COMMISSION ON THE FUTURE OF
AMERICA IN ITS THIRD CENTURY:

Ivan Allen - former mayor of Atlanta, Georgia

Robert Anderson - Atlantic Richfield Company

William Baker - AT&T

Harold Brown - President of Cal Tech

Jay Forester - M.I.T.

Bess Meyerson - former consumer affairs advisor, City of New York

Peter Peterson - Lehman Brothers

Russell Peterson - former Governor of Delaware

William Ronan - New York Mass Transit Authority

Dr. Edward Teller - Berkeley, California

George Woods - World Bank

OTHER POSSIBLE CANDIDATES:

Dwayne Andreas - Archer Daniels Midland Company

General Alfred M. Gruenther - Washington National Monument Society

Mrs. Lyndon B. Johnson - wife of the former President

Mary Wells Lawrence - President, Wells, Rich & Greene, New York City

Sol Linowitz - Committee for Economic Development

Barbara Ward - Fellowship at Columbia University; British citizen

Clifford Wharton - President, Michigan State University (Black)

POSSIBLE CANDIDATES SUGGESTED TO ANNE ARMSTRONG FOR
MEMBERSHIP ON THE NATIONAL COMMISSION:

Martin Anderson - Hoover Institution, Stanford University

Edward Banfield - Kenan Professor of Political Science, Fels Center of Government, University of Pennsylvania

Eugene Beasley - President, Lilly Endowment

Ronald Berman - Chairman, National Endowment for the Humanities

Alexander Bickel - Yale Law School

Daniel Boorstin - Historian, Museum of History & Technology,
Smithsonian Institution

Martin Diamond - Professor of Political Science, Northern Illinois

Honorable John S. Foster - Director of Defense Research and Engineering, DOD

Reverend Billy Graham

Father Greeley - University of Chicago

Jerome Holland - former Ambassador to Sweden (Black)

Charles Hyneman - Historian, Ohio University

Irving Kristol - Professor, New York University

Charles Burton Marshall - Author and Scholar, Johns Hopkins

Otto Miller - Chairman, Standard Oil of California

Robert Nisbet - Professor of History and Sociology, University of Arizona

Vermont Royster - WALL STREET JOURNAL

Dean Rusk - University of Georgia

Robert Scalapino - Department of Political Science, University of
California at Berkeley

POSSIBLE WOMEN CANDIDATES FOR MEMBERSHIP ON THE NATIONAL COMMISSION:

Dr. Ethel Allen - Osteopathic Surgeon; City Councilwoman, Philadelphia
(Black) Age 44

Dr. Joyce Brothers - Psychiatrist, New York

Catherine Cleary - Attorney; President, 1st Wisconsin Trust Company
Age 56

Mary Coleman - Judge, Michigan Supreme Court; Age 50's

Dr. Judianne Densen-Gerber - Executive Director of Odyssey House,
New York; Age 38

Gertrude Himmelfarb (Mrs. Irving Kristol) - Author; Professor of
History, New York University; Age 51

Major General Jeanne M. Holm - Director of WAF, Department of the
Air Force

Clare Boothe Luce - former Congresswoman and Ambassador

Dr. Ruth Patrick - Professor of Biology, University of Pennsylvania;
Member, National Academy of Sciences; Age 66

Anna Jacobson Schwartz - Economist, National Bureau of Economic
Research, New York City

Dr. Virginia Trotter - Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs,
University of Nebraska; Age 52

Marina von Neumann Whitman - Council of Economic Advisers

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

MAY 14, 1973

OFFICE OF THE WHITE HOUSE PRESS SECRETARY

THE WHITE HOUSE

PRESS CONFERENCE
OF
GOVERNOR NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER OF NEW YORK
AND
FORMER GOVERNOR RUSSELL W. PETERSON OF DELAWARE

THE BRIEFING ROOM

AT 3:30 P.M. EDT

MR. WARREN: As Ron announced this morning, Governor Rockefeller will be meeting with the President at 4:00 o'clock to discuss the New York State Study of the Role of the Modern State in a Changing World, which is now being expanded into a National Commission on the Future of America in its Third Century.

Governor Rockefeller has been on the Hill today, after he arrived in Washington. He has conferred so far with Senator Mansfield and Speaker Albert.

After his meeting with the President, he will go back up to the Capitol to discuss this Commission with Senator Scott and Congressman Ford on the Republican side.

I will turn this over to Governor Rockefeller to explain it to you and take you through the chronology, but first, I would like to point out to you that former Governor Russell Peterson of Delaware is here and Governor Peterson will be Chairman of the Executive Committee of the study.

Governor Rockefeller.

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: Thank you.

Ladies and gentlemen: I would like to just say a word about the genesis of this study, if I may. Having been Governor of one of the 50 States for some time, and having been interested in seeing the States play a dynamic role in trying to meet the needs of their people and slowly having seen the situation evolve to a point where the States become less effective in their capacity to meet the needs of their own citizens and the increasing dependence on the Federal Government, we started, two years ago, in New York with the study that we just mentioned, the Role of the Modern State in a Changing World.

The Legislature and the Bipartisan Leadership of our Legislature has supported this study now for two years. As we got into it, we found that our capacity to deal with these problems at the State level, even talking about the role of the State within the Federal system, that this alone was not enough.

So, some six months ago I started talking to the President and a group here about the possibilities of expanding this.

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- 2 -

He was very interested in it and this grew into a
situation where in February he wrote me the letter of which
you have a copy in front of you, in which he suggests,
growing out of these discussions, that the study be expanded
to be a national study to deal with national and international
problems as distinct from just the Federal system and the State
as the focus.

Now really, I think one could say that the study
relates to the problems, the opportunities and the responsi-
bilities of Americans in the third century. Everybody is
focusing on 1976, 1989, as being the key years in our 200th
anniversary and so the purpose of this is to gain perspective
of our citizens in this rapidly changing world; the opportunities
which exist, the problems which exist, and the really exciting
chance which we have as a nation to play a role in improving
the quality of life of mankind generally.

This is not focused solely on the United States.
We have become now increasingly dependent on the rest of the
world and therefore responsibility goes with it.

The approach we have been working on and which I
outline in my response to the President, relates to a series
of panels, and they would be going coincidentally, the
first of which relates to the nature of man and the impact
of man's environment on man under different circumstances.

Now you can say, "Well, that is a little esoteric."
But there are a great many different philosophies today in
the world about what the nature of man is and his role as a
result of his environment and his heredity and so we
want to bring together the best minds, not only in this country,
but in the world, on this subject, so we get a better
perspective.

Secondly, the question of goals for improving the
quality of life of mankind. Again, you may say, "Well,
how does this relate to the United States, how does this
relate to Americans of the third century."

I don't think we any longer can separate ourselves
in our thinking from the aspirations of mankind and our
actions on them, the impact on them and their impact on
us.

With those two studies under way, then the approach
will be, what would be a projection of the trends in the
key nations of the world and the key areas of the world to
'76 and to '89, economic, social, political, military or
security, to project these and then see what the collective
impact of these is going to be on us, on our security, our
well being as a nation, as a people, and on our basic concepts,
Judeo-Christian concepts, which, of course, are challenged
in many parts of the world, so that we see this in a
perspective.

Having prepared that, we will be in a better
position to say with these as the big problems which are
facing us -- whether we talk about energy, whether we talk
about ecology, whether we talk about foreign exchange, economic
balance of trade, industrial development, so forth, these things
are pressing in on us from all sides of the world -- then

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- 3 -

it would be possible to see what the alternatives are, the
possibilities in terms of national purpose, how do we modify
our national purpose to relate to the realities of the world
in which we are rapidly moving with this extraordinary
change.

With that, if one gets a perspective there, with
alternatives, it should then be possible to start thinking
in terms of how do we evolve the structure of the Federal
system to better reflect these realities, how do we evolve
the institutions themselves of this Federal system and the
institutions in it, the role of free enterprise in the world,
under these circumstances.

One looks forward to the day, the way things are
going rapidly now, by 1980, '85, there will be a foreign
exchange deficit of some $25 billion a year and most of
that money will be in the hands of the Arab nations.

Because free enterprise is very limited in those
areas, what are they going to do with that kind of money?
What is the impact of that on our country? Can we afford
this? What are the security implications? Therefore, what
policies and what approaches should we be using or thinking
of.

If we can get these alternatives, then we come down
to the rethinking, new concepts about the programs of govern-
ment themselves; how do we shape programs to achieve our goals
and our objectives in terms of human values.

I think that we are operating today on programs,
many of which had their genesis in the great depression, and
that we found after pouring money into these to a point where
local government, State government and now the Federal Government
are running short of funds and we have a virtual taxpayers
revolution on our hands, still we have not achieved our
goal, therefore, within this framework there is a chance
to rethink, develop new concepts, just as has been done on
the international field, for the domestic field in terms
of achieving goals.

Now, this is the broad outline. The concept would be
to do this in cooperation with a commission that is an
independent commission, but would have the support, both in
terms of the Executive Branch and the Congressional Branch,
working with and reporting back to them periodically. Why,
because very simply, to reshape our institutions is going to
involve legislation and Executive action. To be able to meet
these problems internationally and domestically involves
the whole country and therefore, we want to do this in a
way that involves the public as we go along in terms of the
information developed and then the alternative courses of
action.

I happen to believe that while we have great problems,
that this is a moment of tremendously exciting potential; that
if we are really intelligent, if we are aware, if we grasp
these opportunities, that we can shape the future rather than
be overwhelmed by the future and to me that has got to be
the goal for '76 and the years that lie ahead in the third
century for America.

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Now that is a big order, but this is our country,
and we are coming to the end of the second century, and we
are coming into a period of totally new situations and to
get the best minds in America and the best minds in the world
pulled together and focused on these questions is a unique
opportunity.

So, I am deeply grateful to the President for his
interest and for his support and look forward to working with
him, with the Executive Branch and with the Congress.

Q Governor, do you have to have legislation
establishing the commission?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: No.

Q Who will appoint the commission?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: I will.

Q Who will finance it, New York State?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: At the present time, New York
State has financed it, but I would hope that there would be
funds from the Executive and Congressional Branches and from
private groups. We are setting up a nonprofit corporation
so we can receive private funds.

Q When will you appoint the members?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: I have been waiting to see
whether this thing would gel the way it has today and we
will now move as rapidly as possible on that.

Q Who is your contact here in the White House,
Governor? Are you coordinating --

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: The President.

Q The President?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: You mean ongoing?

Q Yes.

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: Excuse me. He has appointed
Anne Armstrong as his liaison.

Q But you are going to appoint all the members?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: Yes.

Q How many are there going to be?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: Well, we want to make it
representative, bipartisan, but not too big. That is a tough
assignment and if one came out with 12, it would be ideal.
Maybe we won't have to go further than that. And then there
is a great opportunity by having subpanels on these different
subjects and different areas, that is really unlimited,
so that one can involve a large number of people and people
who are specialists in different fields.

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The problem, of course, is to get the experts so that they are looking at these problems in perspective of the whole and not just from a technical point of view.

Q Governor, is this the sort of project that would take you around the country appearing before groups, making speeches, in the year or two prior to the beginning of the third century? (Laughter) I mean specifically 1975 and 1976?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: And overseas --

Q Well, they don't have any election --

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: -- eliciting the voters there. (Laughter)

Q I am thinking about 1975 and 1976.

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: I think that is a possibility. I think that all the members of the commission would have to either locally or in different parts of the nation be active participants in discussions in order to involve as many people as possible.

Q What would be your role, Governor? Will you be the Chairman?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: Yes, the Chairman.

Q Governor, in the late 50's there was a Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Prospects for America.

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: I organized that.

Q Is this going to have a similar set of papers, is that the idea?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: I would think that there is far less consensus today in America than there was then about what was needed. Then we were operating on assumptions which really grew out of the 30's. They were social concepts of the 30's. We were in a period when it seemed as though our resources were unlimited and that there was nothing we couldn't do if we just had the ideas. The money was there, the growth was there.

Now we find ourselves in a period where the nation's resources are limited. We see it very clearly where we have foreign exchange, foreign trade problems, where we have energy problems, ecology problems. And I think we are in a very different period and it is going to be much more difficult to get agreement than it was then.

Q Governor, how much damage has been done to the Republican Party by the Watergate?

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GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: Well, I think, as the Republican Governors who met in New York Thursday and Friday last week said, we have faith in the country, we deplore Watergate, but we believe in the President, and we want to cooperate in every way we can to help in meeting the problems of this great nation that lie ahead.

I think that at the moment, obviously, this is a moment of trauma, but I have to say -- and I only know my own State -- that I do not think that this is going to have an impact on elections, Republicans running, this fall or next fall. We have a long tradition as a party in New York, and I think most States have the same.

Q. Will the commission discuss how to avoid future Watergates?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: We haven't actually put that on the agenda, but I think that one of the subjects which is of major importance which we have on the agenda is the role of political parties in this future structure, and I think that is a very important thing.

I personally am very concerned about the fact that the role of political parties has been greatly diminished.

Q. Governor, is it possible you might become so enthusiastic about what you say or the exciting challenges of the third century and that this could lead you to a Presidential candidacy in 1976?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: That seems far away.

Q. Not really as far away as the third century.

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: You are closer to Washington than I have ever been able to get. (Laughter)

Q. You know you are not answering my question.

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: Well, you said it a possibility.

Q. Could I ask you again?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: You said there is a possibility?

Q. Yes.

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: Who in this fast changing world can say what is possible, what is impossible. I think anyone who tried to predict what is possible and what is not possible would be silly. I have to say that my purpose in doing this is not what you indicated.

Q. I am not suggesting that is the purpose, but the result.

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GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: My purpose in doing this started two years ago. It grows from a deep concern. It started with totally a State study and then really grew into this by the very nature of events and one of the major events we have is this energy crisis, where we have no longer any control. We have industries leaving our State or who will not come to our State because it can't get gas for their plants. All of our independent operators are going out of business because they can't get delivery. We have very serious problems in trying to site power plants, particularly atomic plants.

I mention these solely because these are the big problems which as Governor I am responsible for trying to meet and yet I find are beyond my control and I have to say are beyond, at the present time, the capacity of the Federal Government to deal with, because they are international problems.

I didn't mention yet the whole question of security. Not only is oil and these imports of gas which we have talked about difficult from the foreign exchange point of view, but they create a tremendous security vulnerability, because these supply lines have got to be very vulnerable to attack.

Q Governor, to get back to Watergate, why do you think the party won't suffer because of Watergate?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: I suppose it is a judgmental question. It is just my judgment.

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Q Governor, hitting a little harder on Ted's question, there was a story published locally several days ago --

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: Locally to you is Washington?

Q Washington, although I think it got some national circulation. -- that the decision had been made if you are reelected Governor, you will go for the Presidential nomination in 1976.

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: Yes, I read a story something about a moral commitment. That had no authenticity. Not that I don't have moral commitments, but it wasn't to that subject. That was not a correct quote from anybody that I know, and certainly not from me.

Q That decision has not been made yet?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: That is correct.

Q In the late 1950's, the Rockefeller Brothers' Fund idea did not have quite this endorsement from the Eisenhower Administration that this idea does at this time.

Q What do you think is the difference?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: Well, as I say, there was much more of a consensus then.

Q As a matter of fact, Vice President Nixon at the time, was said to be against the idea of this prospect for America study. He looked upon it as some sort of Trojan horse for somebody else's candidacy as President. What do you think has changed?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: I would mention parenthetically that aspirant John Kennedy, in each one of the debates, quoted this report at least two times, so it did have at least some relevance to the winner. (Laughter)

I only mention that because I think that really our country has got to look ahead; we have got to plan, we have got to plan on the basis of a projection of the trends, and these are more horrendous in terms of our future than any period during our existence, and therefore, to me, this thing is essential.

Now, there are lots of people who are concerned about it, lots of people working on various facets of it. We would like to pull together the best thinking in the different areas and then relate the different areas to each other.

I mean, one of the most complex problems -- I mentioned energy, ecology and economics. Those three together are really so horrendous when you get the facts that you just stop to wonder.

I think first the American people have to know what we are up against. I think they are coming to that. And then we have got to see what are the alternative courses of actions, what are the possibilities, so that the decisionmakers in Washington, the Congress and the Executive, all of whom are working on various

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facets of this, can get the benefit of that kind of empirical
thinking.

Q What happens to the New York State study now?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: That becomes a part, in other
words --

Q It will be sort of absorbed in this, would that
be right?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: That is right, but when you get
within a framework of the possibilities as to where we are
going and what these forces are going to be, then you come down
to how do we structure ourselves to meet them, and one of those
structures will have to be the Federal system itself, the
division of the responsibilities between the Federal, State
and local.

But in order to discuss this intelligently, what
capabilities are we going to have? You have got to see that,
and then what kind of programs? These things are all inter-
related.

Russ, of course, dealt with this extensively, as
Governor of the State of Delaware. He went into these same
problems, and he is fully familiar with this problem that States,
and local governments even more so, just cannot cope with their
own problems, their own people's needs, without getting into this
larger context.

Q There will not be a separate New York State study?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: No, sir. And the leaders in
New York are all working on this. I was with them this morning,
as a matter of fact.

Q Governor, how much of your time will this take up?
Do you envision this being a quarter of your time, or more,
anything like that?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: Let me say I can't see any way
I could put time in that would be more fruitful in terms of my
responsibility to the people of New York than this. In other
words, as much as I can put into this, I would like to, because
I think it is going to hold the best promise for meeting their
needs that we have. I think that we need to get people from local
government, State government, national government thinking together
on these questions.

Q Does that go to a percentage? Do you expect to
spend half your time on this Commission?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: I have not thought of it in those
terms. I am very fortunate in the fact that Russ Peterson, who is
head of Research and Development for DuPont, is a chemist, is a
brilliant man, a doctor, then Governor, who was a pioneer in the
ecological field in his State, a pioneer in speeding up the court
system, in meeting various local problems, he is the kind of
imaginative, creative thinker who understands both the free
enterprise system and government that we need putting their minds
to work, and I want to try to bring as many people into this as
I can, and get the thing structured so that we have these groups
going.

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As we get them going, then it becomes easier until they start coming in with their alternative proposals, and then I want to review those.

Q Do you suppose Vice President Agnew would be a logical member of the Commission?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER: That hasn't been suggested yet.

Q Governor, do you foresee conducting a series of public hearings such as you had in New York State?

GOVERNOR ROCKEFLEER: Well, I hadn't thought about that yet either. But I think you are right. I think there should be public hearings on these questions. We, as I say, want to involve as much as possible the public. I don't know exactly how to do it, but I think there should be extensive television and radio discussion relating to the work of the different panels, so that as the thinking goes forward and the information is gathered, it is not kept hidden away and then come out with a report and then have one headline and that is it.

I think it has got to be live and very much a part of the lives and discussion of the people. Now, we are very fortunate in the fact that everybody in the media is focusing on '76. The tendency has been, up to date, to focus on the past. We have a great history. I am not so worried about our history as I am about where we are going. If you get them putting as much thought and time and energy in discussing these problems of the future, then I think they are going to be greatly involved and I think the public as such will be greatly involved.

THE PRESS: Thank you, Governor.

END

(At 3:56 P.M. EST.)

THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON

June 15, 1973

MEMORANDUM FOR:

FROM:

DR. HENRY KISSINGER

ANNE ARMSTRONG

Since writing the memorandum of June 14, Governor Rockefeller has advised me that he will invite Bess Meyerson, William Ronan and George Woods to serve as members of the National Commission on the Future of America in its Third Century. He will not invite any other members to serve pending my suggestions to him, to be made by approximately June 25.

I would like to have your comments on the proposed candidates and any names you would like to add by June 22.

THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON

August 29, 1974

Dear Henry:

Throughout my months at the White House, Brent Scowcroft has been unusually cooperative and effective whenever I have asked for assistance. Two instances this week of his help have moved me to write a letter of commendation I should have written before.

One problem involved an intra-California dispute
re our obligation to Mexico under the Tiajuana
Valley Treaty; the other involved securing funding
from the State Department for International Women's
Year. In both cases, Brent succeeded promptly in
resolving problems that had stumped others.

With best regards,

Mrs. Tobin Armstrong
Counsellor to the President

Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
The White House
Washington, D. C. 20500

THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON

December 18, 1974

Dear Henry:

Among the many significant experiences of my four years
in Washington, I will always treasure the privilege of
working with you and benefiting from your leadership,
wisdom, and friendship.

I head for home in Texas with a deepened appreciation
of the heavy responsibility borne by people like your-
self who serve our Nation with a high standard of excel-
lence and integrity. I am honored to have served with
you, and I am deeply grateful for your many kindnesses
and courtesies.

With warmest personal regards and best wishes.

Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Assistant to the President
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500

FOREIGN AFFAIRS

AN AMERICAN QUARTERLY REVIEW

HAMILTON FISH ARMSTRONG
EDITOR

56 EAST SIXTY-EIGHTH STREET
NEW YORK, N. Y. 10021
CABLE ADDRESS - FOR AFFAIRS, NEW YORK

January 20, 1972

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Assistant to the President
for National Security Affairs
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20506

Dear Henry:

Thanks for your letter of January 15. I'm glad you
are keeping in mind my hope to be able to go to Peking
soon after the President's visit there. The first or
second week in March would suit me best, but of course
I'll go whenever acceptable to Chou En-lai. The invita-
tion to either Brezhnev or Kosygin I'd think should go
shortly before the President's visit in May - at least so
Mr. Vorontsov advised when I spoke with him the same day
I saw you in Washington. Now that Ambassador Dobrynin is
back, I think I might do well to come down to talk with
him about it.

Do you realize that you have written 12 times for
"Foreign Affairs," all of them significant articles that
had wide influence? It would seem almost essential that
you cap the series (so far as my editorship goes) in our
50th Anniversary number. I keep my fingers crossed in
the hope that you will be able to do it. The issue would
not be complete without it.

Personal

THE SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON

April 18, 1974

Dear Raymond:

I was terribly sorry to have missed you last week. The cause was a combination of a busy schedule and a normally incompetent staff, which consistently seems capable, under any and all circumstances, of getting its priorities wrong.

I would very much like to see you at your convenience either here in Washington or perhaps we could set something up when I am next in Europe. If you plan to be in the United States again any time soon, please let me know and I will take steps to assure that my staff does a better job next time.

I have very much appreciated your articles in recent weeks; they show an understanding of our situation which I find almost totally absent both here and in Europe.

Once again, I am sorry to have missed you and look forward to seeing you soon.

P.S. I want you to know that all the stories that have been appearing recently of a personal quarrel between Jobert and me are nothing but the purest figment of someone's imagination. They are simply not true.

Mr. Raymond Aron,
Ecole Practique des Hautes Etudes,
#6 Rue de Tournon,
Paris, France.

THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON

February 4

Mr. Kissinger:

Mrs. Ascher said that she would be glad to send your things to you; she will send them to the White House.

She asked me to give you her regards.

Julie

[10]

MAX ASCOLI
660 MADISON AVENUE
NEW YORK, N. Y. 10021

(212) TE 2-8800

May 19, 1969

Dear Henry:

I am sorry to have pestered you and our nice Miss Dahler during the day. But on re-reading my piece over the weekend, I reached a simple conclusion. I have done my best to live up to my promise, but I wanted to re-lease you from your part of it. You have more than enough troubles, and antagonists.

As ever,

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
The White House
Washington, D. C. 20500

[LC]

THE ASIA SOCIETY

Under the leadership of John D. Rockefeller 3rd, The Asia Society was established in 1956 as an educational, non-profit, non-political organization to bring about a better understanding among Asians and Americans. It is supported by tax-deductible contributions from individuals, corporations as well as by foundation grants.

Past and present in Asia are dynamically interwoven, and both are the concern of the Society in its work for improved Asian-American cooperation. It is aware that interest in the countries of Asia is growing rapidly in America and that the need is to satisfy meaningfully the desire of Americans for a deeper understanding and a wider range of information.

Although it thus seeks to identify contemporary issues and stimulates their discussion and analysis, the Society itself does not in any way or form adopt positions on matters of official policy, actual or pending.

The Society finds its goals in areas beyond partisan action, seeking to bring, to this country at least, both breadth and depth to the discussion and appreciation of the problems and outlooks of Asia—and to Asians in the United States, services and guidance which they are unlikely to find elsewhere.

THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON

October 9, 1973

This is a gift from the Photographic Depart-
ment to the members of the White House staff
with whom we frequently work and it includes
a selection of the best of recent photographs
involving the President and the First Family.

We thought that you would enjoy having these
and they should remind you that in spite of
recent difficulties the business of the Presi-
dency has been moving along rather well, as
is obvious from these photographs.

September 12, 1975

Dear Mr. Ambassador:

I want to thank you for your letter, and for your kind words about David. I know he enjoyed his time in Helsinki very much, and I am delighted that he made such a good impression. I am grateful for all you, Mrs. Norton, and Mrs. Barbieri did to make his stay so pleasant and interesting.

Thank you, too, for the necklace you gave me for Nancy. She says it is charming, and is most appreciative.

I hope I will have another opportunity to visit Helsinki one day because I share your feeling that we should do what we can to show our support for the Finns and their unique situation. My concern is less acute than it might be, however, knowing as I now do that our Mission in Helsinki is in capable hands -- that our interests are being well represented and that the Finns are well aware of our interest in them.

Thank you again for all your efforts.

The Honorable
Mark Austad,
American Ambassador,
Helsinki.

CONFIDENTIAL-PERSONAL

Helsinki, August 4, 1975

My dear Mr. Secretary:

One of the few negatives of our recent gathering in Helsinki was the impossibility of visiting with you personally. I truly hope you were sincere in your expressing a desire to return next summer. Let me assure you your presence here would be more meaningful than you realize. The Sword of Democles hanging over the necks of these stalwart people is ever present. I truly believe you could visit Finland without making a single utterance and achieve tremendous success. The Finns crave and urgently need our presence. If we have been derelict toward these people it is in the realm of ignoring them. I sometimes feel we spend so much time with our enemies, we take our friends for granted. Mr. Secretary, I truly hope you will come back when I can give you the treatment you so richly deserve.

Permit me to make two small comments. One, I know you said in jest, that the next time you sent an envoy to Finland he would be an American. I wish that could have been heard by the Finnish Foreign Office for they have seen my righteous indignation on several occasions. At one time I had to give them the Baroodi UN treatment. I can assure you they know I am an American. Number two, I want to reiterate my appreciation for the superb briefing you gave the Finnish Foreign Minister. I marvel how you can keep all these countries straight, especially concerning their problems.

The Honorable
Henry Kissinger,
Secretary of State,
Washington, D.C.

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAL

-2

I was also somewhat concerned about a report you felt I was too forceful on the icebreaker situation. I can readily understand how you might have made that observation. As you will recall, however, you will realize never once did I initiate the subject. You will also recall I was more than pleased to pick up the ball when the subject was mentioned. A good deal of the spade work on the President was done on Mackinac Island, Michigan, by Senator Griffin and Congressman Phil Ruppe. Besides, I am sure you know the President is well aware of the Great Lakes' ice problem. The simple facts of the matter are the United States desperately needs icebreakers. Finland makes them and sells them far cheaper than we can make them ourselves. Finland is currently in desperate financial straits with $5 billion in trade inbalance. I am sure I needn't tell you that the financial destruction of Finland would only fortify her neighbor to the East. I regard my job as one that requires me to do all I can to keep Finland as strong as possible. She has never asked the United States for a dime. She is the only country in the world who paid her debts and I firmly believe the purchase of these icebreakers would give her a psychological and financial shot in the arm which could be very meaningful to her future, even her survival.

Most importantly, I want to congratulate you not only for all those things which will eventually pass away but on the caliber of the son you are rearing. My wife and daughter, plus the staff who worked with him, were tremendously impressed by David's manner and intellect. I do not think I ever saw a fourteen year old who could mingle with adults and have them forget he was only fourteen years old. I was particularly impressed, as a father myself, in witnessing the sweet rapport between you both. I assure you we were most grateful you brought him. It is a tough role to fill being the son of a world figure. David is an exceedingly fine human being whom we would love to welcome back to Finland at any time.

CONFIDENTIAL

CONFIDENTIAL

-3

Again, Mr. Secretary, my thanks for the tremendous
help you gave us in Finland. I repeat our request for
you to return and I hope your wife liked the necklace.

CONFIDENTIAL