TO: Dr. Kissinger
FROM: Rebecca

12/18/00

**RE: Update on recent meeting/appts. requests**

___ **Larry Lee (US-China Foundation)** continues to want to see you re second forum. When his office called again to request meeting, they said you would receive an awardyou're your devotion to US-China Relations. It will be awarded to you @ the Forum. To whom may I refer him?

___ **Marvin Josephson** would like to stop by to see you.

___ **Amb. Dore Gold's Middle East Meeting.**
Was scheduled for Thurs., Dec. 7.

___ **Charles Goldberg** (grandson of Harry Walker). Was scheduled for Tues., Nov. 21.

___ **Rabbi Steinsaltz** Was scheduled for Tues., Nov. 7.
[You said to wait.]

___ **Tom Pepper (Wave Hill Associates)** Sent updated briefing on Asia which focused on corporate finance and implications for a less robust recovery than many expect. Would like to meet with you to discuss whether the corporate restructuring issues are serious enough to constrain governments' political ambitions. [*You said stall.*] [*date presented Oct. 2000*]

___ **Claire Stone (photographer)** called to schedule photo session with you outside your NY apt. or in Kent. She is working on a book of photos of famous people with their dogs. She called at the suggestion of Peter Flanigan who has spoken with Mrs. Kissinger re the request. [*date presented Oct. 2000*]

___ **George Kaufman (Kaufman-Marx Foundation)** asks for brief meeting with you, seeking recommendations on foundations/organizations to support efforts of Kaufman-Marx Foundation to further multicultural understanding amongst Germany's young generation. [You said stall/you are interested

HENRY A. KISSINGER

January 3, 2001

Dear Ambassador Li:

I am writing to let you know that I would be delighted to accept
your invitation to speak at the CPIFA's international forum in
Beijing, September 10-12. It would be not only a great honor
but a pleasure to take part in this very interesting and
worthwhile endeavor. I look forward to hearing more about the
plans for the conference as we approach September and count
on seeing you again much sooner.

His Excellency
Li Zhaoxing
Ambassador of the People's Republic
of China
2300 Connecticut Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20008

SUITE 1021 • 1800 K STREET, N. W. • WASHINGTON, D. C. 20006 • (202) 872-0300
TELEFAX (212) 753-7248

Dec-18-00 05:42P CHINESE EMBASSY

202 254 4055

F.01

Embassy of the People's Republic of China

2300 Connecticut Avenue, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20008

LI ZHAOXING
Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary

Telephone: (202) 328 2505

Fax: (202) 328 2582

Dr. Henry Kissinger
26th Floor 350 Park Avenue
New York, NY 10022

December 18, 2000

DEC 2 0 2000

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

I am writing to invite you to an international forum to be held from 10th to 12th September 2001 in Beijing. The gathering entitled "China and the World in the 21st Century" will be hosted by the Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs

The new millennium presents us with both challenges and opportunities. The Chinese people are desirous of working together with the people all over the world in meeting these challenges and making our world a better place for all. The forum will focus on current changing world situation and complicated international environment that China may find itself in during the coming 10 to 15 years, the unique path of China's economic development and the prospects of economic cooperation with the other countries. As a well-known world statesman, your presence as a speaker on the above subject matters will be greatly appreciated.

It is my hope that you can find time from your busy schedule to participate in the meeting. Your return international airfare, accommodation and ground transportation in China, as I understand it, will be covered by the Chinese host. A formal invitation will be delivered to you immediately once a positive reply is received.

With best regards,

Li Zhaoxing, ambassador of the People's Republic of China to the United States

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Biographic profile

李肇星

Li Zhaoxing

(Pronounced: "Lee Jow-shing")

Ambassador of the People's Republic
of China to the United States of
America

Li Zhaoxing

Ever since the suppression of the
budding democracy movement at
Tiananmen Square in June 1989,
United States-China relations have alternated between
hostile and merely strained. Li Zhaoxing, however, was
fortunate enough to take up his post as the United States
and China were moving away from hostility—following the
June 1995 visit of Taiwan President Lee Teng-hui and the
March 1996 deployment of two U.S. naval battle groups in
the Taiwan Strait—to near-normalcy. Li arrived in
Washington in March 1998, just in time to prepare for the
highly successful (from China's viewpoint) June 1998 visit of
President Clinton to China.

Coming from a two-year tour as China's ambassador at the United Nations, Li had an intimate familiarity with his new job. As a vice-ministerial ranked cadre, Ambassador Li is China's top America expert. His talents were put to the test when U.S.-China relations reached a low point in the middle of 1999 as a result of floundering trade talks, U.S. threats to condemn China's human rights practices at the United Nations, allegations of Chinese nuclear espionage, the NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade and the consequent anti-American demonstrations in China, and the crisis over Taiwan.

Li has endeavored to keep U.S.-China relations on track in recognition of the fact that it is in China's best interests to be on good terms with what is now the world's only superpower and China's second-largest trading partner. To accomplish this, Li has relied on a now-familiar litany of slogans for all occasions and some would say shamelessly outrageous denials of accusations and declarations of wounded national pride, all expertly served up with the requisite diplomatic charm, assurances of good intentions, and crisis-defusing remarks to the effect that certain issues are just a misunderstanding.

Li has used emphatic denial, for example, to handle
allegations of Chinese espionage ("malicious fabrications by

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certain Americans with a Cold-war mentality seeking to derail Sino-American ties
to influence U.S. presidential elections; and accusations of religious persecution (insisting that the Falun Gong is a malicious cult and not a religion). He has pointed out the hypocrisy of human rights activists, detailed the number of human rights agreements China has signed, and asserted China's dedication to rule of law and the protection of economic and social rights. He has stated that China does not pose a threat to anyone but only seeks international peace and disarmament, citing China's participation in nuclear non-proliferation agreements, its comparatively tiny military spending and the downsizing of its army.

Li has reminded U.S. officials of the common interests of China and the United States in tackling environmental issues, drug trafficking, organized crime, terrorism, and maintaining peace in strife-torn regions and economic prosperity throughout the world, and has pointed out how the United States has profited in economic terms from its relationship with China and would benefit even more from granting normal trading status and World Trade Organization entry to China (with allowances for China's developing country status, including permitting telecom, banking and other sectors to open gradually) and lifting trade restrictions.

Although relations have recovered since that low point, Li warns the relationship is most likely to go sour again if the United States intervenes militarily in the Taiwan Straits, sells arms to Taiwan, includes Taiwan in an anti-missile shield plan for Asia, recognizes Taiwan as an independent entity by welcoming Taiwanese leaders for state visits or by supporting Taiwan's U.N. membership, or backs the wrong party in Taiwanese elections. He reemphasizes the Taiwan question, like the Tibet question, belongs in the category of China's internal affairs, sometimes turning the tables on the United States with the "how would you like it" tactic. On these points Li has been known to affect an aggressive stance, assuring U.S. politicians that China will not compromise and will not be bullied into renouncing the use of force to prevent Taiwan's independence. Clearly he is capable of reflecting all of Beijing's moods.

Leadership posts

From 1967 until 1970, Li worked at the Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs. He joined the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MOFA) and served as an attaché at the Chinese Embassy in Nairobi from 1970 to 1977, during which time he perfected his French and learned Swahili. Li was deputy division chief in the MOFA's Information Department from 1977 to 1983 and was subsequently assigned to Lesotho where he was chargé d'affaires at the Chinese Embassy.

From 1985 until 1990, Li was back at the Information Department to be its deputy director and then director. During that period, he served as MOFA spokesman and interacted frequently with foreign journalists. Li was an assistant foreign minister from 1990 to 1992. A fluent speaker of English, French, Swahili, and educated in Spanish, he was a logical choice to be China's ambassador to the United Nations, and he served at U.N. Headquarters in New York from 1992 to 1995. In May 1995, he was named

VICE MINISTER OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS with the Americas and Oceania portfolio.

In late 1997, Li lobbied hard to replace Li Daoyu as ambassador in Washington, D.C. Li persuaded Foreign Minister Qian Qichen that he had established a good working relationship with the new U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright when Albright was his American counterpart at the United Nations. Li said he and Albright "met and discussed things with each other almost everyday when we worked at the United Nations, we know and understand each other very well." He assumed his present position in March 1998.

## Background

Li Zhaoxing, born in 1940 in Shandong province near the hometown of Confucius, studied English and French literature at Beijing University from 1958 to 1964, then spent another three years at the Beijing Foreign Languages Institute. He has said if he hadn't gone into foreign service, he would have become a scholar of Shakespearean literature. He is now, in fact, the honorary chairman of the Chinese Shakespeare Society, as well as a guest professor of Peking and Nankai universities.

Li has a longtime interest in writing. When he was a middle school student in Shandong, an article he wrote was published in a Shanghai periodical. Later, one of his poems appeared in the People's Daily newspaper, and he continues to write poems, essays on literature and articles on human rights for the Chinese press. It is reported that Li and his wife, Qin Xiaomei, have translated an English-language history of world ballet into Chinese. Qin also served in the MOFA as an official in the international organizations department. The couple has one son.

 UPDATED: Aug. 1, 2000

Parts of this biographic profile were prepared by John J. Tkacik Jr., president of China Business Intelligence, an Alexandria, Va., consulting firm, with more than 20 years experience in the China field. He can be reached at Chinaintel@aol.com.

AMBASSADOR LI ZHAOXING Embassy of China

Ambassador Li Zhaoxing is Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the People's Republic of China to the United States. Between 1995 and 1998 he served as Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs. He has previously served as Guest Professor of Beijing University and Nankai University; and from 1992 to 1995 he served as Permanent Representative and Ambassador and Plenipotentiary of the People's Republic of China to the United Nations. The Ambassador was also assigned as the Deputy Director General and Director General of the Information Department of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs; First Secretary of the Chinese Embassy of the Kingdom of Lesotho; Staff Member and Deputy Division Chief of the Information Department of the Chinese Ministry of Foreign Affairs; Staff Member and Attaché of the Chinese Embassy in Kenya; and Staff Member of the Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs. From 1964 to 1967 he was a postgraduate student at Beijing Institute of Foreign Languages.

HENRY A. KISSINGER

January 3, 2001

Dear Ambassador Li:

HENRY A. KISSINGER

January 2, 2001

Dear Mr. Minister:

Your very courteous reply to my letter of October 24 regarding Microsoft was
much appreciated. A brief hospitalization has delayed my writing to you
earlier.

Microsoft is currently proceeding with several strategic cooperation projects
with the Chinese government. These include the software outsourcing
project as well as the security related project, which I described to you in my
previous correspondence.

Microsoft would like the opportunity to brief you or your staff directly on
these projects and the current status of the overall software industry, as well
as solicit your advice on how Microsoft could better support China's long term
Information Technology and economic development. If you agree, they will
contact your office directly on this matter.

I plan to be in Beijing in March and hope to have an opportunity to see you
then.

His Excellency
Zeng Peiyan
Minister of the State Development
Planning Commission
People's Republic of China
38, S. Yuetan Street
Beijing 100824
China

HENRY A. KISSINGER

January 23, 2001

Dear Dr. Zhiyi:

Thank you for your kind letter following my heart attack. I am
happy to report that I have recovered very well and have now
resumed a full schedule of activities.

Although I greatly appreciate your generosity and thought-
fulness, I am returning your check, as your good wishes and
concern are worth more to me than any amount of money.
During my illness the support of well-wishers like yourself
was very uplifting and, I believe, key to my successful
recuperation.

With gratitude,

Dr. Zhiyi Ma
Ganjiako Hospital
Haidian District (100037)
Beijing
People's Republic of China

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR • 350 PARK AVENUE • NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 • (212) 759-7919

# 现在的俄国人是如何对待中国人的？

——摘录中国《参考消息》的一条新闻

要想知道现在的俄国人是如何对待中国人的，那就请你看一看中国的《参考消息》在1996年12月2日登载的一条新闻，全文如下：1992年2月，由华人经营的太阳公司在莫斯科集装箱市场剪彩揭幕。就在太阳公司开业的前夕，俄罗斯特警在深夜里突袭了莫斯科一家华商经营的旅馆。俄国特警以检查护照为名，到处翻箱倒柜。住客不服，竟然遭到了俄国特警的毒打。俄国的特警队长，还公然向旅馆的主人提出了4000美元的勒索要求。1996年8月下旬，在莫斯科大学，修读经济学副博士学位的一名中国大陆留学生，在白天练摊后、步行返回住所时，两名俄国警察忽然拦住了他的去路，搜查他携带的各种服装样品，然后，不由分说，殴打了他。最后，他被迫交给俄国警察100美元，才算消灾了事。

中华人民共和国北京市海淀区甘家口医院

外科医生马志义

1999年9月9日摘录打印

北京青年报
BEIJING YOUTH DAILY

1997年9月19日 星期五 青年周末

BEIJING YOUTH DAILY

本版编辑/陈国华 责校/闻志刚

北京青年报
BEIJING YOUTH DAILY

第10版 人在旅途

北京青年报
BEIJING YOUTH DAILY

★孙世

★人生瞬间

他有个土政策:对70岁以上老人一概免费

甘家口有个怪大夫

马大夫这人很怪,他一天只吃一顿饭,单是这一条就与常人有异。

说来叫人心酸,他早年在内蒙古自治区工作时先后收养了姐弟俩遗留下的四个年龄相仿的孩子,为了多节省一

点东西给正长身体的孩子吃,他愣是把自己的一日三餐减少到一餐——每天不管多晚,孩子们都在等他。尽管是粗茶淡饭,一家也吃得有滋有味。

孩子们年事渐长才知道他们的舅舅(叔叔)白天原来一直饿着肚子在外面工作。他们不依,一定要他恢复正常饮食,而这个时候马大夫却觉得习惯了。不但如此,他还发现每日一餐饭大有好处。他说,人在半饥饿状态时工作效率特高,尤其对外科大夫而言,饮食少,排泄就少,可以连续手术(当时他在老窝铺,那儿的大夫奇缺,他工作常常连轴转)。

马大夫的一姐一弟先后在六十年代末七十年代初患急症在河南老家去世,他很内疚;觉得没能为亲人尽力,于是便把他们的遗孤接到了自己身边。除了病人,他的心中就只有这四个孩子了。十余年间他又当爹又当妈把孩子们拉扯成人,自己却一次又一次耽搁了终身大事。

1990年他到北京积水潭医院进修时又有好心人替他撮合。他想了想,如今四个孩子都已成人,有的当电工,有的做了老师,还有的回乡务农,其中三人他还替他们操办了婚事,实在也没什么可牵挂了。于是他和女方见了面,哪想到两人一见钟情,很快喜结连理。

翌年,为照顾夫妻两地分居,他被调进北京,在甘家口医院做外科大夫,不久他们有了儿子马骏——47岁得子,真算大喜了。

按理说,他该舒舒服服过自己的小日子了,可是,马大夫反倒比从前还忙了,他热心地自己购买医疗器械和药品,利用业余时间为老人、付不起药费的困难病人义务诊治。他有个土政策:对70岁以上老人一概免费。

马大夫这么做只是出于一种朴素的情感,他说自己的父兄在解放战争中牺牲,母亲过世也比早,一姐一弟得急症时也因无钱救治而撒手西去;因此他特能理解老人和困难人的疾苦。

甘家口附近有位98岁的老太太叫王际云,去年年底得了痢疾血症,高烧39℃不退,所有的人都觉得没什么指望了。马大夫不同意,他说哪怕还有一分希望,他也要做十分努力。结果硬是把老太太救过来了。可是他又发现了新问题。原来干际

好。结果这十余年来王老太太站立时间稍长,腹部就会疼痛,这二年疼痛更加严重。马大夫了解此事后为她认真做了检查,发现那个切口疝已发展成绞窄性疝,必须做手术,不然肠管坏死就会危及生命。

没有任何一家医院愿意收治王老太,为一位近百岁的老人手术风险确实太大了。经与王老太及其家人协商,义务手术就在他们家中进行。马大夫说:“老人确实上了岁数,但她活一天你也不能让她受罪。”手术前的准备工作十分细致,待到有把握时才确定手术时间。一位姓刘的护士为马大夫的执著所感动,甘愿为他做助手。手术成功了,五天后拆线,老太太下地能自如地走动了,她马上张罗和闺女(也是70多岁的老人了)一块儿包饺子要请马大夫。马大夫看到老人如孩子般的兴奋也倍感欣喜,他谢绝了老太太的好心说:“我一天只吃一顿饭。”

秀云,他全部一视同仁,他和随身不离的那只小药箱被患者亲切地称为“私人义务急救站”。

妻子早已习惯了他早出晚归的生活节奏,若是哪一天他子夜以前回来,妻子会诧异地问:“你今天怎么这么早啊?”同住的岳母说话可就不太客气了,笑道:“你又上哪儿冒傻气去啦?”

在常人眼里,马大夫的所作所为是透着点“傻”气,不然也不会有人私下称他为“捡破烂儿的医生”,这意味着大医院拒收的、交不起钱的、年长体衰的、急难危重的、手术风险太大的等等,他都要!

他说,他现在没什么后顾之忧,惟愿以自己的医术回报社会和患者。患者给他的锦旗上有四个大红字:华佗再现。

这位悬壶济世的怪大夫名字叫马志义。

朱伟/绘

在马大夫长长的义诊

(忍心抛石子不报汗胆性胆汁

心胆汁

FROM : CONSULATE GENERAL OF PRCHINA
02/04/01 91% 07:37 FAX 217 5618860

FAX NO. : 2123307405

Feb. 06 2001 12:14PM P2

020083

Ambassador Zhu Qizhen

Born Dec. 1927; Graduated from Saint John's University, Shanghai, 1948; Joined diplomatic service Oct. 1949; Served as Deputy Director General, Department of West Asian and African Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, 1971 to 1973; Councilor, Chinese Embassy in Australia, 1973 to 1977; Director General, Department of American and Oceanian Affairs, 1980 to 1982; Assistant Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1982 to 1983; Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs, 1984 to 1989; Ambassador to the United States of America, 1989 to 1993; Member of the Standing Committee, Vice Chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the 8th National People's Congress, 1993 to 1999; Chairman of the China Foundation for International Studies and Academic Exchanges, since 2000.

003

NEW YORK

FIRST DEPARTMENT

06/01 UT 15:04 FAX 2291

FROM : CONSULAT FENERI OF PRCHINA

FAX NO : 212-3307045

FEB 16 2001 12:04PM

02/04/01 SUN 07:36 FAX 212 5648860

NEW YORK STATION A

020083

From: 李 Daoyu 通版

To: 廖明才同志

Page 2 of 3, 01-2-2 17:36

Curriculum vitae of Ambassador Li Daoyu

Since March 1998:

Member of the National People's Congress (NPC), Peoples' Republic of China,

Member of the Standing Committee of NPC,

Vice Chairman of the Overseas Chinese Committee of NPC

Chairman of the China-Germany Inter-parliamentary Exchange Group

Vice-Chairman of the China-U.S. inter-parliamentary Exchange Group

Since July 1997,

Part-time professor, School of International Studies, Beijing University;
Adviser and part-time professor. Center of American Studies, Fudan
University, Shanghai;

Part-time professor, Foreign Affairs College

Concurrently:

President, China International Public Relations Association;

Vice-President, China Charity Association;

Vice-President, China International Friendship Exchange Association

Vice-President, China Women Development Fund

Member of Council, Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs,

Senior adviser, China institute of International Strategic Studies.

Adviser, Center for Across-the- Straits relationship studies

Posts held in the past:

Ambassador of the People's Republic of China to U.S.A., from April
1993 to February 1998.

Permanent Representative (Ambassador) of the People's Republic of
China to the United Nations, from June 1990 to February 1993.

Graduated from University of Shanghai in 1952 and entered foreign
service the same year. Appointed subsequently deputy division director,
division director, and Deputy Director-General, Department of
International Organizations and Conferences, Foreign Ministry of China.
Deputy Permanent Representative of China to the United Nations Office

004

NEW YORK

FIRST DEPARTMENT

04/02. 01 13:04 FAX 2281

FAX NO. : 2123307405

Feb. 06 2001 12:15PM P4

02/04/01 SUN 07:38 FAX 212 5648860

NEW YORK STATION

Fraschini 博 哲都鲁 连服

10:印度尼西亚

Page 9 of 3, 01 23 17:38

020083

in Geneva, from 1963 to 1984. Director-General, Department of
International Organizations and Conferences, from December 1984 to
May 1988. Assistant Foreign Minister of China in charge of UN affairs,
global issues, multilateral diplomacy and legal affairs, from May 1988 to
May 1990.

Other Posts held in the past include:

Vice-Chairman, Chinese National Commission for UNESCO,

Vice-Chairman, China National Committee for Pacific Economic Cooperation,

Member, Coordination Committee on Drug Control and Prohibition, China,

Member, Environment Protection Commission under the State Council, China,

Member, Board of Directors, China Society of International Law.

0003

NEW YORK ->

FIRST DEPARTMENT

04/05 01 13:06 FAX 2281

FAX NO. : 2123307405

Feb. 06 2001 12:15PM P

02/04/2011 5N 07:36 FAX 212 5648860

NEW YORK

020083

CURRICULUM VITAE OF AMBASSADOR ZHANG WENPU

Ambassador Zhang Wenpu was born in Nov. 1927. Upon graduation from Tsinghua University in 1951, he began to work in the Ministry of Higher Education of the P.R.C. He first served as a staff member, and then was appointed Deputy Division Chief in the General Administrative Office of that ministry. In 1973, Amb. Zhang joined the Chinese People's Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries, an institution mainly devoted to exchanges with foreign countries on a people to people basis. In 1979, he began to work as a diplomatic officer in the Department of American and Oceanian Affairs in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the P.R.C. Later, he became the Director General of that Department. In that capacity, Amb. Zhang was deeply involved in the bilateral relationship between China and the U.S. of that period until he was posted to Canada as the Chinese Ambassador in 1986. Upon returning home in the early 90's, he assumed the position of Vice President of the Chinese People's Institute of Foreign Affairs (CPIFA) and was responsible for exchange programs with countries in North America and the South Pacific on a non-governmental basis. During that period he had the opportunity to get acquainted and communicate with many retired U.S. government leaders, members of Congress and well-known scholars focusing on international relations. He left CPIFA in 1998 but still remained affiliated with it. Currently, he served as a special consultant to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

006

NEW YORK

FIRST DEPARTMENT

04/02 '01 13:05 FAX 2281

Thursday, February 8, 2001

from Rebecca

Re: Monday, February 12 Lunch with
Special Foreign Advisors to President, PRC

Attached is the menu from The Brook.

Please check those items which you would like pre-ordered.

FAX NO. : 2123307405

Feb. 06 2001 12:14PM P2

NEW YORK, NEW YORK

02/04/01 91N 07:37 FAX 212 5618880

020083

Ambassador Zhu Qizhen

003

NEW YORK

FIRST DEPARTMENT

04/02 '01 13:04 FAX 2291

FROM : CONSULAT ATF. GENERAL OF PRCHINA

FAX NO : 2123307405

NEW YORK STATION A

Feb 06 2001 12:14PM P3

020083

From: 李 Daoyu 译

To: 感谢信同志

Page 2 of 3, 01-2-2 17:36

Since March 1998:

Vice-Chairman of the China-U.S. intel-parliamentary Exchange Group

Since July 1997,

Part-time professor, School of International Studies, Beijing University;
Adviser and part-time professor. Center of American Studies, Fudan
University. Shanghai;

Concurrently:

Senior adviser, China institute of international Strategic Studies.

Posts held in the past:

0004

NEW YORK

FIRST DEPARTMENT

04/02 01 13:04 FAX 2281

FAX NO. : 2123307405

Feb. 06 2001 12:15PM P4

NEW YORK STATION

From:LI 李 Daoyu 近程

To:唐国才同志

Page 9 of 3, 01 2 20 17:38

020083

in Geneva, from 1983 to 1984. Director-General, Department of International Organizations and Conferences, from December 1984 to May 1988. Assistant Foreign Minister of China in charge of UN affairs, global issues, multilateral diplomacy and legal affairs, from May 1988 to May 1990.

005

NEW YORK

FIRST DEPARTMENT

04/02 01 13:06 FAX 2291

FAX NO. : 2123307405

NEW YORK STATION

Feb. 06 2001 12:15PM P5

020083

006

+ NEW YORK

FIRST DEPARTMENT

04/02 '01 13:05 FAX 2281

26/01 01 SUN 10:31 FAX

Résumé

Name : Xu Shiquan

Born : 1942

Education : Graduate, Institute of International Relations

Experience: 1967—1996 Correspondent of Xinhua News Agency in Dares Salaam, Beirut and London Bureau chief of Guangming Daily and People's Daily U.N. Bureau Chief.

Director of the International Department of People's Daily

1996— President, Institute of Taiwan Studies, CASS

北京海淀区颐和园北 edge 上村 15 号

邮编: 100091

TEL: (010) 62883509 62883501

FAX: (010) 628350285

13-FEB-2001 14:55

FROM

TO 0012127590042

P.02

Biography

LIU JINGMIN, born in January 1952 in Hebei Province, with university education, started his working career in 1969. He has been the party secretary of sub-committee at Beijing No. 6 construction company. Later joined the Beijing Youth League Committee as its Publicity and Communication Department Head. Then he was elected as Xuan Wu District Government and District Party Secretary. Before elected Vice Mayor of Beijing in 1998, he once served in the Municipality as one of the Assistant to the Mayor.

TOTAL P.02

Page 1 of 1

Rebecca Jordan

From: JSRoy@aol.com

Sent: Thursday, February 01, 2001 9:52 PM

To: rebecca.jordan@kainy.org; jessee.incao@kainy.org

Cc: cneumann@csis.org; gaby@aol.com

Subject: Beijing Vice Mayor Request to See HAK

The Executive Assistant to the Chinese Ambassador, Zhang Kunsheng, called me today (February 1) to pass on a request from the Vice Mayor of Beijing, Mr. Liu Jingming, to pay a courtesy call on Dr. Kissinger, for whom he had the highest respect. Vice Mayor Liu is available to travel to New York any time from February 12-15. There are four persons in the Vice Mayor's delegation, although the Executive Assistant did not specify whether all four would participate in the call, if one were possible.

I asked for information concerning the Vice Mayor's specific areas of responsibility. The Executive Assistant said they covered civic life, sports, and entertainment, among other things.

It is possible the Vice Mayor wishes to see Dr. Kissinger in connection with the PRC's interest in hosting the 2008 Olympics in Beijing, although this was not stated.

I would be happy to convey a response to Mr. Zhang, whose contact number is 202-745-6570.

Stape Roy

FROM : USCF

FAX NO. : 212-432-5119

Mar. 13 2001 12:13PM P1

One World Trade Center, Suite 8343, New York, NY 10048, USA
Tel: (212) 775-1788
Fax: (212) 432-5119
Email: uscfny@yahoo.com
Website: www.uscinfo.org

The United States and
China Foundation

Fax

MAR 14 2001

To: Kissinger Associates, Inc
From: Nancy Wang
Fax: 212-759-7818 0042
Pages: 4 (including this page)
Attn: Dr. Henry Kissinger
Date: March 12, 2001
Re: US-Sino High-Tech Forum
CC:
Urgent For Review Please Comment *Please Reply Please Recycle

Dear Dr. Henry Kissinger:

The United States and China Foundation (USCF) is going to hold a forum, entitled "Striding Into the High and New Technology Era Hand In Hand - US and China Science-Technology Forum" from April 30th to May 1st, 2001 in San Jose, California.

We cordially invite you attend this meaningful meeting and give a speech during the forum.

Enclosed please find the relevant materials including:

1) An invitation from our executive board,

2) The objectives of the forum,

3) The agenda of this forum (This is a proposed program and pending confirmation from some of the invited speakers, and more programs will be added after we get confirmation from the interested parties).

If you need more information, please feel free to contact us at 212-775-1788 or email us at uscfny@yahoo.com. We will be very happy to provide any related materials of this forum upon your request.

We are expecting to receive your early reply. Your tremendous support in this event is greatly appreciated.

We will also send you all the materials by mail.

With our highest regards,

FROM : USCF

FAX NO. : 212-432-5119

Mar. 13 2001 12:13PM P2

美中基金會
The United States and China Foundation

One World Trade Center Suite 8343, New York, NY 10048, USA
Tel: 212-775-1788 Fax: 212-524-9466, Email: USCFNY@yahoo.com

March 9th, 2001

Kissinger Associates, Inc.
Henry Kissinger
350 Park Avenue
New York, NY 10022

Dear Dr. Henry Kissinger:

The United States and China Foundation will host a forum entitled "Striding Into The High And New Technology Era Hand In Hand - US and China Science-Technology Forum" from April 30th to May 1st, 2001 at The Hilton Grand Hotel in San Jose, California. Many Chinese and US directors and officers of various high-tech companies, as well as many representatives of venture capital companies dealing with high-tech investments, will attend this forum and give lectures during the two-day forum. Additionally, many well-known scientists and scholars will also be invited to be our guests. Further more, USCF also intends to invite some key persons from American and Chinese government officials to attend this gathering and to give important speeches on the future of the high-tech industry and on the projected impact of China's entrance into the WTO. By this forum, we believe that it can contribute significantly to Sino-US cooperation in the high-tech and new-tech industries in the 21st century.

We cordially invite you as the most honorable guest to attend this meaningful forum and give a speech on the luncheon session on April 30th, 2001. During the luncheon session, we will send you a special gift to express our thankfulness for your devotion on the US-China friendship for thirty years. The gift will be a Chinese antique --- a Chinese ancient ritual vessel with your name on it.

It will be a great honor to have your appearance at the forum, and your appearance will be a tremendous support to the forum and US-China Foundation.

We thank you in advance for your consideration and participation in this meaningful event. We are expecting to hear for you very soon. Also we will telephone your office to follow up this invitation.

FROM : USCF

FAX NO. : 212-432-5119

Mar. 13 2001 12:14PM P3

2001US-Sino High-Tech Forum

Time: April 29th, 2001 - May 2nd, 2001
Location: The Hilton Grand Hotel, San Jose, CA, USA

Honorable Members and Friends:

The new 21st Century has arrived, and it has provided numerous new opportunities and challenges for all of us.

A basic difference between this new century and the last will be the acceleration of the high-tech revolution. This will create significant changes in people's lives and in the economies of many countries. As two of the most important countries in the world, China and the United States have the potential of ever increasing cooperation in dealing with this revolution.

As we know, the United States has established a strong base in technology and dominates many of the high-tech and new-tech industries. For example, such locations as Silicon Valley in California, the Route 128 high-tech area in Massachusetts, and the Golden Triangle Research Zone in North Carolina are among the leading centers of commercial high-tech development. The high-tech companies in these and other areas of the US are striving to increase their worldwide market share for their products and to improve their competitive positions. Because of (a) China's enormous population, (b) its rapidly increasing middle class, (c) its growing reservoir of engineering talent, (d) its relatively low labor costs, and (e) the new WTO agreements, formal and informal partnerships between US and Chinese companies represent excellent opportunities to help fulfill these market share and competitive position objectives.

At the same time, China's economy is experiencing rapid innovation and transformation as a result of it's open-door policy of nearly two decades; the development of its high-tech and new-tech industries is now in full swing. All levels of policy-makers in government and directors/presidents from different companies in China are in agreement that China must increase its dedication to the growth of high-tech and new-tech industries to accomplish its goal of becoming one of the leading economies among the developed countries of the world.

The United States and China Foundation (USCF) strongly believes that these US and Chinese objectives can be, and should be, complimentary. To this end, it will hold a forum, entitled "Striding Into the High and New Technology Era Hand In Hand - US and China Science-Technology Forum" in the spring of 2001. It will be held in San Jose, California, the leading city in "Silicon Valley."

Many representatives from various American high-tech zones will attend the forum: directors and officers of various high-tech companies; well-known scientists and scholars; and representatives of venture capital companies dealing with high-tech investments. Additionally, USCF will invite high-level American and Chinese government officials to attend this gathering and to give lectures on the future of the high-tech industry, and on the projected impact of China's entrance into the WTO. We cordially invite leaders of all levels, heads of enterprises, senior managers of high-tech companies and scientists to come to San Jose to attend this important meeting.

MAR. 8 2001

One World Trade Center Suite 8343, New York, NY 10048. USA
Tel: 212-775-1788 Fax: 212-524-9466, Email: USCFNY@yahoo.com

March 27th, 2001

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Kissinger Associates, Inc.
350 Park Avenue
New York, NY 10022

Dear Dr. Henry Kissinger:

Congratulations for your recent successful visit to China!

I am writing to you today regarding our forth coming 2001US-China Forum which scheduled
on this coming May.

You showed a strong interests to attend 2001 US-China Forum when I personally invited you last April 27th at your office with Ambassador Chai and other guests from China. The Forum, which is an annual event, of this year will be held at San Jose, the heart of Silicon Valley, for the purpose of the future Sino-US Friendship and Cooperation in new technology area in the 21st century.

So far, we have received an overwhelming response in China to this year's Forum. A delegation with at least 150 to 200 people from PRC will attend the event. Therefore, plus domestic guests from all over the United States, we should expect an even larger Forum in this coming May than the very successful one at year of 2000 in Manhattan, New York.

To express a sincere appreciation from Chinese people for your contribution toward the friendship between the American and Chinese people, we will send you a very unique gift made in China. The gift will be a ritual vessel (鼎, "Ding" in Chinese) that the shape is exactly the same as the one which was sent to UN by President Jiang Zemin three years ago. There are over 120 top Chinese universities' names will be shown on the vessel, including Peking University, Tsinghua University, Fudan University, the People's University, etc. etc., who are the contributors of the magnificent vessel. This shall be a historical conclusion for your consistent contribution to Sino-US cooperation and friendship as well as to the world peace in the past several decades. The ceremony of issuing the special gift to you will definitely be a very exciting moment at the Forum. We do not want you to miss this moment.

We fully understand your busy schedule, so that what you need to do is just to confirm a short speech at one of our luncheon session or simply at any session you prefer for ten to fifteen minutes. (You may pick any day in middle or second half of the coming May based on your availability.) Of course, if your health allows you to offer a longer speech, that is

Attachment:

(1). About US-China Foundation

We are the only non-governmental organization specialized and concentrated on
enhancing biliary people to people exchanges and building a stronger Sino-US relation
through many different programs in the areas of culture, education, law, finance, and
news media, etc. between the two countries. The unique feature of USCF is that our
members are half Americans and half Chinese with our headquarters in New York City,
and branch offices in Beijing, Shanghai, Hong Kong, Shenyang, Shenzhen, and Jinan.
And, we are very active in oriented. All of these activities made us different from any
other organization in either US or China. (There is very few US based non-profit/non-
government organization has a local office in China.)

Please see the brochure of USCF we gave you last year, also visit our web page at
[www.uscinfo.org](http://www.uscinfo.org) for more details.

(2). Who will come to our Forum:

A. Chinese officials of both central government and local governments from all over China, especially in charge of Special Economic Zones and High-tech Zones.

B. Business executives from both PRC and USA – minimum 300 people.

C. USCF members and advisors: They are former US or Chinese Ambassadors, diplomatic officers, well-known attorneys, university presidents/deans, famous professors or business leaders, world-class artists, scientists, etc.

D. All major TV networks, newspapers, magazines, etc. in both US and China will be invited to attend this Forum.

(3). Special arrangement for Dr. Henry Kissinger and Mrs. Kissinger's attending at second US-China Forum:

1. First-class round-trip air tickets for two.

2. The president suite at the Hotel: Hayti San Jose

3. Special gift from P.R.China (From 120 top universities in China- the future of the country. Although this is not an official affair from any government, it is even more meaningful and influential.)

4. Proper honorary is available for your speech.

washingtonpost.com: Reading China

Page 1 of 2

# Reading China

By George F. Will

Thursday, April 5, 2001; Page A27

When the spat with China concerning the U.S. intelligence-gathering plane began, it was commonly called the first foreign policy "crisis" to "test" President Bush. Actually, it is testing his ability to see that not everything that roils relations between nations is a crisis. And it is testing his ability to discern that not every trouble is a "test" of his fiber or the nation's stamina.

As this is written (Wednesday, noon), one thing is clear, and one thing is not. Clearly the plane was using technology that enables it, operating in international airspace, lawfully to perform the routine but important function of gathering intelligence that enables U.S. policymakers to understand the evolving strategic environment. It is unclear whether China's government knew what was going on in the increasingly aggressive reaction of Chinese aircraft to U.S. intelligence flights.

If this affair is the result of an accident -- a Chinese cowboy-pilot crossing a line of prudence, and losing his life -- then the episode can be quickly tidied up. If the affair is the result of a Chinese military decision not sanctioned by Beijing's civilians, that is disquieting evidence of command-and-control problems as China approaches a leadership transition.

China's government probably did not consciously provoke this dust-up. However, it has deliberately, and recklessly, prolonged it at a moment when (to cite just two matters) the U.S. Congress is considering Taiwan's request for new military equipment, including defenses against missiles, and the International Olympic Committee is considering China's application to host the 2008 games. Is this smart? Does not Beijing already have a plate heaped high with problems?

On a recent visit to Beijing, Henry Kissinger was struck by proliferation of "Internet cafes." Those small businesses are huge portents.

Totalitarianism, which aspires to nationalize the public's consciousness, depends on intellectual autarky, which depends on a government monopoly of information. Totalitarianism is rendered impossible, and perhaps even tyranny is rendered difficult, by technologies that make nations porous to information. China already was becoming porous in 1989 when students there learned about the Tiananmen Square massacres by e-mails from Ann Arbor and other American campuses where they had studied and made friends.

During his recent visit, Kissinger was told by a Chinese official that 100 million Chinese -- think of the U.S. population west of the Mississippi -- are currently on the move, either from country to city in a migration-of-modernization, or away from employment in sclerotic state-run industries, into the private economy. And this instability may be just a minor prologue.

The 19th century -- in Germany, Italy, the United States, even in France, and elsewhere -- was a century of nation consolidations. (Some immigrants from France arriving at Ellis Island identified their home "country" as a *region* of France, e.g., Auvergne or Brittany, and historian Eugen Weber notes, "In sundry parts of France at the *fin de siecle* many people still spoke no French or spoke it only with difficulty.") But the 20th century -- from the dissolution of the Ottoman and the Austro-Hungarian

http://washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A40955-2001Apr4?language=printer

04/05/2001

empires as a result of the First World War, to the unraveling of the Soviet Union and Yugoslavia, and even the weakening of the ties that bind the United Kingdom -- was a disintegrative century.

So ask yourself, as China's leaders must be asking themselves: How likely is it that -- and what will be required in the way of repressions or concessions to guarantee that -- 50 years from now one-fifth of the human race will still live in one country called China?

U.S. policymakers should not see U.S.-China relations as analogous to U.S.-Soviet relations during the Cold War. Then, it was sensible for the United States to try to impede the growth of the power of an implacably hostile Soviet Union. But China's power is going to grow as China's economy grows. And hostility need not grow, indeed should wane, as China becomes immersed in the culture of commerce -- contracts, lawfulness, transparency, promise-keeping.

However, as during the Cold War, there is in America an appeasement caucus. During the Cold War it was eager to explain, and by explaining to justify, Soviet misbehavior as the "understandable" result of historic Russian "insecurity" about "encirclement." Today the caucus reflexively rationalizes Chinese misbehavior as the "understandable" result of historic "humiliations" at the hands of the West.

Such reasoning always is a recipe for turning U.S. foreign policy into psychotherapy for victim nations. It is time for the caucus, and China, to grow up.

© 2001 The Washington Post Company

04/05/2001

washingtonpost.com: U.S. Voices Regret Over Chinese Pilot

# U.S. Voices Regret Over Chinese Pilot
## Powell Stops Short of Formal Apology

By Steven Mufson and Mike Allen
Washington Post Staff Writers
Thursday, April 5, 2001; Page A01

Secretary of State Colin L. Powell struck a conciliatory note toward China yesterday, expressing regret over the disappearance of a Chinese pilot whose fighter jet collided with a U.S. Navy surveillance plane on Sunday and urging a dialogue about what caused the collision.

On the fourth day of a standoff -- with 24 U.S. military personnel who made an emergency landing still in Chinese custody -- Powell sought to assuage Beijing's sensitivities without retreating from the administration's vow on Tuesday that it would not apologize for the incident.

"We regret that the Chinese plane did not get down safe, and we regret the loss of life of that Chinese pilot," Powell said. "But now we need to move on."

"We need to bring this to a resolution and we're using every avenue available to us to talk to the Chinese side, to exchange explanations and move on."

Powell's statement came as officials in Beijing complained about "American arrogance," angry members of Congress threatened China's trading status, and China's ambassador took to television talk shows to elicit sympathy for his country and the missing pilot.

Administration officials, wary of the public relations debacle that could result if the crew's detention came to be perceived as a hostage crisis, struck a deliberately low-key tone. President Bush, after making terse, stern comments on Monday and Tuesday, remained silent yesterday. "Sometimes the less said is the best," White House press secretary Ari Fleischer explained.

China offered no public reaction to Powell's statement about what he termed a "tragic accident."
Officials in Beijing continued to accuse the U.S. plane of causing the collision, demand an apology and refuse to release the crew until China completes its own investigation.

"Our side has said it very clearly, that the U.S. side should shoulder all the responsibility and should apologize to the Chinese side. Of course, that's very, very important," Chinese Ambassador Yang Jiechi said on CNN. "China is the aggrieved party," he added on "The NewsHour with Jim Lehrer."

Yesterday evening, Powell met Yang and gave him a letter for Chinese Vice Premier Qian Qichen. A State Department official said the letter stressed the importance of the crew's release, repeated the expression of regret and suggested some ways to resolve the dispute through a series of discussions.

"I interpret Colin Powell's statement as an attempt to calm things down and take into account Chinese sensitivities on this," said Stapleton Roy, a former U.S. ambassador to China who is now with the consulting firm Kissinger Associates.

Roy added that the expression of regret, while deliberately short of an apology, could give impetus to Chinese officials who want to resolve the standoff. He and other China hands, including a State

http://www.washingtonpost.com/ac2/wp-dyn/A40765-2001Apr4?language=printer

04/05/2001

Page 2 of 3

Department official and a Republican policy expert, also suggested that Washington and Beijing could revive a bilateral commission for maritime safety, which was set up after a 1994 confrontation between a U.S. aircraft carrier and a Chinese submarine, to investigate the air collision and discuss ways to avoid future accidents.

A Bush administration official said that policymakers had discussed the crisis with senior members of earlier Republican administrations, including former secretary of state Henry A. Kissinger. But administration officials said Republican elders, such as Bush's father or former national security adviser Brent Scowcroft, had not been recruited to intervene with Chinese officials despite widespread speculation that Bush might call on a special American envoy with stature in China.

In reaching out to the Chinese government, Powell dismayed some congressional Republicans angry about the continued detention of the Navy plane's crew on Hainan Island.

"Secretary Powell offered a real olive branch today, and it better not be bitten off," said Rep. Mark Kirk (R-Ill.), a reservist in naval intelligence who flew in a similar reconnaissance aircraft during the Kosovo air campaign. Kirk said that if the issue is not resolved by the time Congress returns from recess in two weeks, "the Chinese will begin to pay a price."

"This is going to set the tone for the administration's entire relations with China, and the only way to set the right tone is to push back," said one GOP adviser.

Many congressional critics of China said the continued detention of the plane's crew could endanger the renewal of normal trade status for China. Though Congress voted last year to grant China permanent normal trading status as part of an agreement that would admit Beijing to the World Trade Organization, China's failure to complete the preparations for joining the WTO means that Congress must vote again for a one-year extension in June.

"If the current situation continues much longer, I don't see how members of Congress could possibly vote to give China an extension of trade privileges," said Rep. Spencer Bachus (R-Ala.), a free-trade advocate who supported last year's law.

Other initiatives in Congress could involve U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, a resolution to oppose Beijing's bid to host the 2008 Olympics, and moves to cut government exchange programs.

A leading Republican policy adviser said he told a senior Chinese embassy official in a private discussion Tuesday night that Beijing should release the crew within 48 hours before pressure ratchets up on Bush to respond. According to the GOP adviser, the Chinese official said that was too fast, and the Republican warned that if the standoff continued, "the president will lose control of the issue if he doesn't have a response."

In Beijing on Wednesday, progress appeared slow. U.S. Ambassador Joseph W. Prueher has complained that the Chinese government is unwilling to talk to him in detail about the standoff. In four days, he had had only three meetings with Chinese officials, sources in Beijing said. The sources also said two senior officials, Li Zhaoxing, the former ambassador to the United States, and Dai Bingguo, head of the Communist Party's international liaison department, have canceled meetings with U.S. officials.

State Department officials said yesterday that Prueher was getting more access at the Foreign Ministry

04/05/2001

Page 3 of 3

than he did initially. But Foreign Minister Tang Jiaxuan also berated Prueher yesterday for what he called American arrogance.

Tang called in Prueher to complain that the United States "did not face up to the reality or take
responsibility" for the collision. "On the contrary, it has displayed an arrogant air, used lame
arguments, confounded right and wrong, and made groundless accusations against China," he said,
adding that China wants to resolve the dispute "appropriately as soon as possible" while protecting its
"sovereignty and dignity."

President Jiang Zemin, meanwhile, reiterated a demand that the United States apologize. Jiang did not respond to Bush's warning Tuesday that ties with Beijing could suffer unless it quickly releases the plane and its crew. Instead, Jiang said Washington "should bear all responsibilities for the collision incident," according to the official New China News Agency.

"The U.S. side should apologize to the Chinese people," Jiang said before leaving on a 13-day tour of Latin America. American policy analysts debated whether Jiang's departure meant that the detention of the U.S. crew members would drag on or whether top Chinese officials were, contrary to some analyses, in agreement on a course of action that could end the standoff.

In Washington, the White House sought to mute its comments after Bush's earlier signs of irritation. "The American reaction continues to be measured in tone," a senior administration official said. "It is our judgment that is the most appropriate way to be productive."

While administration briefers avoided the word hostage, State Department spokesman Richard A. Boucher said: "We consider these people detained. They're clearly not free to go and we don't have free access to them. I think that, by any definition, ... is 'detained.' "

As to when he would consider them "prisoners" or "hostages," Boucher said, "Not today."

Chinese media and government-monitored Web sites reported Powell's comments and seemed to step back from the shrill rhetoric that characterized Wednesday's reports.

In China Thursday, the official English language China Daily said it was using Bush's reaction to the crisis as a way to gauge his attitude toward China, a further indication that China is testing the new administration.

"The Chinese side's legitimate request for an apology, compensation, and explanation is a test of the U.S. government's genuine attitude towards the bilateral relationship," the commentary said.

*Staff writers Dana Milbank, Thomas E. Ricks and Alan Sipress, and correspondent John Pomfret in Beijing, contributed to this report.*

04/05/2001

KISSINGER ASSOCIATES, INC.
350 PARK AVENUE, NEW YORK, NY 10022

TELEPHONE: 212-759-7919/
FACSIMILE: 212-759-0042

FACSIMILE TRANSMITTAL SHEET

TO:
Mr. Kun Sheng Zhang

FROM:
Rebecca Jordan

COMPANY:
Embassy of the People's Republic of China

DATE:
April 2

FAX NUMBER:

TOTAL NO. OF PAGES INCLUDING COVER:

202-328-2573

PHONE NUMBER:
202-745-6570

RE:

Lunch on Friday, April 6

Dear Mr. Kun Sheng Zhang -

May this transmission confirm the lunch of Dr. Kissinger and Ambassador Yang Jie Chi on Friday, April 6 at 12:15 p.m. in a private club, The Brook. The Brook is located at 111 East 54th Street (between Park Avenue and Lexington Avenue). The telephone number is 212-753-7020. The lunch will occur in a private room, the Oak Room. Upon arrival the Ambassador will be received warmly and shown to the Oak Room. The reservations are for four people, to include you and also Dr. Kissinger's colleague, Mr. Alan Batkin.

If you have any questions, or if I may be of help to you, please call me.

********-

- **** -

- *******************************

-

-

START=APR-02 20:17

END=APR-02 20:17

MODE = MEMORY TRANSMISSION

FILE NO. = 255

NO.      COM      ABBR/NTUK      STATION NAME/      PAGES      PRG. NO.      PROGRAM NAME
001       OK      8             TELEPHONE NO.      001/001

12023282573

001 OK 8

00

****************** -COMM.JOURNAL- ****************** DATE APR-02-2001 TIME 20:17 *** P.01

HENRY A. KISSINGER

April 11, 2001

Dear Mr. Minister:

It was a great pleasure to have had the opportunity to meet with you while I was in Beijing. I would like to express my appreciation not only for myself but for your hospitality in receiving the America-China Forum delegation as well. The discussion was most interesting and informative, and gave all of us a greater understanding of the important issues that concern both our countries. Thank you for sharing your views and your time so generously.

Warm regards,

His Excellency
General Chi Haotian
Minister of Defense
Ministry of National Defense
Beijing
People's Republic of China

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR · 350 PARK AVENUE · NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 · (212) 759-7919
FACSIMILE (212) 759-0042

Text of U.S. Ambassador's Letter to Chinese Foreign Minister

Wednesday, April 11, 2001

WASHINGTON - Text of letter released by the White House from U.S. Ambassador Joseph W. Prueher to Chinese Minister of Foreign Affairs Tang.

Dear Mr. Minister:

On behalf of the United States Government, I now outline steps to resolve
this issue.

Both President Bush and Secretary of State Powell have expressed their sincere regret over your missing pilot and aircraft. Please convey to the Chinese people and to the family of pilot Wang Wei that we are very sorry for their loss.

Although the full picture of what transpired is still unclear, according to our information, our severely crippled aircraft made an emergency landing after following international emergency procedures. We are very sorry that the entering of China's airspace and the landing did not have verbal clearance, but very pleased that the crew landed safely. We appreciate China's efforts to see to the well-being of our crew.

In view of the tragic incident and based on my discussions with you representative, we have agreed to the following actions:

Both sides agree to hold a meeting to discuss the incident. My government understands and expects that our aircrew will be permitted to depart China as soon as possible.

The meeting would start April 18, 2001.

The meeting agenda would include discussion of the causes of the incident, possible recommendations whereby such collisions could be avoided in the future, development of a plan for prompt return of the EP-3 aircraft, and other related issues. We acknowledge your government's intention to raise U.S. reconnaissance missions near China in the meeting.

太合控股

MAY 01 2001

Wang Wei

April 25, 2001

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

I was very pleased to receive your kind letter, I really hope to have the opportunity to meet you again when you visit China next time.

It was a great pleasure seeing you at my farm and glad to have an unforgettable and enjoyable evening with you and your colleagues.

I enjoyed reminiscing with you on the building of China and USA diplomatic history. All the remarkable attempts you did to improve the relationship between China and the USA were greatly important to both countries and their people, and it will always be remembered in the history of mankind.

I sincerely hope you and your wife will have an opportunity to re-visit China sometime.

I was also really glad to take photos with you and your colleagues, please find enclosed some photos of your visit.

Mr. Henry A. Kissinger
TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR
350 PARK AVENUE
NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022-6022

PROJECT FOR THE
NEW AMERICAN CENTURY

DIRECTORS

WILLIAM KRISTOL, CHAIRMAN
JOHN BOLTON
DEVON GAFFNEY CROSS
BRUCE P. JACKSON
ROBERT KAGAN
GARY SCHMITT, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR

MAY 01 2001

April 30, 2001

MEMORANDUM TO: OPINION LEADERS

FROM: GARY SCHMITT

SUBJECT: China & Taiwan

I want to draw your attention to comments made on China and Taiwan by Vice President Cheney last Friday night in an interview with Andrea Mitchell on MSNBC. His remarks have received little notice, but make clear that President Bush's statement about coming to the defense of Taiwan was no mistake. The vice president reiterated that the United States would "use force, if necessary to oppose" China should it use military force in an effort to bring Taiwan under its control. He then went on to say that the time for "ambiguity" on this matter had ended. Given "the increased threat level" posed by China towards Taiwan, "clarity...is important" so that the Chinese not "miscalculate" our own commitment to a peaceful resolution of dispute between the Taiwan and China.

Two years ago, in a letter sponsored by the Project and signed by a number of individuals who now hold senior positions in the Bush Administration, it was argued that "the time for strategic and moral 'ambiguity' with regard to Taiwan has passed" and that "the United States [should] make every effort to deter any form of Chinese intimidation of Taiwan" and "declare unambiguously that it will come to Taiwan's defense in the event of an attack or a blockade against Taiwan." As Robert Kagan argues in his *Washington Post* column today ("Bush's Straight Talk on China," p.A17) "the old China hands" will undoubtedly try and walk the president and vice president back from taking this position. But, "with a few words" they have put to rest a policy that no longer makes strategic or moral sense.

Finally, Vice president Cheney's remarks also linked together the recent incident between the Chinese fighter and our reconnaissance aircraft, "the more threatening posture" China has recently taken toward Taiwan, and the need to end the policy of ambiguity. In doing so, the vice president was indicating in a subtle but nevertheless firm fashion that China would pay a price for its behavior -- and the price is a new, clear commitment to defend Taiwan.

FROM : YU JUN

1-20 12.12

FAX NO. : 202 328 2573

May. 18 2001 02:35PM

P1

青岛市人民政府

May 17th, 2001

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Kissinger Associates, Inc.
26th F.350 Park Ave.
New York, NY 10022-6022
U.S.A.

Respected Dr. Henry Kissinger,

Please accept my warm greetings from Qingdao City, hometown of your good friend, Mr. Li Zhaoxing, Vice Foreign Minister of P. R. China.

As an important economic center, port city and beautiful tourist city in China, Qingdao is located in China's eastern coast, between Beijing and Shanghai. It is the hometown of the well-known Tsingtao Beer.

I am very honored to inform you that the annual Qingdao International Beer Festival will be opened on August 18th, 2001. The festival is the 11th this year, jointly held by eight ministries of the State Council of China and Qingdao Municipal Government. Every year foreign envoys, well-known figures and businessmen are invited to attend the festival. And at the same time, millions of tourists from both home and abroad come to share with us the festival excitement. As an important festival for Qingdao citizens, Qingdao International Beer Festival has become an important international event, which has contributed greatly to the enhancement of mutual understanding and friendship, and promotion of economic cooperation and technological and cultural exchanges between Qingdao and other countries.

This year's festivities will include the Grand Opening Ceremony, Evening Gala Show, Float Parade, Sampling of different beers from all over the world and

MAY 23 2001 10:38 FR H1G

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F.02/05

MAY 23 2001

# Blue Team Takes on Red China

By J. Michael Waller

mwaller@InsightMag.com

http://www.insightmag.com/archiye/200106047.shtml

A community of top congressional staffers, academics, journalists, scholars, think-tank analysts and intelligence officers has emerged as a counterbalance to the China lobby.

Like a bolt from the blue, it has become one of the most influential foreign-policy forces in Washington. It has no leader, no charter, no organization, no office and no formal membership. It receives no foundation grants, corporate subsidies or government funding. Formless, with no head and no body, it is defined by a common sense of mission. Its adherents are found in both houses of Congress, the Pentagon, the CIA, the FBI and the White House, as well as in universities, think tanks and the press.

It's the "Blue Team," the truest case of David versus Goliath in the big-money world of Washington foreign-policymaking. It's the answer to the "Red Team," the otherwise unnamed foe in Pentagon war-gaming. And it is posing the biggest-ever challenge to the generously funded China lobby of the Democratic and Republican establishments.

"Nobody in Washington ever suffered professionally for being too friendly to Beijing," senior Senate staff member William Triplett, the most often-quoted Blue Team member, tells Insight. Indeed, the professional careers of some Blue Team founders have failed to advance and even suffered because of their skeptical views of the Chinese Communist leadership and its intentions. Unlike much of what they call the Red Team, which is blamed for putting business concerns above national security, Blue Teamers aren't in it for the money.

But their cause has advanced in recent months thanks to a confluence of events: the election of President George W. Bush, his appointment of Donald H. Rumsfeld as secretary of defense and the Chinese government's threatening behavior. This includes greater militance toward seizing Taiwan, an in-your-face military buildup, the April 1 interception and downing of a U.S. Navy intelligence plane in international airspace and the detaining of the crew and continued impoundment of the aircraft.

Now, with increased receptivity to their concerns, Blue Team members are being invited into the new Bush administration. Indeed, some were active in or with the presidential campaign. They warned against the advice of other Bush figures who took a softer view of Beijing that, as it turned out, would have proved mightily embarrassing. Congress, too, is far more receptive this year than last, when Republican leaders rammed through a renamed "most favored nation" trade status for the

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People's Republic of China (PRC). And the press as well has reported more aggressively about Chinese human-rights abuses and military provocations that lend wider appreciation of the Blue Team's early warnings.

That has brought more attention on the Blue Team. But most press coverage of the movement has been shallow and sometimes offered little more than a caricature.

The Blue Team was founded in the mid-1990s by seven or eight congressional staffers, journalists, think-tank analysts, scholars and intelligence officers in an all-night meeting around a woodstove in a library above a suburban Maryland garage. Its members all national-security specialists, though few of them began with formal training as sinologists recognized the ascendancy of the PRC as a potential superpower adversary within the next two decades. They committed to work together out of frustration at a lack of attention to the problem in academic, journalistic, policy and intelligence circles.

"We felt like an underground group," says a former congressional staffer present at the founding. "[Bill] Clinton was president, we had few influential allies in Congress, China hands from the previous Bush administration were hostile to our view, the Pentagon and CIA were watering down intelligence reports, and the 'trade-will-set-you-free' mantra was conventional thinking among policymakers."

All that has changed. Today, the Blue Team no longer is merely a small group of individuals but a movement. "The Blue Team is kind of like the neoconservative movement," says Thor Ronay of the Center for Security Policy. "It began among just a few people who worked together, but gradually grew into an intellectual movement and policy community."

Critics sometimes portray the Blue Team as a gang of Cold War yahoos desperate for a new, post-Soviet enemy. But interviews and conversations with its founders indicate otherwise. Some are motivated by concerns about human rights, free labor and religious freedom. Others are professional defense analysts who study geostrategic trends for defense planning. Still others are more general strategists and historians, some of whom are tenured professors at the country's most prestigious universities.

None carries the baggage of the guild of China-area mandarins who have dominated U.S. thinking about Beijing during the last several decades. For one thing, few sinologists are trained in military or strategic issues. Michael Pillsbury of the National Defense University, a noted expert on the Chinese military, observes, "Our government and universities invest very little in understanding Chinese security issues, probably less than 10 percent of what is spent on analyzing the former Soviet Union."

For any academic, success means access to the area being studied and followed. For sinologists, that means open access to the PRC, its controlled institutions and its Communist Party officials. And that traditionally has meant not treading too hard on Communist Party policies.

Almost inevitably, such a situation leads even the most principled American sinologist to grapple with the reality that he must be co-opted to some degree if he is to maintain access. For the Chinese Communists, as with the Soviets, that meant the targeting and cultivation of the most promising American prospects and building special relationships with them. "Party officials in government and party-controlled academic institutions would flatter American officials and analysts as the few who 'understand.' Private arrangements are made with generals, party princelings and other Communist elites to keep the Western sinologists in the loop," an intelligence expert explains. "Corporate types end up in the same black box."

Ronay says, "For such policy- and opinion-makers, the intelligence coming in really doesn't matter, 'because I am one of the few who understands' and 'because I have a special relationship.' A general strategist wouldn't buy that at all; he does a net assessment from the situation and forms his conclusions therein." And that's the essence of the Blue Team. "Let's take the thinking on China out of this guild and look at what's at stake general issues of strategy and geography. The guild is no longer relevant," Ronay continues. With the Blue Team ascendant over the Red Team, "we're seeing the last

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gasp of the old paradigms."

Blue Teamers, he says, "bring to the issue an interdisciplinary approach that is vital to the development and execution of something that is sorely lacking: a balanced strategy for dealing with China not from a unidimensional economic, diplomatic, regional or arms-control point of view, but from that of an integrated strategy. What the Blue Team wants is an open, informed and balanced debate in which all these factors are given an airing, new ideas and options are floated and tested and a net assessment based on current realities and U.S. interests is arrived at."

Until the events of the last few months, that debate required a certain creativity and boldness, a decades-old protracted conflict of political guerrilla warfare necessitated by the David-and-Goliathlike nature of the debate. Jim Mann, a columnist with the Los Angeles Times and one of the most respected China experts in journalism, recalls the activity of Blue Team archangel Triplett as an opponent of Kissingeresque policy toward Beijing. Best known as coauthor of Year of the Rat with Ed Timperlake, Triplett developed an interest in China in the 1960s as a junior intelligence operative in East Asia. In the mid-1980s he became the China point man for Sen. Jesse Helms, R-N.C. now the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Triplett now serves with the office of Sen. Robert Bennett, R-Utah.

"On Capitol Hill, Triplett purveyed a steady stream of facts, rumors, threats and legislative maneuvers all of them designed to expose wrongdoing by China and to frustrate and embarrass those who were trying to improve America's ties with Beijing. His principal weapon was the telephone, where he talked endlessly and conspiratorially in colorful, street-savvy language," Mann writes in About Face, a book on U.S.-China relations.

"Beneath this bluster lay a considerable cunning. In the terminology of Capitol Hill, Triplett was adept at working 'across the aisle,' cultivating liberal Democrats as assiduously as he did conservative Republicans. He was as responsible as anyone for the unlikely bipartisan coalition that emerged in the 1990s on behalf of tougher policies toward China," according to Mann. "Triplett was a master of the well-timed leak, the delayed nomination hearing, the planted question at the noontime White House briefing. He would call up State Department officials and urge them to do something because the press was hot on the trail of a story; then he would phone reporters to tell them the State Department was about to change its policy. Other, less creative, congressional aides would talk only to the New York Times and the Washington Post, the sunrise and sunset of their limited horizons. Triplett spoke regularly to elite newspapers but also knew how to work with the Washington Times, the wire services or even magazines from Japan, Germany or Hong Kong in order to get attention and good display for a story that could later be picked up elsewhere. In this fashion, he could slowly heat up a controversy until it reached a boil."

The spirit of the Blue Team is rooted in China-policy battles that date back to the days before Mao Tse-tung's 1949 Communist revolution. But the new generation that became the Blue Team community had no unified outlet for participation in such battles until recently. The Blue Teamers who sat around that Maryland woodstove to coordinate a movement have networked skillfully among like-minded friends and colleagues through the entire national-security community; the human-rights, labor and pro-freedom movements; prestigious universities; and leading think tanks. There, they found many like-minded authorities who had their own circles and had felt a similar isolation and frustration.

Their advocacy was as much one of democracy and freedom for the Chinese people as it was for military vigilance against what they saw as a repressive and increasingly hegemonistic regime.

Blue Teamers, or those who identify with them, include University of Pennsylvania China historian Arthur Waldron, Frank Gaffney of the Center for Security Policy, Richard Fisher of the Jamestown Foundation and Senate Foreign Relations Committee staffer Jim Doran, according to a Far Eastern Economic Review attack on the Blue Team from last year.

"We are everyplace, in the DIA [Defense Intelligence Agency], CIA, NSA [National Security Agency], Energy Department, Pentagon, State and White House, but we tend to be quieter or silent

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because: (a) we are in the government, whereas the prominent spokespeople and paymasters for the Red Team are out of government as former officials; and (b) especially under Clinton, speaking out would get you fired or otherwise professionally penalized," a well-connected Blue Team strategist tells Insight.

What are they up against? The Blue Team strategist puts it bluntly: "Powerful Red Team business representatives have been known to call sub-Cabinet officials and demand that they place or replace people in China-related government jobs. A former Republican secretary of state called a top Clinton Pentagon official to demand a certain DIA guy be put in charge of the China desk twice." But now, under Bush, the battle has been joined.

## Blue Team Vindicated Time and Again

Seemingly more than anything else, China's April 1 interception and downing of a U.S. Navy EP-3H intelligence plane in international airspace, its detaining of the 24 crew members and the continued impoundment of the aircraft have served to galvanize opinion among the American public, in Congress and within the Bush administration around positions Blue Teamers long advocated. The incident merely was the most public indicator. In reality, Blue Team adherents participated in and were vindicated by major congressional commissions investigating China security and military policy.

Those commissions include the Cox commission on Chinese espionage, the Rumsfeld-Deutch commission on ballistic-missile threats, the Rumsfeld commission on security in space and the Pentagon's ubiquitous Office of Net Assessment virtually every significant government security-related body studying Beijing in the last several years. Blue Team members and adherents also occupy prominent roles in the new congressionally chartered U.S.-China Security Review Commission but are locked in a battle against those considered the Red Teamers for control of that body.

"We've come a long way since the early [George W.] Bush campaign when we were locked in a mortal battle with some of the China panda-huggers who turned their earlier service to Bush's father into China riches and now wanted their own people in the new president's camp," a Blue Team security-policy veteran tells Insight (see "Differences in China Policy," May 29, 2000). "Sure, some of them are in the present government, but their views are discredited. Some even are agreeing with positions we've been taking from the start."

JMW

5/21/2001

KISSINGER ASSOCIATES, INC.

J. STAPLETON ROY
MANAGING DIRECTOR

May 24, 2001

TO: HAK
FROM: Stape
SUBJECT: "Blue Team" Article

I took another more careful look at the J. Michael Waller article in *Insight Magazine* entitled "Blue Team Takes on Red China." A second perusal still leaves me with the impression that there is less there than meets the eye.

Some of the article restates the obvious, i.e., the re-emergence in recent years of a hard-line skeptical view of China. This has been driven in large measure by Tiananmen, which fundamentally altered views of China in this country for the worse, and the Chinese decision in 1995 (in response to the Li Teng-hui visit) to resume the use of threats of force against Taiwan and to fire missiles into the Taiwan Strait. While China has always reserved the "right" to use force against Taiwan if necessitated by circumstances, from 1979 until 1995 it did not threaten the use of force and kept its emphasis on "peaceful reunification" as its fundamental policy.

The Chinese, especially the military, undoubtedly felt justified in their own eyes in readopting threats of force as part of their cross-Straits policy because of their precipitous loss of confidence in the Clinton administration's willingness to constrain Lee Teng-hui's quest for international political status equivalent to that of a "state," following Washington's reversal on the Lee visit. One wonders whether Beijing fully considered the collateral consequences, i.e., the ammunition this gives to those espousing a hard-line view of China, and the justification the threats provide for escalating U.S. arms sales to Taiwan. Regardless, the hard fact is that few in this country are aware of or attach importance to Taiwan's role in provoking this shift in PRC policy. China is simply seen as acting in a more threatening manner.

Large portions of the article present a slanted view, e.g., by implying that those who see China as less inherently threatening have sold out to China and are "in it for the money." It neatly puts down this group as "the guild of China-area mandarins." Equally distorted is the article's view that "Red Team" academics pull their punches in order to maintain their access to China and are thus co-opted to some degree.

Some of the article involves breathtaking non-sequiturs. Thus, on the one hand, it quotes Thor Ronay as saying Blue Teamers "bring to the issue an interdisciplinary approach that is vital to the development and execution of something that is sorely lacking: a balanced strategy for dealing with China not from a unidimensional economic, diplomatic, regional or arms-control point of view, but from that of an integrated strategy...." (who could quarrel with such an approach). A few paragraphs later it describes leading Blue Teamer Bill Triplett's manipulative approach to frustrating and embarrassing those trying to improve America's ties to Beijing - the antithesis of a "balanced" approach.

350 PARK AVENUE • NEW YORK, NY • (212) 759-7919

-2-

In essence, the article portrays the emergence of an anti-China lobby, which it labels the Blue Team. It implies this group is realistic and balanced in their view of China. In fact, the Blue Team represents an extreme viewpoint. For example, no mention is made of Jim Lilley, who is often highly critical of China but doesn't assume inevitable Chinese hostility. The Blue Team should more properly be juxtaposed with extreme views on the other side, e.g., advocates of "getting along with China at all costs," a group that no longer has any significant voice in our domestic China debate. By pretending that those who occupy the broad middle ground are in fact proponents of a pro-Beijing position the article skews the picture.

Moreover, the article fails to offer any insight into the underlying issue, which is whether a stronger China is necessarily a more threatening China. The so-called Blue Teamers take this as a given. Those who consider this possible but not inevitable, and who argue in favor of policies that keep open the possibility of constructive cooperation with Beijing without simply assuming that China will be hostile and uncooperative, are dismissed as "Panda huggers." This hardly contributes to the "open, informed and balanced debate" that is presented as the goal of the Blue Team.

The article is accurate, however, in noting the confluence of events that has brought the so-called Blue Team to prominence at the beginning of the new Bush administration.

FROM : YU JUN 2000-12-07 12:12

FAX NO. : 202 328 2573
COUNCIL ECR MAYOR

Jun. 04 2001 10:16AM P1
NO. 535 P.1

青岛市人民政府

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Kissinger Associates, Inc.
26th F.350 Park Ave.
New York,NY10022-6022
U.S.A.

May 17th, 2001

JUN 0 4 2001

China Institute

125 East 65th Street
New York, NY 10021-7088
Tel (212) 744-8181
Fax (212) 628-4159
www.chinainstitute.org

JUN 2 0 2001

June 15, 2001

Dear China Institute Supporter:

I am pleased to enclose China Institute in America's 1999-2000 Annual Report. The report recounts an excellent year for the Institute, one of which we can all be proud — and a year of successes we could not have achieved without your support and encouragement. Our Gallery received over 10,000 visitors, our School expanded its programs, numerous distinguished speakers presented lectures on a broad range of topics, general membership expanded and new corporate members joined.

The past few years of momentous world change have brought China into a sharper focus. The increasing integration of China into the world economy, the resurgence of American interest in China's future, and the enthusiastic participation of Chinese Americans and Sinophiles alike in New York City have created new demands for the kinds of educational programs and services that are our specialty.

While continuing to interpret contemporary China and illuminate its past, China Institute has developed exciting new programs to serve our current constituencies, reach new and growing audiences, and respond to change. I hope you enjoy reading the report. I feel it gives a very good summary of the past dynamic year.

Please feel free to contact me to give your impressions of the report, to request additional copies or to discuss any aspect of China Institute.

Once again, thank you for your continuing support and encouragement. It makes what we do possible, and will ensure China Institute's commitment to the community for the next 75 years!

Enclosure

China Institute: Celebrating 75 Years of Culture and Education, 1926-2001

From the Chairman and the President

China Institute is America's oldest and most comprehensive educational and cultural center devoted to teaching the public about China and Chinese culture and civilization. Fiscal year 1999-2000 was another year of vigor and growth. The most visible manifestation of new growth can be found in the Institute's backyard: the exquisite Eric and Patricia Hotung Suzhou Scholar's Garden, an authentic re-creation of Chinese culture and tradition in Manhattan. It was conceived, funded, built and planted in little more than one year, all while China Institute expanded its regular programming and developed new projects.

Participation in China Institute programs and events increased significantly in 1999-2000. For example:

• Annual visitors to China Institute Gallery topped 10,000 for the first time.

• Involvement of school children increased tremendously, both inside the Institute (the Gallery conducted 131 *Discover China Through Art* workshops) and outside (4,000 students participated in Chinese New Year assemblies we presented in their schools).

• 335 children, some as young as three, studied Mandarin in Institute classes.

• 500 people attended *China Survey*, a free introductory lecture series offered twice during the year to meet the public need for reliable information about China.

4

(c)

* A new educational series for business-people, *China Briefcase*, drew over 150 participants.

* China Institute has become the most important center in New York State for professional teacher education about China and Chinese culture, and we are rapidly establishing ourselves as one of the nation's leaders in this field. *Teach China*, the Institute's program for educators, expanded its reach by selecting 17 educational policymakers for its China Study Tour, which has resulted in greater attention given to China and its history in our nation's schools.

* Membership grew 12%, with especially fast growth in the higher-end membership categories.

* 450 young adults attended the Dragon Millennium Ball in February, launching a new tier of membership, the *Young Associates*.

In addition, the Institute is gaining more visibility with the general public. Press coverage of exhibitions expanded well beyond Asian art publications, such as *Orientations Magazine*, to “mainstream” art publications such as *Art and Antiques* and *ARTnews*, and general interest publications such as *New York Magazine* and *TimeOut*, with full-scale reviews in *The New York Times*, *The Asian Art Newspaper*, *Orientations Magazine* and *Oriental Art*.

China Institute brings to its audiences a series of programs on every topic relating to

China and Chinese culture—including art, education, music, film, contemporary affairs, business, travel workshops, language classes and classes and events for families and children ages three and older. We have organized this annual report to reflect how our activities fulfill our mission. The body of the report is organized around general topics, such as *Chinese Culture and Civilization* and *China in Education*, and includes profiles of selected people and programs that illustrate the impact of China Institute on its constituents. We have also included a complete listing of all 1999–2000 programs.

In 2001, China Institute celebrates its 75th anniversary. As Chairman and President of China Institute, we are honored and proud to be active participants in furthering the mission of this unique, important and strong institution as it enters the new millennium.

Ivan Y.T. Feng
Chairman

Torrey L. Whitman
President

5

Chinese Culture
and Civilization

A Chinese garden unites rock, water, plants and man-made structures to recreate an ideal world. China Institute visitors now can experience this world by entering the newly built *Eric and Patricia Hotung Suzhou Scholar's Garden* at China Institute. Like a Chinese landscape painting, the garden draws the viewer into nature and slowly reveals its complexity.

Just as China Institute's Suzhou Garden offers an authentic experience of Chinese culture, so its School of Chinese Studies illuminates virtually every aspect of Chinese culture and history. During 1999-2000, it was possible, among many other activities, to learn Chinese chess; master the basics of Chinese language; listen to the ethereal music of the qin; hear historian Jonathan Spence speak about Mao Zedong; learn how new archaeological discoveries have changed theories of the origin of Chinese civilization; and see historical photos that transport the viewer into the everyday world of China "between the revolutions."

*China Survey* was developed in 1998 to provide a general introduction to China. This kind of programming has been a cornerstone of China Institute since the late 1920s, when survey courses on Chinese history and culture were first developed. In 1999-2000, *China Survey* was offered at no charge, through the support of the Tribune New York Foundation, and was attended by over 500.

Through lectures and films, concerts and operas, classes and scholarly symposia, Chinese culture and civilization are presented by the Institute's own master teachers and by guest lecturers from around the world. Programs and activities can now be followed on our Web site, and our popular e-mail newsletter about Chinese language and culture is sent to readers around the world.

Silk Strings and Paulownia Wood:
Music of the *Qin*, *Kōmun'go* and *Koto*

Rare Concert of Asian
String Instruments
from China, Korea
and Japan

Truly a unique occasion for Asian music-lovers, this concert gave listeners a chance to appreciate and compare three related zither-like instruments in the performance of classical, folk and contemporary tunes. The concert was a musical complement to the Gallery exhibition, *The Resonance of the Qin in East Asian Art*. An interpretative introduction was given by the Metropolitan Museum's curator of musical instruments, Kenneth Moore, followed by performances on the three instruments. Traditionally, each of the three instruments was made of paulownia wood (from the *wutong* tree, said to be the only tree where the phoenix would alight) with strings of silk. The seven-stringed *qin* itself is more than 2,000 years old, and even its physical characteristics, such as its length and its different parts, have ancient cosmological significance to the Chinese.

Suzhou Scholar's Garden
at China Institute

Hua Mei Bie Yuan
Graces
China Institute's
Backyard

"Paradise in a contained space" perfectly describes China Institute's new Eric and Patricia Hotung Suzhou Scholar's Garden. Surrounded by tall buildings, this bit of paradise features a spacious courtyard paved with octagonal stone mosaics, a sculptural border of fantastically-shaped *Taihu* rocks, a waterfall that splashes off a rock "mountain" into the Pond of the Morning's First Light, and plantings of the Three Friends of Winter—plum, bamboo and pine.

*Hua Mei Bie Yuan* (roughly meaning "China Institute's outer cultural space") is the first authentic outdoor classical Chinese garden to be built in Manhattan. Eight artisans and their supervisor from Suzhou's Landscape Architecture Corporation worked on the Garden. All the elements and materials were shipped from China, including 44 tons of the limestone *Taihu* rocks that dominate the Institute's garden, both imitating mountains and stimulating the scholar's imagination.

8

美中互译
译述连大

Ben Wang
Senior Lecturer and
Cultural Interpreter,
China Institute

"The Chinese language is so unique—it's a combination of music and painting."

China Institute has a Chinese cultural star in its midst and his name is Ben Wang. Wang teaches Chinese language, calligraphy, classical Chinese literature and drama, as well as much less highbrow cultural skills like mahjong and Chinese chess.

Wang, a native of Suzhou, moved to Taiwan in 1948. He began teaching at China Institute and the United Nations in 1985. The Institute encouraged him to develop his unique style of interpreting Chinese culture for Americans. Even in his language classes, Wang is really teaching "Chinese culture as reflected in the language—the Chinese language is so unique, because it's a combination of music and painting, where the visceral joins the cerebral."

Ben Wang is China Institute's most popular teacher and perhaps its most demanding. His entertaining style, intense manner, and interactive method keep students on the edges of their seats, not only hanging onto his every word, but awaiting the certain moment when they will be put on the spot.

Wang has translated 28 Ming *kunqu* dramas into English and won Taiwan's national literature translation award for his Chinese translation of the Pulitzer Prize-winning book *Growing Up* by Russell Baker.

9

## Recent Excavations and
New Interpretations:
Revisiting Early Chinese History

Archaeological
Symposium held in
conjunction with
*Dawn of the Yellow*
*Earth* Exhibition

The rich regional and artistic diversity of the Chinese Neolithic ceramics on display at China Institute Gallery was the inspiration behind an April 1 symposium on cutting-edge research about the origins of Chinese civilization. The extraordinary line-up of speakers, including such luminaries as historian David Keightley and archaeologist Yang Xiaoneng, resulted in a sold-out house at Lang Recital Hall, Hunter College.

J. May Lee Barrett wrote in *Orientations Magazine* (October 2000): "It is apparent that the decentralization of archaeological activities in China just over a decade ago has promoted the study of regional cultures and helped to create a new paradigm for the rise of early China. The Yellow River Valley can no longer be regarded as the sole nucleus of early Chinese civilization. Instead, the formation of Chinese civilization and the Chinese character came from the cultural interaction of several different regions."

Ellyse Stanislow
Ben Wang's Student

Summer 1999
Intensive Chinese
and Story of the Stone

Ellyse Stanislow had no trouble finding China Institute when she needed it—"New Yorkers know it's there"—to take a class in Chinese before her first tour to China. She had not been back from China for a week before she plunged into the Institute's well-known Summer Intensive class in Mandarin.

Two hours of lessons with Ben Wang were followed by two hours of drills with Zhang Xiaodan. "Ben Wang keeps you so interested and excited you can't wait for the next class," Stanislow said, and she loved practicing calligraphy with the Chinese brush that Wang taught them to use. When Stanislow returned to China that fall for an acupuncture course, "I was able to shop and negotiate and I could say 'no thank you' in a polite but very firm way."

10

Catherine Gamble Curran

Sidney D. Gamble's
Posthumous Return
to China

Catherine Gamble Curran was born in Beijing in the 1920s when her father, Sidney D. Gamble, was a social researcher for the YMCA. A member of China Institute's first advisory board, Gamble's years of fieldwork in urban and rural China would result in five books, but it is the legacy of his photographs of China "between the revolutions" that now moves Americans and Chinese alike.

Catherine brought this legacy to life again when she opened a cupboard in her mother's home in 1985 and discovered 5,000 hand-painted glass slides and black and white negatives in brown paper sleeves. "Little did I know at that moment that I had embarked on a long—not always straight—road that would lead me eventually back to Beijing, the city where I was born and to the vast halls of the Museum of Chinese History overlooking Tiananmen Square."

China Institute's exhibition of 81 photos, curated by Vice President, Director of Programs Nancy Jervis, opened during the week of the Tiananmen Square crackdown on June 4, 1989, bringing the photos to a national audience. Gamble's shots of the student demonstrations of the 1919 May 4th movement evoked many comparisons. For the next three years, the show traveled to 19 cities under the auspices of the Smithsonian Institution's Traveling Exhibition Service.

On January 18, 2000, at a China Institute event, "Sidney Gamble's Posthumous Return to China," Curran told the remarkable story of arranging the exhibition of Gamble's photos at the prestigious Museum of Chinese History in Beijing in the fall of 1999.

11

Chinese Art

A record 10,750 people visited China Institute Gallery in 1999–2000. The Gallery’s limited space inspires themes that can be communicated through a small number of well-chosen objects. The exhibitions’ audiences must be kept in mind, too: from school children and others who know nothing about Chinese art—and are taught how to look at it, and even how to create it, through *Discover China Through Art* —to collectors seeking the most informed presentation of their specialized field of interest.

The Gallery mounted an unprecedented three original exhibitions in 1999–2000.
*The Resonance of the Qin in East Asian Art* (September 17–December 12, 1999) explored the role of that elegant instrument in both Chinese and Japanese art. *The Story of Red: Celebrate the Chinese New Year in 2000* (January 12–February 11, 2000) was completely booked for school tours. *Dawn of the Yellow Earth: Ancient Chinese Ceramics from the Meiyintang Collection* (March 21–June 18, 2000) presented the latest research into the origins of Chinese civilization, along with several Neolithic items never before seen in North America.

In order to extend the geographic reach of *Resonance of the Qin*, China Institute produced a feature short film, generously funded by The Luce Foundation, illustrating the place of the *qin* in Chinese culture and leading the viewer through the exhibition. Sitting in China Institute’s Scholar’s Garden, a musician plays his *qin* where it can “resonate with nature.”

The Institute also organized a well-attended lecture series bringing curators and scholars to China Institute to discuss Chinese art exhibitions on display elsewhere. For example, curator Yang Xiaoneng delivered a slide-illustrated lecture on the National Gallery’s “Golden Age of Chinese Archaeology.”

Original Exhibition
curated by
Stephen Addiss
September 17-
December 12, 1999

China Institute's exhibition, *The Resonance of the Qin in East Asian Art*, won praise from art critics like Holland Cotter of *The New York Times* who called the show "compact, shapely, exquisite in detail" and "a perfect visual complement to its subject." The exhibition and catalog featured both Chinese and Japanese portrayals of the *qin* in painting, calligraphy, tomb sculpture, even hairpins or paperweights in the treasured shape of the qin.

A Song dynasty *qin* featured in the exhibition is evocatively named “Icicle Sonorous Stone.” It is adorned with an inscription by the most famous Confucian philosopher of the time, Zhu Xi, who described how the music of the *qin* calms and disciplines the mind. The instrument was originally used for entertainment, as seen in three Han dynasty tomb figures who gaily sway to its tunes.

Original Exhibition
curated by
Regina Krahl
March 21-
June 18, 2000

"One of the finest and most representative selections of China's earliest ceramics," the Meiyintang Collection updates our notions of China's Neolithic and early Bronze Age cultures, according to *Dawn of the Yellow Earth* curator and ceramics specialist Regina Krahl.

"In this exhibition of 63 pieces, we see how Chinese civilization co-evolved in far-flung regions, rather than from a single nucleus in the Yellow River valley." Krahl and Rutgers University art professor Annette L. Juliano wrote the exhibition catalog, which provides a brief introduction to Chinese archaeology in the past eighty years and gives an idea of the complex picture of the Chinese Neolithic Age. In conjunction with the exhibition, China Institute also organized a symposium on April 1 to explore these topics in depth.

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Marie-Hélène Weill

Trustee and long-time member,
Gallery Committee

In 1969, Marie-Hélène Weill and her husband, Guy, walked into China Institute and began taking courses in Chinese art. "It was like stepping onto a little Chinese island," says Weill. "Socially, intellectually, emotionally, our whole life changed." More than thirty years later, she celebrated her 80th birthday in China Institute's Scholar's Garden with a surprise party in honor of her pivotal role in the creation and success of the Gallery. Weill has been a China Institute trustee since 1989 and a member of the Gallery Committee since the 1970s, chairing the Gallery Dinner for many years.

In her early years at the Institute, Weill quickly became "very serious" about Chinese art. Each exhibition curator took her under his or her wing, teaching her all she could absorb about Chinese jade or landscape paintings—whatever was featured in the changing exhibitions. She got a job in the galleries, and one day an overworked curator asked Weill to take over a lecture to a visiting group. Before long she was a paid docent and weekly lecturer. She later was hired as a lecturer by the Asian Art department of the Metropolitan Museum of Art, a job which she proudly still holds.

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## Reaching Children

Many children are first exposed to Chinese culture learning about Chinese New Year in school. China Institute sent "Red Lions" to New York City schools, where they taught 4,000 children how to celebrate Chinese New Year. Hundreds of school children visited China Institute's special New Year exhibition, *The Story of Red*, featuring the elements of a family celebration, from papercuts to a traditional ancestral altar with offerings of food. Afterwards, they attended a *Discover China Through Art* workshop where they learned calligraphy and made traditional New Year decorations to take home. The Institute offered several family workshops where parents and children learned to make New Year dumplings and heard stories about the Chinese zodiac. In February, the Institute put on its seventh consecutive New Year's Lion Dance on East 65th Street.

More than 330 children studied Chinese after school, on Saturdays or even during special summer classes at China Institute or one of our off-site locations. There is a variety of young students: children of Chinese American parents who do not speak Chinese; children who were born in China and adopted by American families; and children whose parents feel it is important for them to learn Chinese at an early age.

Over 3,400 children and adults took part in *Discover China Through Art*, the Gallery's hands-on art education program. Hearing and then playing the *qin*, and trying Chinese calligraphy, children could enjoy their own Chinese cultural experiences after viewing the Fall 1999 show, *The Resonance of the Qin*. In conjunction with the Spring 2000 *Dawn of the Yellow Earth* exhibition, Neolithic pots became cultural lessons to teach children how prehistoric Chinese civilization developed.

Lion Dance

Annual China Institute
Tradition Welcomes
Year of the Dragon

East 65th Street may seem a most unlikely place to gather for a Lion Dance, but every Chinese New Year, China Institute boasts the only genuine Lion Dance outside Chinatown in Manhattan. It's a free event, and a couple hundred arrived early to see two acrobatic lions fight over a head of lettuce (the word for vegetable, *cai*, sounds the same as that for "wealth"). Agitated by the frantic beating of a large drum and the clanging of gongs and cymbals, the prancing lions could only be calmed by the charms of innocent children wearing huge papier-mâché masks. The audience was delighted with the troupe's gymnastics on a pyramid of tables and chairs, performed by and for children of all ages. Afterwards, nearly 80 children and their parents stayed on to attend a storytelling workshop with Sue Yee on the Chinese Zodiac and the Year of the Dragon.

Discover China
Through Art

Gallery Hosts Record
Number of Groups

Discover China Through Art (DCTA) has many fans like the sixth-grader quoted below, one of 3,400 individuals (131 groups—mostly from area public and private schools), participating in DCTA, nearly twice the number that took part the previous year.

Organizing an exhibition always involves designing a DCTA visit for people with virtually no exposure to Chinese art. Programs are designed for different age groups, from pre-school to adult, and include a video, a guided tour of the exhibition, and a workshop for a relevant activity, usually including Chinese calligraphy.

"I learned that the chin has seven strings...I saw a video about old China's history and...I got to play the chin and it was very fun. We went to a room with a lot of old stuff and... that was very cool and I liked it."

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Red Lions
Bring
Chinese New Year
to Schools

Red Lions danced into school auditoriums and assembly halls all over Manhattan in January 2000, passing out red envelopes (*hong bao*) with lucky gold chocolate coins inside to 4,000 children in 20 elementary schools. The Red Lions, two actors dressed in a lion dance costume, joined with China Institute staff members to teach the young students (kindergarten to third grade) how Chinese celebrate their most important holiday. The children were taught how to say Happy New Year in Cantonese and Mandarin during the twenty-minute presentation.

The program was designed to familiarize schoolchildren with the New Year customs of the Chinese people and to introduce a bit of Chinese culture that could be recalled year after year as they grow up. China Institute Trustee and playwright David Henry Hwang launched the Red Lions program at a press conference on January 11, 2000.

Language For Parents and Toddlers

Building an Early
Cultural Appreciation

Children as young as three attend our toddlers' Mandarin class, using playful rhymes, songs, games and physical activities to learn basic spoken Chinese and simple characters, while their parents can attend a class across the hall that allows them to learn Mandarin along with their child.

Susan Thomas, mother of adopted daughter Lilia, says, "Taking classes at China Institute helps our family demonstrate that the culture our daughter comes from is valuable and beautiful. When we visited China, Lilia was very proud to be able to speak to people in Chinese. Her ownership of Chinese New Year... has been terrifically enhanced by China Institute's holistic approach to teaching language and culture.... What a great thing for me to be able to do and share with my daughter! The language classes we take and the environment here have become a wonderful and enriching part of our family life."

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Issues of Contemporary
Concern

Events in the Chinese world constantly surprise even those who follow China closely. From the unexpected victory of Taiwan's first non-KMT president, Chen Shui-bian, to the rise of the Falun Gong sect in China, current developments in Greater China were the focus of reflection and discussion at 1999–2000 China Institute programs.

One of China Institute's missions is to serve as a forum on current issues affecting the Chinese world. In fiscal year 2000, regular programming on contemporary affairs increased, in response to a growing audience for timely topics.

A distinctive feature of China Institute contemporary affairs programs is the stress on providing context, historical and cultural, to evaluate current events. For example, in the "Religion in China in the Year 2000" series, New York University anthropologist Angela Zito described the basic foundations and practices of traditional Chinese religion followed by Falun Gong spokesman Zhang Erping who described its practice, specifically its reliance on *qigong* and the cultivation of moral character.

Chinese Nationalism
in the Wake of Taiwan's
Presidential Elections

Contemporary Affairs
Forum Examines
Critical Topics

In June 2000, a month after Taiwan's first democratically elected president took office, China Institute invited Larry Wortzel of the Heritage Foundation and Renqiu Yu of SUNY Purchase to speculate on what might lie ahead.

"I don't think you could find a more threatening or dangerous situation for the Communist Party in China," said Wortzel of the defeat of the Kuomintang after more than 50 years of one-party rule on Taiwan. First, the KMT was toppled largely because of public anger at its widespread corruption, foreshadowing what might happen were people on the mainland given more freedom to protest corruption within the Communist Party. Second, despite Chinese government threats, Taiwan elected Chen Shui-bian, whose Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) leans towards independence even if it no longer openly advocates it. According to Wortzel, the future of "one China" and China's "sacred mission" to recover Taiwan is far from clear.

Betty Tung

Hong Kong's
First Lady Meets
China Institute Guests

At an intimate China Institute gathering, Betty Tung met with supporters of China Institute, many of whom were her old friends. She spoke candidly about life and politics in the Special Administrative Region since 1997 when Great Britain handed over sovereignty of Hong Kong to China. She was visiting New York with her husband, Hong Kong's Chief Executive Tung Chee-hua, who was meeting with American officials to reinforce business relations.

Mrs. Tung spoke at an April 6, 2000 breakfast reception about her many community activities in Hong Kong, requiring constant public appearances. Since she was trained and worked as a nurse, many of these involve public health. Mrs. Tung is President of the Hong Kong Red Cross, where she originally helped develop the Patient Concern and Library Service programs.

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A Conversation and Book Signing with Mo Yan,
Author of *The Republic of Wine*

"No Chinese writer since Lu Xun (1881-1936) has had the impact on Chinese letters and society of Mo Yan."

—Howard Goldblatt, in his nomination
of Mo Yan for the 1998 Neustadt Prize

China Institute's library was packed on March 26, 2000 when Beijing author Mo Yan introduced his newly translated novel, *The Republic of Wine*. Jeffrey Kinkley, a Chinese literature scholar and translator, interpreted for Mo and led the discussion. The audience included a number of Chinese writers as well as Richard Bernstein, who described Mo Yan in the *New York Times* as "a kind of Chinese magic realist whose stories, grounded in gritty naturalism, in the smells and fluids of real life, are nonetheless full of hallucination, demonic possession and the grotesquery of dreams."

Mo Yan was born in a Shandong peasant family in 1956 and in his early adulthood was a farmer, worker, and soldier—before becoming a writer and intellectual. His literary career began in the early 1980s, but his fame came with the publication of *Red Sorghum* in 1987 and the 1988 Zhang Yimou film for which he wrote the screenplay.

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China in Education

Teacher education has been a priority for China Institute from its beginning. Today, global studies and world history are taught in all New York schools, and shape not only the curriculum of our schools, but also the content presented by such national institutions as *Scholastic Magazine* and the College Board. China's role in world history and in contemporary affairs is now the concern of teachers at all levels and of educators outside the classroom.

As a result, China Institute has significantly expanded its professional development program for educators with *Teach China*, an initiative primarily funded by the Freeman Foundation. In-service courses, a summer teachers' institute and a China Study Tour are offered, with Institute staff also providing professional consulting to educational organizations.

In 2000, the China Study Tour targeted, for the first time, education officials in the social studies and humanities involved in China-related curriculum development on the district, city, state, and national levels. The goal was to reach those educators who make or influence educational policy. For two weeks in May, seventeen educators, from organizations as diverse as the New York State Education Department and the textbook publisher, Prentice Hall, traveled to Chengdu, Xi'an and Beijing, escorted by three top China Institute staff members. The results were encouraging, with such post-tour comments as "I've never before had an experience where I came away struck by how little I knew about something I thought I was fairly well versed on, and determined to learn more." As Confucius said, half of knowledge is admitting to what one does not know.

Jo Ann Larson
Associate in Social Studies Education,
New York State Education Department

Jo Ann Larson is part of a team of educators who are updating New York's K-12 curriculum, in light of the requirement that all graduating students must pass Regents exams in global history and other subjects beginning in 2005. China plays an important role in the new curriculum, especially in grades 3, 6, 9 and 10 when students study world history and the Eastern Hemisphere.

Because of the pending change in educational standards in New York, Larson was one of two educators from the New York State Education Department to participate in China Institute's 2000 China Study Tour, along with high-level officials from the New York City Board of Education and New York school districts and social studies organizations.

Until she went to China with the Institute's 2000 Study Tour, Jo Ann Larson wasn't sure whether Asia should be given so much prominence in the social studies core curriculum she was developing for New York State. "We had made some hard decisions about what to cut and what to include, but this trip reinforced our changed emphasis, to teach less about Western civilization and more about other cultures."

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