INTERNATIONAL CINEMATIC CORPORATION
1972-1973

Western Electric Co.

The most remarkable thing was the cheery tone of the investments in my list. In spite of the continuing uncertainty in the market.

cent. of the equity in Associated British Picture Corporation which they do not already own.

Although the shares of a bidder normally fall back, EMI have been encouraged by a spate of favourable comment which amply backs up my faith in the shares. In addition, they have reported that sales for the first four months of the current year were 30 per cent. up on last year, and results for this

19

2

AMERICAN

Press Clipping Service, Inc.

Tel. WOrth 2-3797

From DEC 21 1968

STATES-ITEM
NEW ORLEANS, LA.

E-143,000

## Prof. Kissinger's Guiding Hand

If Henry A. Kissinger, the Harvard professor whom President-elect Richard M. Nixon has chosen to serve as his foreign affairs adviser, follows his own writings, he will stress, in matters of national security, conventional military preparedness over a nuclear-only deterrent, the yielding of considerable defense responsibility to our allies and a gradual withdrawal of United States forces from Vietnam.

Unlike his immediate predecessors, McGeorge Bundy and Walt W. Rostow, Mr. Kissinger will not be tied down by such administrative chores as reading and analyzing intelligence cables for the President. Instead, he will concentrate on the formulation of long-range policy recommendations.

If the new President follows Mr. Kissinger's advice, the foreign policies of the new administration will not differ appreciably from those of the past eight years.

Since the Eisenhower years, for instance, emphasis has been on the development of a "balanced" military

stance, rather than total reliance on a purely nuclear response.

For some time, in addition, especially as a result of the Vietnam war and this country's balance of payments difficulties, there has been a growing feeling that our allies, particularly those of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, should assume a larger share of the responsibility for their own defense.

As far as Vietnam is concerned, it has been presumed all along that any settlement leading to an end of the war would include a phased withdrawal of American troops.

In short, there is nothing revolutionary about Mr. Kissinger's views on foreign affairs. Indeed, they have become part of the conventional wisdom.

American foreign policy under Mr. Nixon, therefore, will, in all probability, not be much different from those of the past few years, although it is to be hoped that the new President will profit by past failures. What could well be different is the manner in which they are implemented.

AMERICAN

Press Clipping Service, Inc.

Tel. WOrth 2-3797

From: DEC 19 1968

MORNING NEWS
WILMINGTON, DEL.
D-41,000

## His writings galore

# Tight-lip Kissinger is open book

Henry A. Kissinger

WASHINGTON (AP) — Henry A. Kissinger, President-elect Nixon's new foreign-policy adviser, proposes multilevel Vietnam negotiations and urges that the United States stay out of bargaining over the internal political structure of South Vietnam.

Kissinger's proposal that different combinations of interests discuss separately the various elements of the Vietnam struggle echoes a suggestion he made more than two years ago.

The Harvard scholar outlined his Vietnam plan in an article to be published today in Foreign Affairs, a quarterly journal.

THE article was written before Nixon named Kissinger this month to be his special assistant for national-security affairs. Since the appointment Kissinger has declined to discuss his foreign-policy views, maintaining his new job "is inconsistent with

making public statements on substantive issues."

Kissinger invited reporters to read his books and articles.

In his latest Vietnam propon-

al, Kissinger says the United States and North Vietnam should essentially discuss withdrawal of military forces and related subjects, such as guarantees for the neutrality of Laos and Cambodia. South Vietnam and the National Liberation Front, or Viet Cong, would negotiate the internal political structure of South Vietnam.

THE present meeting in Paris among the United States, North Vietnam, South Vietnam and the NLF should serve as a prelude to informal and perhaps even secret talks between the pairs of interests, said Kissinger. A broader international forum would work out guarantees and safeguards for any agreements reached.

Kissinger said the United States should stay out of discussions about South Vietnam's internal political future because it would be the one party least

sensitive to the subtleties of Vietnamese politics and would be likely to end up applying most of its pressure on Saigon.

"The result," he said, "may be the complete demoralization of Saigon, profound domestic tensions within the United States and a prolonged stalemate or a resumption of the war."

IN a commentary written for the Aug. 9, 1966, issue of Look magazine, Kissinger said "it may prove impossible to settle the war at a large conference that deals with all issues simultaneously."

He spoke of "political jockeying that is peripheral to the central problems in Vietnam" and said "it may be wiser to separate the issues into their component elements, each to be settled by the parties primarily involved. A larger conference could then work out guarantees for settlements already

achieved in other forums."

Kissinger outlined his general negotiating philosophy in "The Necessity for Choice," 1962, and "The Troubled Partnership," 1965.

### A sampling:

"Negotiations will prove empty if they are confined to vague protestations of goodwill. If a detente is not to be part of another cycle leading to renewed tensions, it is essential that negotiations be concrete and programs specific."

"We do ourselves an injustice if we make an issue of the desirability of relaxing tensions or of ending the Cold War. Rather the challenge which confronts the West is to determine what are the possibilities of a settlement which does not hazard our security and is consistent with our values. Only in the purposeful is flexibility a virtue."

["10 — O ESTADO de S. PAULO", "TERÇA-PEIRA, 3 DE DEZEMBRO de 1968", "Rodoviário AP", "Com sua espôsa, o dr. Barnard asistiu ao espetáculo do \"Lido\", em Paris", "## Há 1 ano Barnard fêz o 1.0 enxêrto", "CIDADE DO CAO, 2 — Faz-se uma pergunta: \"O que tem de mais valuezante para o povo de Cabo um jovem cardiologista, profissional, ou um Hospital \"Grote Schou\" ou o transplante de coração do mundo?\" O receptor de coração transplante é um jovem, e o transplante é um transplante de 53 anos de idade, Louis Washkamki, e a devida é um jovem Denise Derval, moça, com 17 anos, que tem a sua aderência automatisada. O transplante, realizado apartir de 19 anos, foi realizado em laboratório, foi recebido a príncipio com efeito. A operação repercutiu mentalmente e previu o surgimento de curvões e conturvos como morir.", "Os cirurgiões deixaram no gelo por 100 horas o receptor, e no 20 por cento do seu coração enferrado. O ator, que foi amputado, Osteotomia por 100 horas, foi restabelecido com o coração de Denise foi esta enterrado, e restabelecido de coração original, comemorou a bater em um prédio eletrico de 190. Foi a primeira coração de 1900. Oito horas depois, Barnard subiu, um óbito medimo que era o primeiro de sua vida.", "O ator de coração foi o primeiro a ser aprovado no 1.000. O ator de coração foi

# Henry Kissinger: President Nixon's

by Lloyd Shearer

Nixon and Kissinger. The President and his foreign policy adviser in a typical moment of daily exchange. Kissinger does not know yet what he will do after he has completed his tour of duty as a key member in the Nixon Administration.

Relatively few people connected with the establishment, academe, or the U.S. Government feel neutral or indifferent about Heinz Alfred Kissinger, 48, who under the anglicized name, Henry Kissinger, is paid $42,500 per year to advise President Richard Nixon on national security affairs.

One of his Washington, D.C., ladyfriends who frankly admits, "I am schizoid, ambivalent, and torn when it comes to Henry," describes him as "my own jolly little war criminal obsessed with power. But I love him."

A correspondent who has known Kissinger for years retaliates with, "We journalists are more apt to search out a man's faults than his virtues. It makes better copy. But what can Henry be faulted on? He works like a dog, he's a dedicated patriot as corny as that might sound, he's loyal to his President, he's dutiful to his children and his parents. He pulled off a great coup in China and possibly many others few people know about. He has intelligence and a sense of humor. What the hell do we want in our public servants, a paragon?"

## Once he starts to talk

From one of the Hollywood personalities (female) Kissinger enthusiastically escorts in Hollywood comes this somewhat rueful account: "When you first look at him—he's about 5 feet 9 or 10—with those horn-rimmed glasses and his short, wavy hair — neckless and double-chinned—oh, I guess he weighs about 170—a girl gets the feeling that she's about to go out with a prosperous delicatessen-owner from the Bronx.

"But," she adds compensatingly, "once Henry starts to talk, and generally he takes over the conversation, he is an absolute delight—charming, courteous, attentive, fascinating. No girl could ask for a more rewarding date."

Brig. Gen. Alexander M. Haig Jr., Kissinger's deputy and a West Pointer who one day will probably become U.S. Army Chief-of-Staff—he is that brilliant and industrious—describes his leader as "one of the most thoughtful and considerate men in government."

"Unknown to me," Haig explains, "Henry sent my son, Brian, a telegram when 'Bri' was graduated from Valley Forge Military Academy. Henry also arranged that my wife and family were

invited when President Nixon handed me my promotion.

"I know we've had a relatively large personnel turnover in this office," Haig concedes (Kissinger has lost about a dozen top aides and assistants), "but Henry really bends over backwards to share credit with the guys and to include his staff in the surface amenities."

One of Kissinger's former workers, however, produces little of the Haig charity in his appraisal of the Presidential adviser. To word-paint the man frequently caricatured as "Dr. Strange-love," he employs such denigrative adjectives as "selfish, cunning, calculating, power-mad, and publicity-obsessed."

"In my book," this ex-employee catharsizes, "Hank Kissinger is a suspicious, fearful misanthrope surrounded by people who are compelled to maintain a low profile to keep their jobs. I'd sooner dig ditches 'than work for him again."

## Admired or disliked

Obviously Henry Kissinger does not generate neutrality. Generally, people either admire or dislike him, which is understandable, for such qualities apply to most men of power.

People admire Henry for his brilliance — the noun most frequently equated with his name—and for his unique ability to admit error. For example, in his first prominent book, *Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy*, he advanced the belief that limited nuclear wars were containable. In his second book he acknowledged the errors of his theory.

He is also admired for his undeniable scholarship; his seemingly endless industry — he works from 12 to 20 hours a day and remains on constant Presidential call—and because he is the most thoughtful, considerate, and loving of fathers. The reciprocal love he bears his two children, Elizabeth, 12, and David, 10, is heart-warming to behold.

Professionally he is credited with great astuteness for the subtle manner in which he has been able to revise the one-dimensional, near-suicidal U.S. foreign policy fomented by the late John Foster Dulles.

On the other side Henry is disliked as a would-be usurper of State and Defense Department prerogatives, a Vietnamese war hawk, a pragmatic power-

4

PARADE • OCTOBER 24, 1971

Brainchild

broker, and a "German-Jewish war
refugee who cleverly has used his Har-
vard professorial persiflage to manipu-
late himself into an eminence he does
not truly deserve."

A man of outstanding influence—he
sees the President almost every day—
he arouses the fear and jealousy of other
vying personalities, especially in an Ad-
ministration many of whose leaders are
as colorful, stimulating, and innovative
as water. Several of Henry's Nixon col-
leagues quietly resent his fame, his pub-
licity, his masterful briefing ability, and
his refreshing joie de vivre. They them-
selves are prisoners of their own inhibi-
tive grayness.

Most deeply, however, Kissinger is
disliked by dovish graduate students
who claim they can read him as easily
as the top line of an optometrist's chart.

Kissinger and Vietnam

"He imagines himself a junior Met-
ternich," declares one Rhodes scholar,
"a sharpshooter who is just a little bit
smarter than anyone else. As a Harvard
professor he was witty, well-liked,
highly-regarded. Many of us felt that
he was a man who, knowing the truth
about the war in Vietnam, would use
his influence to bring it to a quick end.
We looked upon him as a potential
peacemaker.

"Instead," the Rhodes-winner goes on, "he advocated the incursion into Cambodia, the widening of the war, and of course, the bombing, the killing, the destruction still goes on. In many ways Henry betrayed our trust in his intellect. I think Joe Kraft, the columnist, was damn accurate when he wrote, 'Kissinger tries to come on as the secret good guy of the Nixon foreign policy establishment' but that in reality he harsbors all the same hard-line instincts as Richard Nixon."

Insofar as the war in Vietnam is concerned, Kissinger admits that "my major disappointment is the slow pace of peace negotiations." But he resents bitterly the allegation that he is a cruel, heartless Machiavelli who cares little for the lives of soldiers and civilians, American and Vietnamese.

"In my family alone," he told me,
"we lost 13 members to Hitler and the
concentration camps. How can anyone
think I hold human life cheaply?

"I know what some college students
think of me," he admits, "but I prefer

to have history—not them—pass judg-
ment.

"The trouble is that so many people,
so many students simply don't under-
stand my job, which is one of present-
ing various options to the President, of
presenting all the halfway reasonable
points of view which exist.

"The President constantly meets peo-
ple who want something from him. If
the President's assistants turn them-
selves into pressure groups and them-
selves become advocates for a point of
view, then they're just adding to this
problem.

"Now secondly," he continues, "it
would be preposterous to say that
somebody in my position is not asked
which course he prefers. Of course I
have convictions, and when the Presi-
dent asks me what I think, and he often
does, I tell him. And then the last thing
that usually happens is that he with-
draws for a day or two with all the pa-
pers and then makes his decision."

Despite what many of his detractors
contend, Kissinger is no Svengali to
Nixon. Undoubtedly he is better
schooled on foreign affairs than Secre-
tary of State William Rogers, perhaps
the single most likeable man in the Nix-
on Administration, but while Nixon lis-
tens to Kissinger, the truth is that the
President has never been known to

continued

Of all the girls mentioned in connection with Kissinger, his favorite is Nancy Maginess, a tall, intellectual beauty he dates frequently but quietly in Washington, D.C. Women find Henry a delight, charming and attentive.

Margaret Osmer, production assistant at CBS-TV, is one of Henry's Eastern dates. She works on TV's "60 Minutes."

Kissinger met television actress Marlo
Thomas about a year ago; sees her in-
frequently when he's in Hollywood.

Jill St. John, Hollywood personality,
is coupled in print with Kissinger but
their friendship is nothing serious.

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6

PARADE • OCTOBER 24, 1971

KISSINGER CONTINUED

From family album: Henry was born on May 27, 1923, in the small Franconian city of Fürth. He says, "My childhood seems to have passed without making deep impressions."

make a decision on the basis of an oral presentation. Nixon is one President who does his homework. He is a "brief" or "papers" man who studies, rummulates, reflects, weighs, evaluates the entire input before he makes his move.

As one of Kissinger's former colleagues, now at the beleaguered Rand Corporation in Santa Monica, so pithily puts it, "It's a damn good thing for the United States that Henry Kissinger contributes so much to the Presidential input. He is a balanced, sensible, knowledgeable man. Would you rather have Walt Rostow or the Bundy brothers in his job? Or how would you like to have John and Martha Mitchell as national security advisers. Cripes! We'd be at war with Ecuador in the morning."

In Washington, San Clemente, and Hollywood, one of the most popular personality questions of the day is what makes Henry run?

Power? Girls? Fame?

Power—Is he really the Dr. Strange-

Walter Kissinger, 47, Henry's younger brother, is brilliant industrialist out of Princeton and Harvard Business School. Lives on Long Island, avoids politics.

Paula and Louis Kissinger, Henry's parents, were forced out of Germany in 1938 where Louis Kissinger had once been prominent educator in a girl's upper school. They live in the Washington Heights district of New York City, retired, and are in their early 80's.

love of the 1970's, the power-mad, doomsday ideologist of film fame, driven by a single-minded pursuit of power and self-aggrandizement? Or is he in reality the moderator of Nixon's well-recognized hostile and aggressive instincts?

Girls—Does Henry's instinct for conquest extend to sexual matters, too, or as some ask, is he merely easy prey for any publicity-hungry starlet? I once asked him why he dated Jill St. John, Marlo Thomas, Hope Lange, Samantha Eggar, and other Hollywood characters.

"To you," he said, "they are old show business stuff. But to me they are glamorous, concerned people. I am no fool. I realize the game. I am their celebrity of the hour, the new man in town. I don't kid myself."

## A secret swinger?

Is it true that Kissinger is a "secret swinger"?

About a year ago when Kissinger's brother, Walter, 47, a handsome, successful businessman (Princeton '51, the Harvard Business Administration School '53, and currently president of Allen Electric & Equipment Company) was vacationing in San Clemente, Henry's young son David approached him.

"Uncle Wally," the boy said, "now that dad's left the table, I'd like to ask you a question. Do you think dad is a secret swinger? That's what they're saying at school."

Walter Kissinger slipped his arm around his nephew's shoulder. "David," he said, "when your dad comes back to the table, you take a good look at him. Then tell me if he looks like a secret swinger."

A few moments later Kissinger returned to the table. David looked at his father, smiled at his uncle, quickly

Harry Shuster, head of Lion Country Safari, near Los Angeles, shows the Kissinger children, David, 10, and Elizabeth, 12, the prize baby elephant at the animal preserve. The children were with their father on a West Coast vacation. They live most of the year with their mother in Belmont, Mass.

continued

Anne Fleischer Kissinger and Elizabeth pose for David's camera. Although the Kissingers divorced after 15 years of marriage, he still speaks of her with love, respect and great affection.

7

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8

PARADE • OCTOBER 24, 1971

KISSINGER CONTINUED

shook his head from side to side.

Kissinger is no oversexed Lothario. Friends point to the fact that he courted his ex-wife Anne Fleischer, a refugee from Nuremberg, for seven full years before consummating the union, took another ten years to father his first child. Their marriage ended in divorce after a stormy 15 years.

The one girl he sees most frequently is Nancy Maginess of the Nelson Rockefeller staff in Washington. A tall (5' 10½"), quiet, unassuming, intelligent special assistant who studies current international developments and once attended the University of California in Berkeley, Miss Maginess is studying for her Ph.D. and assiduously avoids the limelight. Kissinger met her when they were both working for Nelson Rockefeller whom Henry originally preferred to Nixon as Presidential timber.

In matters of politics as well as sex, the secret of what makes Henry run is infinitely complex.

Rough childhood

Its source lies in a turbulent, troubled, traumatic childhood, and unless one understands this, there is scant valid understanding of Henry Kissinger. He was born on May 27, 1923, in the small Franconian city of Fürth, the son of respected, middle-class German-Jewish parents.

His father, Louis Kissinger, was the studienrat (a professor and student adviser) at the Mädchen Lyceum, a girls' high school. His mother, the former Paula Stern, was the power behind the paternal throne.

All over Germany during the 1930's the Jews were constantly humiliated and degraded by the Nazis. In Franconia, where Hitler's henchmen came to power three years before their takeover in Germany, Jew-baiting and Jew-beating were daily fare.

"My childhood in Fürth," Henry recalls, "seems to have passed without making any deep impressions. I do remember, however, that I was a fanatical soccer fan."

Father lost job

Kissinger's merciful loss of memory — his brother also employs the same esoteric therapy — conceals what must have been the most cruel and painful of childhoods. As young teenagers Heinz and Walter were thrown out of their schools and compelled by edict to attend an all-Jewish school. They were banned from their regular gymnasium, and worst of all, their father, a kind man, a good man, a helpful, lovable teacher, was dismissed from the school system. For a while he simply wouldn't believe it.

Kissinger's parents live today in the

Washington Heights district of New York City and Louis Kissinger, now in his 80's and retired, recalls sadly, yet pridefully, "It was my wife who got us out of Germany. Paula had an aunt in London. We took the boys there, and then after a few weeks came to America in 1938. We have been back to Germany only twice since, in 1952 and in 1956, to visit the graves of our parents. Otherwise—well, you can understand I am sure how we feel."

Rudely transplanted to the teeming, inhospitable city of New York at age 15, Heinz Kissinger perceived quickly that as an immigrant and a Jew he would have to work twice as hard to succeed.

Studied hard

At George Washington High School which he attended from 1939-1943 (working in a shaving brush factory in his off-hours to earn a few dollars), he studied hard and made few friends.

"Henry," recalls his father, "was always the thinker. He was more inhibited than Wally, his brother. Wally was more the doer, more the extrovert."

When Kissinger was graduated from high school with honors in the World War II year of 1943, his foremost ambition was to become an accountant. Most of his Americanization he owes to the U.S. Army into which he was drafted as a private.

Because of his knowledge of German, however, he was promoted to a sergeant in counterintelligence and then during the occupation became responsible for a landkreis, Borgstrene, which suffered the irony of being ruled by a 22-year-old former untermensche.

Kissinger left the Army in 1946, and with the aid of the GI Bill set out to conquer Harvard. He earned his B.A. in three years, graduating summa cum laude in 1950; his M.A. followed in 1952

and his Ph.D. two years later, along with the Sumner Prize for outstanding work on the prevention of war.

In the Army and at Harvard, Kissinger learned how to compensate for his childhood humiliation and victimization. In Germany he had witnessed the might of the American Army crush his Nazi persecutors. There he found the ladder of advancement available to those ambitious and able enough to climb it. At Harvard he learned to study power as a principle of order and a means to his own advancement.

Ambitious and driven

By 1957 Kissinger had published two books, both concerned with the relation between legitimacy and power to establish and maintain order, and had achieved the pinnacle of acceptance in the academic world, an appointment to the Harvard faculty. Ambitious and driven, he started as a lecturer in 1957, graduating to associate professor in 1959 and full professor in 1962. Along the road he served as a consultant to the prestigious council on foreign relations and the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, and made valuable contacts through a student exchange program called the Harvard International Seminar which he founded and directed with his mentor William Yandel Elliott, the kingpin of Harvard's government department.

Kissinger was one academician not content just to study power, but eager to exercise it. He worked for three successive administrations and two potential Presidents before achieving his present position of unprecedented authority in Washington. He worked for the Eisenhower Administration, as a military expert, the Kennedy Administration as a consultant on national security, and completed three missions to Vietnam for Lyndon Johnson. During these years, however, he was only one among many

advisers, an authority without authority.

In 1968 Kissinger hitched his ambitions to the Presidential wagon of Nelson Rockefeller, for whom he drew up a Vietnam peace plan. When Rockefeller lost the nomination to Nixon in Miami, Kissinger is reported to have grumbled, "Nixon, he is not fit to be President." Yet when Richard Nixon won the election and bid for his services, Kissinger accepted. Some surmise that he did so simply because he couldn't resist the opportunity to exercise power. For Nixon offered him what Eisenhower, Kennedy and Johnson had denied him — unlimited power in the making of foreign policy.

Enjoys Nixon's confidence

At the age of 48, Henry Kissinger has arrived. Considered by many the second most powerful man in the world, he enjoys the President's greatest confidence and intimacy. He works with the most brilliant and powerful men in the world.

Kissinger has helped Richard Nixon to achieve the illusion of greater mastery over foreign policy than was ever enjoyed by Johnson, Kennedy or Eisenhower—simply by eliminating a number of competing and conflicting pressures and points of view. But mastery has been achieved at the expense of the Cabinet, the Congress, and ultimately, the American people. And to what end?

McGeorge Bundy, President Johnson's national security adviser, made the following statement in the Pentagon Papers: "We want to keep before Hanoi the carrot of our desisting as well as the stick of continued pressure. We also need to conduct the application of force so that there is always a prospect of worse to come...."

This statement was written on February 7, 1965, shortly before the great American buildup in Vietnam. Six and a half years later, during the winding down of the war, it still remains true—what else were Cambodia and Laos but a "prospect of worse to come...."?

Plays power game

Men who live by power are constitutionally unable to understand the very imbalance of power which obtains in our relations with North Vietnam. Henry Kissinger, like McGeorge Bundy, persists in the belief that Hanoi can be threatened or forced to the peace table. Yet Henry Kissinger, who has spent his entire adult life in the pursuit and study of power, bears a greater share of responsibility than his predecessor. McGeorge Bundy was only one among many mistaken advisers to the President. Kissinger is increasingly alone on the pinnacle of power which he has built for himself.

He had better be right.

First time Kissinger met Chou En-lai in state guest house in Peking was July 9, 1971. In 1954 John Foster Dulles had refused in Geneva to shake hands with Chou. The Kissinger-Chou photo symbolizes new U.S.-China approach.

10

PARADE • OCTOBER 24, 1971

ing the true beauty of fine art with a most significant
silver content.

These ingots will be struck with a full proof finish.
This is the finish that is reserved for only the most
significant medallic issues — and is rarely available
in ingot form. The beautifully sculpted busts will
have a frosted surface to stand out from the gleam-
ing mirror-like background. The beauty of the sculp-
turing and the meticulous crafting of the minter's art,
combined with the massive heft of the ingot itself,
will make this a most worthwhile collection.

EACH INGOT WILL BE HALLMARKED
AND EACH SET WILL BE REGISTERED

Each ingot will be hallmarked with the world-
acclaimed mark of The Danbury Mint, the year
of mintage, and an official certification of the number
of grains of sterling silver. Permanent records also
will be maintained of all subscriptions allotted and
each subscriber will receive an official Danbury Mint
Certificate of Registration establishing his set as part
of the limited, First Edition.

THE COST IS REMARKABLY LOW AND
THE PURCHASE PRICE IS GUARANTEED
FOR THE DURATION OF THE SERIES

Presidential Silver Ingots will be issued at the rate of one per month. The initial issue price will be $22.00 per 2,500 grain ingot and $40.00 per 5,000 grain ingot (plus a small charge for postage and handling). These prices will be maintained no matter how high the price of silver may rise while your collection is being minted — a guarantee made possible only by purchase commitments on our part in world silver markets upon receipt of your order.

TYPICAL REVERSE

Thus, you are able to acquire the entire collec-
tion at a very favorable guaranteed price, and
yet make only small monthly payments as each
individual Presidential Ingot is received. Obviously,
the financial commitment to us in stockpiling silver
is such that only a limited number of subscribers
can be accepted on this basis.

Please be assured that you may reserve your
own personal collection of Presidential Silver
Ingots without risk or obligation. When the first
ingot arrives, if it is not entirely satisfactory in every

A MASSIVE, PERSONALIZED SOLID
WALNUT DISPLAY CHEST ACCOMPANIES EACH
COLLECTION, AT NO EXTRA COST.

way, return it for a full refund. After that, you may
discontinue your subscription at any time with no
obligation to purchase further ingots.

A COLLECTION YOU WILL DISPLAY
WITH PRIDE

Because this collection uniquely honors our Amer-
ican heritage — and because of the singular beauty
and educational value each individual ingot possesses
— the collection will occupy a special place of honor
in the home or office of those fortunate to acquire it.
It will be displayed with a sense of pride in America
— and with that “special feeling” a true collector’s
item gives the discerning owner.

Accompanying each Danbury Mint Presidential
Ingot collection will be a massive, handmade solid
walnut display chest — an ideal companion to this
impressive ingot collection. The display chest —
specially designed to show the ingots in their full
beauty and glory — is an outstanding example of
the cabinetmaker's art, and alone is an item anyone
would be proud to own. On each chest the owner's
name will be permanently engraved in an imbedded
brass name plate — thus providing the final perfect
touch to what surely will be a most prized possession!

As a second special free bonus, each subscriber also
will receive a new edition of a beautiful book con-

taining a complete history and biography of each of
the 36 awe-inspiring men who have held the Presi-
dency of the United States.

AN UNPRECEDENTED OPPORTUNITY

The Danbury Mint Presidential Ingots series is the
one collection that has just about everything an
astute collector could ask for.

It is a real "first" — the first ingot series of its type ever issued by a private mint. It represents the finest of the medallists' craft — each ingot is an individual work of art. It has educational value — each ingot notes important achievements of the President depicted. It honors our American heritage — portraying our Presidents in a fitting and unique way. And, for those who are investment-minded, it permits acquiring a massive private treasure of solid sterling silver on a most favorable basis.

We would therefore urge you to carefully consider
the merits of this heirloom-quality issue, and then
seize the opportunity to acquire it while it still exists.

ALL ORDERS ARE
SUBJECT TO ACCEPTANCE
BY THE DANBURY MINT

the Danbury Mint

ONE GLENDINNING PLACE • WESTPORT, CONN. 06880

P

Please enter my subscription for The Danbury Mint PRESIDENTIAL SILVER INGOTS collection. The First Edition Proof Set contains 36 sterling silver ingots to be issued at the rate of one ingot per month.

I will also receive, at no additional cost, a massive walnut chest to display and protect the collection.

I understand that these ingots will be minted expressly for my account, and I agree to pay promptly upon being invoiced on a monthly prepayment basis. I wish my set(s) to be struck as indicated below:

2,500 Grain Sterling Silver Ingot Set(s)
@ $22.00 per Ingot (plus $1.25 postage
and handling)

5,000 Grain Sterling Silver Ingot Set(s)
@ $40.00 per Ingot (plus $1.50 postage
and handling)

Enclosed is my remittance to cover prepayment
and shipment for the first ingot in the series
($23.25 each for the 2,500 grain size or $41.50
each for the 5,000 grain size).

Mr.
Mrs.
Miss

Address

City

State Zip

Signature

Make check or money order payable to: THE DANBURY MINT, Connecticut residents add applicable sales tax.

The Danbury Mint, a division of Glendinning Companies, Inc., creates and markets a variety of commemorative products. All such commemoratives are struck for The Danbury Mint by other organizations selected from among the world's leading manufacturers. The Danbury Mint does not itself produce commemoratives, nor is it affiliated with the U.S. Mint or any other U.S. Government agency.

9

Die Welt zu Gast in Ihrer Wohnung . . .
Wenn Ihnen das Programm behagt,
dann sollten Sie sich selbst zu Gaste laden
mit einem Weinbrand, milde und bekömmlich,
der auch im Dunkeln seinen Duft behält.

Sie können auf Besucher leicht verzichten;
ein ausgereifter Weinbrand stimmt Sie froh
und schenkt dem Abend einen schönen Abschluß...

Ja - NORIS ist ein guter Weinbrand!

NJ331

AUSLAND

Mann, den auch Nixon-Gegner schätzen: den im bayrischen Fürth geborenen Polit-Professor Henry A. Kissinger, 45.

Ihn stellte er als seinen künftigen „Assistenten für die nationale Sicherheit“ vor – und das war, so „New York Times“-Chefredakteur James Reston, „ein beruhigendes Zeichen“. Denn: „Dr. Kissinger ... genießt das Vertrauen der meisten außenpolitischen Experten, die den letzten drei Präsidenten gedient haben.“

Zwar war es ungewöhnlich, daß der sicherheits- und außenpolitische Chefredater noch vor dem Verteidigungs- und dem Außenminister ernannt wurde — aber Nixon wollte offenbar allen Zweiflern zeigen, daß er bemüht war, sein Wahlversprechen einzuhalten.

Denn Henry Kissinger ist keineswegs ein erklärter Nixon-Freund.

Nixon-Berater Kissinger, Chef 12 000 Worte zur Außenpolitik

Während des Wahlkampfes stritt Kissinger nicht für den Favoriten Nixon, sondern für dessen Parteivalen Nelson Rockefeller, den er seit über zehn Jahren außenpolitisch berät.

Für Rockefeller arbeitete er ein Vietnam-Konzept aus, im Auftrag Rockefellerers wirkte er mäßigend auf die Formulierung des Vietnam-Kaptels im republikanischen Parteiprogramm, als Rockefeller-Mann stellte er im privaten Gespräch Nixons außenpolitische Qualifikation in Frage.

Kissinger selbst hatte sich außenpolitisches Renommee erstmals Anfang der fünfziger Jahre erworben: mit einer preisgekrönten Arbeit über die Verhütung von Kriegen und die Schaffung eines weltweiten Friedens.

Die Harvard University machte ihn zum Direktor ihres Studienprogramms für Fragen der Verteidigung, die Reglerung Eisenhower konsultierte ihn in Sicherheitsfragen, für amerikanische Politiker wurde sein Buch „Kern-

## Ein Transporter, der immer grünes Licht hat

Stahlrohre - Transportweg und Behälter zugleich.

Sichere Dauerversorgung mit Gas, Wasser, Dampf, Öl.

Stahlrohre. Auch mit Innenauskleidung, mit Außenisolierung.

Für höchste Drücke und Temperaturen.

Mit enormer Widerstandskraft gegen Verkehrsbelastungen.

Also: Lieber gleich Stahlrohre.

Beratungsstelle für Stahlverwendung, Düsseldorf
Stahlrohrverband e.V., Düsseldorf

DER SPIEGEL, Nr. 50/1968

155

Wer einen Spiegel
hat sollte auch
Diplona haben!

Durch den Spiegel können
Sie sich davon überzeugen,
ob Sie zu den drei von vier
Männern gehören, die
durch glanzloses, schuppiges
Haar ›auffallen‹.

›Kleidungsbewußt‹ wurde der
Mann, ›hemdenbewußt‹ ist
er geworden, der ›Krawatten-
muffel‹ stirbt aus, und jüngst
startete wer, die Männer
›schuhbewußt‹ zu machen.

Weil eine übertolerante
Umgebung noch – (wie lange
noch?) – darüber hinweg-
sieht, leisten sich die Herren
der Schöpfung einen Kopf,
der nur weit unter der
Kopfhaut funktioniert:
Im Denken, im Arbeiten,
im Geldverdienen.

Auf und in der Kopfhaut
sterben die feinen Haar-
wurzeln ab, das Haar
verkümmt! Verhungert!

›Zivilisationsschäden‹
nennen das die Ärzte. Als
wenn es bei ›Zivilisierten‹
Schäden – noch dazu beim
Haar – geben dürfte.

Verehrte ›Haar-<br>Zivilisierte!<br>‹

Werdet durch Diplona Haar-
Kultivierte. Es ist höchste
Zeit! Sie wissen nicht, wie
lange Ihre Umgebung diesen
Schopf toleriert. Und Sie
wissen schon gar nicht, wie
lange Ihre Kopfhaut die
miserable Pflege noch mit-
macht!

Und was dann kommt, steht
unten im Diploma-Slogan.
Klar, deutlich, ehrlich. Aber –
halten Sie sich an den ersten
Slogan-Teil! Es ist besser.

Denken Sie einmal
darüber nach:

Es ist nie zu früh und selten
zu spät – für Diplona!

Diplona

waffen und Auswärtige Politik" (1957)
Pflichtlektüre und Zitatenschatz.

In diesem Buch prägte Kissinger den Begriff des „overkill“ als Ausdruck für die Fähigkeit der Supermächte, mit ihren Waffenarsenalen den Gegner gleich mehrmals zu vernichten.

Kissinger: Über ein bestimmtes
Maß hinaus sei die Produktion und
Lagerung atomarer Waffen unsinnig.
Sie führe zum nationalen Bankrott,
die Weltmächte würden atomwaffen-
hörig und seien nicht mehr in der
Lage, einen konventionellen Krieg zu
führen. Der Westen müsse aber nicht
nur auf einen Großangriff mit einem
entsprechenden Gegenschlag antwor-
ten, sondern auch begrenzte Aggressio-
nen mit begrenzten Mitteln zurück-
schlagen können.

Wie er sich das praktisch vorstellte,
erläuterte Kissinger 1959 in einem
SPIEGEL-Gespräch:

SPIEGEL: Wenn die Sowjets oder Instan-
zen der Sowjetzone Vorkehrungen treffen,
die den Verkehr zwischen der Bundes-
republik und Westberlin blockieren oder
auch nur führen – wie sollte die Nato
darout reagieren?

KISSINGER: ... Ich würde, wenn nötig,
versuchen, nach Berlin einzubrechen,
selbst auf die Gefahr hin, daß es zum
Krieg führt.

SPIEGEL: Sie würden Konvois in Marsch
setzen, bewaffnete?

KISSINGER: Ja. Gleichzeitig würde ich zur
Uno gehen und sagen: In drei Tagen um
acht Uhr morgens wird ein amerikanischer
Konvoi mit je einem Panzer vorn und hin-
ten über die Autobahn fahren. Wir laden
die Uno ein, zu sehen, daß wir nicht zuerst
schießen werden. Aber wir gehen durch.

SPIEGEL: Was soll dieser Konvoi tun,
wenn er auf einen Panzergraben stößt,
der die Straße sperrt? Der Panzergraben
wird von Infanterie und Pak gesichert.

KISSINGER: Zuerst würde ich versuchen,
den Graben zu füllen. Ich würde die Ge-
genseite zwingen, zuerst zu schießen.
Dann würde ich schießen. Ich würde in
Berlin keinen Quadratzentimeter nach-
geben.

Fortan galt Kissinger — zumindest
in Deutschland — als Falke, als Ver-
treter eines harten Kurses gegenüber
der Sowjet-Union.

Zwei Jahre später jedoch, als Ul-
bricht seine Mauer in Berlin bauen
ließ, wurde Kissinger von Kennedy
konsultiert — und riet von allen mili-
tärischen Maßnahmen ab. Die Mauer
blieb stehen.

„Für die Behauptung der Presse, er
sei ein harter Außenpolitiker, gibt
es“, so schrieb jetzt James Reston, „in
seiner Vergangenheit kaum einen
Beleg ... Er ist ein vorsichtiger und
nachdenklicher Mann, der skeptisch
ist gegenüber dem Einsatz militä-
rischer Macht und nicht zögert, eine
Politik zu ändern, wenn sie sich gegen
die Interessen der Nation zu kehren
scheint.“

Beim Nachdenken über Friedens-
pläne entfernte sich der Professor
freilich immer wieder von der politi-
schen Wirklichkeit, so in einem
Deutschlandplan von 1965. Der We-
sten, so schlug Kissinger vor, solle
sich für weitere 15 Jahre bereit erlä-
ren, die Spaltung Deutschlands hin-
zunehmen, wenn Moskau der DDR
eine Regierung aus freien Wahlen ge-
währe, sie neutralisiere und entmilita-

risiere. Nach Ablauf der 15 Jahre soll-
ten die DDR-Bürger in einer Volksab-
stimmung entscheiden, ob sie die
Wiedervereinigung wollten oder nicht.

Angesichts des Scheiterns der John-
son-Politik arbeitete Henry Kissinger
in den vergangenen Monaten eine
12 000-Worte-Studie über „Zentrale
Themen der amerikanischen Außen-
politik“ aus — ein Papier, an dem
sich Nixons Außenpolitik in den kom-
menden vier Jahren orientieren dürf-
te. Kernsätze:

▷ „Das Zeitalter der Supermächte
nähert sich seinem Ende. Die mili-
tärische Bipolarität hat die politi-

Republikaner Rockefeller
Den Ruf zur Uno...

Republikaner Brooke
...dankend abgelehnt

sche Multipolarität nicht verhin-
dert, sondern im Gegenteil geför-
dert.

▷ „Die schwierigste Aufgabe wird es
jetzt sein, die schöpferische Kraft
einer pluralistischen Gesellschaft
freizusetzen und auf der Grund-
lage der Multipolarität eine neue
Ordnung zu errichten.

▷ „Wie immer auch der Vietnamkrieg
ausgeht, es ist unleugbar, daß er
Amerikas Bereitschaft vermindert
hat, anderswo ähnliche Aufgaben
auf sich zu nehmen.

▷ „Heute ist die Furcht vor einem
sowjetischen Angriff viel geringer
(als 1949); selbst der Einmarsch in
die Tschechoslowakei wird die Sor-

AUSLAND

156

Diplona ist nicht neidisch: erst

Ihre
vierte
Flasche

muß eine
Haarwasserflasche sein
Und Diplona muß draufstehen!

Ihre erste Flasche:
Cognak oder Whisky.
Die zweite: Wein.
Die dritte: Bier. — O. k.

Aber — die vierte
Flasche muß Diplona
heissen! Weil drei von
vier Männern brüchiges,
schuppiges, unschönes
Haar haben. Und
— Trauerspiel! —
nichts dagegen tun.

Muß das sein? Nein!
Wollen Sie das?
Auch Nein?

Warum lassen Sie dann Ihr
Haar regelrecht verhungern?

Das wird anders!
Ab morgen?
Nein: Ab heute. Ab sofort!

Sofort in die nächste
Drogerie, zum nächsten
Friseur! Dort wartet
Diplona — auf Sie! In
drei Flaschengrößen —
zu DM 3,15, DM 4,95
und DM 6,60.
Und wenn Sie nur die
letzte Flasche kriegen.
Seien Sie froh. Sie
haben Diplona, das Ihr
Haar nährt und pflegt
und gesund macht.
Und das durch
biologische Wirkstoffe
pflegt, also auf
natürlichem Wege.

Wie gesagt: Wer einen
Spiegel hat, sollte
auch Diplona haben:

Es ist nie zu früh und selten
zu spät — für Diplona!

Diplona

AUSLAND

ge über eine bewaffnete Aggression
der Sowjets wohl nur vorüberge-
hend wiederaufleben lassen ... Das
Ergebnis ist, daß die Europäer
Amerikas Beistand einerseits nicht
mehr für so nötig halten wie vor
20 Jahren und andererseits nicht
länger glauben, sie müßten sich die
Waffenhilfe Washingtons verdie-
nen, indem sie die amerikanische
Politik mit Haut und Haaren
schlucken.

► „Nach der herkömmlichen Ansicht taugt die Nato ebensogut wie als Instrument der Verteidigung als Instrument der Entspannung. Das ist zu bezweifeln: Ein Militärbündnis, dessen Hauptklammer eine integrierte Kommandostruktur ist, gibt schwerlich das beste Instrument einer flexiblen Diplomatie ab.

► „Es gibt weder für die Vereinigten Staaten noch für Europa eine Alternative zur europäischen Einheit. Letztlich ist dies jedoch ein Problem der Europäer... Der amerikanische Beitrag muß eher philosophischer Art sein.“

Philosophischer Art sind die mei-
sten Kissinger-Vorschläge, sie sind
Produkte schierer Denkprozesse —
und das mindert ihren Wert für die
politische Praxis.

Wie sein neuer Chef will auch Kissinger mit den Sowjets aus einer Position der Stärke verhandeln, jedoch nicht — und das unterscheidet ihn vom Wahlkämpfer Nixon — unbedingt aus einer Position der Überlegenheit. Kissinger gibt sich mit einem militärischen Gleichgewicht zufrieden.

Nixon, der selbst nicht eine einzige
Zeitung regelmäßig liest und oft auch
die Abend-Nachrichten des Fern-
sehens ausläßt, will seinem Chefden-
ker freie Hand lassen. Kissinger, so
erklärte der künftige Präsident vor
der Presse, „soll nicht mehr unten im
Lageraum des Weißen Hauses seine
Zeit damit verbringen, Telegramme
zu lesen“.

Das hatte Kissingers Vorgänger Walt
Rostow getan. Denn die wichtigste
Aufgabe des Sicherheitsberaters unter
Lyndon Johnson war die Reaktion auf
Johnsons Krisen.

Das Crisis Management von heute soll unter Kissinger durch ein „Anticipating Planning", durch vorausschauende Planung ersetzt werden, an der Kissinger sogar Strategen aus dem Ausland beteiligen will, wie den Direktor des Londoner Institute of Strategic Studies, Alastair Buchan. Nixon: „Es ist der Versuch, die besten Köpfe der Welt herauszupicken.“

Amerikas Intellektuelle — allen
voran Nixon-Kritiker Arthur Schle-
singer jr. — begrüßten die Ernennung
Kissingers. Aber der Erfolg des „Ad-
vokaten der Vorsicht“ („Times“) wird
davon abhängen, wen Richard Nixon
als Außen- und Verteidigungsminister
ins Kabinett holt — und davon, ob
Henry Kissingers Philosophie in eine
Welt paßt, in der die Macht mehr zählt
als der Gedanke.

FRANKREICH

STREIK

Schlange besiegen

Charles de Gaulle habe die Hydra im
Mai und die Schlange im Novem-
ber besiegt, jubelte die linksgaulli-
stische Wochenzeitung „Notre Répu-
blique“ im November. Anfang Dezem-
ber regten sich die Reptilien erneut.

Am Donnerstag letzter Woche streikten mehr als 50 000 Arbeiter des staatlichen Automobil-Unternehmens „Régie Renault“ fünf Stunden lang. Streikende des Hauptwerks bei Paris zogen durch den Vorort Boulogne-Bilancourt. Etwa 100 Studenten schlossen sich ihnen an. „Arbeiter und Studenten im gleichen Kampf“, riefen sie, und „Das ist erst der Anfang, laßt uns weiterkämpfen.“

Sie kämpften nicht — noch nicht.
Aber Renault-Arbeiter sind in Frank-
reich der Gradmesser sozialer Span-
nungen. Und: Zum erstenmal seit den
Frühjahrs-Unruhen versuchten Stu-
denten wieder, sich mit den Arbeitern
zu verbünden, diesmal nicht nur auf
der Straße, sondern auch in den Büros
der Funktionäre.

Im Mai und Juni hatte sich Frank-
reichs kommunistische Gewerkschafts-
organisation „Confédération générale

Demonstranten in Paris: „Laß uns weiterkämpfen“

158