March 2, 1964

MEMORANDUM

TO: Henry A. Kissinger
Charles Moore

FROM: Roswell B. Perkins

SUBJECT: Johnson Quote at Saturday Press Conference

It seems to me that in the Tuesday statement
Nelson should take a poke at Johnson for saying in last
Saturday's press conference, in reference to Vietnam:

"I do not think that the speculation that has
been made that ... we are losing the fight in
that area, or that things are going to pot
there, are at all justified, and I think they
do our cause a great disservice...."

This seems to me an incredible statement to make.
There is plenty of evidence that we are losing the war and
things are going to pot. Even if these are not "facts" and
cannot be proved, every responsible thinker on foreign
affairs has ample grounds to engage in "speculation" as to
whether they are true.

This would fit in nicely at the bottom of
page 2 of the draft.

ROOM 230
60 WEST 49TH STREET

March 4 1964

To: Dr. Kissinger

FROM: June

Rod asked me to clear the attached memo on the NAR position on the U.N. with you.

I frankly think it is a mistake to get into this sort of correspondence from some one as snide and either misinformed or unintelligent as this man, but have had to go along with Rod on it.

March 3, 1964

U.S. Party Politics and the United Nations
Comments on speech by Dr. Roland I. Perusse

Mr. Perusse stated in his speech that Governor
Rockefeller is caught on the horns of a dilemma of regional
versus universal international organization in his dis-
cussion of the United Nations and regional arrangements
for security.

1. The two policies, however, can perfectly well be pursued concurrently. In fact Articles 51 and 52 make provision for this very fact. In these articles of the Charter it is stated that actions taken under these articles must be immediately reported to the Security Council and shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council to take action as it deems necessary to maintain or restore international peace and security.

Indeed Article 52 (3) states "The Security Council shall encourage the development of Pacific settlement of local disputes through such regional arrangements or by such regional agencies either on the initiative of the states concerned or by reference from the Security Council."

["concerned or by reference from the Security Council.\" The Security Council may, either on the initiative of the states or through such regional arrangements or by such means, disapprove the action.", "encourage the development of collective settlement of local Issues. Article 23 (3) states \"The Security Council shall take into account international peace and security. The Security Council to take action as it seems necessary shall not in any way affect the authority and responsibility of the Security Council to take action as it seems necessary and as it may be deemed necessary by the Security Council.\" The Security Council shall be immediately reported to the Security Council and the charter of the Security Council is stated that actions taken under these articles be taken for this very fact. In these articles of the Security Council are stated that the Security Council may, in its discretion, disapprove concurrently. In fact Article 23 and 25 make it a fact that the Security Council can, however, act perfectly well in the Security Council to take action as it seems necessary and as it may be deemed necessary by the Security Council to take

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2. The Governor has also assigned other positive values to the United Nations. As quoted in the material sent to Mr. Perusse:

> "The enduring value of the U.N., nonetheless, remains threefold: as the universal symbol of humanity's hopes for peace, as a forum for voicing and hearing all the divisions and basic conflicts that imperil these hopes, and as a channel for daily communication between nations."

3. In addition, the Governor feels that the U.N. has proved that in some cases it can deal with threats to the peace arising out of disputes between the middle and small nations. In great power disputes, even, it can serve as a forum for negotiations and for expression of the views of the nations of the world. It has, through its specialized agencies, played a great part in alleviating distress, promoting development and providing stability to international monetary transactions.

4. Governor Rockefeller's views on the U.N. differ from those of Senator Goldwater and Mr. Stassem in that

from those of Senator Goldwater and Mr. Stasev in that
monetary transactions.

moting development and broading stepfity to international
agencies, played a great part in alleviating distress, bro-
nations of the world. It has, through its specialized
forum for negotiations and for expression of the views of the
nations. In great power disputes, even, it can serve as a
peace arising out of disputes between the middle and small
browed that in some cases it can deal with threats to the
nations."

3. In addition, the Governor feels that the U.M. has
as a channel for daily communication between
people conflicts that number these pokes, and
voicing and hearing all the div�tions and
of humanity's pokes for peace, as a forum for
remains threshold: as the universal symbol
"The enduring value of the U.M., nonetheless,

Mr. Bernas:  
to the United Nations. As quoted in the material sent to

3. The Governor has also assigned other positive values

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the Governor's views and expectation for the U.N. are derived from his practical knowledge as to what may be reasonably expected of the U.N., a restraint which the proposals of others choose to ignore. The Governor tends to believe that Charter revision of the sort advocated by Senator Goldwater or Mr. Stassen is a practical impossibility, since any revision of the Charter must be ratified by all of the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, thus giving the Soviets the right to a veto.

Council, since giving the Soviets the right to a veto, by all of the five permanent members of the U.N. Security Council, since and since revision of the Charter must be ratified. Senator Goldwater or Mr. Stassen is a practical impossibility, since any revision of the Charter must be ratified. Senator Goldwater or Mr. Stassen is a practical impossibility expected of the U.N.'s, a restraint which the Governor tends to believe that Charter revision of the sort advocated by proposals of others choose to ignore. The Governor tends to reasonably expect the U.N.'s, a restraint which the Governor derived from his practical knowledge as to what may be the Governor's views and expectations for the U.N. are

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UNIVERSITY OF MARYLAND
COLLEGE PARK

COLLEGE OF BUSINESS AND PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION
DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS

FEBRUARY 24, 1964

MR. ROSWELL B. PERKINS
ROOM 230
60 WEST 49TH STREET
NEW YORK, 20, NEW YORK

DEAR MR. PERKINS:

ENCLOSED IS A COPY OF THE SPEECH I DELIVERED AT THE AMERICAN UNIVERSITY ON FEBRUARY 19, 1964, "U.S. PARTY POLITICS AND THE UNITED NATIONS." I HOPE I DID JUSTICE TO GOVERNOR ROCKEFELLER'S VIEWS. I WOULD SUGGEST THAT YOU PUT OUT SEPARATE STATEMENTS FOR THE GOVERNOR ON THE U.N. AND THE REGIONAL ARRANGEMENTS. IT IS HARD TO RECONCILE THE TWO IN ONE DOCUMENT.

THANK YOU FOR PROVIDING ME WITH AN ABUNDANCE OF MATERIAL FOR THE SPEECH. I HAVE BEEN ASKED TO DO A REVISION FOR THE NEW YORK TIMES MAGAZINE, SO ANYTHING YOU CAN ADD WOULD BE MOST WELCOME IN THE NEXT FEW DAYS.

IN REPLY, WRITE TO:

DR. ROLAND I. PERUSSE
8532 WEST HOWELL ROAD
BETHESDA 34, MARYLAND

THE VICE PRESIDENT AS U. S.
REPRESENTATIVE AT THE UNITED NATIONS

If the Vice President of the United States were to be the permanent head
of our delegation to the United Nations, this fact alone would put him in a
uniquely powerful position. As the next in line of succession after the President,
as the constant participant in Cabinet meetings, as a real power in the formula-
tion of national policy, he could speak in the United Nations with a uniquely ef-
fective voice.

Most nations do not even have a Vice President, and we have always
wondered what to do with ours. This role at the United Nations offers a wonderful
opportunity for him to be useful. His daily contacts with the top representatives
of other nations, his frequent contacts with the President and members of his
Cabinet, and with members of Congress, would create in the Vice President a
repository of experience, up-to-the-minute information, and personal contacts
second only to the President himself. His value as an alternate President would
be enormously enhanced. The smoothness and security of transition in any emer-
gency, whether temporary or permanent, would be assured.

There appear to be no legal difficulties and, if so, they would be minor.
While the Constitution provides that the Vice President preside over the Senate,
the history of the Constitutional Convention of 1787 shows that the Vice President
was originally thought of and created as an alternate stand-by president. This
role of the Vice President was discussed and the provisions drafted and redrafted
during the course of the Convention. It was only the day before adjournment of

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the Convention that a position of presiding over the Senate was stuck in as an afterthought, just something to do while waiting to exercise the powers of the presidency.

The Vice President has served more and more as a special emissary of the President, frequently out of the country, and obviously on these occasions no one considers he is neglecting his job of presiding over the Senate, which by custom has been entrusted for the vast majority of the time to one of the senators. Even the General Assembly sessions of the United Nations, beginning in October and ending in December, dovetail with the usual sessions of Congress. Of course, the Security Council is a year-round affair, and for that there is a Deputy U. S. representative, unless the head of the delegation takes over.

Obviously the Vice President would draw the Vice President's salary, and whatever expenses were considered necessary for the Vice President's usual functions in his role at the U. N. would be appropriated. No question of his confirmation by the Senate in the additional role would arise. This could be handled by a simple amendment to 22 U.S.C. #287(e) authorizing the Vice President to serve as Representative to the United Nations in a permanent role, as this section already authorizes the President or Secretary of State to represent the United States at any meeting of any organ of the United Nations.

Alternatively, the Vice President could appear as the President and Secretary of State do now, but more frequently. This temporary role would lack many of the advantages of the Vice President having a permanent position.

Presumably the desirability of employing the Vice President as the United

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States Representative at the United Nations would depend a great deal on the personal capacity of the Vice President, and his personal desires, as well as those of the President. Kennedy would not have employed Johnson in this role, as obviously Johnson's talents and experience were more valuable on Capitol Hill. If Adlai Stevenson had been the Democrat Vice President, Kennedy might well have thought of this and done it. If Nixon had been elected, he might have employed Cabot Lodge in his old position.

One other interesting speculation of what might have been: If at the time of Secretary Dulles' death in 1959, President Eisenhower had pulled Cabot Lodge back from the United Nations to become Secretary of State and sent Richard Nixon to the United Nations as United States spokesman, would the outcome of the 1960 election have been different?

Malcolm R. Wilkey

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April 13, 1964

MEMORANDUM

TO: Roswell B. Perkins

FROM: Henry A. Kissinger

SUBJECT: Malcolm R. Wilkey's Paper on "The Vice President As U.S. Representative At the United Nations."

I have my doubts about giving the Vice President any statutory function. As the one member of the Administration who can not be removed, it seems to me risky business.

Also, if the Vice President has to succeed to the Presidency, it may be undesirable to have him too closely committed to some of the viewpoints that are essentially the United Nations'.

I think this is an issue that should be taken up from case to case.

case.

I think this is an issue that should be taken up from case to
casepoints that are essentially the United Nations.

it may be undesirable to have him too closely committed to some of the
Veto, if the Vice President has to succeed to the presidency,
moved, it seems to me risky business.

As the one member of the Administration who can not be re-
turned. I have my doubts about giving the Vice President any statutory

Representative At the United Nations.
SUBJECT: McConm R. Wilkey's paper on 'The Vice President As U.S.

FROM: Henry V. Kraeger
TO: Roaneff B. Perkins

MEMORANDUM

April 13, 1964

Report of the
NEW ENGLAND ASSEMBLY ON THE POPULATION DILEMMA

Sponsored By
THE WORLD AFFAIRS COUNCIL OF BOSTON

and
THE AMERICAN ASSEMBLY

April 16 - 18, 1964

at
THE AMERICAN ACADEMY OF ARTS AND SCIENCES
Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts

At the close of their discussions, the participants in the New England Assembly on the Population Dilemma reviewed as a group the following statement. Although it represents general agreement, nobody was asked to sign it, and it should not be assumed that every participant necessarily subscribes to every recommendation.

# I. PREAMBLE

At the present time the world is experiencing an unprecedented growth in population. This has resulted primarily because of the very rapid decline in the death rate achieved during the last generation among the nations previously having very high mortality. As yet, however, few of the nations experiencing dramatic declines in mortality have reduced their

2

fertility. As a result, the population of the world, now three billion persons, is increasing at an estimated rate of two per cent per year, which, if continued, would double the population of the world every thirty-five years, creating the fantastic figure of four hundred billion persons by the year 2200 and leading to standing room only soon thereafter. Such preposterous increases in the world's population mean that the only alternative to a return to high mortality is a decrease in the birth rate.

The immediate implications of this rapid population growth are perhaps more urgent than the ultimate ones. In general, population growth is most rapid in those areas with the lowest levels of living, and least pronounced in those areas with the greatest capacity to support greater population. For the developing nations, high fertility has two sorts of consequences which impede their accumulation of greater amounts of capital per person and, hence, impede their economic development. First, a high birth rate means that a large proportion of the total population are children and, hence, the ratio of dependents to wage-earners is much higher than in nations with lesser rates of fertility. Secondly, the necessity of providing economic resources for an increase in population means that fewer resources are available for directly increasing the per capita stock of capital.

Although it might be thought that international migration would provide a solution to population problems, this,

[c]

3

in fact, holds little promise. The number of persons which
can be absorbed through international migration represents
only a negligible portion of the annual increase of over-
populated areas.

History shows that at best increasing economic devel-
opment leads only gradually to a decline in fertility. There-
fore, we cannot wait for economic development to solve the
problem of population growth in underdeveloped areas. More-
over, it is quite possible that many nations will never attain
the take-off point for economic development without prior
reduction in their rate of population growth.

The United States is not immune to the consequences
of rapid population growth. The increase in births since
World War II may temporarily bolster our economy, but the in-
creased number of persons expected to enter the labor force
in the next few years is likely to increase seriously our rate
of unemployment, especially since their advent coincides with
dislocation caused by automation.

An additional problem is created because the families
in the United States with the most children are often those
least able to provide them with emotional and material support.
Furthermore, regional differences in the birth rate mean that
the states with the greatest proportion of children are often
those least able to finance their education. Young persons

4

subjected to these inadequate opportunities for self-development
are a problem not only to the areas from which they come, but to
the areas to which they migrate in search of greater opportunity.
Sooner or later, there is danger that the density of population
in this country will increase to the extent that it will de-
prive us of adequate living and recreational space in urban
areas, personal autonomy, and, be a threat to all enduring
human values.

Because population problems vary in different parts
of the world, particularly as between the economically devel-
oped and the developing nations, we should not think in terms
of one population policy, but in terms of several policies, all
united by a common interest in world population equilibrium.
Such equilibrium we hold to be an essential prerequisite for
maintaining the advances in civilization which offer great im-
provement in the spiritual, social, and physical well-being
of mankind.

## II. RECOMMENDATIONS WITH RESPECT TO POPULATION POLICIES FOR THE UNITED STATES

A. We recommend more intensive research on population trends, their causes, consequences, and control. We further recommend an intensification of research on all aspects of human reproduction. Such research should be supported by governmental as well as private funds.

B. We believe that methods of conception control

[d]

5

should be available to individuals in accordance with their
own preference, conscience, and religious belief. We recom-
mend the repeal of existing laws, particularly those in
Massachusetts and Connecticut, which restrict the flow of
contraceptive information and prohibit the distribution of
contraceptives.

C. We recommend that information and materials for
conception control be made available at public health clinics
and that these clinics should be subsidized by public and
private funds.

D. We recommend the establishment in our schools and
churches of educational programs emphasizing morally responsible
parenthood, and the results of population growth. These pro-
grams would stress the adverse consequences of too early mar-
riage and of inadequate child spacing, the emotional and mat-
erial requirements of proper child rearing, and the eventual
results of continued population growth. We also encourage
such an educational program through our mass media.

E. In recognition of our present rapid rate of pop-
ulation growth and its threat to the quality of life, we
recommend a strengthened policy to conserve and develop our
natural, cultural, and material resources.

F. Because there is an imbalance among our states
between the numbers of children and the resources to educate
them, we recommend federal aid to education to correct these
inequalities.

6

G. Because much of our population has inadequate resources to permit its cultural and personal development, we recommend massive federal intervention on the conditions of poverty.

H. We urge the President to establish a National Population Commission to consider the measures we have recommended, as well as other suggested solutions for these important population problems.

### III. RECOMMENDATIONS WITH RESPECT TO U.S. POLICY ON WORLD POPULATION

I. Consistent with the broad U.S. foreign policy objectives in assisting other nations in their efforts to improve their health, economic, and social circumstances, our government should extent financial and technical assistance which other nations may request to permit the implementation of their own policies of population action and research. We support the Clark-Gruening resolution to this effect.

J. The United States government should use its influence in the United Nations to encourage the establishment of a United Nations action program in population control.

K. In order to focus attention on worldwide population problems, we propose the establishment of an International Population Studies Year. We petition the American Academy of Arts and Sciences to explore this proposal in detail.

April 17, 1964

MEMORANDUM

TO: Henry A. Kissinger

FROM: Roswell B. Perkins

SUBJECT: Your Memo of April 15 re Vietnam and Cuba

I agree generally with your outlook, but:

(1) The Governor requested reorientation of the proposed Cuban position in your last discussion with him.

(2) The best way to force the issue is to have draft statements on his desk on these two issues when he returns next week

--Per our phone conversation of last evening, you have agreed to do this, I understand.

(3) A second way to force the issue is to have a draft pamphlet and point out he hasn't yet said these things.

--This approach has already given some impetus, I believe, to the Governor's professed willingness to make the proposed two statements.

DRAFT

Mr. Juozas Audenas
Editor-in-Chief
ELTA
33 West 42nd Street
Room 928
New York, New York

Dear Mr. Audenas:

In response to the questions asked in your letter of March 10th;

1. In elected President of the United States, I would maintain the traditional policy of non-recognition of the forceable incorporation of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia into the Soviet Union.

2. In all public and private forums the United States government should constantly express its unequivocal devotion to the right of self-determination in Eastern Europe and throughout the world. Simultaneously it should seek out all avenues of communication to express to the Soviet Union its deep concern for the fate of the peoples of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia or any other government which is in hands alien to the wishes of its people.

3. I believe that the United States delegation at the United Nations can work most effectively for the ultimate return of self-determination to Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia by encouraging all governments to recognize that the right of self-determination is universal -- that it applies in Eastern Europe no less than it does in Africa and Asia. The United States and Western Europe could give new strength to the United Nations and its purposes if it could lead in the avoidance of the current double

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standard applied by many of the developing countries -- a double standard which leads them to ignore in Eastern Europe a colonialism far more despotic and total than that which they have known in their own countries.

I hope that these comments are of value to you.

May 11, 1964

MEMORANDUM

TO: HAK

FROM: DLB

SUBJECT: *Letter from Supreme Committee for the Liberation of Lithuania (ELTA)*.

1. I do not know who David Dulles is nor do I understand why he was asked to write a draft in the first place.

2. The letter Rod has actually sent in response to this request for specific information explicitly admits to not answering the questions asked, which may be the height of frankness, but lacks political sophistication.

3. Proposed draft of a letter to be sent now:

Dear Mr. Audenas:

In response to the questions asked in your letter of March 10th:

1. If elected President of the United States, I would maintain the traditional policy of non-recognition of the forceable incorporation of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia into the Soviet Union.

does in Africa and Asia. The United States and Western Europe could give
new strength to the United Nations and its purposes if it could lead in
the avoidance of the current double standard applied by many of the
developing countries -- a double standard which leads them to ignore in
Eastern Europe a colonialism far more despotic and total than that which
they have known in their own countries.

DRAFT

Dear Mr. Audenas:

TO: Research Unit

FROM: Roswell B. Perkins

SUBJECT: Style of Underscoring in Outlines

I suggest that capsulized, meaningful, lead words, which sharply identify the topic of a paragraph, are far preferable for underscoring than merely underscoring the first few words of a sentence, (a la Kiplinger), the key word of which may be buried.

A good example (in Housing outline, summarizing the 1961 Act):

**As in the draft outline:**

"c. <u>Raises Federal share from 2/3 to 3/4 in communities with populations up to 50,000 and up to 150,000 in depressed areas...</u>"

**My suggested revision:**

"c. <u>Small communities</u>: Raises Federal share from 2/3 to 3/4 in communities with population up to 50,000 and up to 150,000 in depressed areas..."

cc. Henry A. Kissinger

CAMBRIDGE FEDERAL SAVINGS
AND
LOAN ASSOCIATION

JOHN V. O'LEARY
PRESIDENT

HAZEL B. SHEA
TREASURER

38A BRATTLE STREET, HARVARD SQUARE

CAMBRIDGE 38, MASS.

JOHN F. HERLIHY
ASST. TREASURER

M. MADELENE YOUNG
AUDITOR

Dear Member:

We feel a responsibility to tell you about two matters in the Federal Income Tax bill now pending in the United States Senate which are of vital interest to you.

One is the proposed 20% withholding tax on dividends and interest. This bill would require us, as well as banks and anyone else from whom you receive dividends or interest, to withhold part of your earnings and send that part to the government. Many persons who have savings accounts or other investments owe less than 20% income tax. Many others, due to age and other conditions, owe no tax at all. Yet this bill would require the withholding of 20% of all earnings unless the investors certify in writing that they are tax exempt, or if such a certificate is not filed, application will have to be made by them for a refund of the tax paid.

The other matter is of equal importance to you as a borrower or a prospective borrower. This portion of the bill provides for a heavy tax on savings and loan institutions and mutual savings banks. Since these are mutual institutions the only way in which this tax can be paid is by reducing earnings on savings and by charging more in the way of interest to people who wish to buy or build homes. This legislation is proposed for the purpose of making up the loss which will come about because it is intended to give substantial investment credit allowances to big business.

These tax proposals can be beaten but it will need your help to defeat them. You can write a letter to both of your Senators and tell them you feel that these provisions in the tax bill are against the interest of the average citizen, such as yourself. Urge them to oppose these tax proposals in the Federal Tax bill. Senators are glad to get the sentiments of the people in their districts in these matters and your letter will be effective. **DO IT FOR THE PROTECTION OF YOUR OWN INTERESTS.**

**OUR NEW HOURS FOR YOUR CONVENIENCE**
8:30 A.M. TO 3:00 P.M. — MONDAY THROUGH FRIDAY