WAYLAND H. YOUNG

PROPOSED BOOK by Wayland Young.

This book would start by establishing the point
that the development of intercontinental thermonuclear
weapons has placed a new power in the hands of man:
that of destroying one or more of his civilisations,
and of reducing his own numbers so drastically that it
is permissible to speak of "extinction". The entity
_mankind_ has thus undergone an ontological change: it has
become auto-destructible. The individual consciousnesses
of men have also, to varying degrees, undergone a cor-
responding change; they are to varying degrees conscious
first, of the possibility of extinction, and second, of
their ability to further or to impede it.

The book will discuss: what must be done if the
"extinction" of man is to be avoided, or made less
likely? And is this a sufficient aim, or might the
actions which are contemplated towards it naturally
lead on to other actions which could achieve further or
wider aims, especially for instance the prevention, or
increased avoidance, of smaller wars, which do not
threaten extinction, or even of all wars?

Men, and to some extent the animals (examination of
the extent) are used to fighting with all they've got.

- 2 -

If "extinction" is to be avoided, they must now learn
either to fight with less than all they've got, or not
to fight at all. What changes will be necessary, and
what set of changes will be sufficient, to achieve
these new habits?

The bulk of the book would be organised into three
broadly distinguishable modes of human activity:

(1) Structure

(2) Practice

(3) Education (including ideologies, religions, instruction, exhortation, in a word "transmission of ideas")*

The three modes operate (or express themselves) in
the following broadly distinguishable fields:

International

National

Local and tribal

Class and professional

Family and extended-family

Individual

I would therefore lay the three modes over these six

* Provisional category. It would be justified in the book as written.

- 3 -

fields, and make a grid. In each, or in practice it
might be in most, of the eighteen squares which would
result (from international structural through individual-
educational) I would seek to identify that which tends
towards the risk of extinction, and to see how it could
be amended, transformed or removed. In this way most of
the debates which at present encircle the "extinction"
question could be handled and related, as for instance
disarmament; U.N. force; constructive international co-
operation; the relation of ideologies; the North-South
conflict; the place and influence of the religions;
"overpopulation"; nationalisms; frontiers; democracy and
totalitarianism; "revolution"; the psychology of author-
itarianism, radicalism and crime; "the role of the scien-
tist"; etc etc. It is possible that the approach may
also be fertile in identifying and bringing to life
certain squares on the grid where there has not yet been
enough discussion.

To sum up; the book would attempt to carry forward
the existing debates on the mechanics and politics of sur-
vival, to contribute to the nascent sociology of survival,
and to adumbrate a psychology of survival. The underlying
assumptions would evolutionary, humanistic and relativistic.

Wayland Young.

THE Rockefeller Foundation

111 WEST 50th STREET, NEW YORK 20

July 30, 1962

I wish to acknowledge, with the thanks of the Foundation, the receipt of your confidential statement concerning

Mr. Wayland Young

GERALD FREUND

Assistant Director for Social Sciences

The Rockefeller Foundation

HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES

CABLE: ROCKFOUND, NEW YORK

TELEPHONE: COLUMBUS 5-8100

October 31, 1962

Dear Professor Kissinger:

The Rockefeller Foundation, as you may know, has started a limited new program providing assistance to a number of scholars doing research on problems of fundamental importance in the field of international relations. Mr. Harold A. Fletcher, Jr. has applied to the Foundation for assistance under this program - a brief description of which is enclosed * to enable him to carry out the research set forth in the attached statement.

I wonder if you would be willing to give us your frank judgment of this research proposal and, if possible, also of the applicant's capacity for imaginative and original scholarship. Since our program is quite limited, we are especially anxious to know whether the scholar in question has given evidence of genuine research ability in the past and is likely to carry the present study to successful completion.

I look forward to hearing from you at your convenience.

Professor Henry A. Kissinger
Associate Director
Center for International Affairs
Harvard University
Cambridge 38, Massachusetts

Encs. (2) (1) * previously sent to you

HAROLD A. FLETCHER, Jr.
Grinnell College

# The French Non-Communist Left and the Future of European Integration

I should like to study the role and potential influence of certain important personalities, groups and parties of the French Non-Communist Left in the development of the European Common Market and other European institutions.

A major objective of the study would be to determine as accurately as possible the policies and actions which the Non-Communist Left in France may be expected to support with respect to European integration in the next few years and to evaluate their possible influence.

Specifically, the individuals and groups to be studied would include:

1. Political leaders; Pierre Mendes France, Guy Mollet, Francis Leenhardt, Edouard Depreux, André Philip, Daniel Mayer, Claude Bourdet, Jean Poperen, Jean-Marie Domenach and others;

2. Political parties and groups: **Parti Socialiste (S.F.I.O.); Parti Socialiste Unifié (P.S.U.)**, including the factions within it; **Movement Socialiste pour les Etats Unis d'Europe**; the groups around the left-wing Catholic reviews, **Temoignage Chretien** and **Esprit**; the non-Communist trade unions, **Force Ouvrière** and the **Confédération Française des Travailleurs Chretiens**.

The **Parti Socialiste Unifié** is a coalition which now includes Mendes France, a number of former reformist socialists, such as Depreux and Mayer, several prominent left-wing socialists, such as Bourdet, and some former communists, such as Poperen. It also includes a few left-wing Catholics. André Philip, a former socialist, was a founder of the P.S.U., but has recently resigned from it. He has played a prominent role in European integration movements.

The Non-Communist Left in France is at the moment split over the policies to be followed with respect to the Common Market and other new or proposed European institutions. Yet the individuals and organizations concerned may play a crucial role in the success or failure of European integration and in the shaping of the character of the new institutions. Neither General de Gaulle nor Conrad Adenauer can live forever. They and their governments may very well be replaced by Center-Left coalitions in France and Germany. The recent "opening to the Left" in Italy may be significant in this respect.

Two recent developments have opened up the possibility that the Non-Communist Left in France may play an increasingly

The Rockefeller Foundation

CABLE: ROCKFOUND, NEW YORK

TELEPHONE: COLUMBUS 5-8100

October 31, 1962

Dear Professor Kissinger:

The Rockefeller Foundation, as you may know, has started a limited new program providing assistance to a number of scholars doing research on problems of fundamental importance in the field of international relations. Mr. Ferenc A. Vali has applied to the Foundation for assistance under this program - a brief description of which is enclosed *L* to enable him to carry out the research set forth in the attached statement.

Encs. (2) (1) \*previously sent to you

2.

b. trends and prospects relating to a policy of neutralism as a price to be paid for re-unification;

c. extreme nationalist (neo-Nazi) undercurrents aiming at re-unification together with independent (imperialist) foreign policy.

## II. In the East:

1) the impact of nationalism and desire for re-unification to be examined within the frame of intra-Party events and developments such as:

a. Western type Communism, favoring understanding with West Germany and Social Democrats (perhaps Paul Merker, Franz Dahlem);

b. Communists believing that a united Germany might become one of the centers or the center of World Communism (Zaisser, Herrnstadt);

c. opposition directly stemming from oppressed national democratic sentiment (opponents of ruthless "socialization") advocating the idea that such extremism would render re-unification "more difficult" (Wolfgang Harich, Fritz Selbmann, Gerhard Ziller);

d. antagonists of Ulbricht, believing that subservience to Soviet policies obstacle to re-unification (Schirdewan, Wollweber, Oelssner);

e. reactions in the Party surrounding the Berlin issue and having bearing on the question of reunification (solving the "Berlin Question" being one step toward re-unification);

2) Soviet political attitudes in the DDR in connection with the problem of re-unification (handling of local regime, of the SED);

3) national popular opposition against regime, fostered by the wish to be re-united and thus liberated from Soviet domination.

## III. Analysis of Western policy toward German nationalism and its possible consequences allowing for the following alternatives:

1) two-Germanies policy, neglect of German national feeling and its consequences, à la Versailles or otherwise (perpetuation of division for fear of German expansionism);

2) support for West Germany, including its rearmament, but excluding support for re-unification;

3) all-out support for West Germany, including re-unification,

a. even for the price of neutralization, or

b. with the intent of bringing all-Germany into a European and/or Atlantic community.

3.

IV. <u>Soviet policy</u> toward German nationalism and re-unification:

1) prevention of re-unification in disregard of German national sentiment;

2) to allow re-unification under

a. neutralization of Germany, or

b. à la Rapallo (neutral Germany with Soviet sympathies);

3) to strive for a Communist Germany under or without Soviet hegemony.

******

The project is to investigate and analyze these and other points. In view of
the wide range of subjects thus involved the intention is to restrict analysis in
depth to those questions which are most productive of bringing to light new material
or new viewpoints and are highly pertinent to developing ideas along the main line
of the study.

The study is also to take account of Germany's past, the sources of traditional
German nationalism as well as German parochialism, Germany's inter-war and post
World War II experiences. Developments taking place in the course of the research
are also to be examined (Adenauer is likely to relinquish politics in the fall of
1963 when this study will be well on its course).

Ferenc A. Vali
Professor of Government
University of Massachusetts
Amherst, Massachusetts
October 15, 1962.

December 4, 1962

Mr. Gerald Freund
Assistant Director
The Rockefeller Foundation
111 West 50th Street
New York 20, N. Y.

Dear Mr. Freund:

Thank you for your letter of October 31st in which you request a reference on behalf of Mr. Ferenc A. Vali, for the Foundation's new program on international relations research.

I have discussed Mr. Vali's project with him and I think extremely highly of it. It is certainly one of the most important problems in the field of foreign policy.

As for Vali himself, I met him at the Center where he wrote a first-rate book on the Hungarian Revolution. He is a mature and careful worker.

THE Rockefeller Foundation

March 1, 1963

Dear Henry:

Many thanks for your note of
February 26, about Anthony Cordesman.
Perhaps I can see him next month in the U.K.,
but he does not seem to have a strong claim
for assistance, as you say.

Many thanks.

Professor Henry A. Kissinger
Center for International Affairs
Harvard University
Cambridge 38, Massachusetts

GF:itm

The Rockefeller Foundation

September 18, 1963

Dear Professor Kissinger:

The Rockefeller Foundation, as you may know, has a
limited program providing assistance to a number of scholars
doing research on problems of fundamental importance in the
area of constitutional democracy. Mr. H. H. Ransom
has applied to the Foundation for assistance under this pro-
gram - a brief description of which is enclosed - to enable
him to carry out the research set forth in the attached
statement.

I wonder if you would be willing to give us your
frank judgment of this research proposal and, if possible,
also of the applicant's capacity for imaginative and original
scholarship. Since our program is quite limited, we are es-
pecially anxious to know whether the scholar in question has
given evidence of genuine research ability in the past and is
likely to carry the present study to successful completion.

I look forward to hearing from you at your conven-
ience.

Enclosures (2)

September 1963

H. H. Ransom, Associate Professor, Political Science,
Vanderbilt University

Research Project: Brief Description

# The Role and Control of Secret Intelligence Organizations
## in Constitutional Democracies

This project examines a significant aspect of
one of the dilemmas of contemporary constitutional
democracies: balancing the requirements of democratic
government in an open society with Cold War requirements
of the common defense.

A secret intelligence apparatus, claiming superior
knowledge from invisible sources and operating outside
of the normal checkreins of a constitutional governmental
system is potentially an invisible government. Such in-
visible power can be wielded either in the highest councils
of policy making or in clandestine operations overseas.
American democracy, however, is based upon the ideal of
visible, identifiable power, subject to the Constitutional
checks and balances and to the cross pressures of a
pluralistic society.

The purpose of my research is to obtain fuller
understanding of the nature of this problem, to better
illuminate a shadowy sphere of government, to discover
and then to describe existing government organizational
arrangements for intelligence policy and control, to
evaluate their adequacy, and to ascertain, insofar as is
possible, how other constitutional/representative democracies
have handled the problem of secret intelligence activities
and information.

The research is designed to advance knowledge
of these problems and specifically to center on the
following points:

1. The increasing dependence which must be
placed in the decision making process upon
the product of the intelligence system, and
the potentialities and the limitations of
any intelligence system.

2. Systems of organization for, and control of the intelligence function in selected foreign nations; particularly Great Britain and Canada.

RANSOM, Harry Howe

[LC]

Page A2

3. Special problems within the American constitutional system: (a) the combination of intelligence gathering and underground political action overseas under the same administrative roof; (b) the problem of Congressional surveillance of such activities; (c) the problem of a free press and secret intelligence activities; and (d) the instruments for Presidential and State Department control over intelligence.

4. Problems, in an age of fast-moving technology, involved in United States attempts to compete with the Communists in overseasespionage and subversion.

There are many obstacles to adequate information and its evaluation and interpretation by the usual scholarly standards. Yet I have found that a surprising amount of information can be gathered by diligent search for, and analysis of, relevant material, even though one may have to settle for a partial view and resort to, in some respects, "informed" speculation. The subject is too important to allow oneself to be intimidated by the high walls of secrecy surrounding it. Residence in Washington, D.C. and London, England certainly would facilitate the collection of important data, information and opinions.

I have completed a substantial amount of work on this project. Indeed, I have published a somewhat dated book (Central Intelligence and National Security, Harvard, 1958) dealing with some aspects of this subject. My earlier work has emphasized description and analysis. I intend now to concentrate on conceptual aspects. The major research remaining to be done requires a concentration next upon historical examples of the role and performance of secret intelligence systems and upon obtaining more comparative information about the role and control of intelligence activities in selected foreign democracies.

This work is pointed toward publication of a book on the subject which the Harvard University Press has already indicated a strong desire to publish when a manuscript can be completed.

#

October 10, 1963

Mr. Charles M. Hardin
Associate Director
The Rockefeller Foundation
111 West 50th Street
New York 20, New York

Dear Mr. Hardin:

This is in reply to your letter
of September 18th requesting my views
about Mr. H.H. Ransom. Mr. Ransom worked
for me for several years while he was
Associate Director of the Defense Studies
Program at Harvard.

I have formed a very high opinion
of his abilities. He is not spectacularly
brilliant; however, he is solid and thought-
ful. His book on central intelligence and
national security is first-rate. I would
support him for a Rockefeller Foundation
fellowship.

Kind regards.

Henry A. Kiehlinger

Sincerely yours,

Kind regards,

fellowship.
subvert him for a Rockefeller Foundation
national security is first-rate. I would
ful. His book on central intelligence and
brilliant; however, he is solid and thought-
of his abilities. He is not spectacularly
I have formed a very high opinion

Program at Harvard.
Associate Director of the Defense Studies
for me for several years while he was
spont Mr. H.H. Ransom. Mr. Ransom worked
of September 18th requesting my views
This is in reply to your letter

Dear Mr. Hardin:

New York 20, New York
111 West 20th Street
The Rockefeller Foundation
Associate Director
Mr. Charles M. Hardin

October 10, 1963

THE Rockefeller Foundation

111 WEST 50th STREET, NEW YORK 20
(HUMANITIES AND SOCIAL SCIENCES)

Mr. H. H. Ransom

CHARLES M. HARDIN
Associate Director

- 2 -

among other issues, the evolution of regional groups of nations or defensive alliances, on the role of "third forces" in bipolar situations, and on the range of problems associated with control of armaments.

The third program area is international relations theory, or the study of the variety of approaches and attitudes to the conduct of international affairs. Practitioners have called for serious work in this field but also emphasize the complexities and problems it presents. Some observers point to the danger inherent in encouraging work in this field, but this danger notwithstanding, until a more solid base in theory is worked out in international relations scholars and practitioners continue to operate in a kind of *terra incognita*. Perhaps only the small number of the best qualified specialists, including experienced diplomats and distinguished scholars who have made important contributions to our understanding of the operation of the foreign policy process, are best equipped to ponder these problems.

The Foundation has sought to respond to the needs in international relations study by encouraging scholars, especially younger scholars at the postdoctoral level, on these three fronts. It is organizing the new program along these lines with the conviction that the work of individual scholars has always been important in marking out new directions of thought and in achieving new levels of understanding. Inquiries from qualified scholars and practitioners are invited and application forms may be requested for projects falling within the defined program areas. The Foundation has appointed an Advisory Committee of distinguished international relations scholars to assist it in deciding on awards. This Committee meets once or twice a year to review applications that have been received.

Spring 1963

GIORGIO BORSA
University of Pavia

GIORGIO BORSA

Annexe 1

STATEMENT OF PROPOSAL

My purpose at large is to make a comparative study of the ways in
which modern civilization spread east, affecting traditional cultures
and the oriental type of society. I believe that the so called natio-
nalist revolution in Asia is but one aspect of a wider process, that
started in Europe, spread across the Atlantic and is now extending to
the other continents: the process of formation of the modern world.
Colonial domination and imperialistic expansion in the last century
played no doubt a major role in carrying outside Europe western cul-
ture, ideas, social and economical patterns and ways of life. But
XIX century imperialism as a conveyor of modern civilization suffered
from an inner contradiction: on one hand it shattered and disrupted
traditional societies and cultures, starting a process of moderniza-
tion and westernization; on the other hand it prevented the process
from being carried beyond a certain limit, that was represented by the
interests of the colonial powers. The so called nationalist or anti-
colonial revolution is but the resolution of this contradiction and
of all the tensions arising from it.

The so called asian nationalism is largely a response to western
imperialism; but the response was *two fold* and asian nationalism the-
refore developped in two different ways.

On one hand the western impact caused a negative reaction and gave birth to a nationalism that was revivalist, xenephobe, antiwestern. On the other hand the westernized élites soon discovered in western political philosophy and in western history values that were in fact denied by the colonial and imperialistic policy of the western countries in the XIX Century; and in the name of such values they fought against western policies and western dominance. While the first kind of reaction is chiefly found in the early stage of the development of nationalism, the second one soon became prominent and inspired the antiwestern revolution. To the westernized nationalists independence was above all a condition for solving the contradiction associated with imperialism and colonialism and for carrying to its logical conclusion the process of modernization, that had been set in motion by the contact with the west but was crippled by western dominance. Incidentally, this explains the appeal of communism (particularly of Lenin's doctrine of imperialism) as a recipe for solving that contradiction and providing a short-circuit to modernization - quite apart from the egalitarian right.

GIORGIO BORSA

STATEMENT OF PROPOSAL

2.

I believe that an attempt could be made at studying events in East Asia countries and particularly in India, China, Japan in modern times as a single historical process; and that for instance the Taiping re-bellion in China and the Shimabara rebellion in Japan; the Satsuma war in Japan, the Mutiny in India; the Boxer rebellion in China were the result of similar causes; or that men like Ram Mohan Roy or Surendranath Bannerjea in India, Kang Yu-wei and Liang Chi-chao in China, Fukuzawa Yukichi or Honda Toshiaki in Japan were - beneath the individual differences - the product of much the same historical factors.

If the western impact was the decisive element in the process of modernization, it was not the only one. In Japan for instance, as Prof. E. Reischauer has shown, the formation in the Tokugawa era of a middle class and of a premodern capitalistic economy accounts for its rapid modernisation in spite of the fact that the western impact was less felt in Japan than in India or China. An analysis of the premodern situation in each country must therefore be the starting point for an history of their modernisation.

These are the broad lines along which I would conduct my work. I am fully aware of the fact that it would be preposterous on my part to aim at writing a full history - social, cultural, economic - of Eastern Asia in modern times. It would be an almost impossible task even for scholars far better equipped than I am. The nearest thing to it will probably be the forthcoming volume 2 of Reischauer and Fairbanks Eastern Asia, The great Tradition. But even that will deal with the Far East only. There are excellent works - the result of first hand research - on particular aspects of my subject - but they are limited in scope. My aim would be a different one. I would be satisfied if I could draw a historical perspective into which the known facts could be reorganised; if I could throw out a number of problems and suggest new meanings and new lines of research. For I firmly believe in what CarlLOTUS BECKER wrote in his *DETACHMENT AND THE WRITING OF HISTORY:*... a case full of cards may be magnificent but it is not history... the problem of (historical) synthesis is indeed not to record exactly what happened but by semplification to convey an intelligible meaning of what happened".

The Rockefeller Foundation

November 18, 1963

Dear Professor Kissinger:

The Rockefeller Foundation, as you may know, has a
limited program providing assistance to a number of scholars
doing research on problems of fundamental importance in the
field of international relations. Mr. Keener C. Frazer
has applied to the Foundation for assistance under this pro-
gram - a brief description of which is enclosed - to enable him
to carry out the research set forth in the attached statement.

Encs. (2)

KEENER C. FRAZER
University of North Carolina

"Consensus and Decision-Making in the North Atlantic Alliance"

The work herein described has to do with the circumstances and processes involved in achieving agreement among the member nations of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

Part I is an examination of the structure and procedures of the organs and agencies. The inquiry focuses upon (a) the manner in which the consultative organs - the Council and its committees and working groups are organized and function; (b) the role and activity of the Secretary-General and his associates in negotiation and persuasion, and (c) the influence of the professional military service element - the Military Committee, the Standing Group and especially the Supreme Commander for Europe.

Part II analyzes the operation of the processes for agreement in their application to the establishment of policy and courses of action respecting basic substantive issues; - the collective military structure, national contributions, the deployment of forces, the control of weapons, their use, and maintenance of infrastructure. These matters have continued to impose strains which recurrently threaten unity, and the continued existence of the coalition. It is here sought to determine how and to what degree the framework for agreement has, in respect to these issues, proven effective and sufficiently flexible and on the other hand been supplemented or surplanted by other methods.

Part III is concerned with the influence of exterior multilateral commitments upon the attitudes of member nations respecting strategic concepts and military posture commitments. The problems posed by multiple interests and multiple obligations are considered in connection with specific situations arising in the Americas, the Pacific Ocean and Southeast Asian areas. The influence of United Nations relationships

2.

upon the allies extends beyond the obvious. How does membership and activity in
the United Nations affect the attitudes of the NATO nations in their own councils?
It may also be inquired, conversely, if and how cohesive tendencies in the Alliance
relationship tend to project themselves into United Nations deliberations.

Part IV is an appraisal of the total experience in striving for consensus and
agreement with a view to (a) identifying evidences of vitality and weakness in
existing means and methods, (b) indicating the emergence of ancillary agencies
and devices to facilitate understanding and broaden the base of relationship to
the policy processes of governments, and (c) suggesting, in virtue of experience,
the recognition in structure and process, of such evident needs as institutionalized
opportunities for more effective means of consultation respecting policy formula-
tion, clarification of the linkages and obligations of NATO members in other defense
groupings and the creation of formalized means of consultations between the policy
determining councils of such groupings and that of the Alliance.

The proposed study has germinated in protracted observation and study of the
functions of international institutions and their modus operandi. Residence in
Geneva during successive League crisis, close study of United Nations deliberations
about political problems, and visits to the European and American NATO headquarters,
the activities of the Advanced Study Group at the United States Naval War College,
(with which I was associated, 1955-1957) and above all other stimuli association
over a number of years with advanced students in the seminar on International
Institutions, have served to deepen my interest in the way organizations for collec-
tive security operates, and in what manner exercise their prescribed functions.

The investigation of the processes of decision in international organizations
of political purpose is fundamental to the consideration of a more general inquiry
into the reasons for apparent fluctuation in the confidence of nations in the
operations of instrumentalities which, by and large, continue to serve the purposes

3.

for which they were created. The investigation of this problem is particularly
appropriate to NATO and, on a broader scale, to the procedures of the United
Nations for the maintenance of national security.

The sources of information about the indicated subject are numerous and
geographically dispersed - in addition to the written materials, the documents,
the books, pamphlets, articles and press releases and accounts; the resources
and libraries of such institutions as Chatham House and the Bureau of the Conference
of NATO Parliamentarian (both in London) are most useful. However, interviews
and protracted association with persons working in NATO agencies or involved with
it as officials of member governments have proven invaluable.