LITTLE, BROWN AND COMPANY
PUBLISHERS

34 BEACON STREET, BOSTON 6

DONALD R. HAMMONDS
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
COLLEGE DEPARTMENT

June 16, 1965

JUN 21 REC'D

Professor Henry A. Kissinger
Center for International Affairs
Harvard University
6 Divinity Avenue
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

Dear Professor Kissinger:

Thank you very much for writing and letting us know of your decision. I'm sure all this has been rather trying for you, and I know you will be relieved when it's all settled. There is no doubt in my mind that you will have an enjoyable and profitable experience with the house that publishes your book.

When we first met, and again at a later meeting, I left with you a list of some of our political science projects. I would very much appreciate having these back when it's convenient for you. We do not normally make this information available.

May I extend on behalf of Little, Brown our best wishes for a successful publication.

DRH/bbl

June 8, 1965

Mr. Donald R. Hammonds
Little Brown and Company
34 Beacon Street
Boston 6, Massachusetts

Dear Mr. Hammonds:

I think I have delayed long enough about my decision. While I have not yet made a final choice, I think matters have gone far enough to enable me to say that it is extremely unlikely that I will accept your very generous offer.

I want you to know how much I appreciate the way you have extended yourself and I hope we can stay in touch.

Best regards.

34 BEACON STREET, BOSTON 6

April 16, 1965

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

Mr. Hammonds said you would like to see
a random selection of our political science books.
I have picked some out for you and hope they will
give you some idea of our list.

Enclosed also is a list of books pub-
lished and under contract to us at the moment.
This is something we would like very much to have
restricted to your use and returned to us after
you have looked it over.

I have also included several of our
advertising brochures and a tearsheet from the
1964 APSA program which we thought you might like
to see.

If there is anything else we can send
you, please don't hesitate to let us know.

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Center for International Affairs
6 Divinity Avenue
Harvard University
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

34 BEACON STREET, BOSTON 6

March 24, 1965

Dear Professor Kissinger:

I've been trying to reach you by phone, but you've been extremely busy, I know. You had suggested earlier that we should definitely talk again at about this time, and I simply wanted to follow through on that.

Could you possibly get over for lunch? I think you should meet some of our people here, and at the same time we should talk more concretely about the kind of backing we would give your book for production, promotion, and distribution.

I am frankly quite excited about the prospects of your book. We are looking not for an international relations text, but for one that will replace Morgenthau. We want to accomplish for international relations what our Almond series is doing for comparative government. The teaching in this field is floundering and actually stale. We would like to turn it around.

I believe your purposes and ours here at Little, Brown mesh extremely well. So, I'm sure, do our respective abilities. As you can see from the list of projects I left with you, your book would fit almost perfectly into our program. It would be good to begin planning for it as soon as we can.

When you can, please do telephone so that we can arrange to talk.

DRH/bb

PUBLISHED AUTHORS:

Bloomfield, Lincoln P. M. I. T. INTERNATIONAL MILITARY FORCES (1964) THE UN AND U.S. FOREIGN POLICY (1960)

Fiszman, Joseph R. U. of Oregon THE AMERICAN POLITICAL ARENA (1962) Poss. revision spring '65

Lowi, Theodore J. Cornell LEGISLATIVE POLITICS U.S.A. (1962) Revision spring '65

McCleskey, Clifton U. of Houston THE GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS OF TEXAS (1963)

Millikan, Max F. M. I. T. THE EMERGING NATIONS: THEIR GROWTH AND U.S. POLICY (1961)

Blackmer, Donald L.M. M. I. T.

Riker, William H. U. of Rochester FEDERALISM: ORIGIN, OPERATION, SIGNIFICANCE (Wolin series) (1964)

Rose, Richard U. of Manchester, England POLITICS IN ENGLAND (1964) (Almond series)

Rosecrance, Richard U. C. L. A. INTERNATIONAL SYSTEMS: ACTION AND REACTION IN WORLD POLITICS (1963)

Scigliano, Robert Mich. State THE COURTS (1962)

Sorauf, Frank J. U. Minn. POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE AMER. SYSTEM (1964) (Wolin series)

Ward, Robert E. (ed.) U. Mich. STUDYING POLITICS ABROAD (1964) contributors: Ward Frank Bonilla MIT James Coleman UCLA Herbert Hyman Columbia Lucian Pye MIT Myron Weiner MIT

Wildavsky, Aaron B. U. Cal.-Berkeley THE POLITICS OF THE BUDGETARY PROCESS (1964)

Wolin, Sheldon S. U. Cal.-Berkeley POLITICS AND VISION (1960)

Woll, Peter Brandeis AMER. GOVT: READINGS AND CASES (1962) Revision spring '65

Barber, James D. Yale POLITICAL LEADERSHIP IN AMER. GOVT. (1964)

Swearer, Howard R. U.C.L.A. POLITICS OF SUCCESSION IN THE U.S.S.R. (1964)

Grossholtz, Jean Mt. Holyoke: POLITICS IN THE PHILIPPINES (1964) (Almond series)

ACTIVE TITLES:

<table>
  <tr>
    <td>Appleton, Sheldon L.<br>Oakland U.</td>
    <td>AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY: CASES</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Aspaturian, Vernon<br>Penn State</td>
    <td>SOVIET FOREIGN POLICY</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Caraley, Demetrios<br>Columbia</td>
    <td>POLITICAL PARTIES - READINGS</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Christoph, James B. (ed.)<br>Ohio State</td>
    <td>CASES IN COMPARATIVE POLITICS</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Clemens, Walter C. (ed.)<br>M.I.T.</td>
    <td>WORLD PERSPECTIVES ON INTERNATIONAL POLITICS</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Cohen, Bernard C.<br>U. Wisc.</td>
    <td>READINGS IN AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Danielson, Michael N.<br>Princeton</td>
    <td>METROPOLITAN POLITICS: A READER</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Fein, Leonard J.<br>M.I.T.</td>
    <td>INTRO. TO POLITICAL SCIENCE</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Fenno, Richard F., Jr.<br>U. of Rochester</td>
    <td>POLITICS OF FEDERAL APPROPRIATIONS</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Halperin, Morton H.<br>Harvard</td>
    <td>INTRO. TO CONTEMPORARY MILITARY STRATEGY</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Jacob, Herbert<br>U. of Wisc.</td>
    <td>JUSTICE IN AMERICA</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Jacob, Herbert (ed.)<br>U. of Wisc.</td>
    <td>COMPARATIVE STATE POLITICS</td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Vines, Kenneth (ed.)<br>Tulane</td>
    <td></td>
  </tr>
  <tr>
    <td>Korbonski, Andrzej<br>U.C.L.A.</td>
    <td>GOVERNMENT AND POLITICS OF EASTERN EUROPE</td>
  </tr>
</table>

Harcourt, Brace & World, Inc.

757 THIRD AVENUE, NEW YORK 17, N. Y. 572-5000 CABLE: HARBRACE

March 18, 1964

Professor Quincy Wright
Department of Foreign
Affairs
Cabell Hall 232
University of Virginia
Charlottesville, Virginia

The Honorable James J. Wadsworth
Suite 844, Pennsylvania Building
425 Thirteenth Street, N.W.
Washington 4, D.C.

Professor John G. Stoessinger
295 Central Park West
New York 24, New York

Professor Henry Kissinger
Center for International
Affairs
Harvard University
Divinity Avenue
Cambridge, Massachusetts

Professor L. Gray Cowan
Department of Public Law
and Government
Columbia University
New York 27, New York

Professor Robert Osgood
The Washington Center of
Foreign Policy Research
1740 Massachusetts Avenue
Washington, D.C.

Gentlemen:

It is March 18 and you no doubt wonder where POWER AND ORDER is. On the way but not quite here. Our hopes for March 13 publication, which I suspect you heard more of than you wished to last fall, have had to be modified because of delays in printing and binding. We are coming off press this week and into the bindery next, and books are due here March 27. As soon as they are in hand, copies will be rushed to each of you.

As books come out of the bindery at the Quinn & Boden Company in Rahway, New Jersey (where the printing and binding is done), many will be packaged and labeled on the spot and sent on to the political scientists who have expressed interest in this book to our sales staff during the past six months. We think a book of this kind does well at this stage if it attracts 400-500 requests for examination copies. You will be interested to hear that we have on file now a total of nearly 800 requests -- 500 from the East and 300 from the West. A very encouraging sign, we think.

We hope you like the books. And meanwhile, please receive renewed thanks from all of us for your cooperation. We only wish all authors were as agreeable.

Best wishes,

EZ/ew

cc: Professor Alan F. Westin

July 30, 1965

Mr. John F. Carr, III
Associate Editor, Social Sciences
College Department
Rand McNally & Company
P.O. Box 7600
Chicago, Illinois 60680

Dear Mr. Carr:

Thank you for your letter of
July 22nd.

I am afraid my negotiations have
advanced too far to make it sensible
to invite another proposal for my
projected textbook. However, I
appreciate your thinking of me.

Kind regards.

RAND M&NALLY & COMPANY

printers • publishers • mapmakers

P.O. BOX 7600, CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 60680

July 22, 1965

Professor Henry A. Kissinger
Department of Government
Harvard University
Cambridge, Massachusetts

Dear Professor Kissinger:

Recently our representative at Harvard, Leo Daley, visited with you to inquire about your future publishing commitments. We are, of course, quite interested to hear about your plans for a text on international relations.

Since 1957, Rand McNally has made rapid strides in publishing high quality, scholarly books by some of the most able political scientists in the country. For your own verification I have enclosed our catalog. We have commitments with Bob Dahl for an American government text and Harry Eckstein for an introductory political systems text, just to name a couple future publications.

I know you have been negotiating with various publishers. However, if it is not too late, I would like to make a concrete offer to publish an international relations text written by you. I would very much enjoy the opportunity to discuss this further.

JFC/at

8255 CENTRAL PARK AVENUE
SKOKIE, ILLINOIS 60076
(312) 267-6868 (CHICAGO)
(312) 673-9100 (SKOKIE)

June 18, 1965

Mr. John A. Behnke
Vice President
The Ronald Press Company
15 East 26th Street
New York 10, New York

Dear Mr. Behnke:

In Dr. Kissinger's absence, I am
writing to acknowledge your letter of
June 16th.

He is expected to return to the
office early in July which means he
will not be able to see you on your
visit to Cambridge next week.

I know that Dr. Kissinger will
appreciate your interest in his book but
I am quite sure he is already too far
advanced in his negotiations with other
publishers to be able to consider the
Ronald Press Company.

Personal Secretary
Jean Blanchard

Sincerely yours,

Ronald Press Company.
publishers to be able to consider the
advanced in his negotiations with other
I am quite sure he is already too far
appreciate your interest in his book but
I know that Dr. Klaasinger will
visit to Cambridge next week.

will not be able to see you on your
office early in July which means he
He is expected to return to the
June 16th.

writing to acknowledge your letter of
In Dr. Klaasinger's absence, I am
June 16th.

Dear Mr. Behnke:

New York 10, New York
12 East 26th Street
The Ronald Press Company
Vice President
Mr. John A. Behnke

June 16, 1962

June 3, 1965

Mr. Sheldon Meyer, Editor
Trade Department
Oxford University Press, Inc.
417 Fifth Avenue
New York, New York 10016

Dear Mr. Meyer:

Thank you for your letter of
May 26th.

I appreciate your interest in
my book but I am afraid I am already
too far advanced in my negotiations
with other publishers to be able to
consider the Oxford Press.

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, INC.

417 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK, N. Y. 10016

TELEPHONE: OREGON 9-7300

26 May 1965

Professor Henry A. Kissinger
Department of Government
Harvard University
Cambridge 38, Massachusetts

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

We offer our congratulations to you on being awarded a Guggenheim fellowship on your studies in the changing theories of international relations and their relevance to contemporary world situations.

We are actively publishing in the field in which your study falls, and so we would be most interested in hearing about your plans. If you are not committed to a publisher at this time, we would very much like to discuss your project with you. It would seem to fit admirably into our publishing program.

We look forward to hearing from you at your convenience.

SM/war

HARPER & ROW, PUBLISHERS
INCORPORATED

1817

CHAIRMAN, HARPER EDITORIAL BOARD

49 EAST 33D ST., NEW YORK 16, N. Y.

MURRAY HILL 5-1000 • CABLE: HARPSAM

February 3, 1965

Dear Henry,

Rollin Posey told me about his talk with
you. I am very pleased that there seems to be
the prospect of our publishing your textbook as
we are so very keen to do.

I know that Posey is anxious to satisfy
you in the matter of terms and hope that within
the next few days matters will be settled so that
we will publish your book.

As ever,

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Harvard University
6 Divinity Avenue
Cambridge 38, Mass.

Cass Canfield...rm

WESTERN UNION
TELEGRAM

W. P. MARSHALL, PRESIDENT

SF-1201 (4-60)

The filing time shown in the date line on domestic telegrams is LOCAL TIME at point of origin. Time of receipt is LOCAL TIME at point of destination

128P EST JAN 05 65 BA152

SSL310 B MWA162 DL PD FAX NEW YORK NY 5 103PST

HENRY A KISSINGER CENTER FOR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
6 DIVINITY AVE CAMBRIDGE MASS

AS AM LEAVING FOR CHICAGO FOR TWO DAYS AND WAS UNABLE REACH
YOU BY PHONE TODAY AM TELEGRAPHING TO EXPRESS OUR VERY GREAT
INTEREST IN THE TEXTBOOK REFERRED TO YOUR LETTER IF BY CHANCE
YOU ARE COMING TO NEW YORK NEXT WEEK ROLLIN POSEY OF OUR TEXTBOOK
DEPARTMENT I WOULD MUCH APPRECIATE OPPORTUNITY TALKING WITH
YOU IF NOT POSEY AN EXPERENCED AND EXCELLENT EDITOR IN THE
SOCIAL SCIENCES FIELD WOULD LIKE TO COME TO CAMBRIDGE TO SEE
YOU ANY DAY EXCEPT JANUARY 18 OR 19 WOULD YOU KINDLY WIRE ME
CASS CANFIELD
(16).

January 5, 1965

Professor Henry A. Kissinger
Center for International Affairs
Harvard University
6 Divinity Avenue
Cambridge 38, Mass.

Dear Professor Kissinger:

Your letter of December 31, addressed to Mr. Charles B. Stell, has been given to me since I am Wiley's political science editor.

To say the least, I am pleased to learn that you have decided to write a textbook on international relations. In fact, it is like a dream come true, for I cannot imagine a more competent author for this book. I wish to be on record with not only an expression of great interest, but I wish to tell you that we are willing to offer a contract with our maximum royalty terms. As you know, we do not have a textbook in this field, and I am satisfied that you would write the type of textbook we want to fill this niche. With your experience, knowledge, and tasteful imagination, I am sure you would write a first-rate textbook -- and with no trouble.

Recently, James Q. Wilson has become our political science ad-
visor. I know that he must be a friend of yours, and he would be
glad to tell you what we have in mind for our political science pro-
gram. I hasten to add that Wilson in no way pretends to be an expert
on international affairs, but I certainly want you to know that if
we were to contract for the publication of your book, I would provide
competent advice with the view of making your book even better.

Undoubtedly you will write a stimulating, significant, and re-
warding textbook. We would like to publish it, and if you would
prefer, I would be willing to come to Boston to discuss this matter
with you. I am enclosing a recent advertising piece which will give
you some idea of what we are doing in the fields of sociology and
political science. I am also enclosing two issues of COLLOQUIUM, a
"house organ" that we print which is distributed to approximately
20,000 professors. COLLOQUIUM is designed to advertise our history
books (of which I am also the editor), where we have Carl E. Schorske
of Berkeley, and William R. Taylor of Wisconsin as our general edi-
tors.

JOHN WILEY & SONS, INC., PUBLISHERS, NEW YORK, LONDON & SYDNEY

605 THIRD AVENUE, NEW YORK, N.Y. 10016 212 TN 7-9800 CABLE ADDRESS: JONWILE

January 5, 1965

Dear Professor Kissinger:

Your letter of December 31, addressed to Mr. Charles B. Stoll, has been given to me since I am Wiley's political science editor.

sociology
& political
science
newsletter

fall '64

The fields of sociology and political science are under-
going extremely rapid and exciting changes today — and
as they grow and embrace other disciplines, courses in
colleges and universities are expanding and changing
focus. JOHN WILEY & SONS has been moving with these
changes. This newsletter contains a selection of WILEY
books that will be of value to a wide variety of courses
in both sociology and political science. These books range
from basic texts to advanced supplementary readings —

and they cover many of the most challenging topics in
the broad spectrum of modern sociology and political
science.

This newsletter is divided into three sections: one list-
ing books of particular interest to sociologists; one contain-
ing books of particular interest to political scientists; and
one outlining books of general interest.

TEXTS IN SOCIOLOGY

Designed as a supplement for introductory courses
in sociology and as a text in social organization, SOCIAL
ORGANIZATION AND BEHAVIOR, edited by RICHARD
L. SIMPSON of North Carolina, and IDA HARPER
SIMPSON of Duke, brings together readings that cover
both the foundations of sociology and the chief fields of
specialized inquiry. Each of the sixteen chapters begins
with an introduction by the editors that is lengthier and
more systematic than is found in most collections of read-
ings. Together, the chapter introductions and readings are
built around the basic concepts of social organization.
Viewing social organization as involving differentiation
and integration, the editors show the dynamic nature of
these processes.

The book does not slight social-psychological topics;
instead, it relates them to social organization in order to
convey the unity of both social life and social science.

The entire text has been designed to aid students in
cultivating the habit of interpreting specific writings in
general theoretical contexts and to make it clear that read-
ings do not simply supply isolated facts but also illustrate
general principles. This approach will prove invaluable
to the student who continues on in sociology. But the
editors have also taken care to use selections that will
contribute to the liberal education of students who will
only take one sociology course.

This paperback reader contains 475 pages and is priced
at $5.25.

WILEY's new text for basic courses in sociology, **CONTEMPORARY SOCIETY**, by JACKSON TOBY of Rutgers, will provide your students with an unusually coherent and lively examination of the society in which they live. Using readings from journalistic sources as well as from the sociological literature, the book systematically applies sociological ideas to the analysis of contemporary urban industrial societies.

Challenged and motivated by Professor Toby's tight
expository framework, the student is led logically to each
illustrative article. He is first introduced to the concept
of human interaction, the scientific conception of sociology
and the idea of culture. These concepts provide the sub-
stance for patterning and the tools for analyzing the
complicated social structures in contemporary society.
Economic, ecological and status aspects are examined
first as the necessary context for the processes of socializa-
tion and social control. The social processes are followed
by analysis of the formal organization that lends stability
to urban industrial societies. The concluding chapters
tackle the most difficult intellectual problem of contempor-
ary society: dynamics.

This integrated picture of sociology is enhanced by
1960 census data and an unusual bibliography that gives
an extensive summary of the contents and briefly discusses
each article and book listed.

The book contains 598 pages and is priced at $8.75;
an Instructor's Manual is available on request.

A pre-publication reviewer remarks on **ELEMENTARY APPLIED SATISTICS: FOR STUDENTS OF THE BEHAVIORAL SCIENCES**, by LINTON C. FREEMAN of Syracuse:

"This introductory statistics text departs to an important degree from the standard treatment of the subject. The emphasis is on descriptive techniques with particular attention being devoted to the problem of measuring various types of association. Freeman's discussion is directed to sociologists and students of sociology and his illustrative material is taken from the literature of sociology. The organizational framework is developed from a consideration of the various types of measurement employed by sociological researchers. A balanced treatment is given to descriptive techniques appropriate for nominal, ordinal and interval data. Such balance is one of the major strengths of the work. Statistical inference is treated clearly and concisely. The discussions of estimation and tests of hypotheses provide the student with a basic introduction to these topics.

"Freeman's style is crisp. His use of sociological material is imaginative. His explanations will provide the student with a fundamental understanding of statistical analysis. This is not just another cook book."

Coming in March, this text will contain approximately 288 pages and will probably be priced at $6.95.

For your advanced courses, you will want to consider **INTERMEDIATE CORRELATIONAL METHODS**, by ANDREW R. BAGGALEY of Temple. It presents an integrated development of the correlational methods that are most useful in the behavioral sciences, including an introduction to factor analysis. The algebraic steps are set forth in enough detail to be followed by almost all students. The text contains 211 pages and is priced at $5.75.

"This is a paperback edition of one of the more provocative general sociology texts in the field today," comments a reviewer in *Sociology and Social Research* about **SOCIAL PROBLEMS IN AMERICA**, by HARRY C. BREDEMEIER and JACKSON TOBY, both of Rutgers. The review continues: "The authors' unique approach to the analysis of social problems is suggested by the subtitle: 'Costs and Casualties in an Acquisitive Society.' Rather than resorting to the traditional classification of social

problems, which often lacks continuity between one topic and the next, theories of socialization and personality development are utilized throughout the book. ...

"Candid case materials make realistically alive the many problems pertaining to alcoholism, crime, drug addiction, education, family, juvenile delinquency, mental illness, minority groups, politics, prostitution, social class and unemployment discussed in the book. Materials drawn from sources such as 'Harpers', 'The New York Times', and 'The New Yorker', as well as from autobiographies and court records, are valid and penetrating. The authors do a commendable piece of work in integrating general literature with sociological insights. ...

"Now that this book is available in paperback, many instructors of social problems may well want to utilize it as a supplementary reading source, or adopt it as a relatively inexpensive basal text for their course."

Also available in a hardbound edition, this book, containing 510 pages, is priced at $3.95 in paperback.

Reflecting a broad conception of the sociology of religion, **RELIGION, CULTURE AND SOCIETY**, edited by LOUIS SCHNEIDER of Illinois, caused a pre-publication reviewer to comment:

"The reader should not just be a handy compendium of what everyone knows but I think will be itself an educational force in broadening the field. . . I think it is very thoughtfully organized and reflects a position of great integrity."

Beginning with discussions of the obstacles to understanding and research in the field, the book then focuses on the functional analysis of religion, religion as culture, religion and society, and the religious scene in the United States. Each of these areas is illuminated by a wide variety of selected articles and by editorial introductions that discuss the fundamental issues and comment on the selections.

In accordance with his general view of the subject, the editor has selected materials that range from the primitive African world through classical Greece to China, India and Java. In addition, Dr. Schneider emphasizes religion as a cultural phenomenon in discussions of its meaning, values and symbols. The ordering of the field which the book achieves exemplifies the vigor and effectiveness possible in the sociology of religion.

Well-suited to *your* course in religion, the text contains 663 pages and is priced at $9.95.

[2]

**MARRIAGE AND FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS,** by ROBERT C. WILLIAMSON of Lehigh, will be published this spring. Featuring an interdisciplinary approach, the text discusses the solution of problems in marriage. Believing that systematic information will enlighten the individual's choice of behavior, the author analyzes courtship, marriage and family relationships so that the student will understand these processes and will be able to apply his knowledge to the solution of problems as they arise. The text is distinguished by a scholarly orientation, together with a broad theoretical approach.

Among the topics covered by **MARRIAGE AND FAMILY RELATIONSHIPS** are: marriage in America today, development from infancy to maturity, sex roles, dating and courtship, pre-marital sex problems, love, the selection of a mate, the legal aspects of marriage, the social setting of modern marriage, marriage variations in America today, personality dynamics and the adjustment process, sex adjustments, the economic aspects of marriage, parenthood, the role of the child in the home, adjustment to old age, marital conflict, dissolution and divorce, and marital and family agencies.

Two invaluable additions to courses on delinquency are **DELINQUENCY AND DRIFT**, by DAVID MATZA of Berkeley; and **THE MEASUREMENT OF DELINQUENCY**, by THORSTEN SELLIN and MARVIN E. WOLFGANG, both of Pennsylvania. The Matza book (199 pages. $4.50.) is a provocative and controversial essay on how the legal order may be violated by persons who nonetheless subscribe to it. Classical criminology postulates that the criminal be seen in a legal context; Matza uses this as a basis for revising many of today's prevalent conceptions of delinquency.

Matza believes that delinquent thought and delinquent action are distorted reflections of the ideas and practices that pervade contemporary juvenile law and its administration. He argues convincingly that the delinquent subculture is based on many of the same standards as the conventional order and that the delinquent's negation of the law is the result of his relations with an inconsistent and vulnerable legal code. Once the juvenile breaks his ties to the legal order, he may drift into delinquency.

However, Matza maintains that being freed of legal control does not necessarily lead to delinquency; that event depends on the will to crime, for there is still a freedom of choice involved in the commission of delinquent actions.

The Sellin-Wolfgang book (423 pages. $8.95.) begins with a comprehensive history of ideas concerning the measurement of crime and delinquency. The authors discuss the definition of these terms and describe in detail their research on juvenile offenses. This research has led them to devise a new and more sensitive method of measuring delinquency — which in turn has led to an index of delinquency that rests on juvenile offenses against criminal law but is not dependent on the specific labels given by the law to such offenses.

DONALD J. BOGUE's new text, **AN INTRODUCTION TO DEMOGRAPHY**, is coming in the late spring. It presents, for introductory courses, the fundamentals and the methodology of the field, and discusses the vital processes, population distribution and redistribution, demography and the other social sciences, population problems, fertility control and areal analyses of the world demographic situation.

A particularly versatile book for courses in Methods of Social Research is **REFLECTIONS ON COMMUNITY STUDIES**, edited by ARTHUR J. VIDICH of the New School for Social Research, JOSEPH BENSMAN of C.C.N.Y. and MAURICE R. STEIN of Brandeis. It consists of eleven essays by the editors, Howard S. Becker, Stanley Diamond, E. Franklin Frazier, Art Gallaher, Jr., Everett C. Hughes, Morris S. Schwartz, John R. Seeley, William F. Whyte, and Kurt H. Wolff on the methodology of community study. Each of these investigators has played a significant role in the development of community sociology; in these essays, they establish the personal quality of their studies.

The conduct of a community study is always the result of the interaction between a variety of factors peculiar to the particular problem and the particular investigator. In these essays, each investigator demonstrates the interplay of the personal and creative factors in his research and links his work to his own intellectual perspectives and growth. In showing how their studies have evolved, each investigator deepens understanding of the original study he made. In addition, they illustrate a spectrum of methodology issues that have not been treated by the formal discourses on social science methodology. This book contains 359 pages and is priced at $7.50.

[ 8 ]

An important new contribution to sociological theory is made in **EXCHANGE AND POWER IN SOCIAL LIFE** (352 pages. $7.75.), by PETER M. BLAU of Chicago. Blau uses concepts of exchange, reciprocity, imbalance and power to analyze social life and to derive the more complex processes in social structure from the simpler ones. The principles of reciprocity and imbalance are used to derive such processes as power; changes in group structure; and the two major forces that govern the dynamics of complex social structures: the legitimization of organizing authority of increasing scope and the emergence of oppositions along different lines producing conflict and change.

Blau's new formulation of "interactionist sociology" is so broad in scope that it actually results in a general theory of social organization. Using the study of interpersonal relations as the starting point for an analysis of the complex social processes that govern major social structures, **EXCHANGE AND POWER IN SOCIAL LIFE** provides the theory necessary to fill the gap between theories of interpersonal relationships and broad theories of social structure.

WILEY will soon be publishing an analysis of the processes of institutionalization and a comparative study of institutions in **ESSAYS ON COMPARATIVE INSTITUTIONS**, by S. N. EISENSTADT. The result of fifteen years of research, these analyses encompass studies of age groups and youth culture, of bureaucratic structures and processes of bureaucratization, of problems of social mobility, and of processes of communication and reference group behavior. Eisenstadt brings together two different aspects of the study of institutions: the fully structured and organized institutions (e.g., age groups and bureau-

cratic organizations) and the behavioral processes and the personal attitudes related to them.

A great number of schools have found **PERSONALITY AND SOCIAL SYSTEMS**, by NEIL J. SMELSER and WILLIAM T. SMELSER, both of the University of California, Berkeley, an outstanding text for courses in social psychology. It presents carefully selected articles that show the systematic interaction between the human personality and the social environment. The major focus of the book is analytic — the organizing principle throughout is how personality and social systems contribute to the understanding of human behavior. The readings are drawn from all the social sciences and each one is by an expert in his field. A discussion of theoretical and methodological issues opens the book. This is followed by studies of the influence of social variables on personality and the influence of personality on social structure. In the final section the general relations between personality and social systems are illustrated. Containing 660 pages, this book is priced at $8.95.

A new book of interest is **SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY IN TREATING MENTAL ILLNESS**, edited by GEORGE W. FAIRWEATHER of Stanford (300 pages. $7.95). You will also want to note the SCIENCE EDITIONS paperback reprints of two classic works: **FAMILY AND CLASS DYNAMICS IN MENTAL ILLNESS**, by JEROME K. MYERS and BERTRAM H. ROBERTS; and **GROWING UP IN THE CITY**, by JOHN BARRON MAYS. The Myers-Roberts book (295 pages. $1.95.) investigates the relationship of social psychodynamic forces to psychiatric illness in the lower middle and lower classes. The Mays book (225 pages. $1.65.) researches how juveniles live and spend their leisure time and thus assesses what part delinquent behavior plays in satisfying their basic needs.

## TEXTS IN POLITICAL SCIENCE

Courses studying the dynamics of Presidential power and influence have grown at a pace equal to the expansion of the office itself. **THE DYNAMICS OF THE AMERICAN PRESIDENCY**, (355 pages. $6.75.), compiled and edited by DONALD BRUCE JOHNSON of Iowa and JACK L. WALKER of Michigan, collects a variety of views and opinions on the Presidency ranging from the Federalist Papers to John F. Kennedy. The many activities of the President from party leader through administrator to Commander-in-Chief are explored — his relationships with Congress and the Courts are discussed — the office and the man are viewed in terms of nominations, elections,

voting behavior, concepts of the office, Presidential tenure, and disability. But the Presidency is not only examined as a function-by-function operation; the coordination and unity of the office are stressed. Throughout the book the President is regarded as a man as well as an institution.

Your students will explore the office through classic writings by such men as Pendleton Herring, Harold Laski, Richard Neustadt, Richard Longaker, Theodore White, and Clinton Rossiter. The wide variety of opinions presented in the book form an ideal basis for courses in the Presidency or American political institutions.

[ 4 ]

WILEY has recently published an abridged version of
a classic work, **THE AMERICAN VOTER**, by ANGUS
CAMPBELL, PHILIP E. CONVERSE, WARREN E.
MILLER and DONALD E. STOKES, all of the Survey
Research Center at Michigan. In paperback form (302
pages. $2.95.), this book now makes available to your
students a revealing study of what leads the American
voter to his decision at the polls.

The original book won accolades such as:

"This work, by any standard, represents a monumental
performance, but its great merit, or so it seems to me as
a political scientist, rests in the fact that it reports en-
couraging and imaginative steps in the adaptation of
survey analysis to the study of problems that really bear
on the political system." —V. O. Key, Jr., in *Public Opinion
Quarterly*.

"This book is an interdisciplinary classic. . . . The conduct of the Kennedy and Nixon presidential campaigns in 1960 bears implicit witness to the seriousness with which professional politicians took its cogency as a practical guide to the ingredients of American voting behavior. . . . It is far and away the best existing analysis of American presidential voting." — H. Brewster Smith in *American Journal of Psychology*.

"... **THE AMERICAN VOTER** is an impressive monument to scientific research on American political behavior. . . . No review can do justice to this volume. It represents a major contribution to the literature of American politics." — Peter H. Odegard in *Science*.

This winter WILEY will publish an original systems
analysis of politics by DAVID EASTON of Chicago in
**A SYSTEMS ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL LIFE.** Easton
develops a framework of logically coherent concepts or
an ordered structure of concepts for the study of political
systems. This framework isolates and names the critical
variables and dimensions common to all political systems,
identifies some of their most significant relationships and
presents a coherent image of a theoretical approach. The
book is designed as a point of departure for further
theoretical inquiry. In addition, the concepts can be tested
for their utility in future empirical research with regard to
any kind of political system because Easton has developed
a general theory that applies to all political systems,
modern or primitive, industrialized or peasant, large or
small, national or international, traditional or transitional,
democratic or totalitarian.

Easton's model interprets life in dynamic terms — it
shows the way in which demands and supports flow into
a system, the way in which the system works on these and
converts them into policies, decisions and actions. Students
of political theory will be stimulated by this original ap-
proach to empirical theory.

Courses in international relations will be challenged
by two books: **INTERNATIONAL STABILITY: MILITARY,**
**ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL DIMENSIONS,** edited by
DALE J. HEKHUIS of G. E., CHARLES G. McCLINTOCK
of Santa Barbara and ARTHUR L. BURNS of the

Australian National University; and **THE POLITICAL FOUNDATIONS OF INTERNATIONAL LAW**, by MORTON A. KAPLAN of Chicago and NICHOLAS deB. KATZENBACH.

In **INTERNATIONAL STABILITY**, the editors present a
series of perceptive studies of forces that will affect the
international system during the next 10 to 15 years. It
gives special attention to what may result from the con-
tinuing dependence of the major powers on a military
strategy of nuclear deterrence; the rapid emergence of eco-
nomically and politically unstable nations; and the develop-
ment and functioning of supranational organizations such
as the European Economic Community and the U.N. In
analyzing these three trends and their possible effects
upon the future international environment, a variety of
possible programs for maintaining or increasing the stability
of the international system is discussed. This book con-
tains 296 pages and is priced at $6.00.

A recent survey sponsored by the American Society of
International Law and the American Political Science
Association put **THE POLITICAL FOUNDATIONS OF
INTERNATIONAL LAW** (372 pages. $6.95.) on top of a
list of "recent books teachers found stimulating" and
Wolfgang Friedmann commented in the *Columbia Law
Review*: "It was time that a book primarily directed to the
general student should approach the subject of international
law through its political foundations. . . . The book is . .
eminently suitable as an introduction for the student of
political science or as background for the student of
international law."

A dramatic and original study of the forces that have
made and will continue to make the Muslims turn from
Islam to nationalism is made by LEONARD BINDER
of Chicago in **THE IDEOLOGICAL REVOLUTION IN THE
MIDDLE EAST** (287 pages. $6.50). Weaving together
historical, sociological and philosophical information, Dr.
Binder demonstrates the integral relationship of formal
political ideas to political development and change.

Dealing with one of the most complex and strategic
areas of the world, the book explains the origin of political
upheaval in the Middle East as it relates to the funda-
mental cultural orientation of the region.

Additionally, it is a most thorough and timely exposition
of contemporary radical nationalist thought as expressed
by President Nasser and his Ba'thi rivals.

[5]

Heinz Eulau comments on a book that will interest your courses in local government: "Agger, Goldrich and Swanson are to be congratulated on **THE RULERS AND THE RULED**. That it is a major empirical undertaking in the field of community power structures is only one of its virtues. But it is also a sophisticated venture in modern political theory and, in its comparative aspects, an important contribution to the methodology of political science." **THE RULERS AND THE RULED** (789 pages. $7.95.), by ROBERT E. AGGER and DANIEL GOLD-RICH, both of Oregon, and BERT E. SWANSON of Sarah Lawrence, describes and compares the political systems of four American communities throughout the post-war period. It shows how traditional democratic ideals in both community and national life have been influenced and

affected by political realities such as distribution of power, illegitimate sanctions and leadership ideologies. The local community counterparts of national ideologies and movements such as the New Frontier, Eisenhower Progressive Conservatism, the Radical Right, and the Negro Revolt, are analyzed in a way that gives fresh insight into the realities of American politics.

The book illuminates the dynamics of American politics as it describes how demands arise or fail to arise, how crises develop, and how decisions are reached. Professors Agger, Goldrich and Swanson illustrate the relevance of local government in modern life in evolving political theory that relates to political systems both at home and abroad.

BOOKS OF GENERAL INTEREST

An interesting and meaningful text for introductory social science courses is **THE SOCIAL SCIENCES AND AMERICAN CIVILIZATION**, by BRUCE WATSON and WILLIAM TARR, both of Diablo Valley College. It integrates major concepts and theories from the social and behavioral sciences into a penetrating analysis of man in America. By studying several crucial processes of social life, it presents a unified analysis of change, both in individuals and in institutions. The book focuses on the individual as he develops within a civilization, being affected by it and affecting it in turn. The nature of the human community is examined and the socialization process is explored as it affects the maturing child through institutions such as the family, the church, the school and the military.

The authors show how social institutions relate to each other by examining the development of major institutions that have been created to meet specific needs that change as society changes.

The book concludes its examination of the American scene with a study of some of the consequences of the American way of life and the unsolved problems that lie ahead.

The authors' choice of topics and of readings is designed to interest and intrigue students — the book contains 584 pages and is priced at $7.95.

[6]

Three books that will be useful for courses in urban
sociology and urban government are: **GOVERNING THE
METROPOLIS** and **METROPOLITICS**, by SCOTT GREER
of Northwestern; and **THE STUDY OF URBANIZATION,**
edited by PHILIP M. HAUSER of Chicago and LEO F.
SCHMORE of Wisconsin.

**METROPOLITICS** (270 pages. $5.75.) is a tough-minded empirical description of American civic battles that focuses on metropolitan reform campaigns in St. Louis, Miami, and Cleveland. It reveals much of the absurdity of our political culture and of the norms and concepts that underlie efforts to bring about change through persuasion. Greer puts the loose and ebullient materials of reform campaigns into a systematic theoretical framework — he carries us from the beginnings of the reform movement, through the organization of persuasion, to the cold morning light of the aftermath at which point a sample survey of voters reveals “Who was listening?” and “What did they hear?”

Herbert J. Gans remarks in the *American Sociological Review*: “This book (GOVERNING THE METROPOLIS) has about 150 pages, yet within them, Scott Greer has not only dealt with the subject of its title, but he has produced an excellent analysis of the modern metropolis. . . . It is a fine supplementary text for courses in urban sociology and in many ways superior to any I have seen.” This 153 page book is available in a cloth edition at $4.95 and a paperback edition at $2.45.

**THE STUDY OF URBANIZATION** is a collection of essays and reports by members of the Committee on Urbanization, SSRC, with a few additional essays by other scholars. Contributors include Charles Glaab, Harold Mayer, Wallace Sayre, Nelson Polsby, Gideon Sjoberg, Raymond Vernon, Edgar M. Hoover, Nathan Keyfitz, Norton Ginsburg, Leo Schnore, Brian Berry, Wilbur Thompson, Eric Lampard, Oscar Lewis and Philip Hauser. In their essays urbanization is related to each of the social sciences which have contributed to its study; a comparison of urbanization in a number of geographical areas is made; and a number of research problems such as urbanization in a national context, the relationship between country and city and the future of urban research are discussed. The book will be published in the spring.

Just published, **NATION-BUILDING AND CITIZENSHIP; STUDIES OF OUR CHANGING SOCIAL ORDER**, by REINHARD BENDIX of Berkeley, will be of interest to a wide variety of courses. Since World War II about 50 former colonial or dependent territories have become independent states. Most of them face the task of building a national political community. Although these efforts are different from the nation-building of Western countries during the 18th and 19th centuries, European societies provide the only completed political development that can be used to formulate general concepts of nation-building. Professor Bendix uses this European experience to develop guide lines for comparative studies of the problems of nation-building in the non-Western world, particularly in Russia, Japan and India. These comparative studies are united by his consideration of the exercise of private and public authority. A number of distinctive problems are analyzed including: the political structure of Medieval Europe; characteristics of the Nation-State; bureaucratization; the features of a totalitarian social structure; and the transformation of authority-relations from paternalism to modern individualism. The book contains 328 pages and is priced at $7.75.

WILEY has inaugurated its **ESSAYS IN COMPARATIVE HISTORY** series under the **NEW DIMENSIONS IN HISTORY** imprint with the publication of **THE RISE OF POLITICAL ANTI-SEMITISM IN GERMANY AND AUSTRIA,** by PETER G. J. PULZER of Oxford; and **THE CROWD IN HISTORY, 1730-1848,** by GEORGE RUDÉ of the University of Adelaide. These books, published in both hardbound and paperback editions, utilize the methods of all the social sciences to compare two or more institutions, doctrines or social patterns separated in time or space or both. The Pulzer book (364 pages. Cloth: $5.95. Paper: $2.65.) shows the rise of anti-Semitism from the latter part of the nineteenth century to the end of the First World War, with a long epilogue analyzing the movement in Germany and Austria prior to the Second World War. The Rudé book (281 pages. Cloth: $5.95. Paper: $2.95.) is a powerful synthesis of Rudé's studies of popular movements in eighteenth and nineteenth century France and England. It discusses specific incidents of crowd action and analyzes general aspects of crowd behavior and composition.

[7]

You will also be interested in **ADMINISTRATIVE DECISION-MAKING: A HEURISTIC MODEL**, by WILLIAM J. GORE of Indiana; and **THE BUSINESS ESTABLISHMENT**, edited by EARL F. CHEIT of Berkeley. The Gore book (191 pages. $5.00.) presents a model of organizational policy-making in situations where it is not possible to use the highly rational systems of Management Science. Based on seven years of research in a number of typical organizations, this book shows how administrators formulate responses to open-ended or problematic situations. The Cheit book (248 pages. $4.95.) presents essays by the editor, Robert L. Heilbroner, Henry Nash Smith, John William Ward, Richard Hofstadter, Paul A. Samuel-

son, Philippe de Woot, and Gilbert M. Sauvage on the establishment of business and its practitioners.

You will want to examine **THE DYNAMICS OF INTERPERSONAL BEHAVIOR** and **CASEBOOK ON INTERPERSONAL BEHAVIOR IN ORGANIZATIONS**, by ABRAHAM ZALEZNIK and DAVID MOMENT, both of the Graduate School of Business Administration at Harvard. The first book (520 pages. $7.95.) offers a sound theoretical explanation of group, individual and interpersonal behavior in organizations. The Casebook (587 pages. $7.95.) provides opportunities for analyzing and applying behavioral concepts in a variety of actual situations.

JOHN WILEY & SONS, Inc.

605 Third Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10016

NU-6632

# New Dimensions in History

A Series of Original Books in Paperback Form

Series Editor: **NORMAN F. CANTOR**

## Historical Cities

The HISTORICAL CITIES series under the NEW DIMENSIONS IN HISTORY imprint will integrate political, cultural and economic historical dimensions through concentration on the life and values of a city under the leadership of a person or a group of persons of outstanding quality. The first book in the series will be published this winter; other books will follow shortly thereafter. Each of the books will bring to life the texture of a great moment in history.

PERICLEAN ATHENS—A. E. Raubitschek, Stanford. 1965.

ROME OF THE CAESARS—Thomas W. Africa, Southern California. 1965 (see back cover).

IMPERIAL AACHEN—Karl Morrison, Minnesota. 1966.

PAPAL ROME—Robert Brentano, Berkeley. 1966.

SCHOLASTIC OXFORD AND PARIS—Gordon Leff, Manchester. 1966.

CHAUCER'S LONDON—D. W. Robertson, Princeton. 1966.

RENAISSANCE FLORENCE—Gene A. Brucker, Berkeley. 1966.

VENICE IN MATURITY—William J. Bouwsma, Berkeley. 1967.

CALVIN'S GENEVA—William Monter, Northwestern. 1965.

16TH CENTURY NUREMBERG—Gerald Strauss, Indiana. 1965.

PHILIP II'S SEVILLE—John H. Elliott, Cambridge. 1967.

EARLY STUART LONDON—Robert Ashton, Norwich. 1967.

COLONIAL RIO DE JANEIRO—Kempton E. Webb, Columbia. 1967.

AMSTERDAM IN THE GOLDEN AGE—Herbert H. Rowen, Rutgers. 1968.

REFORMATION AUGSBURG—Franklin H. Littell, Chicago Theological Seminary. 1965.

also available in hardbound editions

BOURBON PARIS—Orest Ranum, Columbia. 1965.

COLONIAL BOSTON—Alden Vaughan, Columbia. 1966.

DR. JOHNSON'S LONDON—Dorothy Marshall, University College of South Wales. 1966.

YANG-CHOU: *The Richest City of 18th Century China*—Ping-ti Ho, Chicago. 1965.

REVOLUTIONARY PARIS—Jeffry Kaplow, NYU. 1966.

VICTOR HUGO'S PARIS—Stanley I. Mellon, Yale. 1966.

PUSHKIN'S PETERSBURG—Sidney Monas, Rochester. 1965.

ROME IN THE RISORGIMENTO—A. William Salomone, Rochester. 1967.

BOSS TWEED'S NEW YORK—Seymour Mandelbaum, Carnegie Institute of Technology. 1965 (see back cover).

IMPERIAL BERLIN—Gerhard Masur, Sweet Briar College. 1965.

HEARST'S SAN FRANCISCO—Dennis Strong, Riverside. 1965.

20TH CENTURY LONDON—R. J. Kaufmann, Rochester. 1966.

BUENOS AIRES FROM GRAN ALDEA TO METROPOLIS—James R. Scobie, Berkeley. 1967.

INDUSTRIAL PITTSBURGH—Roy Lubove, Pittsburgh. 1968.

# GUEST EDITORIAL: Carl E. Schorske

## The Threefold Revolution

DURING MOST of the twentieth century, historical publishing has been carried on in three familiar forms: the textbook, the trade book and the scholarly monograph. To these forms have corresponded three audiences: the student, the general reader and the professional historian. And, of course, three types of publishing organization: the text house, the trade house and the university press. To be sure the walls which have separated the three genres, three audiences and three organizational forms were never too high for some to jump. Did not those scholars who wrote textbooks press the publisher to put their works on

the trade list? Did not those who wrote for the general public find their efforts doubly rewarded if the professional praised their work as "indispensable to the specialist"? And what laurel sweeter than that which crowned the scholar whose monograph, published by a university press, won acclaim from the great public? To aspire on occasion to climb over a wall, however, is not to deny its strength and usefulness. We all felt that the walls were there for good cause, that they expressed true functional differences among historical works designed to educate the young, to edify the amateur or to extend the boundaries of knowledge.

In the past two decades the walls have been slowly crumbling. In her quiet way, Clio has been whispering her dissatisfaction with time-honored divisions. Changes in three areas—in history as thought, in historical pedagogy and in the technology of bookmaking—have all conspired to make Clio press for new forms of publishing.

The most dramatic of these changes, fundamental to all the rest, has been that in historical thought. Our confidence that a stable *summa* of world history could sometime be achieved has simply broken down. Gone is the day when the scholar viewed his monograph as a building block, a solid bit of material which would find its due place in a larger historiographical edifice. We distrust the holists now, the systematizers; we suspect not the solidity of their materials but the validity of their concepts and their con-

## COLLOQUIUM

No. 2 October, 1964

### Editor:

NORMAN F. CANTOR
Columbia University

### CONTENTS:

Guest Editorial by
CARL E. SCHORSKE:
The Threefold Revolution 1

GEORGE RUDE, Fundamental Beliefs of the Crowd in Eighteenth- and Early Nineteenth-Century England and France 6

SEYMOUR J. MANDELBAUM, Boss Tweed's New York 15

Interviews with Historians:
II. RICHARD COBB 23

## COLLOQUIUM

is published semi-annually, in the fall and the spring, by JOHN WILEY & SONS. All correspondence should be sent to the Editorial Assistant, COLLOQUIUM, John Wiley & Sons, Inc., 605 Third Avenue, New York, N. Y. 10016.

History Editor, John Wiley & Sons:
WILLIAM L. GUM

Editorial Assistant, COLLOQUIUM:
NANCY T. UNGER

Designer, COLLOQUIUM:
WALTER GELLER

Copyright 1964 by JOHN WILEY & SONS

cover illustration: Historical Pictures Service—Chicago

2

COLLOQUIUM

spectus. But while we have been losing our teleological certainty, we have grown sensitive to contextual possibility. The most original work tends to be less and less in large units, in cultural or temporal totalities—e.g., France, the Middle Ages—and to consist more and more in close examinations of specific situations, nodes or single threads in the context of a social fabric. There are still users of the telescope who discover new configurations on the broad horizon, but most of the significant innovations result from working with the microscope.

As a macrocosmic historiography has yielded to a microcosmic one, the nature and function of the monograph has changed. The specialized study is no longer conceived as a "building block" in a larger all-embracing edifice. It must stand on its own feet, carry its significance within itself. No longer occupying a place in the macrocosm, the monograph has become a microcosm. Within a small frame, it refracts and conjoins the focus of the larger world; or, alternately put, its inner light radiates and penetrates the surrounding terrain. These are the ways in which, for example, Otto Brunner, by studying a single minor nobleman in all his activities and interests has illuminated the transformation of the central European aristocracy during the seventeenth century.⁶ If the general history is losing the power to organize the particulars of which historical life is composed, the specialized history is shouldering heavier responsibilities: it must learn to provide general understanding, reverberate with general significance. The monograph, in offering a significant microcosm of historical reality,

is transcending its traditional positivistic character. What was once true only of the finest specialized study is becoming a law of life for all.

Who can doubt that the teaching of history has come to reflect this new approach to historical understanding? Our courses are still organized largely in traditional regional and periodic units, but their inner substance stands in a new relation to the outer frame. More and more, a series of "problems" supplants the closely delineated narrative sequence. We work flexibly, sinking a shaft now in the area of economic development, now in that of religious transformations, now in a crucial, nodal event. We seek to explore with our students varieties of historical experience, and, accordingly, to expose them to varieties of historical thought. If the understanding of historical process is to be sought in the microcosm, then the categories with which the particular is examined must be multiplied, and the examination of contrasting situations be both more frequent and more intensive.

The instructional materials and their modes of employment are slowly changing with the new pedagogic design. The textbook has lost its primacy as the key instructional vehicle. The instructor used to conduct a daily dialogue with the text; now he assigns it to his students to provide a general framework for the closer explorations which constitute the core of his teaching. The changing function of the textbook is reminiscent of that of positional astronomy in the modern world: once a means of understanding the heavens, it survives chiefly as a navigational aid. Navigation is important inasmuch as

⁶Otto Brunner, *Adeliges Landleben und europäischer Geist* (Salzburg, 1949).

3

The Threefold Revolution

it serves to carry us to the various sites where the intensive intellectual exploration is undertaken. The guidebooks in this narrower terrain are specialized analyses: the monograph transfigured by the new historical thought.

By one of those happy accidents which so often mark the paths of history, the paperback revolution occurred just as the new mode of historical thought was penetrating the instructional sphere. To all but the richest institutions, whose library budgets could accommodate demands for multiple copies of monographs, the revolution in publishing provided the technological prerequisite for the educational revolution in history. Suddenly books which formerly had to be consigned to the category of "supplementary reading" could be made central to the pursuit of a problem. Sources long inaccessible except in packaged "source books" became available along with secondary works of high merit. Thus, the paperback revolution opened to the creative instructor opportunities not only for explorations in depth, but also for flexibility and variety. The teacher of history is free to devise his own patterns of problems in order to introduce his students to the complex dimensions of historical life and thought.

The student, for his part, has a far more thought-provoking intellectual experience under the new dispensation. Many tend to select their courses accordingly. In my university (University of California, Berkeley), the student association publishes *in advance* the list of books required and suggested for purchase for every course offered in each term. This reading list has become a crucial instrument for the student in determining his choice of

program. He has at least some substantive basis for gauging the scope, content and even the quality of a course. And when the course is over, the student has on his own bookshelves a tangible residuum: not merely a second-hand textbook, but the nucleus of an interested amateur's personal library. Here the wall between the general reader and the scholarly reader is beginning to break down, just as the wall between books for students and books for scholars has been crumbling.

The three revolutions of recent decades —in historical thought, in historical pedagogy and in publishing technology—are familiar to every reader of these lines. Taken together, however, they have implications for the forms of historical publishing to which historians have not yet given much systematic thought. And it is the historians, both as authors and as teachers commanding a wide market, who above all others can influence the forms of publication to meet their own new needs.

The history publishing program of John Wiley & Sons is an attempt to draw the consequences of the threefold revolution. It assumes a new unity of genre, of audience and of publishing forms. Thus, the two New Dimensions series represent attempts to encourage specialized studies in areas in which the revolution in historical thought is in progress: comparative history and the history of cities. Although not a university press, John Wiley & Sons has had a long tradition of publishing outstanding scholarly studies as well as basic textbooks. The inauguration of the NEW DIMENSIONS IN HISTORY series shows that Wiley has accepted the assumption that well-written, original schol-

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COLLOQUIUM

arly works will, under modern conditions, prove the most useful teaching materials. The editors have assumed that, with universal history no longer possible, the comparative approach is among the most promising ways to retain or create a sense for the general nature of historical process. If comparative history is a way of giving new concreteness to the general, then city history is a way of bringing out the broader significance of a single circumscribed social unit. Urban history is particularly attractive to a generation of scholars concerned with the reciprocal interaction of *all* aspects of culture in producing historical movement. In both series, the publisher approaches the scholar to urge him to write not outside his specialty, as in the case of the older form of text, but within it. The only particular requirements of the monograph-as-teaching-vehicle are ancient qualities made more urgent by new uses: good writing and good bookmaking. Because not only colleagues but students will constitute his readership, the author must purvey his findings with a heightened consciousness of his pedagogic function. The publisher can—nay must—provide the work with a visual form attractive to a readership not committed by vocation to absorbing the results of research against the odds of aesthetic indifference.

With respect to the audience, the editors have assumed that aiming books at specific courses has outlived its usefulness. Kenneth McNaught's proposed volume, *The British and American Left Since 1880*, fits no traditional history course. It will be read in those American or British history courses where the instructor is concerned with the general phenomenon of

radicalism, but others may ignore it. Beyond our guild, it could find readers in courses in labor history, in comparative government, in American civilization. Who knows? The study was selected for publication not like a textbook, in the foreknowledge of a specific class of users, but in the conviction that vital minds will be drawn—in history departments and well beyond them—to a comparative illumination of a crucial aspect of modern social development. So too the studies of the city can, it is hoped, bring to students in many areas—literature and the social sciences as well as history—a wider understanding of the urban milieu, its myriad forms and cultural impact. Another wall may fall here too: should not the educated general reader, perhaps as traveller to Italy, as well as the scholar or student in history or the humanities, find illumination in Gene Brucker's *Renaissance Florence*?

The general textbook designed for a specific course, to be sure, still has its place as a navigational aid, while certain kinds of scholarly work—source publications, highly technical monographic studies, etc.—will remain confined to specialized technical audiences, and some works for the “general reader” will speak little to the interests of the academic community. So too, the educational, trade and university presses will retain their identities, though, in my view, with decreasing clarity of feature. But in general, the history book of the future will serve all clientel es alike: student, scholar and, to a lesser degree, the general reader. It is in this conviction that Wiley has sought out two frontier areas of scholarly work in which to produce teaching materials: books that express, in the artistry of their

The Threefold Revolution

5

physical format as well as in the intrinsic
interest of their content, the bridging of
the gulf between the formerly separated
audiences: student, scholar and educated
general reader.

One need no longer bemoan the spread
of "specialization" in scholarship and
teaching. The blighting qualities of spe-
cialization—aridity and fragmentation—we
are learning to overcome by exploiting the
microcosmic potentialities of the special
study and by imaginatively conceiving its
significance in the light of a comparative
approach. As historical specialists we can
sharpen our consciousness to the general
significance of a segment of history with-
out having to command all of history. As
teachers, we can achieve, for ourselves
and our students a new freedom by collat-
ing and contrasting the works of spe-
cialists. Understanding has been deepened
by the construction of a mosaic or kaleido-

scopic illuminations of man's temporal
experience.

Publishing in history must play its part
in the threefold revolution of scholarship,
teaching and paperback technology. It
can do so by encouraging authors to
develop the general implications of their
special scholarly concerns, and by making
their achievements on the scholarly fron-
tier immediately available to the teaching
community. The time-honored commit-
ment of our profession to scholarly teach-
ing, more than ever before, can be real-
ized in the reading materials we offer to
our students. The educational publisher
responsive to the new developments in
historical thought and historical pedagogy
makes the mature, special study the center
of his program. Thus, he can hope to do
some justice to the new possibilities which
have emerged from the decay of ancient
certainties.

CARL E. SCHORSKE,
*Chief Consultant in*
*European History*
JOHN WILEY & SONS

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# Fundamental Beliefs of The Crowd in Eighteenth- and Early Nineteenth-Century England and France

By George Rudé

George Rudé is Professor of History in the University of Adelaide, Australia. He has published several studies of popular movements in eighteenth-century England and France. These works have provided many new insights into the social history of eighteenth-century Europe and the understanding of the democratic aspects of the French Revolution. Professor Rudé has synthesized these studies in *The Crowd in History: A Study of Popular Disturbances in France and England, 1730-1848*, which will be published shortly in the *Essays in Comparative History* series under the *New Dimensions in History* imprint. The following analysis of the fundamental or general beliefs of the late eighteenth- and early nineteenth-century crowd is taken from chapter fourteen of this book.

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7

IN OUR DISCUSSION of the motives and beliefs of the crowd, we have, thus far, largely dealt with the "forward-looking" aspects of the crowd's motives for riot and rebellion. If, we may appear to have been arguing, men and women were drawn into such activities, it was either because they were hungry, because they wanted to end a real or imaginary oppression, or to assure themselves of a richer and happier future; or for a mixture of similar reasons. Yet this is only a part of the story. If we limit our attention to factors such as these, how do we account for popular manifestations like the Gordon Riots, millenarial movements, Luddism, or "Church and King," or even for the paradox of the Parisian revolutionary sansculottes who, as a vanguard of radical democracy, looked forward to the future and, for the solution of their economic ills, looked back to the idyllic conditions of an imaginary past? To make such phenomena intelligible, we have also to consider some of the underlying motives and traditional myths and beliefs-what crowd psychologists and social scientists have termed "fundamental" or "generalized" beliefs-that played a not inconsiderable part in such disturbances.

To begin with, there is the traditional "leveling" instinct, common to all such occasions, which prompts the poor to seek a degree of elementary social justice by settling accounts with the rich, les grands, and those in authority regardless of whether they are government officials, feudal lords, capitalists, or middle-class revolutionary leaders. It is the common ground on which, beyond the slogans of contending parties, the militant sansculotte meets the "Church and King"

rioter or the peasant in search of his millennium. Even in periods of comparative social peace, we find it in the traditional methods of "self-help" of the rural population, common to both France and England. As hardship presses or as opportunity offers, small farmers and freeholders, peasants and cottagers help themselves to firewood and game at the landlord's or wealthy farmer's expense and, where resistance is offered, assault gamekeepers or burn farmers' ricks. Such crimes are punished severely at law-in England, progressively so after 1815-but they are not condemned, like murder and common theft, by the rural population. There was a similar elementary form of social protest in the gay abandon with which London crowds, when rioting for Wilkes, smashed the windows of lords and ladies of fashion and painted Wilkes' symbol, the "45," on the soles of the Austrian ambassador's boots. We find it in the London riots against the Corn Law of 1815, when the *Morning Post* reported that

> The mob is particularly enraged against the great parishes of St. Mary-le-Bow, St. George, Hanover Square, and St. James, which comprehend the town houses of nearly all the great families of the United Kingdom.

Up to this time, the "leveling" instinct of the crowd might as readily be harnessed to an anti-radical as to a radical cause. In the Gordon Riots, the crowd's choice of targets showed that they were more concerned with destroying the properties of wealthy Catholics than of Catholics in

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general; and we find a rioter in Bermont-
sey telling his victim, who had claimed to
be a Protestant: "Protestant or not, no
gentleman need be possessed of more
than £1,000 a year; that is sufficient for
a gentleman to live upon." We have noted
a similar motive underlying "Church and
King" disturbances: if Jacobins were at-
tacked in the streets of Naples in 1799, it
was as much because they rode in car-
riages as because they were allies of the
"atheistical" French; and in Birmingham,
Priestley and his associates were picked
on not only because they were dissenters
or radical reformers, but also because
they were manufacturers, magistrates,
and men of wealth and status. Similarly,
the peasants of the Vendée reacted against
revolutionary Paris because, for quite par-
ticular reasons, their hatred of the urban
bourgeois was greater than their hatred of
the local landlord; and Tocqueville,
though his sense of history was not as
acute as Marx’s, showed good sense when
he presented the June insurrection as a
conflict between the “haves” and the
“have-nots,” or “a sort of Servile War.”

THIS "LEVELING" INSTINCT was, of
course, by no means peculiar to the
pre-industrial crowd. Of more particular
relevance was the crowd's antipathy to
capitalist innovation. As commercialism
and the quest of "improvement" entered
the village, common lands were divided
and fenced off, turnpikes were erected,
and grain was stored in barns and with-
held from immediate circulation, while
prices were allowed to follow the whims
of supply and demand and find their "nat-
ural" level. Similarly, as industry devel-
oped, labor-saving machinery was intro-

duced into mines and mills, and wages,
like prices, found a "natural" level by
direct bargaining between the masters
and their laborers. Thus, gradually, the
old protective legislation against enclo-
sure, regrating and forestalling, and the
export of corn, and the old laws empower-
ing magistrates to fix prices and wages,
were rescinded; and the old notions of the
"just" price and "just" wage, imposed by
authority or sanctioned by custom, gave
way to the prevailing notions of "natural"
wages and prices in a freely competitive
market. The transformation was spread
over some 150 years and followed a
broadly similar course in France and Eng-
land. In England it started earlier, but in
France, it received a sharp thrust for-
ward in the 1760's and the 1770's and in
the legislation of the Revolution. In both
countries, the process was largely com-
pleted by 1800; yet in both there re-
mained a residue from ancient practices:
in France, in the survival of many of the
collective traditions of the village; in Eng-
land, in the Speenhamland System,
whereby agricultural wages continued to
be subsidized from the parish poor rate
until the 1830's.

We have already seen how the small
consumers and producers of town and
countryside reacted to these innovations.
Clinging stubbornly to the old paternalist
and protectionist legislation as it was
gradually abandoned by their rulers, they
appealed to Parliament, to magistrates,
and to the King himself to restore or en-
force the old regulations: to forbid enclo-
sure, to pull down toll gates, to empower
justices to fix prices and wages and to
regulate the supply and distribution of
bread and flour. During the French Revo-

The Crowd

9

lution, they went even further and in-
sisted that a general *maximum* be placed
on the prices of every article of consump-
tion, thus looking forward to a more
highly centralized economy than any of
the old laws and statutes had envisaged.
Similarly, they denounced farmers and
dealers as engrossers or *accapareurs*; and
in France, from Louis XV's time, there
grew the persistent popular belief that a
*pacte de famine* had been deliberately
devised to starve the people. In England,
we find a similar trend expressed in a
handbill distributed at Retford in 1795:

Those Cruall Villions the Millers
Bakers etc Flower Sellers rases Flowe
under a Comebination to what price
they please on purpose to make an
Artificall Famine in a Land of plenty.

On occasion, they found allies among an
older, or more conservative, generation or
those in opposition to government: among
magistrates and farmers or, as in France,
in the *parlements* of the Old Regime.
Sometimes these acted as their allies and
revived or applied the old methods (we
have seen examples from the riots of 1766
and 1775). If not, the people took the law
into their own hands: we noted the out-
come in the enclosure riots and food riots
of the eighteenth century, the machine
breaking of the Luddites and the laborers
of 1830, the antics of "Rebecca's Daugh-
ters" in the early 1840's; and even (though
here the object was neither food nor
wages) in the depredation of the "No
Popery" rioters in London. And such acts,
it was believed, far from meriting censure
or savage reprisals, were morally justified
and performed as a kind of solemn public

duty. For if the King, misled by his Minis-
ters, "broke his Coronation oath" by allow-
ing relief to Roman Catholics, or magis-
trates failed to use their powers to apply
the old statutes, who but the people could
set the matter right? Ned Ludd, from his
office in Sherwood Forest, actually
claimed the right to break the hosiers'
frames under the terms of the charter of
the Framework Knitters' Company. The
people might also expect to be paid for
carrying out such duties: we saw how the
"Swing" rioters charged a fee for smash-
ing threshing machines; the Gordon riot-
ers collected money "for the poor Mob";
and the September "massacrers" in Paris
exacted their reward in terms of food and
drink.

ONE CONSEQUENCE of all this was to
drive a deeper wedge between the
riotous crowd that clung to these old cus-
toms and the forward-looking, reforming,
radical or revolutionary middle class or
liberal aristocracy. Wilkes had the good
fortune not to have to face this problem,
as London and Middlesex were compara-
tively free from food and enclosure riots;
but Voltaire could not fail to conclude that
the grain rioters of 1775, who were so
patently helping to undermine Turgot's
reforms, were in the pay of his political
opponents. Gibbon Wakefield, in 1830,
managed to evade the issue by assuming
that the machine-breaking and rick-burn-
ing laborers were only hostile to his ene-
mies, the landlords and Church of Eng-
land clergy, while sparing the properties
of his friends, the farmers. The French
middle-class revolutionaries of 1792-4
could have no such illusions: the hostility
of the small peasants and *sans-culottes* to

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the freedom of trade in grain, bread, meat, and wine helped to drive the Girondins, the most determined advocates of *laissez-faire*, from power and a year later contributed to the overthrow of their Jacobin successors.

Closely allied to the concern for "justice" was the belief in the King as the protector or "father" of his people. Because England was a parliamentary monarchy, the tradition was wearing thin there, and appeals for protection in such instances as we have listed above were more likely to be addressed to Parliament or to the justices than to the King in person. In countries of absolute monarchy, however, the King was both the symbol and the fount of all justice and legislation, and the belief in his paternal benevolence persisted even through periods of revolution and peasant revolt, when the King's Ministers may already have been long discredited and the royal power itself was on the wane. Folk myths abound about the kindly concern for their people of Emperors, Sultans, Tsars, and French Kings from St. Louis to Henri IV and Louis XVI. "Don't fire on us," cry the rebellious Volga peasantry to the general sent to shoot them down, "you are shooting on Alexander Nikoleyevitch, you are shedding the blood of the Tsar." In France, the Bordeaux peasants of 1674 rioted against the salt-tax in the name of the King; the corn rioters of 1775 were convinced that they were right to refuse to pay the high prices demanded by farmers, millers, and bakers because, it was firmly believed, the King had ordered that a "just" price be paid; and the peasants of 1789 produced "orders" purporting to come from Louis XVI himself to give

legal sanction to their attacks on the landlords' chateaux. Of course, such a paradoxical state of affairs could not last forever: the Revolution was bound, sooner or later, either to reinforce these old notions in terms of "Church and King" (as in the Vendée) or to uproot them altogether. The war, in particular, exposed the King, and not only his Ministers, to public condemnation and eventually to the merited charge of treason. It is all the more remarkable, however, that his popularity among the common people should have survived so many crises; and even as late as June 1792 (three years after the Revolution began), the crowd that invaded the Tuileries and forced Louis to toast "the Nation" combined with its vulgar familiarity a residue of reverence. But after the fall of the Monarchy in August, it was not an individual leader but the National Assembly or the "sacred Mountain" (the Jacobins), that replaced the King as a popular father-figure. So, in the food riots of November 1792 we find the price-fixing peasants and craftsmen of the Beauce invoking the authority not, as the peasants of 1789, of the King but of the newly elected National Convention.

IN ENGLAND, another constantly recurring theme in popular ideology is that of the Englishman's "birthright" or "liberties." The belief that Englishmen were "freeborn" and not "slaves" and did not starve or wear "wooden shoes"—like foreigners in general and Papist foreigners in particular—was deeply ingrained and had been so since the religious and social conflicts of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. In the campaign conducted against Walpole's Gin Act of 1736, a cir-

The Crowd

11

cular letter addressed to London distillers declared: "If we are Englishmen let us show that we have English spirits and not tamely submit to the yoak just ready to be fastened about our necks." It is a theme that runs, in one form or another, through all contemporary London riots and is also connected with the prevailing attitude towards crime, of which we have already spoken. It is related, too, to the popular xenophobia or chauvinism with which London crowds, in the eighteenth century, rallied to the cause of bellicose national leaders like the elder Pitt and his City allies and rejected the more pacific overtures of men like Walpole, Bute, and the Dukes of Newcastle and Bedford. Before and during the French wars at the end of the century, it no doubt helped to promote the cause of "Church and King," as reformers like Priestley in Birmingham and Thomas Walker in Manchester were tainted as being friends of the French. Only the Americans, when at war with England, escaped this type of xenophobia. There is no evidence of anti-Americanism among all the other popular prejudices voiced at the time of the Gordon Riots. The reason is perhaps not hard to find; for did not the Americans share with the English a common "birthright" and a common concern for "liberty" and the "Protestant cause"?

It was not only a matter of defending existing English "liberties" from foreign attack: there was the other, even greater, problem of restoring them to their "pristine purity" at home. Here, once more, there was a constant appeal to precedent: to the glories of a distant or imaginary past rather than to the prospects opened up by the present. Magna Carta, the Popish Plot,

the Bill of Rights, and the "Glorious Constitution" of 1689 were all reminders that these "liberties" had constantly to be fought for against tyranny from within; but one of the most remarkably persistent beliefs of all was that perfect "liberties" had existed under the Saxon Kings and that these had been filched, together with their lands, from "freeborn" Englishmen by the invading Norman knights under William the Bastard in 1066. This myth of the "Norman Yoke" persisted until Chartist times and was handed down by generations of Levellers, Whigs reared on "revolution principles," London eighteenth-century radicals, and democrats nurtured on the more recent doctrines of "popular sovereignty" and the "rights of man." In 1780, that same committee of Westminster reformers whose claims anticipated by half a century the Six Points of the People's Charter demanded the "restitution" of equal representation, annual Parliaments, and universal suffrage, which (it was said) "were substantially enjoyed in the times of the immortal Alfred." A handbill circulated in London in 1793, protesting against the use of "crimping" houses and other oppressive government measures, asks the questions: "Would such atrocious acts have been suffered in the days of Alfred? . . . Did Sydney and Russel bleed for this?" Members of English radical societies in the 1790's wore Saxon dress and organized themselves in divisions based on Saxon *tythings*; and John Frost, the later Chartist leader, was, in 1822, attributing present inequalities in wealth to "the plunder of William the Bastard." Nor were such backward-looking theories peculiar to the British. While Englishmen yearned for

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Saxon “liberties” and Welshmen called on
the Men of Harlech to drive out the “sons
of Hengist,” Frenchmen of the Revolution
sought the “pristine purity” of Republican
manners and institutions in the days of
ancient Rome.

MILLENARIAL and religious ideas also
clearly played a part in popular
disturbance. The millennium might assume
a secular or a religious form, though (un-
like the Wesleyan ideal) it was generally
to be realized on earth rather than in
heaven. Millenarial fantasies no doubt
underlie many of the actions of the poor
in the course of the French Revolution;
but in none are they so clearly evident as
in the sudden upsurge of hope aroused
among them by the news that the Estates
General should meet in the summer of
1789. The news fostered what French
historians since Taine have called la
grande espérance: the hope that, at last,
past promises would be fulfilled and the
burdens, particularly the hated taille,
lifted off the peasants' backs, and that a
new golden era would begin. The state of
exaltation thus engendered equally pro-
duced its corollary, the conviction, once
these hopes appeared to be engendered,
that their realization was being frustrated
by a complot aristocratique, or "aristo-
cratic plot." This dual phenomenon, it
has been argued, does a great deal to
explain the almost mystical fervor with
which the menu peuple pursued their
"aristocratic" enemies during the Revolu-
tion. Or, as in England, millenarial fan-
tasies might be clothed in the poetic im-
agery of Blake's "Jerusalem" or the apoca-
lyptic extravagances of a Richard Broth-
ers, whose Revealed Knowledge of the

*Prophesies and Times* was published in
London in early 1794. This was a time
when Jacobin ideas were still making
headway among the "lower orders"; and
it has been suggested that men like Broth-
ers, who interlaced their talk of "the whole
of Babylon" and the "Antichrist" with de-
nunciations of the high and mighty, may
have nourished similar political aspira-
tions to those nourished by Tom Paine's
*The Rights of Man*. But millenarial ideas,
while they might, under certain circum-
stances, stimulate rather than weaken an
already existing political movement,
might equally act as an antidote to pop-
ular militancy or as a consolation for
political defeat. This may have been the
case in France after Waterloo and, in
England in 1838, in the strange affair of
"the Battle of Bossenden Wood."

In the latter case, a number of Kentish
laborers believed implicitly that their
leader, the spurious Sir William Courte-
nay, was the Messiah. But this is only one
guise in which the religious motive might
appear in riots. At other times, though
overtly proclaimed, it might not be so
profound as it was made to appear; or
conversely, it might lie submerged be-
neath the surface of events. Of the first
kind, "No Popery" riots, "High Church"
attacks on Methodist or Presbyterian
meeting halls and chapels, and urban
"Church and King" explosions are obvious
examples. Quite apart from their social
undercurrents, such movements were
never quite what they seemed. We have
seen that the ill-assorted slogans "destruc-
tion to Presbyterians" and "No Popery"
appeared side by side in the Birmingham
riots; and one of those sentenced to death
for his part in the Gordon Riots said, when

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13

questioned: "Damn my eyes, I have no religion; but I have to keep it up for the good of the cause." It is not so much that in such movements the religious element is nonexistent or a mere cloak for other issues (though this was firmly believed by some contemporaries) as that in them religious, social, and political motives are bewilderingly interwoven. Perhaps, in view of their proclaimed purpose to maintain an established Church as part of an established order, we should treat them less as religious movements than as anti-radical political demonstrations.

THE CASE is somewhat different where a dissenting religious tradition serves as an undercurrent rather than as a proclaimed object of disturbance. In London and England's West Country, in particular, religious dissent and popular radicalism had had a long association; and Methodism, even when it professed to stave off riot and lay up its treasures solely in heaven, brought with it a new fervor and moral purpose that, sooner or later, were bound to leave their mark on popular social movements. Such was certainly the case in England and Wales in the disturbances of 1830 and the 1840's: in the "Swing" and Rebecca riots and in the Welsh Chartist movement Protestant non-conformity, both Wesleyan and other, played a part. Nor must we assume that such secular, rationalist ideas as the "rights of man" and other products of the Enlightenment would, when they gripped the common people, necessarily serve as an antidote to religion. This was no doubt the intention of many rationalist thinkers and middle-class and aristocratic reformers or revolutionaries in England and

France in the eighteenth century; and there were moments during the French Revolution when they appeared to have been successful. Certainly, the monopoly and authority of the established Catholic Church were successively undermined and broken—and these were never fully recovered; and Parisian crowds demonstrated to shouts of *A bas la calotte!* ("Down with the priests!") and played a part, at the height of the "de-christianization" movement in the autumn of 1793, in closing down every church in the city. Yet the popular anti-religious (as distinct from the anti-clerical) movement was comparatively short lived; as late as June 1793, Parisians in the revolutionary Faubourg St. Antoine demonstrated for the right to preserve the traditional Corpus Christi procession; and Robespierre himself sought to win further popular support for the Revolutionary Government by launching a brand-new religious cult, the Cult of the Supreme Being. This was only the most highly publicized of numerous attempts to affect a fusion between religion and the current political ideas. In many districts, the people took the initiative themselves and the Revolution saw a remarkable upsurge of new religious cults; and solemn ceremonies, accompanied by all the mystique of the old religious practices, were dedicated to new local "saints" or to the great popular martyrs of the Revolution, Marat, Chalier, and Lepeletier. Yet once the Revolution was over, such cults appear to have left few traditions; and neither they nor the re-established Catholic Church, nor the religious minority groups, appear to have played any significant part in the revolutions of 1830 and 1848.

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WHAT WE have seen is a rich variety of motives and beliefs, through which economic issues and appeals to customary rights exist side by side with new conceptions of man's place in society and the search for the millennium. Such a medley of seemingly ill-assorted beliefs and aspirations is by no means a feature peculiar to the pre-industrial crowd: it appears as evidently, though with different emphases and variations, in the disturbances of today as it does in those of ancient or medieval times. But through the confusion a certain pattern peculiar to the age emerges. We shall, however, hardly be aware of it unless we place the riots and rebellions in their historical context and compare those of the early and middle years of the eighteenth century with those of the French Revolution and those that followed later. Even when we do so, we shall not see a steady, gradual disappearance of appeals to custom and millenarial fantasies: these persist, though at times with abated vigor, throughout the period that we are concerned with. But there are significant turning points at which new conceptions enter which, while not eclipsing the old ideas entirely, transform them or reduce their relative importance. Such turning points are the revolution of 1789 in France and the growth of independent working-class movements in the 1830's.

Recently, Professor Reinhard Bendix has stressed the contrast between types of popular protest arising in the "pre-democratic" and those arising in the

"democratic" period of West European history. The point is an important one, for once the new and essentially forward-looking ideas of the "rights of man" and "popular sovereignty" had gripped the popular imagination, riots and disturbances tended to acquire a new dimension and to assume a stable social-ideological content that they had lacked before. But, equally, emerging industrial society in France and England created an industrial working class, working-class movements, and working-class political ideas. Thus further new ideas and further social forces, unknown in 1789, began to come to the fore: we have seen examples in the French revolution of 1848 and in the Chartist movement in England. These stepping stones are no less significant because many of the old and backward-looking ideas persisted and old forms continued to rub shoulders with the new. Moreover, traditional beliefs might, instead of becoming abandoned, be transformed and adapted to meet new needs: in this sense, there is no radical departure from the old yearning for "protection" in the socialist ideal of a more fully collectivist society.

THUS, GRADUALLY, the pattern of popular protest, and the ideas that underlay it, would suffer a sea-change. In 1848, this process was by no means completed; but the new "industrial" crowd, with its richer stock of forward-looking concepts, was already clearly visible on the horizon.

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WILLIAM MARCY TWEED was the creature of a society whose primitive communications network preserved rigid social stereotypes and forced political decisions into the market place. Walt Whitman, who knew and loved the city, saw this. Corruption, in the eyes of the poet of American democracy, was not a simple mistake or deviation. New York, he cried, was still engaged in the great battle against a past which lauded order, safety, caste, authority and cohesion. In 1870 the revolutionary anger against the constraints of tradition was still raw and was being constantly aggravated. Swelled with the hurts and the pride of battle, New York was a city of individuals cut off from each other. "We live," he pleaded, "in an atmosphere of hypocrisy throughout. The men believe not in the women, nor the women in the men. A scornful superciliousness rules in literature.... Conversation is a mass of badinage."

Whitman grappled with the problems which had worried the minds and tormented the hearts of western men since the seventeenth century. Difficulties of communication (to a large degree, the product of vastly expanded aspirations) appeared as both symptoms of change and dynamic elements conditioning the course of development. These difficulties struck deep because they appeared in the inner sanctum of the family. There was a break in the accustomed transfer of values and information between generations. Parents and educational theorists in the seventeenth century began to insist upon the special characteristics and needs of the young. Words unfit for children were differentiated from the normal flow of adult conversation. The transmission of

culture between generations more and more became the task of institutions—the schools—which were removed from the mainstream of work-a-day life and had their own rules and language. Young and old communicated at a distance and through an intermediary.

Each successive group caught up in the process of modernization experienced a sense of internal crisis as the bonds between young and old broke. Men with a deep-felt need to achieve new goals could not listen to hesitant voices. "Resisting, rejecting, not giving in to the majority—that was their secret." They reversed a centuries-old order of values. The modernizers preferred profits and privacy to communion with familiar faces in a familiar setting.

A manual for Irish immigrants published in the 1870's expressed a universal conflict of values. It urged new migrants to work hard, study and save to get ahead. But be warned, the anxious author pleaded, "filial devotion" and "love of friends" are "characteristics of our race that deserve all honor." The same tension between achievement and the community had plagued the Puritan colony in Massachusetts two centuries earlier. Church, commonwealth and family, the Synod of 1679 moaned, are being destroyed by self-assertion.

THE DESTRUCTION of the traditional family and of the close pattern of communal relations of which it was a part had a profound impact upon all of western society. Political institutions could not contain the flood of newly significant voices. Kings and parliaments trembled. Municipal corporations lost control of

Boss Tweed's New York

17

their destinies. In a rigidly circumscribed
way, men in a stable aristocratic society
had understood one another. In the proc-
ess of transition, as Alexis de Tocqueville
noted in the 1830's, understanding van-
ished. Relations between masters and
servants, citizens and rulers, were in-
fected by a "secret and intestine warfare,"
which could only be stilled with the
growth of a new and free democratic dis-
course.

The impact of changes in the patterns
of communications was apparent in the
United States at the highest levels of
national affairs. The strong central gov-
ernment created in the 1780's and early
nineties was based upon the close ties
between members of small political élites.
Contests between these élite members
forced them to appeal directly to the
electorate at home. Changes in the social
structure of their districts also tended to
drive the leaders closer to the views of
their constituents. In the absence of broad
national channels of mass communication,
the democratization of politics drained
power from the central capital.

This national experience was duplicated
in many areas of life, in public and in
private organizations. The essence of this
experience may be captured in an ab-
stract model. Think of an organization as
divided into two parts, a center for mak-
ing decisions and several points of contact
with the external environment which op-
erate both as sources of information and
agencies for action. When the flow of
information from these points to the cen-
tral decision-making body is weak or
costly, they tend to assume responsibility
for making decisions. The same effect oc-
curs if the techniques of the central deci-

sion-makers for storing, selecting and ana-
lyzing information cannot keep up with
the flood of messages which inundates
them. In either case, decisions tend to be
made at the edges rather than at the
center of the organization. The ranchers,
unable to reach the cavalry, take the law
into their own hands. The central man-
ager, unable to find out what is going on
in the shops, allows the foremen to set
piece-rates and determine the work rules.

THERE IS, however, a strong contrary
tendency. When the decision-center
finds it difficult to transmit messages to
the points of action, it attempts to do—and
decide — as much as it can itself. The
president insists on signing every paper
himself. The political boss takes all of the
important offices into his own hands.
Equally as important, every attempt at
central coordination takes on the appear-
ance of autocracy in the eyes of the bene-
ficiaries of decentralization. John Kelly,
presiding gingerly over a weak New York
City government in the 1870's, appeared
in reform speeches to be "as absolute a
dictator as was known in the history of
Rome."

The tension between apparent autocracy and decentralization pervaded nineteenth-century life. Change was so rapid that it was impossible to find a stable point of equilibrium around which the distribution of power could fluctuate. Attempts to solve one communications problem stimulated changes in another area and added to the chorus of voices. Formal political parties were organized to express opinions which could no longer be channeled through the eighteenth-century net-

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COLLOQUIUM

work of faction and family. The parties not only channeled opinions, they elicited them. Government officials, responsive to a multitude of conflicting demands, abandoned their claims to social leadership. Improvements in communications opened new business opportunities and stimulated vast movements of population across continents. Village and city, New York and County Cork, suddenly connected, flooded each other with men and ideas. Business firms, swollen in size, outgrew the capacity of their owners to control their operations. Cities outgrew the stride of man's two feet. A tight network of voluntary associations could no longer diffuse a sense of belonging and of being "listened to." Workers, out of touch with their employers, their own families, and their urban environment called for a new brotherhood of free communion.

The difficulties of communication encouraged men to make decisions on their own. In a society of independent, individual decision-makers, the mechanisms of the market place which gave every commodity and every man a price dominated society. Individual decisions were cumulated in the market, resources were allocated and the quality of life determined. The market knew only two criteria for choice: "how much will you pay?" and "how much do you want?" There appeared to be no other mechanism capable of making decisions on a more complex set of criteria. Classical liberalism insisted, therefore, on the necessary predominance of the price system. The alternative to decentralized decision-making, the liberals insisted, was an ignorant autocracy. Even humane acts of charity were suspect. They threatened the neces-

sary stress on individual responsibility in a society which could not collectively solve its own problems. Individuals had to be forced into the market place—where problems could be solved.

THE CRITERIA of the market place infected almost every activity. Even Adam Smith had cautioned that public works, justice and national defense required government initiative and planning. Walt Whitman, Civil War reporter, could testify to the difficulties of exempting these activities from the rule of price. Justice was bought and sold. Congressmen were bribed to give away public lands and profiteers fattened themselves on war contracts. Attempts to break from this pattern foundered on the limitations of the communications network. Abraham Lincoln, leading the nation in a time of deep crisis, held no press conferences and thought that public political addresses would demean his station. The press was, almost necessarily, given over to gossip and rumor.

The tragedy of the war and the costs of the reign of the market lay heavily upon Walt Whitman as he returned to New York in the late sixties. He pleaded for a heightened responsiveness to communication and a class of master communicators to relieve the loneliness and the narrow materialism of American culture. The nation required a new "personalism," uniting a deep respect for individual dignity with a passion for humanity and comradeship. It required a new literary class to elevate and to unify the community of free men.

The process of social change is more

Boss Tweed's New York

19

pedestrian than Whitman imagined. The communication network which made it possible to coordinate, rather than simply to cumulate, decisions and to alter the market allocation of resources, was fashioned from paved streets, elevated lines, settlement houses, political clubs, cheap newspapers and standard administrative forms—and not from poems. The master communicators were less noble than Whitman had hoped. Nevertheless, the poet's fundamental insight captured the spirit of the city. New York in 1870—the American nation in 1870—was a democracy in the midst of a still incomplete communications revolution.

NEW YORKERS were sensitive to the inadequacies of their communication network. Their debates over the validity of the census figures and the correctness of rival estimates of unemployment testified to their inability even to number themselves. The most important elements in the network, the streets, were also the bane of the city's existence. They seemed in many places, as the Commissioner of Public Works put it, to be designed to "impede rather than to facilitate travel." As a result, many New Yorkers rarely ventured far from home. Their sphere of movement was circumscribed, their image of the metropolis limited. Those who wanted or had to travel, grumbled bitterly. Part of their ire was directed against the sewers. Narrow pipes could not contain the waters of a heavy rainstorm. Broadway was turned into a "slugish stream of deep brown mud." Improvement was hampered by the lack of maps locating the pipes. As in many more

complex areas, the malady had to be appropriately described before it could be cured.

Movement was difficult and so New Yorkers clung together. Contiguity did not solve the problems of communication between districts. Men living only a few blocks apart in poorer areas did not have convenient public meeting places in which to gather and talk. Bars served as points of contact but they were so numerous and so widely diffused that they confirmed, rather than broke, a pattern of intensely local social intercourse. The street plan itself did not encourage a sense of broad community. The thoroughfares in most areas were laid out at right angles and had no focal point. They led to the river or to the horizon, not to a natural center of interest and communication.

The streets carried a large portion of the burden of communication because there were very few alternatives to direct personal contact for the transmission of information between individuals. The limits of transportation were also limits for communication. The few indirect methods of contact were clearly inadequate in the eyes of contemporaries. "You can send a letter to Boston, or Albany, or Chicago," Junius Browne commented in 1869, "with a tolerable certainty of its reaching its destination. But if you mail a missive from your office in Pine or William Street to your friend in Gramercy Park, or Lexington Avenue... the chances of its ever being heard from are slight. The time usually occupied in *transitu* between 'down' and 'uptown' is 24 hours to 24 days." The Postmaster General conceded that the conditions under which his clerks worked increased their "liability to error."

20

COLLOQUIUM

THERE WERE, of course, no telephones in the New York of the 1860's. A great deal has been written about the impact of the automobile upon urban society; very little about the impact of the convenient, exciting and annoying little black boxes. One can only guess at the measure of time and uncertainty which their absence added to the process of making decisions in a city of one million persons. The telegraph, which could convey information over a distance, could not cope with complex messages sent in great volume from person to person. The principal effect of the improvement of telegraphic communications was the creation of national and international markets in which local advantages were no longer secured by delays in the flow of information about price and supply. In one small way, however, the telegraph presaged the impact of the telephone upon the balance between competition and cooperation within the city. The introduction of a comprehensive telegraphic alarm system in the late sixties and early seventies wrote an end to the mad scramble of competitive fire companies for glory and monetary rewards. With the aid of the alarm boxes, the fire department could discriminate between alternative courses of action well enough to abandon the profit motive as the incentive to effective fire fighting.

The daily newspaper was the major medium of mass communication in the city. Rowell's *American Newspaper Directory for 1870*, one of the first attempts to list all American journals, described twenty-six daily newspapers published in New York City. The number is striking. New York in 1964 supports only five general English language dailies. The New

Yorkers of 1870 could choose from eight major newspapers and eighteen smaller sheets, including several of distinction. The structure of the newspaper industry tended to accentuate divisions within the city. Small, fiercely competitive journals had little breadth in their coverage and little market power or discretion in the choice of the information they chose to sell. Larger papers in less competitive markets have more discretion and may simultaneously serve more diverse interests. Their monopolistic power makes them more effective agencies of social integration.

The operation of the newspapers as channels of communication was conditioned by bias in reporting. The enemies attacked on the editorial page were frequently ravaged even more decisively in the news columns. The infusion of editorial judgment into the news was probably less frequent in 1870 than it had been in 1850. The decline of bias was a measure of a profound social change; its persistence was a measure of the incompleteness of change.

Men in a society which respects tradition and hierarchy do not believe in "objective" facts. The validity of a statement depends upon the authority of the speaker, not its independent "truth." The breakdown of the belief in authority is marked by an intense suspicion. Every statement appears as a pose for authority; every truth, a cloak for a personal or class interest. The belief that every statement is biased confirms itself. The reporter, certain that every other account is distorted, intertwines his moral judgments with the facts. The reader, convinced that the truth is uncertain, attaches himself to a com-

Boss Tweed's New York

21

fortable moral and empirical statement.

This radical sociology of knowledge, which we associate with Karl Marx, appeared in almost every social group in the transformation of society in Europe and America. Suspicion shattered institutions and established ideas. Creatively, it generated a search for new facts, a new method for defining truth and new social organizations. In the world of the newspapers, the decline of suspicion was measured by the emergence of an ethic of objectivity and by the rise in the social status of reporters.

THE MAJOR BARRIERS impeding the transition from suspicion to creative search, from bias to open communication was persistent poverty and ignorance. New York shouted its poverty; the census takers recorded its ignorance. At least forty-three thousand persons above the age of ten could not read any language; sixty-two thousand more could not write. (A still larger group was, of course, unable to read or write English.)

The schools could do very little even with the students currently enrolled. Only thirty per cent of the students registered in the public schools appeared on an average day. Estimates of the number of children who never attended school ranged from the Board of Education's conservative ten or fifteen thousand upwards to sixty thousand. Most students ended their studies with the sixth grade. At that point, the Board of Education hoped, they could multiply and divide by two figures and had finished the second primer in one of the standard series. The primers trained them to read out loud, trying to erase "verbal class distinctions" at the cost of

speed. The imagery and values of the books were those of rural America. Even when they turned city-ward it was with the tone of studied condescension. There are thousands of poor people in the great cities, Willson's *Second Reader of the School and Family Series* (1860) explained. "We should be very thankful that our lot is better than theirs, but we should not be proud on account of our own better fortune. It was God alone who has made our lot to differ from the lot of theirs."

IN THIS CROWDED but divided city, few institutions or organizations could bridge the distance between diverse districts and groups. A growing number of New Yorkers were particularly sensitive to the enormous gap between rich and poor. Protestant ministers, for example, were worried that they were out of touch. Morgan Dix, Rector of Trinity Church, complained that "great and populous districts" had been abandoned to "Mammon and Care" by a "stunted and cramped temper of congregationalism." Relief agencies, in the same way, sensed that they somehow stood outside of the world of the poor. They needed more information about the men, women and children they hoped to serve but their visitors encountered a deep resentment. Fear of violence closed many districts to inquiring almoners.

The well-to-do quickly discovered that in order to bridge the gap to the poor they had to cooperate among themselves. The have's could only successfully extend a hand—or a word—to the have-not's after they had enriched their internal network of social communication. The charity organization movement and the new church

22

COLLOQUIUM

alliances and conferences were expres-
sions of this need for cooperation. The
process of change was, however, still very
young in 1870. The new organizations
were troubled repeatedly by disputes over
the distribution of authority and respon-
sibility. In addition, as one church re-
former put it, the new urban organizations
lacked knowledge, administrative skill
and trained personnel.

BUSINESS FIRMS were plagued by sim-
ilar deficiencies. Most businesses in
New York were small and intensely com-
petitive. The managers of the few large
firms complained that their subordinates
tended to violate central directives, to
form firms within the firm. Railroad lead-
ers, for example, spoke frequently of their
inability to know what was going on down
the line. Insurance executives, although
proud and assertive in their posture, could
not control the far flung activities of their
own agents.

New York in 1870 stood on the door-
step of a vast communications revolution
which was to transform urban society. For
the moment, however, the communica-
tions network was primitive and the power
to make significant decisions was decen-
tralized. New York's preference for de-
centralization was written on almost every

aspect of its face. The metropolis was a
cluster of cities within a city, each with
its special law.

WILLIAM MARCY TWEED was a prod-
uct of this fragmented city. He
linked the disparate elements of its ex-
pansive drive in the only way he knew.
He paid for favors and charged for his
services without seriously disturbing the
basic localism of city life. Tweed's fall
demonstrated the costs of the "big pay-
off" in the market place as a technique for
coordinating the city. To save these and
similar costs incurred elsewhere, the city
began—always erratically and with strife—
to make huge investments in a new com-
munications network. While these invest-
ments were in process, the ship of state
rocked precariously. The development
program initiated in the sixties moved
fitfully to completion so that the popula-
tion flowed into areas which had not been
drained in advance, where the streets
were unpaved and the houses chronically
short of water. Relations between social
groups which had worked together under
Tweed were strained by an attack upon
the legitimacy of democratic politics.

After these investments were com-
pleted, they proved to be inadequate. But
that is a story of our time, not Tweed's.

Interviews

23

CLIO XVIII

Interviews
with
Historians

II. Richard Cobb

Richard Cobb is Fellow and Tutor of Balliol College and Lecturer in Modern History in Oxford University. His books have established his reputation as one of his generation's outstanding social historians of the French Revolution. Professor Cobb is preparing a study of *The French Revolution in Historical Thought* for the *Essays in Comparative History* series under the *New Dimensions In History* imprint.

24

COLLOQUIUM

**Q** Professor Cobb, what in your personal, family and educational background most conditioned your approach and interests as a historian?

**A** Oh, I should think almost everything-son of a colonial civil servant, Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, empire-builder father, Christian as well (very much so), believing in Kipling...

I was in boarding school, prep school, public school from the age of eight until seventeen. And then the big break came for me. My mother knew a very nice French family in Paris, and I was sent to Paris. This was the Year One of liberty as far as I was concerned. Coming direct from an English public school-a highly disciplined, inbred and sort of pan-masculine community-and being sort of thrown into the deep end of Paris when I was about seventeen, was very much shock treatment. I thought France was a very immoral and terrible country. But within a week or about a fortnight, I was beginning to like it.

I also had a lot of spare time when I was in Paris and I simply started random reading in a very disorganized way in the Bibliothèque Mazarine. I started on Mathiez first of all, and I was delighted with Mathiez because he was so passionate. This was history of a type I had never met before and it was extremely hard hitting where he said other historians were liars and falsifiers and so on. And I became very attracted by the French Revolutionary period, mostly by Mathiez and his passion. And then after Mathiez, I just stumbled on this enormous book by Jean Jaurès, *Histoire Socialiste*, which I sup-

pose was just the right sort of mixture of rather fine writing and sentiment, popular sentiment, and an enormous feeling toward the common people. This appealed to me probably all the more as an upper middle class Englishman who had had a very sheltered existence and didn't know, in fact, anything about the common people -it was more exciting to read about them. And I didn't, in fact, discover anything about the English common people until I was in the army during the War.

**Q** What did you get out of your undergraduate years at Oxford?

**A** I was never particularly happy at Oxford because I thought it was a very juvenile, adolescent, inbred, closed-off, elitist, sort of Neo-Gothic and silly ball-playing, archery-playing, lounging-on-lawns sort of place. My university was the British Museum Reading Room and the various libraries in Paris, the *Archives Nationales* and so on. I think probably what I most got out of Oxford was some knowledge of medieval institutions, Anglo-Norman institutions, and, therefore, a sense of space, a sense of spread, a sense of continuity in the development of national institutions, and so on, which I think is probably essential for the formation of historical vocations.

**Q** Professor Cobb, from your account thus far, you seem to be a largely self-trained historian. Is there any historian in either France or England who had any strong personal influence on you?

Interviews

25

Yes, certainly. I think more really in France than in England. First of all, I suppose I was influenced indirectly by the published work of Jean Jaurès. Then, in 1937, I started seeing Georges Lefebvre and going to his lectures, and about the same time I met Pierre Caron who was then Director of the French Archives. In rather different ways they helped me enormously. Caron, very much in the rather technical sense of guiding me through the intricacies of the French archival system—at least, on the Paris level and on the national level. And Lefebvre, because he was an extraordinarily vigorous and very strong left-wing man for whom I have always had a great respect, although sometimes I have felt disappointed in his rather silly *petit bourgeois*, rather anti-Anglo-Saxon prejudices and that sort of thing. I don't think he understood the *grand bourgeois* at all. He certainly didn't understand England. But he had an absolutely colossal influence over me.

I certainly wouldn't say that I was self-taught but I was fortunate in making for myself, or in finding for myself, a great deal of time where I could give myself up almost totally to what is probably the greatest passion of a historian, the greatest moment in a historian's life; that is to say, when he is confronted with a new box of documents or a new bundle of documents. He takes and undoes the strings and has this feeling of entering an almost uncharted land. As far as the direction of my own research went, it was very much dictated by the documents. I don't think at any time I went to documents to find answers to questions I already had in my mind. I've always been very uncertain of the subjects of my research when I started

off on new research in records, either local or national. I've always found that it was the actual process of research, the actual documents themselves that would gradually, sooner or later, dictate subjects to me that seemed to me significant. I don't think there is any way you can prepare people for historical research. I don't think there is any sort of preliminary preparation for this through such curiosities as schools of higher studies, or training in diplomatics or something of this sort (obviously not for eighteenth-century studies, in any case, because the handwriting is quite easy).

I think the only training is through research, and you gradually become familiarized with certain types of documents. Then you know what you are going to find and you know the sort of slant they will have, and you develop some sort of flair for seeing what is significant and what isn't in these documents. It's a very, very slow process. I would also say that, personally, I've always found it an immensely enjoyable process.

**Q** How then would you define the historian's vocation or craft?

If somebody asked you why you are a historian—why someone is a historian—tell it to me—well, all you can say is because you like working in records and working through bundles and finding things. It's a sort of satisfaction of curiosity, almost insatiable curiosity. I don't think it has any other social purpose. I think a historical vocation is something

26

COLLOQUIUM

that is in oneself in the same way as one
might be fond of bridge or playing chess.
I don't know that there is any particular
explanation. Once you've been bitten by
it, well, then you go on doing it; and the
more you do it, the more you want to do
it; and the more you do it, the better you
get at it. This is one of the great satisfac-
tions, I think; that you are obviously a
better historian if you've done ten years
of research than if you've done five, and
you get to be better still if you've done
twenty or thirty years. And one has always
the consoling feeling that this enjoyment
will never end until life ends. And this
would be my only defence for history
either as a professional or research subject.

A defence of history as a teaching sub-
ject I find very difficult. I don't know
exactly what the social values of this are.
I've always been very pleased that people
should pay me to do what I quite like
doing. Again, I think it can only be justi-
fied as a satisfaction of curiosity. I would
never attempt to fit history into any other
discipline or suggest that this had some
civic or social purpose, or that there was
any sort of philosophical approach behind
it, or anything of this sort—it is the satis-
faction of a personal appetite. One is very
pleased when one finds pupils who, also,
rather than taking history as an examina-
tion subject, are bitten by this bug. And
then you see them getting started in the
*Archives Nationales* or elsewhere and grad-
ually sinking themselves deeper and
deeper into the intricacies of their subjects
and getting more and more satisfaction
out of it. This is, I think, the greatest satis-
faction that a teacher of history can have
—being able to start off some young stu-
dent on a career of historical research.

Q What would you say is the most im-
portant intellectual quality of a historian?

I would say that ultimately the
most important quality in a historian is to
be able to speak to anybody in the con-
temporary life that he lives in; to be at
home in any milieu; to be able to be
acceptable to the common people despite
his accent, despite what he looks like,
despite how middle class he may look; to
be able to get on in something very egali-
tarian and unpretentious like the ranks
of the British Army. I enjoyed the War
from that point of view because I discov-
ered my own compatriots, I mean the nice
ones; that is to say, those from the North:
ordinary people, not snobs; lower middle
class people, not middle class people; not
petit bourgeois; people who knew about
things, how to do things and who had a
natural sense of fraternity and mutual
help. From a historian's point of view, this
is one of the great satisfactions. And if one
can get on with those sort of people, then
one can write history—I think one can
write history about ordinary people. Be-
cause if you haven't got any sense of
compassion, you might as well stop writ-
ing history. If you haven't any sense of
humor, you might as well stop writing
history. And if you can't make history
amusing and entertaining, then I think
you might as well stop writing history. I
don't see any point in it.

Of course, I think the most difficult
thing any historian of a foreign country (I
mean who doesn't belong to that country)
can do is to think of, say, French history,
French people, French institutions in
French terms, not English or American

Interviews

27

terms. I have the feeling that Professor Gershoy has achieved this breakthrough, this sort of getting through the sound barrier into a French sound barrier, and has been able to make the sort of assumptions that French people would be able to make. I also see this ability in a young Princeton historian, David Bien, in a very able, perceptive book on the Calas Affair in the eighteenth century.

**Q** Professor Cobb, would you agree that the most important lines of research and discussion on the history of the French Revolution in the past two or three decades have been in the area of social history: demography, history of prices, analysis of provincial and local society, etc.?

**A** I don't know that this has been the most valuable except for the fact that most of the work done on the French Revolution since the liberation of France has been in this sort of field. But certainly the major work done in France since the late 1940's and the early '50's, has been in the sort of field you mentioned and this, I suppose, is (as much as anything) because nobody tried it before. People have now begun to exploit what you might call a new level of archival material, what you might describe as history as seen from below. Historians before the War and even more nineteenth-century historians never even suspected that this type of evidence existed. There it was for the asking, for the looking into, and certainly in my own case or in Rudé's case or in Soboul's case, it has proved extraordinarily rich and extraordinarily rewarding. Here you have, owing to the

existence of institutions which are quite peculiar to an abnormal period like the Revolutionary Period, minute books, interrogations, documents of police origin, petitions of popular origin, which take you down to a level of common people. And they give you the *vox populi*, a level which you can't get at at all or which is very difficult to get at in *ancien regime* France. And again it is a level which disappears out of French history after the French Revolution when the popular movement goes underground and becomes clandestine and then all you can do is to get at it through the very distorted focus of police reports.

So the great interest to me of the French Revolution is that this is a very short moment in time; but owing to certain very peculiar circumstances, owing to the political forcefulness and importance of the common people, particularly the sort of artisan and shopkeeper element in the towns during these two or three years during the high tide of the French Revolution, you can get at a level of society that just doesn't exist really in historical perception at any other time. And I don't think there is any merit in having discovered this; I think all three of us — Soboul, Rudé and myself — quite accidentally, from slightly distant angles, and without actually knowing one another at the same time, stumbled on this sort of thing.

**Q** How would you compare your approach with that of Soboul and Rudé?

**A** Soboul has always been concerned not so much with individuals as with a

28

COLLOQUIUM

collective movement of the common people seen as a mass movement—the organization of the common people in a mass movement through its own institutions and its own particular political methods. Rudé's approach again has been different. He has been concerned again not with individuals but with the common people in a series of stills, as it were — with the common people on those dramatic occasions when something called the crowd or the mob or the populace (whatever you like to call them, according to your political views as to whether you like the people or don't like the people) impinge on national life, Parisian life or provincial life in the form of a riot, an insurrection, a mutiny, a grain riot, pillaging and this sort of thing. This is enormously important.

My own approach has been somewhat different because Rudé tends to use statistical evidence. I don't like statistical evidence. I rather mistrust it particularly for the eighteenth century because it is always very inaccurate and you can do so many things with statistical evidence and it is very insufficient. My own enjoyment has been mostly in the study of what I would call individual case histories, not in a short period of time but over as long a period of time as I can get. If I can get to see a man's career on this popular or humble level, on the sort of eighth-story level, on the cellar level, on the street level, from, say, the 1780's till the 1820's and see his career over this long period of time, then I can form some sort of historical impression. Then I can get some idea of what was the impact of the French Revolution, in purely individual terms, on ordinary human behavior: in terms of violence, in terms of pauperization, standards of liv-

ing, trying to get something which is really quite living. What was it like to be living during this period, what were the long term effects of the French Revolution on individuals, on given case histories? This is the sort of method I have tried to use in my book. This is the sort of method I admire so enormously in Edward Thompson's book on the *Making of the English Working Class* which, I think, is a very healthy and necessary reaction against a mechanistic social structure: this numerical, statistical, inhuman, anti-human controversy in England about the effects of the standard of living on the wage earner, on the urban consumer and this sort of thing. One *must* somehow be able to get to the level of ordinary human beings, of individuals, of given individuals, to form some sort of impressionistic history. I think history should be about people, about recognizable people and not about groups or numbers or three-and-a-half carpenters and seventeen-and-a-quarter basketmakers or something of this sort. One wants to get at the person, at his generation, at his age group and see how it affects him in terms of leisure and work, human enjoyment and misery, of his family, his marriage, his morals, his enjoyments and so on. These are *my* own particular preoccupations and I suppose that they arise from the fact that I find *people* interesting, not things or institutions and, above all, not ideas. I just can't understand ideas at all. I have no interest in them whatsoever. And I think there is a great deal of room for more of this type of history and that historians should be more imaginative, that we should draw much more than we have on sources like the contemporary novel, like the Newgate

[LC]

Interviews

29

calendar or something like that, say, for England: reports on crime and on criminal habits and on the changes in the patterns of criminal violence and criminal habits generally. One should use the memoir writers and the memorialist newspapers, popular ballad sheets, the sort of stuff that street vendors will sell around the place, popular prints, this sort of thing. Then you can actually re-establish a popular culture. I mean, what was the popular culture of, say, the Paris shopkeeper, the wage earner or the common soldier in the late eighteenth- or early nineteenth-century France? I think these things are possible and I would like to be able to write a history of the French people from below during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, taking in mind, also, the physical realities of life—food, clothing, heat and light and, therefore, the effects of disease and epidemics, expectancy of life, food shortage, dearth, cold winters and so on, on the lives of ordinary people.

**Q** Do you believe that this kind of social history is more important than political, institutional or intellectual history?

**A** I'm not saying that this is a better sort of history than other history, I just find it more interesting than any other history. I cannot find any interest in purely institutional history or constitutional history or, above all, government history and, above all, the terrible sort of Germanic or Italian bias in favor of the history of civilizations or the history of intellectual

currents, what I call *salon* history, Enlightenment history. It seems to me ingultingly arrogant, elitist and aristocratic in its approach to history as much as to say that history is made by a series of young arrogant Balliol men, by a series of elites and the impact of elites on contemporary society. Maybe this is so, but I'm not interested in that sort of society. I'm not a Club man and I think the history of defeat is much more interesting, in any case, than the history of victory or history of conquest and power. In history, one wants to keep away, as much as possible, from power just as much as in ordinary life. One simply wants to keep away, as much as possible, from politicians, pushing people, ambitious people, young people who are anxious to get to the top, and this awful sort of rat race that we seem to be living in so much.

**Q** Why have there been no important right-wing historians of the Revolution since 1945?

**A** Generally speaking, there have seldom been important right-wing historians of the French Revolution at any time because most right-wing work on the French Revolution has been so passionate and very often so totally inaccurate that it's taken as a sort of whipping boy, a moral story that one doesn't pay much attention to. The significance of right-wing history in France is that its appeal, in France, is not to a historical and educated historical public but to an aristocratic or rather snobbish middle-class public. You've got

30

COLLOQUIUM

a voyeur attitude in the French right-wing popularized middle-class history, in that sort of series you get with great success from French publishers—what you might call, “La Vie et les Amours de . . .” history—which is sort of alcove, bed, amorous history of the titillations of the great and this type of thing. A certain French middle-class public licks it up. I think that most of French right-wing history is piffle. It is encouraged by the big, sort of shark-like Paris publishing houses. They’re perfectly dishonest, they’re not in the least concerned with the truth or with the establishment of historical truth or with writing good history.

But there has been some work, not really by right-wing historians, particularly a lot of interesting work on the history of the counter-revolution. This is, I think, a field which is due very much for a re-thinking in the same way as the history of the popular movement is being explored at the moment, because the counter-revolution is also a popular movement. You have the phenomenon in France of popular royalism (one mustn’t think of the counter-revolutionary movement as being primarily aristocratic or having to do with the wealthy). There is the phenomenon of the right-wing mob; of the right-wing, profoundly traditional, religious, anti-revolutionary peasant armies; this type of thing. Charles Tilly is doing this with more success than anyone else at the present time. The study of the White Terror, of the royalist murder gangs, is certainly as rewarding, as interesting socially as the study of the other Terror and the other Terrorists. I think this is a field well worth looking at.

I think there is real room for right-wing

history by right-wing historians—perhaps they don’t have to be right-wing—to get at the history of the reverse side of the popular movement; that is to say, the counter-revolutionary crowd—things like the history of the domestic servant. The domestic servant in France has often been one of the most insipient and ardent of counter-revolutionaries. There is nothing more counter-revolutionary than a hairdresser or a barber, this whole underclass of hangers-on of the great and the luxury trades and so on. It has always seemed to me a fantastic sort of semi-subterranean world of deference, cap-in-handedness, sort of Oxford scout, bemedaled commissionaire outside London Tower. The English national vice has always been deference but this is certainly not the case in France.

But, I think, there is a whole sort of world to be opened up in the history of domesticity, particularly in a period like the 1830’s when the largest single form of employment in the wage-earning class was domestics. There are other sides to domesticity, too. There is the history of the ungrateful servant, the revolutionary domestic because it is also a category which gave to revolutionary movements some of their most effective leaders since these people—my lady’s chambermaid, my lady’s parlormaid—would be more aware of the weaknesses, the disgustingnesses, the amoralities, the corruption of an aristocratic or upper-middle-class establishment than anybody else could be. And if you put them in judgment over their so-called betters, they will probably take it out on them. And there is no more pleasing spectacle in history than to see wealth turned upside down.

32

COLLOQUIUM

THE HORSE AMERICA, throwing his Master.

America
in
Crisis

Edited by ROBERT A. DIVINE,
The University of Texas

THE EIGHT VOLUMES in the new WILEY series in American diplomatic history offer a fresh synthesis and interpretation of eight major episodes in American foreign policy. By presenting an overview of his subject in the light of recent scholarship, each author makes a significant contribution to the literature of American diplomatic history. Each volume will be printed in both paperback and hardbound editions.

the first volumes in this new series are:

AMERICA'S ROAD TO EMPIRE: THE WAR WITH SPAIN AND OVERSEAS EXPANSION: by H. WAYNE MORGAN, *The University of Texas. January 1965*. THE RELUCTANT BELLIGERENT: AMERICAN ENTRY INTO WORLD WAR II: by ROBERT A. DIVINE, *The University of Texas. January 1965*. AMERICAN DIPLOMACY DURING THE SECOND WORLD WAR, 1941-1945: by GADDIS SMITH, *Yale University*. November 1964.

coming in Spring 1965...

EMPIRE AND INDEPENDENCE: THE INTERNATIONAL HISTORY OF THE WAR OF AMERICAN INDEPENDENCE: by RICHARD VAN ALYSTYNE, *University of Southern California*. A NATION ON TRIAL: AMERICA AND THE WAR OF 1812: by PATRICK C. T. WHITE, *University of Toronto*. TEXAS AND THE MEXICAN WAR: THE ROMANTIC STYLE IN DIPLOMACY: by WILLIAM GOETZMANN, *The University of Texas*. THE GREAT DEPARTURE: THE UNITED STATES AND WORLD WAR I: by DANIEL SMITH, *University of Colorado*. THE COLD WAR, 1945-1960: by TIMOTHY MACDONALD, *University of Kansas*.

CITY ON A HILL—*A History of Ideas and Myths in America*

By LOREN BARITZ, University of Rochester.

This booklet is an analysis of American intellectual history through the study of six major figures: John Winthrop, Jonathan Edwards, John Adams, John Taylor of Caroline, Ralph Waldo Emerson and Herman Melville. In his discussion of the "idea of America" as it grew from the Puritans through the nineteenth century, the author answers the question: What is American about American thought? *Just published.*

New Dimensions in History

Series Editor: NORMAN F. CANTOR

Essays in Comparative History

The most valuable new and exciting historical method of the past
two decades has been the comparison of two or more institutions,
doctrines, or social patterns separated in time or space or both.
However, there is very little material available at present utilizing
the new techniques; this series is designed to fill this gap. The first
two books in the series have just been published; others will fol-
low in the near future. Each book will be an original contribution
to scholarship because of the novelty of the method employed.

THE STATE AND SOCIETY IN MODERN EUROPE
—David Bien, Princeton. 1967.

THE FRONTIER IN MEDIEVAL HISTORY—Julian Bishko, Virginia. 1967.

REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT IN MEDIEVAL
EUROPE—Thomas Bisson, Brown. 1966.

EUROPEAN HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE 17TH
CENTURY—R. Davis Bitton, Santa Barbara.
1966.

THE MEDIEVAL COMMUNE—William M. Bowsky, Nebraska, 1966.

THE CLASSICAL TEMPER: STUDIES IN 17TH
CENTURY FRENCH LITERATURE—Jules
Brody, Rochester. 1968.

MEDIEVAL KINGSHIP—William A. Chaney,
Lawrence College. 1966.

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION IN HISTORICAL
THOUGHT—Richard Cobb, Oxford. 1967.

THE SOURCE AND COURSE OF CIVILIZATION IN
RUSSIA—Rushton Coulborn, Atlanta
University. 1966.

ROMAN LAW IN RENAISSANCE EUROPE—
Ralph Giesey, Minnesota. 1967.

QUEST PERILOUS: THE ART AND IDEALS OF
MEDIEVAL ROMANCE—Robert W. Hanning,
Columbia. 1966.

INDUSTRIAL REVOLUTIONS—R. M. Hartwell,
Oxford. 1965.

CATHOLICISM AND THE STATE—Bennett Hill,
Illinois. 1965.

THE EMERGENCE OF THE AUTONOMY OF THE
SCIENCES—Satish Kapoor, Cambridge. 1965.

MEDIEVAL HERESIES—Malcolm Lambert,
Bristol. 1966.

THE BRITISH AND AMERICAN LEFT SINCE
1880—Kenneth McNaught, Toronto, 1967.

URBAN DEVELOPMENT IN LATIN AMERICA—
Richard Morse, Yale. 1966.

CONSTITUTIONAL IDEAS OF 16TH AND 17TH
CENTURY EUROPE—J. G. A. Pocock,
Canterbury (New Zealand). 1965.

THE RISE OF POLITICAL ANTI-SEMITISM IN
GERMANY AND AUSTRIA—Peter G. J. Pulzer,
Oxford, 1964 (see back cover).

THE CONCEPT OF RELIGIOUS TOLERATION IN
16TH CENTURY EUROPE—Theodore K.
Rabb, Harvard. 1966.

SOCIAL CLASSES IN LATE MEDIEVAL CENTRAL
EUROPE—Hans Rosenberg, Berkeley, 1967.

PATTERNS OF URBANIZATION IN 19TH
CENTURY UNITED STATES—Jules Rubin,
Pittsburgh. 1966.

THE CROWD IN HISTORY—George Rudé,
Adelaide (Australia). 1964
(see back cover).

PRELUDE TO A GREAT REBELLION—A. William Salomone, Rochester. 1966.

THE SOCIAL AND INTELLECTUAL IMPACT OF
ITALIAN HUMANISM—J. E. Seigel,
Princeton. 1968.

DOCTRINES OF IMPERIALISM—A. P. Thornton,
Toronto. 1965.

MODERN SCHOOLS OF HISTORICAL THOUGHT—
Hayden White, Rochester. 1965.

*By* PETER G. J. PULZER, *Oxford University*. Dr. Pulzer discusses the rise of anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria during the latter part of the nineteenth century and traces its growth through the First World War. In a long epilogue, he analyzes the culmination of the movement just prior to the Second World War. New Dimensions in History—*Essays in Comparative History*. *Just published*. 364 pages. Paper: $2.65.

THE CROWD IN HISTORY, 1730-1848

*By* GEORGE RUDÉ, *University of Adelaide, South Australia*. A pioneering attempt to present the crowd as a living and many-sided historical phenomenon. Dr. Rudé discusses the "pre-industrial" crowd in action and analyzes general aspects of crowd behavior and composition during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. New Dimensions in History—*Essays in Comparative History*. *Just published.*

BOSS TWEED'S NEW YORK

*By* SEYMOUR MANDELBAUM, *Carnegie Institute of Technology*. An analysis of the impact of a primitive communications system upon decision-making in a rapidly changing city. Dr. Mandelbaum concludes that Boss Tweed was symbolic of attempts to integrate the city through the costly and inefficient instruments of the marketplace. New Dimensions in History—*Historical Cities*. *January 1965.*

ROME OF THE CAESARS

*By* THOMAS W. AFRICA, *University of Southern California*. Dr. Africa discusses the city, the politician (Sejanus), the opportunist (Herod Agrippa), the missionary (Paul), the courtier (Seneca) the Jew (Josephus), the wizard (Appolonius of Tyana), the gentleman (Pliny the Younger), the historian (Tacitus), the emperor (Hadrian), the philosopher (Marcus Aurelius), and the doctor (Galen). New Dimensions in History—*Historical Cities*. *Spring 1965.*

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