KISSINGER ASSOCIATES

SUITE 1100
55 EAST FIFTY-SECOND STREET
NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10055
(212) 759-7919

January 28, 1983

Dear Bill:

Let me thank you for the extraordinarily good arrangements that were made. I found the meeting most enjoyable and stimulating due in large part to Jack Ross's superb preparation. My associates and I would welcome any suggestions you have about the manner of our presentations, specifically whether you would prefer a slightly different emphasis.

As promised, I am enclosing the list of Argentine participants to the American-Argentine conference. All the Argentines have already agreed to come. On the American side, Bob Anderson and Bob Fluor have accepted. (They are the only people that have so far been asked.) I will keep a place open for the Bank of America, but it will have to be on a very senior level since we are inviting only senior officers and their subordinates. I am also enclosing, as promised, the Saddam Hussein interview.

I have had an opportunity to discuss with my friend the mode of operation in Angola. He said there are major difficulties having more to do with African conditions than ideological problems. That particular company has a methodology by which they deal with them which has proved to be quite effective using intermediaries in Switzerland. My impression is that American companies will not be in as good a position to use the same approach. He has told me he would make available the contacts should you be interested. On the whole, it is not a situation into which I would recommend rushing.

Enclosures:

Mr. William Bolin
Executive Vice President
Bank of America
555 California Street
P.O.Box 37000
San Francisco
California 94137

SUITE 1021 • 1800 K STREET, N. W. • WASHINGTON, D. C. 20006 • (202) 872-0300

Argentine Participants

Mario Hirsch, Bunge & Born Ltd. S.A.
Chairman of the Board of Directors

Juan Munro, Massalin & Celasco/Particulares
Chairman of the Board of Directors and President

Roberto Rocca, Organizacion Techint
Chairman and President of the Executive Board

Federico Zorraquin, Garovaglio y Zorraquin, S.A.
Chairman of the Board of Directors and Executive President

Arnaldo T. Musich, Organization Techint/Santa Maria S.A.
Vice President of the Board of Directors

Carlos Alberto Floria, Professor, Political Scientist

Oscar H. Camillon, Diplomat, International Relations

David Lacroze, Agricultural trade

Julio Massot, Political Scientist

Jose Rohm, Banco General de Negocios, Managing Director

## List of Argentine Participants

### I. Industry/Agriculture/Banking

(i) Mario Hirsch
Bunge & Born Ltd. S.A.
Chairman of the Board of Direc

(ii) Juan Munro
Massalin & Celasco/Particulares
Chairman of the Board of Directors and President

(iii) Roberto Rocca
Organización Techint
Chairman and President of the Executive Board (2)

(iv) Federico Zorraguín
Garovaglio y Zorraguín S.A.
Chairman of the Board of Directors and Executive President
(2) (3)

(v) Arnaldo T. Musich
Organización Techint/Santa María S.A.
Vice President of the Board of Directors (4)

### II. Political Science/International Relations

(vi) Carlos Alberto Floria
Professor, Political Scientist (1)

(vii) Oscar H. Camilión
Diplomat, International Relations (5)

Should any of the precedent participants not be able to attend the meeting, he may be substituted by:

David Lacroze
Agricultural trade

Julio Massot
Political Scientist

José Rohm
Banco General de Negocios
Managing Director

//

HENRY A. KISSINGER

March 10, 1983

Dear Zbig:

Since you and I are condemned to coexist, especially painful as it may be, we more or less agree on foreign policy. Taking cracks at my motives in writing my book in *Newsweek* will neither improve the sale of your book nor will it change the basic reality.

The Honorable
Zbigniew Brezezinski
Center for Strategic and
International Studies
1800 K Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20006

SUITE 1100 • 55 EAST FIFTY-SECOND STREET • NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10055 • (212) 759-7919

April 8, 1983

Dear Secretary Kissinger:

The formulation and conduct of foreign policy is a
calling that has always demanded special qualities of intel-
ligence, character, and experience. In today's increasingly
complex, interrelated, and perilous world, the Republic has
greater need of these qualities than ever before.

We are convinced that a truly national American
Academy of Diplomacy could make a valuable contribution
toward meeting this need. As we visualize such an Academy,
it would be composed of individuals who have rendered exem-
plary service to the United States in positions of signifi-
cant responsibility for the formulation and execution of
foreign policy and the representation of the United States
abroad. The number of members would be limited to a total
in the range of sixty to eighty. Membership would be for
life (or until resignation); new members would be added only
when a vacancy occurs. Vacancies would be filled by elec-
tion from among nominees proposed by a nominating committee
charged with conducting a continuing, conscientious effort
to assure the recognition of the most distinguished and most
deserving.

On these assumptions, election to the Academy
should be regarded as a significant honor. To this extent
the very existence of the Academy would help to enhance
public appreciation of the role of diplomacy. But the
Academy would also constitute a unique resource of wisdom
and experience. It could be called upon to undertake or
sponsor projects ranging from the study of foreign service
career incentives to substantive foreign policy issues, and
its freedom from personal or partisan motives would lend
special weight to its views.

Once established, the Academy would also meet the
need for an independent organization with the expertise to
assess the qualifications of ambassadorial nominees and the
stature to command public confidence in its recommendations.
For this purpose the Academy could establish a committee of

APR 21 1993

- 2 -

its own members to which outsiders might or might not be
added.

In order to assure that the Academy is launched
under the most favorable possible auspices, it is essential
that its organizers be individuals widely known and re-
spected for their roles in formulating and executing the
foreign policy of the United States. With the help of
knowledgeable advisers, we have narrowed a long list of
names down to twelve. As could have been anticipated, you
are one of this distinguished company. We are writing,
therefore, to urge you to join in creating an American
Academy of Diplomacy.

One of the organizing group's first duties, of
course, will be to incorporate the Academy as a private,
nonprofit association, perhaps under a Congressional char-
ter. Your highest priority, however, will be to draw up a
broadly representative list of individuals to be invited to
join you as charter members. You will no doubt wish to seek
nominations from former Secretaries of State, former
ambassadors, members of the Senate and House, scholars,
journalists, etc. Sifting these nominations will be a
demanding but crucial task since the Academy's prestige and
credibility will so largely depend on the quality, distinc-
tion, and representativeness of its first generation of
members.

If it is decided to form a committee on ambas-
sadorial appointments, the Academy will presumably advise
the Executive Branch that it proposes to make appraisals of
prospective appointees and would be prepared, if so re-
quested, to do so in advance of their nominations. If the
Executive Branch does not at the outset choose to take ad-
vantage of this offer, the committee's inquiries would in
any case begin after the nomination had been made, and its
findings would be communicated in confidence to the Senate
Committee on Foreign Relations. Given the fair, thorough,
and objective manner in which the committee's inquiries
would be conducted, it is reasonable to expect that its
recommendations would command respectful consideration. The
Foreign Relations Committee would in due course be likely to
give them substantial -- even decisive -- weight. By then
the Executive Branch might well be ready to seek the
Academy's views before submitting a nomination. By this
evolutionary process the Academy would acquire the role now
performed, in the case of Federal judgeships, by the
American Bar Association.

KISSINGER ASSOCIATES

August 2, 1983

Dear Bob:

In view of the publicity surrounding my
appointment as Chairman of the Bi-Partisan Commission
on Central America, I wanted to explain its impact
on my professional activities.

I have accepted this part-time appointment as
a private citizen on an unpaid basis and only on the
condition that I am able to continue with the requirements
of my consulting business. I expect that my Chairmanship
of the Commission will require not more than two days
per week which I intend to make available by
significantly curtailing my speaking engagements and
my writing activities. Accordingly, I am confident
that we shall be able to fulfill, without diminution,
the requirements of our highly valued consulting
relationship.

I would also like you to know that you should
disregard the exaggerated sense of immediacy which
appears to have been recently created. As explicitly
stated by the President, the Commission will focus on
developing long-range policy recommendations and will
not be involved in either the formulation of, or
debate on the current government initiatives in this
area. Thus, it is my sincere expectation that I shall
be able to carry out my Commission responsibilities
in a measured way over the six months we have to prepare
its report.

Unless unexpected requests for meetings at the
highest level of government should arise, I do not
expect any significant scheduling conflicts. Furthermore,
this appointment does not affect any of my colleagues
at Kissinger Associates, all of whom remain entirely
at your disposal to assist you as your needs dictate.

WUI GA
78123812
ORIONBK661989UW
0012837 0951 08/03

HAYAINST J23812

MR. AKIRA HAYASHI

THANK YOU FOR YOUR TELEX OF JULY 18TH. I WOULD LIKE TO
RESPOND TO A FEW OF THE POINTS YOU RAISED IN THIS AND
EARLIER TELEXES.

1. I CAN APPRECIATE YOUR "'FOREIGNER'S PAIN'" WITH THE MANY ENGLISH WORDS HAVING MULTIPLE AND OBSCURE MEANINGS. TO THE USE OF "'CRITICAL'" IN MY JULY 12TH TELEX, I WOULD ASSIGN THE FOLLOWING DEFINITION FROM WEBSTER'S NEW COLLEGIATE DICTIONARY:

"OF, RELATING TO, OR BEING A TURNING POINT OR SPECIALLY IMPORTANT JUNCTURE, E.G., A CRITICAL PHASE."

2. THANK YOU FOR RESPONDING TO SOME OF THE POINTS RAISED BY OUR TECHNICAL FRIENDS. AT THE APPROPRIATE TIME WE SHOULD, NO DOUBT, UNDERTAKE A PROFESSIONAL EVALUATION OF THE ECONOMIC PERFORMANCE AND FINANCIAL REQUIREMENTS OF THE HSST CONCEPT IN ORDER TO BE FULLY IN AGREEMENT AS TO THESE ASPECTS. HOWEVER, AS FOR OUR INVOLUEMENT IN PROMOTING IT IN THE U.S. I MUST AGAIN AMPLIFY MY EARLIER VIEWS.

FIRST, IT IS OUR ASSESSMENT THAT A JOINT VENTURE INITIATED BY THE JAPANESE, TO PROMOTE A JAPANESE DEVELOPED TECHNOLOGY SHOULD START WITH JAPANESE CORPORATE OR INSTITUTIONAL BACKING. WHILE U.S. PARTNERS COULD BE APPROACHED, WE FEEL EFFORTS WOULD BE BETTER DIRECTED IF FOCUSED ON TRYING TO FINALIZE AT LEAST INITIAL JAPANESE ORGANIZATIONAL BACKING. BE IT ONLY ONE INDUSTRIAL COMPANY OR A RESEARCH INSTITUTE OR A FINANCIAL INSTITUTION.

SECONDLY, GIVEN THE NATURE OF THE WORK TO BE DONE IN IDENTIFYING A U.S. PARTNER AND THE APPARENT LACK OF ANY ORGANIZED JAPANESE BACKING, WE DO NOT CONSIDER OURSELVES THE APPROPRIATE FIRM FOR THIS PROJECT AT THIS TIME. OUR FIRM SPECIALIZES INN ADVISING MAJOR CORPORATIONS ON STRATEGIC POLICY ISSUES. ACCORDINGLY, WE ARE NOT STAFFED OR ORGANIZED, AS ARE MANY VENTURE CAPITAL Firms, TO ANALYZE AND PROMOTE NEW VENTURE CONCEPTS. FURTHER, IT IS OUR POLICY TO ACT SOLELY ON BEHALF OF CORPORATE OR INSTITUTIONAL CLIENTS: WE DO NOT OURSELVES ACT AS A SPONSORING ENTITY FOR PROJECTS WITHOUT RECOGNIZED ORGANIZATIONAL BACKING. THEREFORE, GIVEN OUR ASSESSMENT THAT TO REALISTICALLY ATTRACT THE APPROPRIATE U.S. SPONSORS, INITIAL COMMITMENTS FROM JAPANESE ORGANIZED SPONSORS MUST BE IN PLACE, AND OUR POLICY AND CAPABILITY TO WORK ONLY WITH PROJECTS HAVING CLEAR CORPORATE OR INSTITUTIONAL SPONSORSHIP, IT IS OUR VIEW THAT IT IS IN OUR MUTUAL INTEREST FOR YOU TO FIRST OBTAIN LEADING JAPANESE PARTICIPATION BEFORE SEEKING OUR ASSISTANCE IN THIS CONCEPT.

PLEASE AGAIN ACCEPT OUR BEST WISHES FOR YOUR SUCCESS.

WARM REGARDS,
HENRY A. KISSINGER
KISSINGER ASSOCIATES, INC.
NEW YORK
ORIONBK661989UW*
HAYAINST J23812

lex

Western Union International, Inc.

International Telex

International

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Union International, Inc.

Thomas Edward Molner
926 Yale Station
New Haven, Connecticut 06520

280 Cedar Avenue
Highland Park, IL 60035

June 27, 1983

Dear Dr. and Mrs. Kissinger,

I send the enclosed photographs with my best wishes on the occasion of Dr. Kissinger's sixtieth. While I do not know your opinion of religious art, I hope this young Amos of Martha's Vineyard will be welcome at River House (please forgive the long hair, the model was of an in-dependent frame of mind).

I owe you both a number of important thank-yous. The lovely cuff-links you gave me at graduation were a fine choice and I was tremendously flattered that you thought of me. I must also thank you for providing a first occasion for their use. Dr. Goldman's party was an outstanding show of affection and respect for you. I need hardly add that it was also a swell party.

Throughout the graduation exercises, I was struck by what a special privilege our time at Yale represents. It was my added good fortune to get to know David and his family. It was easy to be drawn to David, but what convinces me that four years with him was time well spent is his integrity. He is a hard judge, and I have experienced his disagreement or disapproval more than once, but he is no easier on himself. He strives for something within himself rather than to conform.

I believe this same integrity is a mark of David's father. Beyond my continuing admiration for your public career and your writings, I have come to admire your persistent and thoughtful dedication to your beliefs. I have been impressed by the intense and deeply personal significance

which you attach to the political questions on which you
have had such an influence. To have known you even slight-
ly has been a real honor for me, and one from which I hope
I have learned.

Finally, and perhaps most of all, thank you for the
kindness and warmth with which you have so often accepted
me in your home. Being far from my own family, I was
particularly grateful for your hospitality.

I wish you both the very best on this special occasion.
Thank you again for your many gifts to me.

HENRY A. KISSINGER

PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL

May 25, 1983

Dear Dr. Neuberger:

My first act after accepting the Chairmanship of the United States Organizing Committee for World Cup '86 was to telephone you to the effect that I would conduct myself as a fan seeking to promote soccer in America, not as an adversary. I kept you informed of our deliberations and our plans. I saw to it that no press comments from our side would reflect badly on F.I.F.A. I have given no interviews since the press conference in Stockholm where, as you know, I refused to assess blame. I will not make any further public comments. Nor will I participate in any litigation as some press comments allege.

Still, as an admirer and friend, I must tell you that my colleagues and I were deeply offended by the manner in which F.I.F.A. took its decision. We regret of course that the World Cup was not awarded to the United States. We remain convinced that the facilities of the United States are unique. Moreover, playing the cup in the United States would have provided F.I.F.A. an outstanding opportunity to promote and strengthen the sport in our country; it would have added a vast nation of sports enthusiasts to the world of soccer. Still, we realize that in every competition someone has to win and someone has to lose.

Unfortunately, the way the United States lost is outrageous. When a great country like the United States delivers to F.I.F.A. the word of its President, a Joint Resolution of its Congress and the assurance of all its appropriate local officials, sports representatives and civic and business leaders, it is entitled to a serious consideration. It should not be dismissed in

PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL

-2-

such a cavalier and disrespectful manner. Our written submission was thorough, complete and professional. While various public statements of F.I.F.A. officials, including by its President, indicated a preference for Mexico--in my view quite inappropriately-- we had every reason to expect a fair and respectful hearing when a number of us, at great inconvenience, rearranged our schedules to come to Stockholm. It never occurred to me that our application would be treated in a purely formalistic, if not disdainful, manner and that a decision would be announced within 20 minutes after we completed the only presentation we were permitted to make leaving little doubt that no serious discussion took place.

I am familiar with the argument that the original application of the United States Soccer Federation was incomplete. The major shortcoming of which I am aware was the absence of guarantees, which in a federal country like the United States, takes time. But this was essentially irrelevant to an inspection of our facilities. The committee could always have rejected us if the guarantees had not been forthcoming well before the May 20 decision. As it was we supplied the guarantees in early April, together with a letter by President Reagan, as well as a later telegram of which I am not even sure the Committee was informed.

The argument of having failed to meet the March dealine simply carries no conviction. If our application was doomed in March, why were we invited to Stockholm in May? And why was the Executive Committee only given a chance to vote on the report of a special committee that had refused to visit the United States and Canada, thus preventing any real consideration of our application or Canada's?

[Y]

PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL

-3-

I know of several delegates who had been instructed by their governments to vote for a delay to permit the inspection of U.S. and Canadian facilities. That opportunity was never put before them. The press conference announcing the decision was scheduled several days ahead for within minutes of the completion of the *only* presentation the United States and Canada were permitted. Since the announcement had to be translated into four languages it suggests that the outcome was not in doubt regardless of what Canada or the United States put forward.

I have not seen Mexico's 10 page report, nor heard its seven minute presentation. But it is hard to believe that either were as comprehensive as those of the United States or Canada. I love Mexico and wish it well. The question remains that all things being equal--a charitable assumption-- the Cup should have gone to a country which has never had it before. This was especially true since in its history the World Cup has never been repeated in any country. And now it has been awarded twice to the same country in the possible three times the World Cup has been in the Western Hemisphere in the past 16 years.

I have attended many international conferences. Never in my previous experience has a chairman announced a decision without the courtesy of informing the principal parties--that were, after all, friends not adversaries and had gone to great pains to attend.

I told you on the phone that I was hoping for a procedure that was fair and perceived to be fair. That, I am sorry to say, was not the case.

But as I said in my press conference in Stockholm: Soccer is a sport, not a war. And therefore

THE NEW
REPUBLIC

January 10, 1983

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Suite 520
1800 K Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20006

Dear Henry:

I received the enclosed letter and materials
in this morning's mail. Do you know anything
about this? Frankly, I smell a rat. I have
not yet read all the material but my assistant
has given me the gist of it over the phone.

Jarvik, the producer-director, has done a
historically tendentious -- no, false --
film on the complicity of official Zionist
organizations in the extermination of the
Jews. Anyway, I wanted you to see this if
you had not and I would be interested in
knowing how you thought I might proceed.

Warm and good wishes to you and Nancy.

As always,

JAN 10 1983

1220 19th Street NW • Washington DC 20036 • 202 331-7494

TREATMENT:

HENRY KISSINGER: Morality and Power is to be a thorough and comprehensive examination of the human costs of the calculus of Realpolitik. For the first time, a series will visit the countries where Dr. Kissinger tested in practice the world-view he developed at Harvard University, and show step-by-step how U.S. Foreign Policy changed the geo-political balance between 1968 and 1976.

The "Kissinger years" were among the most dramatic in living memory. His personal presence was inescapable. his political influence omnipresent, and his decision-making power unmatched in American history. Under Dr. Kissinger, the actions of the United States in the world arena reflected the will of two men. Nixon and Kissinger sought to change the world while they were still in power. The vision of the world they sought to create will be the central theme of this series.

The series will follow the development of Dr. Kissinger's policies and study their effects. Beginning with the theoretical foundations at Harvard, through the re-structuring of the American government to place all real power in the National Security Council, to the first opposition from domestic and foreign opponents, through the embattled Watergate period and final days as Secretary of State under President Ford, and concluding with an analysis of his influence today, HENRY KISSINGER: Morality and Power will be the definitive account of the use and abuse of American power.

Three former students of Dr. Kissinger have agreed to serve as expert consultants to the project. They are: Peter Gourevitch, Professor of Political Science at the University of California at San Diego; James Kurth, Professor of Political Science at Swarthmore College, Pennsylvania; and Tracy Strong, Professor of Political Science, also at UC San Diego. Each has had a personal and professional relationship with Dr. Kissinger extending back to the early 1960's.

This winter, American investigative reporter Seymour Hersh will publish an account of Dr. Kissinger's role in the Watergate burglaries and wiretaps. As the Presidential election campaign develops, the role of Nixon's Secretary of State is sure to come under increasing scrutiny both in the U.S. and abroad. There will be no more appropriate moment for this investigation.

-2-

The inquiry may benefit from the counsel of additional experts on the Kissinger period; including such journalists as Mr. Hersh and William Shawcross; and former government officials such as Roger Morris, Morton Halperin, and Tony Lake, who were on the White House National Security Council, in an attempt to re-create the dynamic by which Dr. Kissinger dominated American Foreign Policy.

Visits to the various "hot spots" affected by U.S. military and diplomatic moves will dramatically show exactly how Dr. Kissinger used the resources he had gathered at his disposal.

The series will proceed historically, and permit themes to develop through the six programmes, coming to a conclusion in the final episode.

The six programmes are: (Kissinger interviewed in each)

## I--Kissinger's world view.

This will outline the major theoretical works of Dr. Kissinger and show their role in his policies. Visits to his environment at critical stages in his life-- from Furth to Harvard --and interviews with colleagues, friends, students, and family will detail the interrelationship between his personal experience and larger ideals, and his transformation from academic to political power broker.

## II--Consolidation of power.

How Dr. Kissinger re-organized decision-making in the Nixon White House will be the starting point of this episode, which will then explore the result of Kissinger's acquisition of power and his attempts to put his theories into practice. American officials, foreign leaders, and the ordinary people affected by his actions will be among those interviewed.

## III--The "moral imperative" of survival.

When Kissinger began to excercise fully the considerable resources at his disposal, he literally had more power over life-and-death than any man in the world, including Nixon, because he controlled the information Nixon received on world affairs. The secret bombing of Cambodia was among the first initiatives taken. Other crises faced in the first years included the starvation of millions in Bangladesh and Biafra, where humanitarian aims conflicted with Dr. Kissinger's conception of the balance of power, and the overthrow of President Allende in Chile. The participants in these events will discuss Dr. Kissinger's influence in interviews. Dr. Kissinger justified American policy on the basis of the "moral imperative" of survival of U.S. interests.

IV--The Negotiations and Confrontations.

While pursuing negotiated settlements with the Vietnamese in Paris, Dr. Kissinger was also putting together the SALT agreements and the visit of President Nixon to China. We will meet the negotiators and explore the complicated minuet between the steps in the Paris peace talks and the escalation of American assaults in Indochina. Also, the role of China and the Soviet Union in Indochina will be examined, to try and determine if Kissinger's negotiations were as successful as they seemed to many at the time.

V--Watergate and Foreign Policy.

What did the crisis caused by the Watergate investigations mean for Kissinger's foreign policy? Did the weakness of the President force Kissinger to put into practice what he called "the madman theory" and result in needless human suffering? In this episode witnesses and participants in the shocks of the OPEC boycott, the Yom Kippur War and nuclear alert by the Strategic Air Command, the invasion of Cyprus, crisis in Africa, the collapse of American influence in Indochina, the failure of SALT, and the deterioration of the Western economies, will share their experiences and analyses.

VI--The summing up.

What role will history assign to Dr. Kissinger? Nobel Peace Prize recipient, a statesman of vision who brought detente to the Soviet--U.S. conflict, opened China to the West, extricated the U.S. from Indochina, and began the peace process between Israel and Egypt? Or, as some have charged, guilty of War, Crimes under Article 6(b) of the Charter of the International Military Tribunal, participant in the Watergate scandal, and a callous Machiavelli?

Reviewing the evidence will be the participants in the preceding episodes, as well as figures active in international affairs today, who will be asked what influence Dr. Kissinger had on their actions.

The final judgement, however, will belong to the viewer.

Laurence Jarvik Biography:

Mr. Jarvik was born in 1956 in New York City and received his B.A. in Philosophy from the University of California with a minor in History in 1977. He immediately began work on "Who Shall Live and Who Shall Die?" which grew out of a senior thesis on ethics and politics in the American response to the Holocaust.

His film has been shown at the Berlin, Edinburgh, Chicago, and other festivals; and is in the collection of the Centre National de Art et Culture Georges Pompidou in Paris. It has been shown at the Vienna Film Institute, the American Film Institute in Washington, D.C., and in a special screening in the Senate of the United States. It will be shown on PBS in the U.S. in February 1983 during prime-time. In addition it has enjoyed a theatrical release in the United States, and received uniformly enthusiastic reviews.

His interest in the relation between politics and morality led him to organize the only public conference on the Cambodia crisis to be held in New York in 1979, and he has been active in working on behalf of Vietnamese refugees in the United States. An interview with Mr. Jarvik was broadcast on the "Voice of America" world service on 4 July 1979 in which he discussed refugee policy and America's responsibility for the Indochina crisis.

He has also published articles on the American Jewish community and the Holocaust in leading American newspapers, including the Los Angeles Times and the Chicago Sun-Times, and been interviewed both on American and Italian television about this subject.

HENRY KISSINGER: Morality and Power represents an attempt to capture on film the ethical responsibilities which accompany the excercise of political power.