WChristmas

"W" DECEMBER, 1995

# Misgivings

Even the best intentions can't keep women from botching their gift selections for

The silk pajamas, so carefully chosen by an anonymous female admirer of Henry Kissinger, arrived back at Sulka accompanied by a scathing note. Penned by the former secretary of state's publicist, it demanded the name of the gift-giver who had blundered so badly: It seems the outfit was a few sizes too small.

The well-wisher who failed to guess Kissinger's girth is not alone. With the holiday season upon us, countless women shopping for the men in their lives are joining her in a sisterhood of gaffes. The errors may be small, as in gloves that don't fit or ties that blind; or large, such as the gleaming motor-cycle sitting in a West Coast dealership with 50 miles on the odometer and instructions from an unappreciative husband to sell at any price.

Without a doubt, the gift that generates the most anxiety—for both the giver and the recipient—is clothing. Whether a frou-frou leather jack-

he considers his fashion boundaries,” Silverberg claims.

The happy medium, Silverberg says, is a tie, unexposed. “Men rarely will return a tie,” he explains. “It’s ing back flowers. It’s not worth insulting somebody for

Even when the style is right on, the size issue rarely ask for size 30 or 32 for men who turn out to be wildly exaggerated guesses in the other direction. The judge sizes bewilders Louise Maniscalco, director of vices at Barneys New York. “The husband brings in “and they don’t even fit one leg.”

Bill Blass prefers women not even attempt to give kind. “I always find it curious when women choose this. It very, very rarely works for women to give even a sweet

Cleveland Plain Dealer

December 1, 1995

# Kissinger endorses Bosnia plan with limits and 'bleeding heart'

By ABE ZAIDAN

PLAIN DEALER REPORTER

AKRON — Former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, cautiously deliberating on each word, yesterday “reluctantly” endorsed President Clinton’s decision to send U.S. troops into Bosnia on a risky peacekeeping mission.

In a speech at the University of Akron, Kissinger further qualified his support for the mission by saying he had reached his judgment with a “bleeding heart.”

"The only valid purpose for American troops in there is to move into a demilitarized zone between the warring parties," Kissinger said, asserting that Bosnia "represents no vital national security interest" to the United States.

Kissinger, Cabinet member and adviser to three U.S. presidents, said he had decided to support the American troop presence in Bosnia because it had been promised by Clinton for three years in return for a peace agreement among Bosnians, Serbs and Croats.

So now the United States is expected to keep its word, he said.

Kissinger, however, said that

Henry Kissinger, Bosnia 'represents no vital national security interest.'

the move should be limited to peacekeeping.

"We should not risk American lives in nation-building, peace-making, creating political institutions for [the three sides]. . . . We should be there for the specific purpose of creating breathing space between the parties."

In his talk to an audience of

about 1,200 and at a brief news conference afterward, Kissinger referred to the combatants as "barbaric" and "murderous." But he also insisted that the civil war is rooted in hundreds of years of hostilities that could not be halted without some peril to intervening nations.

"Bosnia has never been a nation," he said. "There is no Bosnian language. There is no Bosnian identity. One reason it has never been formed into a nation is because it has been composed of three ethnic groups that have fought each other for hundreds of years."

His appearance was sponsored by the Hood Meyerson Endowment for Free Enterprise, founded by Nancy Hood Meyerson and Robert F. Meyerson of Akron in memory of their fathers, Cleveland businessmen Hartley H. Hood and Sanford B. Meyerson.

A university official said Kissinger received $40,000 for the speech. Kissinger later appeared at a $1,000-a-plate fund-raising dinner at Portage Country Club for Joyce George, Republican candidate for the 14th District Congressional seat held by Democratic Rep. Tom Sawyer.

TELEVISION JOHN LEONARD

The Devil and Dr. K

TNT's remarkable look at the
Paris peace talks portrays Nixon
as the heavy and Kissinger as the
megalomaniacal toady.

IN THE 1,521 PAGES OF THE FIRST VOLUME OF HIS MEMOIRS, *White House Years*, Henry Kissinger admitted to a single sleepless night during his four years as national-security adviser to Richard Nixon—on the eve of a hush-hush mission to China. Some of us think he should have tossed and turned more often. On television in 1983, I asked one of Dr. K's biographers, Seymour Hersh, about the Great Man's sleeping habits. Said Hersh, who holds a grudge: “I think generally when the rest of us go to bed at night, we do, you know, Bambi or lambs or whatever we dream about. I really do think Henry Kissinger has to spend his evenings counting maimed and burned Vietnamese, Laotian, Thai, Bangladesh, and Chilean babies.”

For the remarkable cable-TV movie **Kissinger and Nixon** (Sunday, December 10, and other dates; 8 to 10 P.M.; TNT), co-executive producer Lionel Chetwynd has adapted Walter Isaacson's biography instead of Seymour Hersh's. Thus the Dr. K we get is less a war criminal than a megalomaniacal sycophant. And he's the **hero** of these two hours devoted to a behind-the-scenes look at the 1972 negotiations to disengage America from Vietnam. The villain is Nixon, a sozzled lout full of football metaphors (“sudden death in overtime!”) and anti-Semitic rant (“Where the hell's my Jewboy?”). These outsize Tweedles, Dum and Dee, when they aren't lying to each other, or wiretapping their many imagined enemies, or leaking to awestruck newspaper columnists like “Scotty” Reston of the *Times*, suck up so much air in their greediness for goodies—bourbon, pretzels, limos, whirlybirds, re-election, the Nobel Prize for “back-channeling” to a cease-fire—that history itself can't breathe.

And what astonishing performances director Dan Petrie manages to elicit from Ron Silver as Kissinger and Beau Bridges as Nixon. They sound so precisely like the tapes in our heads that there's an eerie echo, a symbolic styling of gutturals and slur. They are equally confabulists, in the psychiatric sense of believing the falsifications they've fashioned to cover gaps in their own memories. They are uncomfortable in their bodies, as if their ill-fitting suits had been dropped on them like tarps; as if, in a rush to purchase off-the-rack identities, they had put on inauthentic selves. They are so heavily made up to resemble cartoon images of the figures they impersonate that they might as well be wearing rubber masks. And yet the effect is oddly puppetlike, Japanese No theater done American-style—Bismarck as a Pillsbury Doughboy or Michelin Tire Man; Lincoln as a Scarecrow, out of either L. Frank Baum or Günter Grass.

No wonder Le Duc Tho is impatient with them. Played by George Takei, he's accustomed to a better class of captain, on the bridge of the starship *Enterprise*. And no won-

Eerie echoes: Ron Silver (above) and Beau Bridges sound just like the Kissinger and Nixon we loved to hate.

Photographs by B. Carrière/TNT.

DECEMBER 11, 1995 NEW YORK 83

der Al Haig (played by Matt Frewer) shuttles between them with a twitchy grin, reporting on each to the other and bootlicking both. And no wonder Petrie's so anxious to get out of the Oval Office, to Paris or Saigon. He can't breathe in this bunker, either. Imagine the irony of Watergate: If Haldeman (Ron White) has to go, then Henry gets to stay, despite being Jewish and despite being Harvard. If not for the bungling Plumbers, Dr. K would never have become our secretary of State; nor a media heavy, advising Deng Xiaoping to clean up all those messy students in Tiananmen Square; nor the star of a TV commercial for the very *Times* on which he used to leak. And I might never have reviewed the memoirs in which he excused himself for Chile by complaining about "a fluke of the Chilean political system" that allowed the election of Allende as president by a plurality instead of a majority—the same fluke that also elected thirteen American presidents, including Nixon in 1968.

But like Seymour Hersh (and William Shawcross), I, too, hold a grudge: because of Chile, and the secret bombing of Cambodia, and the 19,000 Americans who died in Vietnam after the 1968 elections. *I am not to be trusted.* When Michael Korda told us several years ago,

from his command post at a power table in the Grill Room of the Four Seasons, that Simon & Schuster's big new Kissinger book will "do for diplomacy what Carl Sagan did for astronomy," my first thought was much less thrilling: When Carl Sagan got done with astronomy, after all, astronomy was just the same. I mean, astronomy goes on doing whatever it does—red dwarfs and black holes and stuff—whether Sagan is around or not. We can't really say the same about diplomacy and Kissinger, can we? And after the *Times Book Review* panned *Diplomacy*, it gave Dr. K a page of his own to complain at length, as if he were Norman Mailer.

I am also a connoisseur of Kissingers, from Theodore Bikel in the ABC TV-movie version of Woodward and Bernstein's *The Final Days* to Steve Mellor Off Broadway in Russell Lees's *Nixon's Nixon* to Paul Sorvino in Oliver Stone's forthcoming biopic, with Anthony Hopkins as the Fighting Quaker. (We are told that Stone's first choice for Nixon was Tom Hanks, and, for Henry, ah, John Turturro. Be grateful for small favors. Gluttons will want to consult

*Nixon: A Film*, to be published later this month by Disney's Hyperion, with the whole misbegotten screenplay, plus essays by John Dean and Howard Hunt!) I'm sorry I missed the opera about China. On the other hand, if you read or saw *The Final Days*, it might have occurred to you to wonder while you contemplated Dick and

Henry on their knees in the White House bunker, as Dick cried and as Dick prayed... who was Woodward and Bernstein's source for this embarrassing scene? Who leaked the weeping to our dynamic duo from the Washington Post? Certainly not Dick, who switched to MCI in 1989 to protest AT&T's sponsorship of the TV movie. Not Al Haig, nor Scotty Reston, nor even true-blue Julie, none of whom was there...

Put together Ron Silver and Beau Bridges and all the other Kissingers and Nixons, on stage and screen, in memoirs and in grand-jury stenographic minutes, and see if you aren't reminded of the old English proverb: "They agree like bells; they want nothing but hanging."

TELEVISION

THIS HIP

CARTED 684 GROCERY BAGS
GAVE LIFE TO A BABY BOY
SURVIVED 10 DOZEN PEANUT BUTTER PIES
DID THE MASHED POTATO,
THE WATUSI AND THE BUMP
GAVE LIFE TO ANOTHER BABY BOY
SAT THROUGH 8 SEASONS
OF LITTLE LEAGUE
CUT THROUGH THE TAPE AT
THE CITY MARATHON

WAS RECONSTRUCTED

JULY 14, 1994

AT THE HOSPITAL

FOR SPECIAL SURGERY.

Whether it's a joint, bone or muscle problem, we'll make sure your story continues.

Call 212-606-1555
or 1-800-493-0038

Affiliated with
Cornell University
Medical College

535 East 70th Street,
New York City

HOSPITAL
FOR
SPECIAL
SURGERY

SPECIALISTS IN MOBILITY

84 NEW YORK DECEMBER 11, 1995

DEC-08-1995 11:14

KISSINGER ASSOC.

212 759 0042

P.05/.05

**SPY:** How did you get involved with the Ohashi Institute?

**DR. HENRY KISSINGER:** To tell you the truth, I don't know how I got involved with Ohashi; somebody recommended him to me, but I forget who that was. It certainly was a very happy occasion.

**SPY:** Do you know how long ago that was?

**HK:** About eight years.

**SPY:** Have you suffered any stress-related illnesses?

**HK:** No.

**SPY:** During which period in your life were you under the most stress? How did you deal with it?

**HK:** When I was in government for eight years...and...uh...I don't think I had a particular way of dealing with it.

**SPY:** So you didn't get massaged back then?

**HK:** Uh...I got occasionally (a massage, but not regularly).

**SPY:** Have you ever experimented with other New Age healing methods, like crystals, aromatherapy, or chanting?

**HK:** No.

**SPY:** When you're getting a massage, do you prefer it hard or soft?

**HK:** Well, he doesn't really do a massage as such, he does shiatsu...

Generally, I prefer it hard, but that's irrelevant to him.

**SPY:** Are you ticklish?

**HK:** Skip that one.

**SPY:** What part of your body needs the most massaging?

**HK:** Lower back.

**SPY:** Do you wear clothes during the massage sessions or do you do it in natural?

**HK:** I wear pajamas.

**SPY:** Do they use any special oils or lotions?

**HK:** None...no oils.

**SPY:** Are you experienced enough with the Ohashi shiatsu technique to massage someone else?

**HK:** No.

**SPY:** Is it possible to massage yourself?

**HK:** I doubt it.

**SPY:** You've traveled all over the world to hundreds of exotic countries, where can you get the best rubdown?

**HK:** Oh, there are a number of places...I'll confine myself to Ohashi.

**SPY:** So you'd just recommend him and no one else?

**HK:** No, I don't want to get into all these other questions.

**SPY:** Is there a particular massage session or Ohashi session that stands out as the best you've ever had?

**HK:** No, they're about all the same standard.

**SPY:** Do you find it preferable to be massaged by a man or a woman?

**HK:** I've never had shiatsu by a woman.

**SPY:** Many men experience penile erections during massage. How do you control it?

**HK:** Many WHAT?!

**SPY:** Many men experience penile erections that was something (an instrument) had told us about, and then it was a problem. Do you have any way of controlling that?

**HK:** I-I-I-I don't want to answer these questions.

**SPY:** Oh, okay—some often ask questions that sound kind of clinical, to get people inverted.

**HK:** Okay, ask one or two more, and then we'll cut it out.

**SPY:** Is your life still stressful now that you're out of government? How do you deal with it?

**HK:** My life is still stressful, and I get occasional shiatsu.

**SPY:** How much of an impact has Ohashi shiatsu had on your life?

**HK:** He's been very helpful, and I've been very grateful to him.

**SPY:** There's a rumor going around that the Ohashi Institute has group S&M sex sessions at its headquarters in New York—how often did you take part in this?

**HK:** I've never been at the Institute, so I don't know.

**SPY:** Off the record, who was Deep Throat?

**HK:** You must be out of your mind. [hangs up]

End of interview.

"Generally, I prefer it hard. But that's irrelevant to him."

NOVEMBER/DECEMBER 1995 SPY 31

R-99%

212 759 0042

TOTAL P.05
12-08-95 11:22AM P005 #40

dead.

is to be
she

lyn."

azing
bad
of
one of
nising

n life

rable—

is yet
ends...
in
or their
unpирism

Mighty
wishy-

and Martina Navratilova. On the other, it would explore such issues as gays and the law, coming out and homophobia in America.

Now the explosive part: Since Chelsea House specializes in the YA (Young Adult) market and relies primarily on high school libraries for its sales, the series would specifically target the 14- to 19-year-old reader.

"Eleven of the people fell off their chairs," Cohen recalls, "and the editor

BY JONATHAN WILSON FOR THE WASHINGTON POST

Chelsea House President Philip Cohen hopes his controversial series outlasts the current conservative tide. "I'm deeply interested in what makes various people tick," he says.

ngton author Ferry Deane Young— have been published. And to Cohen's dismay, his dynamite idea has yet to ignite.

"Lives of Notable Gay Men and Lesbians" and "Issues in Lesbian and Gay Life"—which the company touts as "two ground-breaking book series ... for young people and the adults who care about them"—are having severe difficulties reaching their au-
See CHELSEA, D4, Col. 5

The Dis-and-Tell Memoir

10/27/95

Anatoly Dobrynin Survived the Cold War. Now Comes the Cold Shoulder.

By Jeffrey A. Frank

Washington Post Staff Writer

Anatoly Dobrynin, Moscow's man in Washington for much of the Cold War, has done a very undiplomatic thing. He has written a book that embarrasses any number of Americans and, perhaps here and there, settles a few old scores.

At least that's the view of some of
the people he names in the book.

"I think he screwed up," says for-

mer secretary of state Henry Kissinger, when asked about Dobrynin's re-counting of American actions at the time of the Yom Kippur War. "I can't imagine that," says Brent Scowcroft, when asked about Dobrynin's memo-ry of a meeting with the presidential adviser just prior to the 1980 elec-tion. "I think he was a charming bull[expletive] artist," says Zbigniew Brzezinski, whom Dobrynin refers to as "a rather vigorous and pushy aca-demic."

And although he saves his greatest scorn for his bosses in Moscow rather than his American hosts, Dobrynin also manages to write things that will unsettle supporters of Ronald Reagan, George Bush, Jimmy Carter and Bob Dole.

Dobrynin, though, seems almost surprised at the complaints.

"There's nobody I want to offend," he says of the response to "In Confidence," his instructive and self-

See DOBRYNIN, D2, Col. 1

Book World

America's Mary

The Sad Story

Behind

Cathryn

Public Statements 10/27/95

(HK phone interview on 4th page)

ty for everything, to take every

its name—from the Cuban missile standoff in 1962 to the shooting down of a Korean Airlines plane midway through the Reagan administration.

It might even be fair to say that Dobrynin at age 75 has finally gone native. He is doing that most American of things—promoting a book. He made an appearance on "60 Minutes" and is giving interviews, electronic and otherwise, up and down the East Coast. Last night, he was toasted at a Madison Hotel book party by two of Washington's own: compleat insiders—former U.S. ambassador to Russia Robert Strauss and Dwayne Andreas, who heads the agribusiness conglomerate Archer Daniels Midland Co.

[At the party, Dobrynin said that he was taking the disapproval in stride. "I had good reviews and some criticism," he told The Post's Nora Boustany. "This is usual and normal. After all, I am not a general running for the vice presidency or the presidency of the United States."]

Earlier, sipping a small glass of sherry at a Washington restaurant, Dobrynin denies any malice, doing so with a diplomatic lift of the eyebrows. "The Soviet Union is gone," he says in the midst of a seafood lunch. "No one should be offended."

## It's History

Not everyone is offended. The book has been well reviewed as an important piece of diplomatic history, and those familiar with events have praised its candor. For instance, Donna Hartman, the wife of former ambassador to Moscow Arthur Hartman, says she used to have reservations about the Russian. "But now that I've read the book, I'm convinced that he came with all the right resources and managed to do a fabulous job. . . . I have yet to read a book as good as this in remembering the past in a coherent way."

The book is filled with interesting bits of history and odd encounters, such as one with Alfred Hitchcock, in which the director told him he wanted to do a film set in the Kremlin. Dobrynin writes: "'The time is not ripe yet,' I intoned. . . . We understood each other." He was with Leonid Brezhnev when the Soviet leader drank too much during an American visit: "I finally managed to assist the drunken Brezhnev to his room which, fortunately, was close by. Nixon lent a hand." He saw Pat Nixon sleepwalking. Movie actor

possible to entertain the suspicion he is avenging himself in small, ing ways on any number of people. Carter "didn't have any clear price handling foreign policy," he says, the book he portrays the former as a borderline hysterical time of the Afghanistan invasion Carter called "the greatest threat since World War II." Dobrynin: Was this "the emotion burst of a scorned and weak leader" a "strong, considered decision president in the best interests of country"?

Reagan's first secretary of state, exander Haig, was a "typical bul

# The A

"Maybe I

## IT'S P.T.MORAN

"The only person who's not excited about these sale prices is our accountant." -Mike & M.

DON'T MISS THIS WEEKEND
GRAND OPENING SALE
AT ALL 8 P.T. MORANS

ENTER OUR DRAWING - 30 CREDITS TO GIVE AWAY! COME EARLY! IS IT TO 9 PM, AND SUN. 10AM TO 6PM

"This is as close as we can get to it."

in's
ose

D1

Consider them
ing wrong.

to leave it at
all isn't just
his memoirs.
tov or even
intrigues and
thor, rather,
the name in the
Americans—
ons. He be-
er, the ulti-
fect survi-
alk comes to
be made de-
well in his re-
survived all
munist re-

airman Pow-
in as "a diplo-
evolutionary
oir is nothing
in and out of
16th Street,
Oval Office,
channels with
attended ev-
is tenure and
y crisis worth
uban missile
nooting down
ane midway
nistration.

to say that
nally gone na-
t American of
ok. He made
minutes" and is
nic and other-
ast Coast. Last
Madison Ho-
Washington's
former U.S.
obert Strauss
who heads the
rate Archer

in said that he
al in stride. "I
me criticism,"
ra Boustany.
al. After all, I
g for the vice
dency of the

glass of sher-
ourant, Dobry-
ing so with a
ebrows. "The
 says in the
h. "No one

Chuck Connors gave him a cowboy belt with two guns. He was present at the Vladivostok summit when Brezhnev had a major seizure.

Nothing, he insists, made him really lose his temper. The naming of "Sakharov Plaza," to honor human rights activist Andrei Sakharov, in front of the Soviet Embassy? "I spent too many years here to react in such a way as a newcomer," says Dobrynin. "I smiled, that's all. I understand your country very well. You make sometimes foolish things in my opinion."

And of Reagan's little jest, before an open microphone, that the Soviet Union had been abolished and bombing would begin in five minutes?

"I really was a little bit concerned. [Former Soviet leader] Yuri Andropov [had] said, 'Expect everything from him.' He was not so sure that a first strike might not happen. During the first period, even Brezhnev said, 'I do not know who is better, the Devil or Reagan.' We had the KGB around the world look very carefully for any sign of preparation of the United States for a first strike."

His own feelings? "I knew what kind of reaction there would be in Moscow. But as for me, I just smiled. After you've spent so many years in this country, you understand it quite well."

Individual Complaints

Perhaps not so well as he thinks, at least on the subject of how to treat one's former colleagues in print. They are not happy.

Although Dobrynin denies it, it is
possible to entertain the suspicion that
he is avenging himself in small, satisfy-
ing ways on any number of people.
Carter "didn't have any clear priority in
handling foreign policy," he says, and in
the book he portrays the former presi-
dent as a borderline hysteric at the
time of the Afghanistan invasion, which
Carter called "the greatest threat to
peace since World War II." Writes
Dobrynin: Was this "the emotional out-
burst of a scorned and weak leader" or
a "strong, considered decision of the
president in the best interests of the
country"?

Reagan's first secretary of state, Al-
exander Haig, was a "typical bully" who

"saw everything in black and white"; of
Haig's successor, George Shultz, "I had
the impression, perhaps an erroneous
one, that the secretary of state was
somewhat afraid of the president."

Such observations eventually come
nonstop, even when Dobrynin appar-
ently means to be kind, as when he
writes that Dole told him he "saw a
summit as potentially very important
for the next presidential election be-
cause it would weaken the wave of bel-
licose ultraconservatism in the coun-
try. I particularly appreciated such
statements from the lips of that intelli-
gent yet fairly conservative-minded
man." Dole, who is trying to appeal to
Republican conservatives in his run for
the GOP presidential nomination, did
not recall that conversation; his
spokesman, Nelson Warfield, told The
Post's Thomas Edsall, "It's not the first
time a commie tried to rewrite histo-
ry."

Kissinger sounds most annoyed at
Dobrynin's interpretation of what was
going on in October 1973, at the time
of the Yom Kippur War, when Nixon
put U.S. forces on nuclear alert.

National Public Radio's Daniel
Schorr was among the first to point out
that while Nixon and Kissinger, in their

memoirs, had seen the alert as a warn-
ing to the Soviet Union to call off troop
movements, Dobrynin remembered
something else: Kissinger, Dobrynin
wrote, told him the president had acted
mostly out of "domestic consider-
ations"—namely to deflect attention
from the growing Watergate scandal.

"We told him two or three times, don't act until we reply," Kissinger said in a telephone interview. "They had stood down all their airplanes. They sent some sensitive material through the Dardanelles. They had their fleet moving through Egypt. They sent a message saying we have to act togeth- er or they would act unilaterally. While the Security Council was meeting, I called Dobrynin twice and told him, 'Please don't act until you hear from us.'" The alert, Kissinger insists, was meant as a clear warning signal; his then-deputy, Haig, supports Kissinger on every detail.

Kissinger suggests that Dobrynin
might have confused the alert with
what happened 48 hours later, when
the Egyptian army was being squeezed
by the Israelis, and Nixon, at a news
conference, "said something to the ef-
fect that he had faced down Brezhnev
... and that Brezhnev had yielded be-

cause he [Nixon]
ger allowed that
might have been i-
ing Nixon was tak-
ing

Dobrynin, when
reaction, shruga,
sherry, and sticks

Scowcroft, in 1973, as someone behind-the-scenes play-acting. Dobrynin went to the 1976 election leaders asked Prime Minister support for "Scowcroft was coming to power." Says Scowcroft, "I don't think so."

Dobrynin seemed
 Scowcroft, in 1980, to
 Union could help
 that time was be-
 Soviet. He writ-
him that if Mos-
tant issue, he'd
 the Soviet Uni-
 the end of the
 gave no trumps
 a good chance o-
 croft, "I can't im-
far-fetched to m
 Afghanistan, the
 change anything
in December 1980.

The "bully" F
says, "I did not
discussions with
as a compliment
largest and mo-
century, the So-
of being a bul-
edges ending up
with the U.S.S.
pleased that I
process that cul-
ment of the Soviet Ur-
.Brezzeinski w
being complete-
ers. "We have
telegrams," he
jibe with what I
...

And the for-
curity adviser
called a "time-t-
cannot resist f

BY GERALD MARTINEAU—THE WASHINGTON POST

Soviet ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin, right, shares a laugh with Secretary of State Henry Kissinger in 1983. But Kissinger isn't laughing these days.

Come To A Party

Dobrynin, right, shares a laugh with Secretary of State 1983. But Kissinger isn't laughing these days.

and white"; of Shultz, "I had an erroneous of state was president."
entually come Dobrynin appar- as when he im he "saw a very important election be- the wave of bel-

in the coun- in the coun- reciated such of that intelli- vative-minded ing to appeal to s in his run for nomination, did i sation; his erfield, told The It's not the first to rewrite histo-

ost annoyed at ion of what was 1973, at the time ar, when Nixon ear alert.

Radio's Daniel first to point out issinger, in their

cause he [Nixon] was strong." Kissin-
ger allowed that such statements
might have been inspired by the beat-
ing Nixon was taking over Watergate.

Dobrynin, when told of Kissinger's
reaction, shrugs, takes another sip of
sherry, and sticks by his story.

Scowcroft, in Dobrynin's book, ap-
pears as someone with an appetite for
behind-the-scenes intrigue and public
play-acting. Dobrynin writes that prior
to the 1976 election, when Jewish
leaders asked President Ford to an-
nounce support for Jewish emigration,
"Scowcroft was calling to tell me, apol-
ogetically, that Ford had yielded to
their demands. He asked us for 'pa-
tience and understanding for another
48 hours, until this madhouse was
over.'" Says Scowcroft, "I can't put
that in context at all."

Dobrynin seems to imply that Scow-
croft, in 1980, hinted that the Soviet
Union could help defeat Carter, who at
that time was becoming stridently anti-
Soviet. He writes that Scowcroft told
him that if Moscow gave Carter an op-
portunity to help resolve the Afghani-
stan issue, he'd be reelected. "But if
the Soviet Union sat on the fence till
the end of the election campaign and
gave no trumps to Carter, Reagan had
a good chance of winning." Says Scow-
croft, "I can't imagine that. That seems
far-fetched to me. At that point in Af-
ghanistan, they weren't about to
change anything. They had just gone in
in December 1979."

The "bully" Haig, of whom Dobrynin says, "I did not have any constructive discussions with him," replies, "I take it as a compliment when an agent of the largest and most heinous bully of the century, the Soviet Union, accuses me of being a bully." Haig also acknowl- edges ending the confidential channel with the U.S.S.R., and says, "I'm very pleased that I did, and that began a process that culminated in the collapse of the Soviet Union."

Brzezinski wonders if the Russian is
being completely honest with his read-
ers. "We have copies of some of his
telegrams," he says. "They don't quite
jibe with what he said in the book."

And the former Carter national se-
curity adviser, whom Dobrynin also
called a "time-tested Cold War soldier,"
cannot resist firing back: "I'm a time-

tested warrior who won the Cold War
and Mr. Dobrynin is a former ambass-
dor of a nonexistent state, collecting
royalties in the victorious country. So I
don't mind."

Friends Forever?

Yet for all that, most of those who sat across the table from Dobrynin speak of him with admiration—even Haig, who says: “In terms of his skills and abilities, I think he had few peers.” He was the darling of the diplomatic circuit—his sense of humor and wit enthralled everyone, including the press corps. . . . I think he was here too long for our good, but certainly to the benefit of the Soviet Union and its worst objectives.”

"I thought he was an outstanding ambassador," Kissinger says. "I thought he was a brilliant observer of the American scene."

"He was very skillful," says Scowcroft. "He did his job very well. He was very affable and made broad circles of acquaintance in Washington in all areas. But when he needed to be tough, he was very tough. I guess what I would say is that while he was in office, he served the state."

"I think he was an extremely effec-
tive ambassador and I personally liked
him," says Brzezinski. He came out to
my house more than once with his
grandchild, and his grandchild used to
go riding with my daughter."

At the end of lunch, the former am-
bassador wonders, though only briefly,
if he may have overstepped a diplomat-
ic line, especially when concerning peo-
ple he knows.

"Even if I am critical," he says, "I still consider them friends. Because there were some remarks, we should break our friendship? What sort of friends are we? Some of them you mentioned, I met recently and none of them told me they were offended."

Dobrynin would not at this point re-
veal those names.

"I myself, when I read Kissinger's
book, where he made some remarks,
said, 'Henry, what are you writing?'

"It must have happened," he said.
"Ha ha ha, I'm writing the book. Per-
od.'"

To A Party Where

Report

based in Tehran.

Leader of the group, Mo-Bakir Hakim, a senior officer sought refuge in Iran a decade ago, said the one had gotten wind of a few weeks ago. He said it was being coordinated with another rebellious labouris.

Action figures said the rebellious troops, Turki Ismail Dulaimi, escaped to Saudi Arabia reports, from Arab, said he had com-cide, and still others that he was killed in the

warning and without respecting the 10-day warning period.

Lufthansa will extend a ban on smoking to two more destinations in the United States, the German airline said Tuesday. Lufthansa said the smoking ban would be extended to daily flights between Frankfurt and Washington and Munich and Chicago starting in July. (Reuters)

A huge 16th-century fresco of the Last Judgment that covers the interior of the dome of the Florence cathedral was unveiled Tuesday after six years of restoration. Work on the terracotta-tiled dome of the Cathedral of Santa Maria del Fiore began in January 1989 to repair decay caused by rainwater. (Reuters)

The mayor of Venice announced he would shut the Grand Canal to motorboats unless they slowed down. City gondoliers say motorized traffic contributes to increasingly heavy swells that make it difficult for them to use their oars to navigate. (Reuters)

A strike by ground crews forced SAS to cancel some domestic flights out of Copenhagen on Tuesday, affecting about 2,000 passengers. (AP)

You'll reach an English-speaking Sprint Operator. It's that easy.

<table><thead><tr><th>LESS NUMBERS</th><th>COUNTRIES</th><th>ACCESS NUMBERS</th><th>COUNTRIES</th><th>ACCESS NUMBERS</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>55-2001</td><td>Nicaragua (Managua)</td><td>171</td><td>Syria +</td><td>0888</td></tr><tr><td>02-2727</td><td>Norway +</td><td>800-19877</td><td>Taiwan</td><td>0080-14-0877</td></tr><tr><td>377</td><td>Panama</td><td>115</td><td>Thailand ✓</td><td>001-999-13-877</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Peru ✓</td><td>176</td><td>Turkey +</td><td>00-800-1-4477</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Philippines (ETPI stations only) ◇</td><td>105-01</td><td>U.S. Virgin Islands</td><td>1-800-877-8000</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Philippines (PhilCom) ▲</td><td>102-611</td><td>U.S.A.</td><td>1-800-877-8000</td></tr><tr><td>55-877</td><td>Philippines (PLDT)</td><td>105-16</td><td>Ukraine</td><td>8-100-15</td></tr><tr><td>131</td><td>Poland +</td><td>00104-800-115</td><td>United Arab Emirates +</td><td>800-131</td></tr><tr><td>12</td><td>Portugal +</td><td>05017-1-877</td><td>United Kingdom (BT)</td><td>0800-89-0877</td></tr><tr><td>13</td><td>Puerto Rico</td><td>1-800-877-8000</td><td>United Kingdom (Mercury)</td><td>0500-89-0877</td></tr><tr><td>16</td><td>Romania +</td><td>01-800-0877</td><td>Vatican City +</td><td>172-1877</td></tr><tr><td>9777</td><td>Russia (Moscow) +</td><td>155-6133</td><td>Venezuela</td><td>800-1111-0</td></tr><tr><td>197</td><td>Russia (all other) +</td><td>8095-155-6133</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>0-0115</td><td>Saipan</td><td>235-0333</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>0-121</td><td>Saipan (Tinian and Rota) +</td><td>1-235-0333</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>0016</td><td>San Marino +</td><td>172-1877</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>800-877-8000</td><td>Saudi Arabia</td><td>1800-15</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>0087</td><td>Singapore +</td><td>8000-177-177</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>22-9119</td><td>Slovak Republic +✓</td><td>0042-087-187</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td></td><td>South Africa +</td><td>0-800-99-0001</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>800-745-1111</td><td>Spain</td><td>900-99-0013</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>0-area code-phone no.</td><td>Sweden +</td><td>020-799-011</td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>999</td><td>Switzerland +</td><td>155-9777</td><td></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>

Sprint®

To order a free FONCARD

CALL COLLECT TO THE U.S.
212-248-0295

The country you're in or 1-800-877-4646 while in the U.S. Bold denotes country-to-country calling availability. Δ FONCARD billing only. Most phones. ▲ Not available from pay phones. ♦♦ From pay phones, push red button, wait for tone, then dial "02*". ◇ Available

Master: Send address changes to IHT, 850 Third Ave., New York, N.Y. 10022. U.S. subscriptions: $360 yearly.

["all work against each other. They all want the\nopposite of what the other wants.\"", "He lighted yet another cigarette and sighed\ndeeply. \"I am very tired and very worried,\" he\nsaid. Clearly, even his years running the Flo-\nrence and Trieste opera companies did not\nprepare the 68-year-old director for this.", "\"All I want to do is to run a normal theater,\" he went on. \"That would be a great revolution: a normal theater that performs when it promises, with the singers it announces.\"", "Operatic power struggles inside Italy's opera\nhouses are nothing new.", "Early this month at La Scala in Milan, the\ncurtain was about to rise on \"La Traviata\"\nwhen the orchestra called a strike. As the au-\ndience yelled in fury, the conductor, Riccardo\nMuti, offered to accompany the singers and\nchorus at the piano, and the evening ended in\novations.", "But Muti was too distressed by the incident to\nassume the mantle of hero.", "\"I felt that the evening could not finish like\nthat, with the shouts of the audience, the curtain\nfalling into darkness and silence,\" he later", "explained. \"We are all losers. There are no\nwinners. It was an evening to assign to the\nsaddest pages of Italian musical life.\"", "Yet, while labor troubles, mismanagement\nand political meddling have been the norm for\nItaly's 12 state-financed \"national\" opera\nhouses in recent years, none has come close to\nmatching the record of the Teatro dell'Opera in\nRome, particularly during the reign of Gian\nPaolo Cresci as its *sovrintendente*, or general\ndirector, from 1990 to 1994.", "A political appointee with little knowledge of", "\"The unions now understand that we don't accept blackmail anymore,\" he said in an interview. \"They know that if they try, they won't win. They know we have the full support of the cultural community.\"", "Still wary, though, Vidusso is preparing what\nhe describes as a \"prudent\" 1995-96 season.", "He hopes to increase the number of performances to around 100 from 70 this year and he is working to improve the quality of the theater's orchestra, chorus and dance company. But he plans to delay major digressions from traditional Italian repertory until things are more settled.", "ER", "s provided by Accu-Weather.", "bly", "Heavy\nRain", "bly", "Heavy\nSnow", "Asia", "Rains will soak much of Japan with the exception of the far north. Strong thunderstorms will move across northeastern China, including Beijing. A few showers will be scattered over Korea. Spotty thunderstorms will just briefly ease the steamy heat in Hong Kong.", "<table>\n  <caption>a</caption>\n  <thead>\n    <tr>\n      <th rowspan=\"2\"></th>\n      <th colspan=\"2\">Today</th>\n      <th colspan=\"2\">Tomorrow</th>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <th>High C/F</th>\n      <th>Low C/F</th>\n      <th>High C/F</th>\n      <th>Low W C/F</th>\n    </tr>\n  </thead>\n  <tbody>\n    <tr>\n      <td>town</td>\n      <td>26/79</td>\n      <td>22/71</td>\n      <td>1</td>\n      <td>28/82</td>\n      <td>21/70</td>\n      <td>pc</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td>ince</td>\n      <td>27/62</td>\n      <td>12/53</td>\n      <td>1</td>\n      <td>13/55</td>\n      <td>6/43</td>\n      <td>sh</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td></td>\n      <td>26/79</td>\n      <td>19/66</td>\n      <td>s</td>\n      <td>27/80</td>\n      <td>18/64</td>\n      <td>s</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td></td>\n      <td>18/64</td>\n      <td>11/52</td>\n      <td>1</td>\n      <td>19/66</td>\n      <td>11/52</td>\n      <td>1</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td></td>\n      <td>29/84</td>\n      <td>23/73</td>\n      <td>sh</td>\n      <td>29/84</td>\n      <td>24/75</td>\n      <td>sh</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td></td>\n      <td>23/73</td>\n      <td>11/52</td>\n      <td>sh</td>\n      <td>24/75</td>\n      <td>12/53</td>\n      <td>c</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td></td>\n      <td>27/80</td>\n      <td>22/71</td>\n      <td>pc</td>\n      <td>29/84</td>\n      <td>19/66</td>\n      <td>pc</td>\n    </tr>\n  </tbody>\n</table>", "understorms, rain, sf snow flurries,\nprovided by Accu-Weather, Inc. © 1995", "Asia", "<table>\n  <thead>\n    <tr>\n      <th></th>\n      <th colspan=\"2\">Today</th>\n      <th colspan=\"2\">Tomorrow</th>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <th>C/F</th>\n      <th>High</th>\n      <th>Low</th>\n      <th>High</th>\n      <th>Low</th>\n    </tr>\n  </thead>\n  <tbody>\n    <tr>\n      <td>Bangkok</td>\n      <td>33/91</td>\n      <td>25/77</td>\n      <td>33/91</td>\n      <td>26/79</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td>Beijing</td>\n      <td>35/95</td>\n      <td>22/71</td>\n      <td>33/91</td>\n      <td>19/66</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td>Hong Kong</td>\n      <td>31/88</td>\n      <td>26/79</td>\n      <td>31/88</td>\n      <td>27/80</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td>Manila</td>\n      <td>34/93</td>\n      <td>22/71</td>\n      <td>34/93</td>\n      <td>23/73</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td>New Delhi</td>\n      <td>38/100</td>\n      <td>32/89</td>\n      <td>38/100</td>\n      <td>31/88</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td>Seoul</td>\n      <td>29/84</td>\n      <td>16/64</td>\n      <td>27/80</td>\n      <td>17/62</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td>Shanghai</td>\n      <td>26/82</td>\n      <td>25/77</td>\n      <td>29/84</td>\n      <td>24/75</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td>Singapore</td>\n      <td>31/88</td>\n      <td>23/73</td>\n      <td>32/89</td>\n      <td>23/73</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td>Taipei</td>\n      <td>33/91</td>\n      <td>23/73</td>\n      <td>34/93</td>\n      <td>23/73</td>\n    </tr>\n    <tr>\n      <td>Tokyo</td>\n      <td>26/79</td>\n      <td>18/64</td>\n      <td>24/75</td>\n      <td>18/64</td>\n    </tr>\n  </tbody>\n</table>", "Latin America", "<table>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Buenos Aires</td>\n    <td>9/48</td>\n    <td>5/41</td>\n    <td>sh</td>\n    <td>15/59</td>\n    <td>7/44</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Caracas</td>\n    <td>29/84</td>\n    <td>17/62</td>\n    <td>s</td>\n    <td>28/82</td>\n    <td>17/62</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Lima</td>\n    <td>18/64</td>\n    <td>4/57</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n    <td>26/79</td>\n    <td>15/59</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Mexico City</td>\n    <td>26/79</td>\n    <td>17/62</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n    <td>18/64</td>\n    <td>16/61</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Rio de Janeiro</td>\n    <td>22/71</td>\n    <td>17/62</td>\n    <td>c</td>\n    <td>24/75</td>\n    <td>17/62</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Santiago</td>\n    <td>13/55</td>\n    <td>5/41</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n    <td>16/61</td>\n    <td>6/43</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n</table>", "North America", "<table>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Anchorage</td>\n    <td>19/66</td>\n    <td>13/55</td>\n    <td>sh</td>\n    <td>20/68</td>\n    <td>10/50</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Atlanta</td>\n    <td>27/60</td>\n    <td>18/64</td>\n    <td>4/57</td>\n    <td>21/70</td>\n    <td>15/59</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Boston</td>\n    <td>23/73</td>\n    <td>16/61</td>\n    <td>s</td>\n    <td>23/73</td>\n    <td>15/59</td>\n    <td>s</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Chicago</td>\n    <td>29/84</td>\n    <td>19/66</td>\n    <td>s</td>\n    <td>29/84</td>\n    <td>17/62</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Denver</td>\n    <td>28/82</td>\n    <td>12/53</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n    <td>26/79</td>\n    <td>12/53</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Detroit</td>\n    <td>30/86</td>\n    <td>18/64</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n    <td>27/80</td>\n    <td>16/61</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Honolulu</td>\n    <td>29/84</td>\n    <td>22/71</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n    <td>30/86</td>\n    <td>23/73</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Houston</td>\n    <td>35/95</td>\n    <td>21/70</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n    <td>35/95</td>\n    <td>22/71</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Los Angeles</td>\n    <td>27/60</td>\n    <td>15/59</td>\n    <td>s</td>\n    <td>28/82</td>\n    <td>16/61</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Miami</td>\n    <td>30/86</td>\n    <td>25/77</td>\n    <td>t</td>\n    <td>31/88</td>\n    <td>25/77</td>\n    <td>t</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Minneapolis</td>\n    <td>33/79</td>\n    <td>21/70</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n    <td>26/79</td>\n    <td>16/61</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Montreal</td>\n    <td>25/77</td>\n    <td>11/52</td>\n    <td>s</td>\n    <td>24/75</td>\n    <td>12/53</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Nassau</td>\n    <td>29/84</td>\n    <td>25/77</td>\n    <td>t</td>\n    <td>32/89</td>\n    <td>24/75</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>New York</td>\n    <td>26/79</td>\n    <td>16/61</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n    <td>26/79</td>\n    <td>16/61</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Phoenix</td>\n    <td>41/106</td>\n    <td>25/77</td>\n    <td>s</td>\n    <td>43/109</td>\n    <td>28/82</td>\n    <td>s</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>San Fran.</td>\n    <td>24/75</td>\n    <td>12/53</td>\n    <td>s</td>\n    <td>24/75</td>\n    <td>12/53</td>\n    <td>s</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Seattle</td>\n    <td>22/71</td>\n    <td>11/52</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n    <td>23/73</td>\n    <td>13/55</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Toronto</td>\n    <td>27/80</td>\n    <td>16/61</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n    <td>26/79</td>\n    <td>14/57</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n  <tr>\n    <td>Washington</td>\n    <td>30/86</td>\n    <td>18/64</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n    <td>29/82</td>\n    <td>17/62</td>\n    <td>pc</td>\n  </tr>\n</table>", "PEOPLE", "The Pakistani former cricket star Imran Khan, 42, and British heiress Jemima Goldsmith, 21, were married Tuesday in a high-society wedding blessed by sun and an excellent guest list. The brief civil ceremony in the London suburb of Richmond was followed by a midsummer ball hosted by the bride's father, Sir James Goldsmith. The London wedding followed a Moslem ceremony in Paris last month. Guests in London included Henry Kissinger, Sir Evelyn de Rothschild and Lord Hambro, Kerry Packer and Lord White. Diana, Princess of Wales, reportedly was invited but had a previous engagement.", "The case of Peter Falk's mother is head-\ned for a happy ending. Madeline Falk, 92,\nwho was bilked out of more than $1 million\nin cash and valuables by a man who be-\nfriended her, will get most of her property\nback, prosecutors announced. Alphonso\nCac

6/21/95

THE WASHINGTON POST

# The Reliable Source

By Lois Romano

BY LARRY MORRIS—THE WASHINGTON POST

Cuba-bound, regardless: Sidwell Friends students Jake Walker, far left, Sarah Park and Jody Avirgan.

is

A recent survey has shown that a group of students from an illegal camp in the South of Cuba have been caught using a stiletto to kill a student in an English department. The students have been charged with the licensed use of a knife.

The students have been charged with the use of a knife to kill a student in an English department. The group of four is said, the students have been charged with the use of a knife to kill a student in an English department. In addition to the knife, a stiletto, a pair of scissors and a pair of spectacles were found on the student.

Among the students who have signed on are four from Sidwell Friends—but not Chelsea Clinton. Some of the kids, organizers and supporters will air their feelings at a news conference today at the American Civil Liberties Union downtown.

Travel to Cuba is tightly restricted by the U.S. government under the 1917 Trading With the Enemy Act, which in effect outlaws financial transactions with the communist country. The letter from Treasury, primary enforcer of the travel ban, thoughtfully added that violators can receive $250,000 fines and 10 years in prison.

"This group did not see fit to apply for a license," said Treasury official Richard Newcomb. "We [administer the law] in as full, fair and impartial a manner as possible, and it's in that spirit that this group was notified of the requirements of the law and their responsibilities under it."

Meanwhile, in the midst of the controversy, not one of the kids enrolled has backed out.

Gramm's revelation had unwittingly spread the word that she was a 20 years ago, and the revelation had unwittingly spread the word that she was a 20 years ago, to her campaigns. The revelation also spread the word that she was a 20 years ago, and the revelation had spread the word that she was a 20 years ago.

entertainment.
Berkeley
Internet
Connections, the
vendor that
maintains Gramm's
page, also happens
to offer a wide array
of interesting titles
on the "X-Rated
Movie Homepage."

"It's news to us," said Gramm campaign spokesman Gary Koops. "But it begs the question: How do they know?"

WE'VE HEARD THAT...

■ Damon Thompson, press secretary for Sen. David Pryor, turned out to be one of those passing boaters who helped rescue parking tycoon Dominic Antonelli and others from the water after their boat exploded near Annapolis Saturday. "It was really scary to see how fast that boat went down," said a modest Thompson yesterday. He quietly left the scene without identifying himself after comforting Antonelli until the Coast Guard arrived. "I was thinking, 'There but for the grace of God . . . .' You just hope that if it ever happened to you, someone would do the same."

■ George Stephanopoulos is looking quite Brad Pitt-like in a new bearded statement. Turns out the White House aide has some sort of skin irritation and can't shave for now. And he hasn't decided whether he'll shave any time soon.

■ Actor Paul Sorvino got to meet recently with Henry Kissinger in New York to get a feel for the

Sorvino
and
Kissinger,
sizing
each
other up.

the week's displeasure took a swing. Urban Democrats sorry that today," Dole said, "I want to alert you to a new offer to C. A. Andrew."

■ Kato Kato, the latest prestigious National Security Council member, is Target's most perfect example of Stroup of today, going on to include F.

Stephan-
opoulos, to
saving fac-
Dole, crow-
displeaser;
Kaelin, just
ducky.

summer af
drawn-out
schedule t
Aug. 2 at
Saturday.)
Hole, Soni

man he'll portray in Oliver Stone's "Nixon." "You're fatter than I am," Kissinger told Sorvino, according to a production source. The former secretary of state, who had read the script, also told Sorvino, "I'm a slimeball in it, but at least it's not a big part."

■ At a Conference of Mayors meeting in Miami over

By G.B. Trudeau

DOONESBURY

Quote to Note

FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 10, 1995

...R1

The Washington Post

Style

Public broadcasters hire,
fire firm with GOP ties

2

Book World: 'Angel Angel'
by April Stevens

2

# Helmut Kohl, Digging In
## At the White House, a Familiar Face at the Dinner Table

German Chancellor Helmut Kohl is flanked by the Democrats in the receiving line at last night's official dinner at the White House.

By Phil McCombs
and Donnie Radcliffe
Washington Post Staff Writers

Helmut Kohl has been to the White House so many times in the past 12 years, joked President Clinton at a state dinner for the German chancellor last night, that "on his last trip here he took me to his favorite restaurant. I'm happy to announce that after the dinner, Chancellor Kohl will be conducting tours of the White House."

The crowd of 128 politicians, diplomats, businessmen and others in the State Dining Room chucked politely, but that was about as light-hearted as things got in what turned out to be a somewhat restrained and low-key reunion of the two leaders.

Kohl arrived Wednesday night in a lightning-quick visit to Washington to take the new Republican pulse on the Hill, and while he was at it, reconnect briefly with his old buddy, "Mr. President, Dear Bill."

See KOHL, B4, Col. 3

BY JUANA ARIAS—THE WASHINGTON POST

Natalie Cole at the GOP victory celebration, a $1,000-a-plate dinner that raised $11 million.

Punch Lines

Vanity Fair has gone on-line and wants to hear from you.

We invite you to interact with us on an ongoing basis. E-mail us at

VFAIR@AOL.COM

and stay tuned...

VANITY FAIR

ADVERTISEMENT

24

Letters

MAJOR BARBRA

Simmons on Streisand

I just got finished embracing every word in your article about Ms. Barbra Streisand ["A Star Is Reborn," by Michael Shnayerson, November]. What can I say? It was like buddah! I loved the cover so much that I commissioned the renowned artist Lisa Lichtenfels to create a one-of-a-kind doll inspired by the lovely photos taken by Annie Leibovitz. Thank you for such an honest, beautiful, and accurate profile of such an incredible woman.

RICHARD SIMMONS
Beverly Hills, California

Regarding Henry

The article "The New Establishment: The Decline and Fall of the Eastern Empire," by David Halberstam [October], is filled with misrepresentations. For example:

—I have never been on Henry Kravis's airplane for any trip, much less "command-

deered" it for a trip to Japan. Therefore, Kravis could not possibly have said what was attributed to him by Halberstam.

—Neither Paul Volcker nor I remember the conversation with which Halberstam concludes his article.

—Despite our friendship I have never traveled, nor planned to travel, to China—or anywhere else—with Bill Blass.

—The quote regarding my alleged arrogance, ascribed to Bill Elliott at his retirement party, is so bizarrely inconsistent with my recollection of the event and of the relationship with my Harvard mentor that I checked it with Sam Huntington, a senior professor of the Government faculty. He had not attended the dinner but had never heard of the incident, which would be unlikely if it had really happened. On his own, he consulted two senior professors who had been present at the dinner and with neither of whom have I had any contact for two decades. According to them, nothing like that transpired, nor had they ever heard Elliott say anything in-

ANNE LEROVITZ

VANITY FAIR/JANUARY 1995

Letters

vidious about me on any other occasion.
I surely recall only kindness from him.

—The concept of “shit files” was un-
known in the Rockefeller campaign. Nei-
ther I nor anyone I knew in the Rocke-
feller group ever heard that phrase. I am
aware of no files in the Rockefeller or-
ganization for which such a description—
or any variation of it—would be appropri-
ate. The research material I was familiar
with consisted of newsclips and articles
to support Nelson Rockefeller’s state-
ments on foreign policy. Rockefeller had
the quaint notion that a nomination had
to be earned by substantive pronounce-
ments, not negative advertisements, and
campaigned in 1968 by advertisements
laying out his program, which are avail-
able from the public record.

—The charge that I tried to ingratiate
myself with Hubert Humphrey by offer-
ing nonexistent “shit files” for his 1968
campaign reflects the same recklessness.
The only smidgen of fact it represents is
that in July 1968, after Rockefeller had
been defeated for the nomination, Zbig-
niew Brzezinski seems to have interpret-
ed a conversation in which I expressed
my disappointment as an invitation to
use the Rockefeller foreign-policy re-
search material. Recollections about the

conversation differ, though not about
my subsequent actions. For according to
Brzezinski's account, I refused to dis-
cuss his perception of the conversation
when he tried to follow up a few weeks
later. I had no further contact with him
during the campaign and by his own ad-
mission no files of any character passed
between us.

—Halberstam alleges that “unbe-
knownst” to Rockefeller I had estab-
lished relations with Nixon and had been
a semi-covert Humphrey man to boot.
Halberstam achieves this insinuation of
duplicity by presenting consecutive
events as having been contemporaneous.
I was first and last a Rockefeller support-
er and, more important, a close friend. In
his memoirs RN (page 323), Nixon writes
that, after Nixon’s nomination, Rocke-
feller urged Nixon to establish contact
with me. It was the Nixon camp which
took the initiative in contacting me
through Bill Buckley. Rockefeller was ful-
ly informed of my every meeting with
the Nixon entourage. As for Humphrey,
I had met him several times in Rocke-
feller’s company prior to 1968. Despite
his personal regard for Humphrey, Rock-
efeller became convinced that a Nixon
victory was in the national interest. For

that reason, both he and I supported
Nixon without qualification.

—Halberstam alleges that I fed “vital,”
“privileged” information on the Paris
peace talks to the Nixon camp, which re-
layed it back to Saigon and thereby sab-
otaged the Vietnam negotiations.

Amid all this portentous innuendo,
Halberstam never explains what the al-
leged sabotage consisted of. A chronolo-
gy of events makes clear that Halber-
stam's determination to smear blinds his
judgment. During the summer of 1968,
negotiations were suspended. They were
resumed at the end of September; a
breakthrough occurred around October
15; an agreement was reached around
October 30. Saigon had no role in any of
this until the middle of October. After
October 30 Nguyen Van Thieu dragged
his feet on the procedural issue of how
the guerrillas could participate in the ne-
gotiations—an issue which has always
proved difficult to solve, as shown in the
Israel-P.L.O. contacts over the years and
the British attitude toward the I.R.A. The
Johnson administration was quite unreal-
istic in believing that this could be settled
in a week between the agreement and the
election—which is what the charge of sab-
otage amounts to. Thieu reacted to the
published agreement, not to information
received from Nixon, of whose contacts
with Saigon I was, in any event, un-
aware. Far from sabotaging the agree-
ment, Nixon endorsed it after the elec-
tion and helped break the procedural
deadlock even before his inauguration.
So what exactly is Halberstam charging?
During the period of the alleged sabotage,
a substantive agreement was reached in
the record time of 30 days and the pro-
cedural issues were settled with Nixon's
help before the inauguration.

As for my role in all this, I had two
meetings with John Mitchell, on Sep-
tember 12 and October 23, both at
Mitchell's initiative via Buckley. At the
time of the first session, there could
have been no inside information to pass
on, even if I had had any, because the
negotiations were in recess and were not
to resume for two weeks. At the second,
on October 23, Nixon needed no out-
sider's information because he had been
briefed in detail by President Johnson
on October 16 regarding the break-
through and on October 30 regarding
the Communist agreement.

My advice to the Nixon camp depend-
ed in any event on analysis, not inside
knowledge. I was at the time not in the
government and had no access to regular
cable traffic, much less to the sensitive

Recipes and Recollections of
Life with Mexican artist
Frida Kahlo

101 full-color and black-and-white photographs and 8 paintings

At Bookstores Everywhere

Clarkson Potter / Publishers
The sign of a beautiful gift

26

VANITY FAIR / JANUARY 1995

Slow down!

Butterfield & Robinson biking and walking trips are for people who want to travel at their own pace, then reward themselves with a great meal at a fine château. Savour the perfect European café, or explore exotic destinations around the globe, while we take care of all the details.

1-800-678-1147
Canada 1-800-268-8415

Butterfield
& Robinson
BIKING & WALKING SINCE 1966

TAN AT HOME!

SunQuest.

WOLFF.

TANNING BEDS

Home and Commercial

Buy Direct and Save
Up To 50%!

Home Delivery

Call Today for a FREE Color Catalog & Wholesale Pricing!

1-800-462-9197

Letters

negotiating record, which was limited to five or six people. For two months in the fall of 1967 I had acted as emissary to the North Vietnamese without having a formal government position. I had gained a general knowledge of attitudes but knew next to nothing of day-to-day events in 1968. As Nixon describes in his memoirs, I urged Mitchell to avoid statements critical of the negotiations and indicated that I thought the negotiations would succeed. This conclusion was not based on inside information, which at that point would have indicated a stalemate. Rather, it reflected a judgment that Hanoi would try to commit both candidates to a bombing halt before the election and that Johnson wanted to leave office with some progress on Vietnam. Not surprisingly, my advice was consistent with my public position in support of negotiations for two years and with a major article for Foreign Affairs being printed at that very moment and which appeared a few weeks later.

There are many more misrepresentations in the article. John Ehrlichman's alleged recollection of my view regarding the duration of the Vietnam peace agreement is demonstrably false; many memorandums exist in which my actual views are spelled out in detail. The account of my childhood is as preposterous as it is unsupported. But to deal with these and other falsifications in detail would oblige me to write a piece as long as Halberstam's.

HENRY A. KISSINGER

New York, New York

DAVID HALBERSTAM REPLIES: As far as I can tell, the single most important factual disagreement that Henry Kissinger has with me is whether or not he once pressured Henry Kravis for the use of his jet plane. Mr. Kravis recounted this story to my source with great amusement—and seemed almost charmed by the imperial quality of Kissinger's request; Kravis told my friend that he did indeed intend to fly to China himself, "if I can have the use of Henry Kissinger's plane." Mr. Kissinger now denies ever being on the Kravis plane (although his enthusiasm for corporate jets and corporate helicopters is widely known and is considered by his wealthier friends to be almost childlike).

I do not want to do him an injustice on this point. It is quite possible that I am in error here

and that someone who is extremely careless with the truth about the secret bombing of a small country is, in fact, scrupulously honest about the use of corporate airplanes; if so, I apologize to Mr. Kissinger for placing him on the wrong corporate jet, and I also hope that Mr. Kravis will soon reverse what surely must be a company policy and let Kissinger on his plane in the near future.

The rest of his letter is filled with halfhearted denials of my article. Let me say simply that I think Henry Kissinger is a brilliant man, and on occasion this country has been the genuine beneficiary of his extraordinary abilities. But it is his personal behavior which remains so troubling. His relentless manipulations and deceits, some petty, some not so petty, inflicted not so much on sworn adversaries as on friends, colleagues, and would-be allies alike, are at the crux of my article. As his colleague Helmut Sonnenfeldt once said of him, Henry lies not because it is in his interest but rather because it is in his character. The unattractive, lesser side of that character, despite his relentless denials, is now well documented, most particularly his devious behavior during the 1968 campaign, when he used his access to the Democrats to serve the Nixon campaign, and, even more important, his fierce hawkishness on Vietnam (and Cambodia) while at the same time he professed his dovishness in the more liberal environs of Georgetown, where he deftly signaled his alleged differences with the policies of the man he served, Richard Nixon.

If he is angry at my rather mild portrait of him, and if he is so obsessed with attaining an accurate portrait of events, I suggest that he do what he says he has yet to do and read The Haldeman Diaries and study Haldeman's portrait of him in those years, a depiction far more devastating than anything I could ever have imagined, let alone written.

CORRECTION: In David Halberstam's essay, a comment was wrongly attributed to historian John Lewis Gaddis. We quoted Professor Gaddis as saying that Henry Kissinger came across in television appearances as a "grumpy talking head... My sense is that he is unconsciously ill at ease with so public and democratic an instrument." Gaddis did describe Kissinger as "a grumbling television talking head." The rest of the comment is Halberstam's.

Letters to the editor should be sent with the writer's name, address, and daytime phone number to: The Editor, Vanity Fair, 350 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10017. Address electronic mail to vfmail@vf.com. The letters chosen for publication may be edited for length and clarity.

Henry Kissinger

28

VANITY FAIR/JANUARY 1995

DAVID JONES

HOLY WELCOMING IN THE NEW MILLENNIUM

MAY

JERU

AMERICAN SURVEY

Economist, 14 Jan. 1995

Calling Dr Kissinger

WASHINGTON, DC

NO WONDER Bill Clinton invited 20 retired admirals and generals to the White House this week to give their advice on national-security matters. He could do with some good advice. For if the world has seemed a messy place since the end of the cold war, it has lately been getting sharply messier. Tempting as it may be, Mr Clinton cannot spend all his time worrying about his domestic headaches.

Not so long ago, encouraged by successes in Haiti and the Gulf, Mr Clinton seemed to be developing a taste, even a talent, for foreign affairs. But the November elections blew him off course. Clintonian diplomacy is back to its old, unhappy state—a weak team, a distracted president, an unsettled world—with extra buffeting from the newly empowered Republicans.

Take Bosnia. Bob Dole, the Senate majority leader, a man with presidential ambitions and a foreign-policy agenda of his own, is in the thick of things. He has now proposed legislation that would require America to exempt the Bosnian government from the arms embargo by May 1st, the day the latest Bosnian ceasefire is due to end. Mr Dole argued, as he has consistently done, that it was wrong to "continue to deny the Bosnian people the right to defend themselves against genocidal aggression." Mr Clinton had seemed to hope that congressional pressure to end the embargo, with potentially disastrous consequences for America's relations with European allies with troops on the ground in Bosnia, could somehow be wished or pro-crazinated away. Apparently, it cannot be.

Then there is Russia. The bloodbath in Chechnya has made Boris Yeltsin's future, and that of Russian democracy, look wobbly indeed. Administration officials still try to see things in the rosiest light—the biggest effect will be on Russia's international politics, they say, not its external relations, and the fact that outraged Russian opinion must be taken into account is all very encouraging. With luck, they may be right. But Republicans who have long criticised American policy for being too

Russocentric and have poured scorn on Strobe Talbott, the deputy secretary of state, for excessive Yeltsinophilia are gleefully saying, "Told you so."

One likely consequence of the ugly events in Russia is intensified debate over speeding up the expansion of NATO to include some of the ex-communist countries of central Europe. Some of America's European allies have previously been hostile to this. If Chechnya has changed their minds, fine. If it hasn't, here is another transatlantic argument ready to boil up again.

Closer to home, the peso's plunge in Mexico is a public-relations disaster for one of Mr Clinton's proudest achievements: the North American Free-Trade Agreement. Never mind that NAFTA probably delayed rather than caused the crisis (and that its benefits for trade between the United States and Canada are considerable; see page 26). Timetables for wider hemispheric free trade may have to be adjusted. And Ross Perot is laughing all the way to his next anti-NAFTA appearance on "Larry King Live".

There are, it is true, some brighter spots. The Haiti intervention has so far gone more smoothly than most people had expected. The thaw in relations with North Korea sur-

vived the drama of a captured American pi-lot (see page 62). The Middle East peace pro-cess lurches on. But there is a fingers-crossed quality to all these cases. In any one of them, disaster could be just around the corner—unless Mr Clinton refocuses his attention on foreign policy.

On top of all that, Mr Clinton must now learn to work with the new Congress. The Republican takeover has helped to sow confusion in foreign policy. The prospect of bat-tles over foreign aid and much else with Jesse Helms, the cantankerous old cold-war-rior who heads the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, is unsettling enough for Mr Clinton. On top of that comes calculated teasing and testing from Mr Dole. Bosnia was only part of it. No sooner had the new Congress convened than Mr Dole intro-duced a "Peace Powers Act" that would set new rules for decisions on the use of Ameri-can forces abroad.

Dole drums

In one respect, Mr Dole proposes to free the president's hand should he want to send Americans to war. He would scrap the un-loved—and, many would argue, unwork-able—provision in the 1973 War Powers Act that requires troops to be withdrawn from a foreign intervention within 60 days unless Congress blesses their mission. But he would also tie the president's hands with fi-nancial and other strings should he want American forces to participate in United Nations peacekeeping operations.

Since America provides almost a third

of the money for UN peacekeeping, the Dole proposals, if they became law, would be a devastating blow to that business. Too bad, say Republi-cans who reckon America has got it-self embroiled in an array of "multi-lateral" operations around the world (see map overleaf) with too lit-tle thought of the strategic and finan-cial consequences.

Jockeying between the executive and the legislature over foreign-pol-icy powers is an old story, as old as the constitution itself. But it has ac-quired a new edge now that Republi-cans are on the rampage in Congress and eyes are on the presidential con-test less than two years ahead. "I be-lieve that this administration has never had a conception of what they want the world to look like in ten to 20 years," says Senator John McCain of Arizona, a leading Republican voice in foreign affairs. "Without that, they lurch from crisis to crisis,

An American in Macedonia

195

THE ECONOMIST JANUARY 14TH 1995

23

AMERICAN SURVEY

Source: Department of Defence

without being able to differentiate between Haiti, which is peripheral, and Korea and Muslim fundamentalism, which could become direct threats.”

Fair enough. But the Republicans, so far, have come up with no coherent framework of their own. Mr McCain, for example, openly disagrees with Mr Dole's enthusiasm for bombing in Bosnia. Another senior Republican, Senator Richard Lugar, criticises Mr Dole's Bosnian and peace-powers initiatives because they would "tie up the president's ability to take action."

And these are divisions among Republicans who spend time thinking through foreign-policy matters. Not many do. Newt Gingrich, the party's leader in the House of Representatives, has (like Mr Clinton) steeped himself for years in domestic rather than foreign issues. His "Contract with

America" has little to say on foreign policy beyond calls for more defence spending (see next story) and rapid enlargement of NATO.

America's response to a messy world comes at the moment from an enfeebled administration that has never been terribly coherent on foreign policy and from the equally incoherent Republicans who now control Congress. There will be much muddling through along the bipartisan middle ground. Eventually, competition between Congress and the White House—and between presidential hopefuls setting out their stall for 1996—could tease out what America thinks its national interests now are. Until then, allies who look to America for leadership will continue to be appalled. Mr McCain's solution? "If I were Clinton, I'd ask Henry Kissinger if he wouldn't mind taking about a $5m-a-year pay cut."

## The budget

### The price of staying secure

WASHINGTON, DC

In the second of our series on America's fiscal problems, we examine the armed forces' changing priorities and the effects on the defence budget

WHEN the Soviet Union began to collapse in 1990, many people predicted a huge and long-awaited "peace dividend". Military spending could be

swiftly and safely cut, they said, freeing resources for other desirable things. Five years later, the elusive prize has not materialised, and is unlikely to do so in the foreseeable future.

The reason is straightforward. The world remains a dangerous place, crawling with terrorists, regional bullies and weapons of mass destruction. As the cold war has

thawed, the Pentagon has shifted its attention to these other dangers. That, in turn, has kept the defence budget fairly buoyant.

The chart on page 25 tracks America's defence spending as a percentage of GDP since 1945. The share has been falling steadily since the Korean war, with two understandable interruptions. The first was the Vietnam war; real spending increased by 46% between 1965 and 1968. The second rise came during the Reagan defence buildup; spending peaked at 6.5% of GDP in 1986. Since then, the share of the economy flowing into defence has continued to decline,

and will probably keep doing so for the next few years, as nominal spending cuts combine with economic growth.

The recent cuts have been caused chiefly by changes in military objectives. In 1990, after the collapse of the Berlin wall and Iraq's invasion of Kuwait, the Bush administration began drawing up a new defence plan that concentrated on medium-sized threats in various parts of the world. The revised plan called for sweeping cuts between 1990 and 1995: it eliminated eight of the army's 28 divisions; reduced the number of aircraft carriers from 16 to 13; dropped 36% of the air force's fighter wings; and cut the number of ballistic-missile submarines by half. As a result, defence spending fell 23% in real terms between 1990 and 1994.

A further wave of cuts came early in the Clinton administration, driven by the "Bottom Up Review" conducted by the then defence secretary, Les Aspin. This was designed to ensure that America could fight and win—or at least not lose—two biggish wars in different parts of the world at the same time. In 1993 the Defence Department reviewed its budget projections in the light of this objective, and found extra cuts of about $20 billion a year between 1995 and 1999. The goals set out by Mr Aspin will govern defence spending for the next couple of decades, with little room for manoeuvre. Anyone wishing to make deeper cuts must do one of two things: either change the objective, or try to accomplish it with fewer resources. Neither of these would be easy.

For a start, much of the new spending over the next five years will go towards modernising existing weapons systems. In addition, the services' research-and-development (R&D) budget—13% of defence spending—is essential for future modernisation. Further cuts in procurement or R&D would risk narrowing America's technological advantage. Indeed, many critics of the current plan believe that even the present budget projections will not be enough to carry out the objectives of the Defence Department.

Abandoning them would, however, be even more unpalatable. Without the ability to handle two simultaneous conflicts, the armed forces' hands would be severely tied. If they became involved in one large regional war, other potential adversaries in other parts of the world would have a free rein. Besides, any serious trimming of this strategy would require deep cuts in America's defence industry. Increasing production again in response to an unforeseen threat would take three to four years. As John Deutch, the deputy defence secretary, points out, "In the past, every time we have downsized we have lost readiness."

No one is likely to propose such sweeping cuts any time soon. So, without radical changes to the current plan, the Pentagon will have to rely on improved efficiency to

24

squeezed, privatized, and betten a price for what would produce a different

Civil

LOS AN

GOLD most northerner monotonous with immobile Wilsons strewn throughout the meadows of Washington, D.C.

THE