ASSOCIATION OF THE UNITED STATES ARMY

23 August 1973

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Special Assistant to the President
National Security Affairs
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

Please accept our sincere congratulations on your nomination to be the Secretary of State. The country is fortunate indeed to have your continued services in this vital area in which you have made such great contributions in the past.

Quite by coincidence, we chose yesterday's date to put into the mail our press release announcing your selection for the award of the George Catlett Marshall Medal. We got this into the mail prior to the announcement of your nomination, but I am sure we will get credit in the news media for taking advantage of a good thing. I have enclosed a copy of the release for your information.

With respect to the dinner on October 17 at which the presentation will be made, we are expecting between 2,500 and 3,000 attendees. These will be members of the Association and their wives, including Army personnel of all ranks, Reservists, Guardsmen, defense industry personnel and others who are interested in national defense. While I do not have as yet all the names of those who will be joining you at the head table, they include basically the officers and Council of the Association of the U.S. Army, the Secretary, Under Secretary, Chief and Vice Chief of the United States Army, and such of the other Joint Chiefs as may attend. Basically, we try to maintain a reasonably small head table.

The dinner begins at 8 P.M. and is preceded by a head table reception which will include additionally the wives of the head table group, former Marshall Medal winners and other very senior distinguished guests--in all perhaps 75 to 100 people.

Aside from a brief introduction of some of the most senior distinguished guests and the presentation of the award to you, there are no other speakers. It would be appropriate, I should think, for your remarks to be in the neighborhood of 20 to 30 minutes.

- 2 -

[L.C]

Entertainment for the dinner will be provided by the U.S. Army
and.

All of us look forward to having you with us on what we believe
will be a very significant occasion. I was also in charge of our
program back in 1957 when you participated in our program on a panel
discussing strategy, weapons and policy. It will be a pleasure to
welcome you back again.

I shall be in touch with your office as the time for the meeting
gets closer to make more detailed arrangements.

Again, our sincere congratulations and be assured of our strong
support in your good endeavors.

Best personal regards.

RFC:sb

Enclosure

FOR FURTHER INQUIRY CALL: 483-1800

1529 EIGHTEENTH STREET, NORTHWEST, WASHINGTON, D.C. 20036.

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE:

23 August 1973

The Association of the United States Army (AUSA) today announced that Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, presidential advisor on national security affairs, will receive its highest award for public service, the George Catlett Marshall Medal. The presentation will be made October 17, 1973 at the George C. Marshall Memorial Dinner which culminates the Association's three-day Annual Meeting. Dr. Kissinger will also be the principal speaker at the dinner.

Dr. Kissinger has been cited by AUSA for his contributions to national security over the past thirty years, but particularly for his effort to effect the peace agreement in Vietnam and his role in the presidential visits to the People's Republic of China and the Soviet Union, which have contributed to the lessening of world tensions.

The Marshall Medal was established to provide recognition for "selfless and outstanding service to the United States of America." The medal has been awarded to 13 outstanding Americans since its inception in 1960. Recipients of the award have included former Presidents Harry S Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower, former Secretary of State Dean Rusk, The Honorable Robert A. Lovett, The Honorable John McCloy, and Generals Omar N. Bradley and Maxwell D. Taylor.

AUSA, with a membership of over 90,000 military and civilians worldwide, is an educational and professional organization in the field of national defense and dedicated to the principle that an adequately equipped and manned Army is vital to national security. The Association's headquarters is in Washington, D.C.

###

14 May 1973

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Special Assistant to the President
The White House
Washington, D. C. 20500

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I was delighted to receive your 3 May letter
indicating your acceptance of the George Catlett Marshall
Medal. The Council of Trustees will be most pleased when
I report to them.

As I mentioned earlier, the award will be presented
at the George Catlett Marshall Memorial Dinner on the evening
of 17 October at the Sheraton-Park Hotel in Washington. A bit
later on Lieutenant General Charles G. Dodge, AUSA's Executive
Vice President, will give you all the necessary details.

We look forward to this happy occasion.

30 March 1973

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Special Assistant to the President
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

It is my very pleasant duty to inform you that the Council of
Trustees of the Association of the United States Army has unanimously
selected you as the recipient of the Association's highest award,
the George Catlett Marshall Medal for selfless service to the United
States of America.

Established in 1960 to honor that great soldier-statesman,
General George C. Marshall, the award is presented during the George
Catlett Marshall Memorial Dinner, the closing event of the Associa-
tion's Annual Meeting. This year the dinner will be held on the
evening of 17 October at the Sheraton Park Hotel in Washington, D.C.

One of the immutable requirements is that the recipient must be
present at the dinner to personally receive the award. I hope that
this will be possible for you.

We would appreciate this opportunity to recognize your very
considerable contributions to our country, and I hope that you will
be able to accept the award. It would be very helpful to us if you
could give us your response as early as possible. Should you accept,
we would plan to make a public announcement of your selection for the
award some time in June. I know that the membership would welcome
this opportunity to honor you on the 17th of October and would very
much enjoy having you as our honored guest.

[LC]

General Scowcroft:

This should probably (if the idea is approved) go to the person working on the Secretary's acceptance remarks for the George C. Marshall Award Dinner on October 17.

Eagleburger ___

Lord ___

Other ___

Lora -- 10/1

OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20301

28 SEP 1973

MEMORANDUM FOR Brigadier General Brent Scowcroft
Deputy Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs

THRU: Brigadier General R. L. Lawson
Military Assistant to the President

SUBJECT: Approval of Letter to Doctor Kissinger concerning National Committee for Employer Support of the Guard and Reserve - ACTION MEMORANDUM

The attached letter to Doctor Kissinger is forwarded for approval and dispatch.

The intent of the letter is to gain increased national recognition for the National Committee for Employer Support of the Guard and Reserve by having Doctor Kissinger mention the effort in conjunction with his acceptance speech at the General George C. Marshall award dinner of the annual convention of the Association of the United States Army. It is most appropriate, because following a tour of active duty, Doctor Kissinger was an officer in the United States Army Reserve.

Additionally, associating the Guard and Reserve with the active Army, as would be the case here, will further the Total Force Policy and is in line with the current thoughts of the Secretary of Defense and the Secretary of the Army.

Recommend the attached letter be approved as written and dispatched as soon as possible to give Doctor Kissinger's office sufficient time to react to the offer of assistance in the preparation of remarks.

Attachment

MANPOWER AND
RESERVE AFFAIRS

OFFICE OF THE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
NATIONAL COMMITTEE FOR EMPLOYER SUPPORT
OF THE GUARD AND RESERVE

400 ARMY NAVY DRIVE
ARLINGTON VA. 22202
TEL. 202-697-6902

September 20, 1973

J. M. ROCHE
NATIONAL CHAIRMAN

Doctor Henry A. Kissinger
Assistant to the President for
National Security Affairs
The White House
Washington, DC 20500

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE:

ROBINSON F. BARKER
PPG INDUSTRIES, INC.

RICHARD C. BLOCK
KAISER BROADCASTING CO.

JOHN M. CAMPBELL
MILLER & PAINE
DEPT. STORE

RICHARD G. CAPEN, JR.
COPLEY NEWSPAPERS

KIMBALL C. FIRESTONE
FIRESTONE TIRE AND
RUBBER CO.

RONALD J. GIDWITZ
HELENE CURTIS IND., INC.

WERNER P. GULLANDER
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION
OF MANUFACTURERS

J. R. JOHNSTONE
UNION CARBIDE CORP.

WALTER A. KIEFER
KIEFER ELECTRICAL
SUPPLY CO.

ERNEST S. LEE
AFL-CIO

JOHN E. LEWIS
NATIONAL SMALL
BUSINESS ASSOC.

MARILYN C. LINK
HUGHES AIRWEST

JOHN O. MARSH, JR.
ASD LEGISLATIVE AFFAIRS

HAROLD R. SIMS
JOHNSON & JOHNSON

REUBEN D. SIVERSON
CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
OF US

W. STANFORD SMITH
AMER. NEWSPAPER
PUBLISHERS ASSOC.

M. WAYNE STOFFLE
STOFFLE & ASSOCIATES

VINCENT T. WASILEWSKI
NATIONAL ASSOCIATION
OF BROADCASTERS

CLYDE M. WEBBER
AMER. FEDERATION
OF GOVT. EMPLOYEES

HARRY J. ZINK
CIVIL AERONAUTICS
BOARD

Dear Doctor Kissinger:

I was most pleased to learn of your selection for the George Catlett Marshall Medal from the Association of the United States Army. May I add my congratulations to those you have already received.

Our Committee will also be honored by the AUSA through their Public Service Award for the work we have been doing in securing the support of American employers in the development and implementation of personnel policies which will permit employee participation in Guard and Reserve programs without fear of job impediment.

Through your previous service in the Army Reserve, you undoubtedly understand the importance of employer support for the individual who elects to participate in our citizen-military forces. It would be extremely beneficial to our program, established by the President in June 1972, if in your acceptance speech some reference could be made to the new priority being placed upon the Guard and Reserve as an integral part of the national defense structure.

I have taken the liberty of writing to you about this because of the excellent one-time opportunity this presents for us. If you believe it would be in context with your acceptance remarks and would be willing to entertain the idea, we will arrange to give your speech writer the necessary background information concerning the activities of this Committee and the success we have been enjoying in securing employer support.

CHARTER

## I. PURPOSE

Pursuant to the authorities vested in the Secretary of Defense, there is hereby constituted within the Department of Defense the National Committee for Employer Support of the Guard and Reserve (herein-after referred to as "the Committee"). The purpose of the Committee is to develop public understanding of the National Guard and Reserve and to enlist the support of American employers in the development of personnel policies and practices which will encourage employee participation in Guard and Reserve programs.

## II. ORGANIZATION

A. An individual of national stature will be appointed by the President, on the recommendation of the Secretary of Defense, as National Chairman of the Committee.

B. An Assistant to the National Chairman will be assigned from existing military or civilian resources to serve in a full-time capacity.

C. An Executive Committee, not to exceed 25 members, will assist the Chairman in directing the Committee affairs. Its function will be to provide program guidance, review policies, and assist in evaluating results. The membership will be drawn from the Reserve and employer community, augmented by representatives of trade, professional, educational, and labor organizations.

D. An Advisory Council, of not less than 180 members, who may or may not be members of the National Guard and Reserve, will be selected on the basis of their outstanding reputation in business, the professions, and in civic and public affairs, with due regard to an equitable field of interest and geographical representation.

-3-

B. The Assistant Secretary of Defense, Manpower and Reserve Affairs, will provide, from resources made available for this purpose, such personnel, facilities and other administrative support as are determined to be necessary for the performance of the Committee's functions.

C. In carrying out the functions stated herein, the Committee may obtain such information and assistance as it requires, through the Assistant Secretary of Defense, Manpower and Reserve Affairs, from the military departments and other agencies of the Department of Defense as appropriate.

D. The members of the Committee will serve without compensation, except in the case of those members who are also active members of the National Guard or Reserve and who, under existing regulations, may be placed on Active Duty for Training to satisfy Committee purposes. Transportation and per diem in lieu of subsistence and other expenses may be authorized.

E. The mission levied upon this Committee as well as associated functions as approved by the Secretary of Defense will continue as a requirement on an indefinite basis.

F. The estimated annual budget of the Committee is $214,000 for FY 1973 and $206,000 for FY 1974. This does not include the pay, allowances, or travel for the Committee staff of 16 military and 5 civilian employees. The estimated man-year effort of the Committee staff is 42 man-years.

G. The policies, rules, and procedures contained in Department of Defense Directive 5030.13, dated April 20, 1962, will be applicable to this Committee.

H. The Committee will operate in accordance with provisions of P. L. 92-463, E. O. 11686, and implementing OMB and DoD regulations for Federal Advisory Committees.

Congressional Record

PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 93rd CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION

Vol. 119

WASHINGTON, TUESDAY, APRIL 10, 1973

No. 56

Senate

S 6945

SUPPORT FOR THE NATIONAL
GUARD AND RESERVE FORCES

Mr. GOLDWATER. Mr. President, recently there have occurred several events that caused me to recall one of my favorite pieces of literature, the preamble to the Constitution of the United States of America. And it once again impressed upon me just how astute our Founding Fathers really were and what succinct and capable authors they proved to be.

That historic introduction bears repeating here because it is the base on which I desire to build a plea to my fellow Americans.

We the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America.

Today, I, too, call to the people of the United States to support a program which will ultimately form an even more perfect union; help insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense and secure liberty for all of us and those that follow in years to come.

I ask, today, for a conscious effort be made in terms of true support for the National Guard and Reserve Forces of the United States of America.

I ask for all Americans to become aware of the real importance of the Army and Air National Guard, the Army Reserve, the Air Force Reserve, the Naval Reserve, the Marine Corps Reserve, and

the Coast Guard Reserve and the role they play in seeing that the preamble and the entire Constitution remain hallowed.

I specifically call upon the more than 12 million employers of this Nation to lend their willing support and their encouragement to these patriotic men and women who give so generously of their time and talent to a cause which has no equal for the defense of our Nation.

Although these reserve components trace their linage back to the Volunteer State Militia first authorized by Congress in 1792, today they are experiencing a rebirth brought on by the necessities of the envolvement in Southeast Asia.

For too many years equipments needed by the Guard and Reserve was diverted to the regular forces involved in the conflict.

Out of the limelight, the units lacked the prestige they had earned since this country was formed.

The armed services themselves were hard pressed to maintain the strict training requirements for these backup forces that would keep them ready to form the nucleus of fighting elements if called upon.

And as the units declined, their equipment became obsolete and their training lacked meaning and fervor, the entire tenor and tone of the whole organization changed. It was an evolutionary thing toward which no blame can really be directed.

Great and proud units whose flags carry the battle streamers of Saint Michael, Belleau Wood, Chateau-Thierry and Meuseargonne from World War I or

Normandy, the Battle of the Bulge, Midway, Bougainville and the many other campaigns from World War II and also Korea were operating in a lack luster manner. Adding to their almost insurmountable problems was an influx of young men who sought to escape active duty by joining a guard or reserve unit. In many cases their motivation was not one of wanting to be part of the military but accepting what they considered to be the lesser of two evils.

Also, the draft was an efficient supplier of the needed manpower to the active forces where units were activated and trained, rather than call upon the guard and reserve to fulfill their traditional role as a part of our defense team.

That the Reserve components survived this period of set-back and discontent is credit to that core of dedicated Americans whose motivation has always been a service to country and whose loyalty has never wavered. They maintained the spark that is kindling the flames of awareness in the Nation today.

My own experiences in the Army Reserve and Air Force Reserve from 1930 to 1967 make me grateful that these staunch supporters were there when they were needed. The need quickly surfaced as the conflict in Southeast Asia ground to a close and the active forces were reduced from a high of 3.5 million in June 1968 to their present level of 2.3 million. The maintenance of a standing force was an economic burden this Nation could not bear.

President Nixon called for a balance

S 6946

CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — SENATE

(LC)

April 10, 1973

of resources to requirements and in the area of national defense it was evident that tradeoffs were in order.

When the Secretary of Defense placed renewed reliance upon the National Guard and Reserves and reestablished them as the initial and primary augmentation elements to the active forces in future national emergencies instead of the draft, he invoked the first of the tradeoffs. Unfortunately, as the reliance upon a draft declined so did the volunteers for the guard and Reserve and in June 1971 the combined strengths fell below the level mandated by Congress. This trend, has been watched carefully since then; and although it is not a critical shortage today, it continues to decline.

Since these Reserve components now comprise almost one third of our defense manpower capability, it is a national concern.

The job of insuring domestic tranquillity and providing for the common defense is not being done 100 percent. I consider this to be intolerable.

I cannot help but believe that the rebirth of the guard and reserve and their renewed importance to the Nation has gone unheralded.

I believe we are once again suffering from a lack of effective communication and I desire to assist in the proper flow of knowledge and information to the people of the country.

The picture I painted of the National Guard and Reserves of the 1960's is not the view presented in the 1970's. Today they are modern, motivated, and meaningful units with a mission.

They are being supplied with the latest equipment available. The newest tanks, rifles, aircraft, communications gear. They are being refitted on the land, on the sea and in the air.

The ranks are being filled with experienced Vietnam veterans who realize the importance team-work, leadership, and organization mean in their everyday business. At the same time the malcontents are leaving as their obligations expire.

The training is reaching new horizons as active forces conduct counterpart training with their reserve component associates as guard and reserve units assume jobs previously done by active force units.

With all this rejuvenation the missions passed to the guard and reserve take on new meaning in the light of worldwide contingencies. Also, these citizen-military are once again finding their old place in community life that was their traditional role. Not only does domestic tranquillity have a defensive connotation but an offensive one as well. Community programs for ecology, health and social awareness are including the guardsmen and reservists because of their knowledge, experience, and organizational abilities.

President Nixon and the Secretary of Defense, desiring to make service with the guard and reserve as attractive as possible, caused the formation of the National Committee for Employer Support of the Guard and Reserve last year.

This committee, headed by a wonderfully patriotic American, Mr. J. M. Roche, is doing a really outstanding service for the country. Mr. Roche, the former chairman of the board of General Motors is devoting both his valuable time and extraordinary talent to the task of seeking expressions of support from the Nation's 12-million employers, and that includes both the large and small, for this most worthwhile endeavor.

The success of the guard and reserve programs in past years has been primarily because of the support and involvement of all Americans and especially their bosses. No other obstacle to the guard and reserve could be more devastating than resistance by employers, it forces a man or woman to an immediate and critical decision "Can I exercise my civilian employment responsibilities and still participate in the guard or reserve?"

For the young persons trying to survive the early establishing years with either a large corporation or the small neighborhood employer, they face a no-win situation if the organization does not willingly encourage participation.

Here is the task Mr. Roche and really all of us in the country face: of the 82-million employees in the total work force only 1.4 percent or 976,000 are currently needed to fill the ranks.

These people need to have, on the average, 1 week-end off a month to train plus a 2-week encampment.

This is viewed by many employers as 12 Saturdays plus two weeks plus a regular vacation, all away from the job. And in fact that is what is required but these are scheduled absences that can be managed, not the traumatic absence brought about by accident or illness.

The tradeoff for the employer, on the other hand, is a highly motivated citizen, well trained in a talent that may very well be used by the company, a well disciplined "organization man" or team player who is constantly being groomed for greater responsibility and leadership. This is a more stable person with additional community ties who is attempting to improve his standing and his standard of living.

As a guardsman or reservist he requires only one-fifth the tax dollars for his maintenance as compared with his active duty counterpart.

But the economy picture is much brighter than that and really more involved.

First is the premise that this Nation wants a volunteer force and is willing to pay its military salaries that are closer to civilian compensation than any other country in the world. As a result personnel costs today represent 56 percent of the total defense budget. Incidentally, for comparison Russia's cost is 26-28 percent of their defense budget.

In order to achieve the balance of forces required in the total force concept our military forces will total about three and one-third million. When approximately 30 percent can be well trained guardsmen or reservists at a ratio of 5 to 1 it is just cost effective to do so.

In another perspective, the guard and reserve programs are designed to pro-

vide 30 percent of the personnel requirements for less than 5 percent of the defense budget. Mr. Roche feels, as do I and so should most Americans, that this is an economy we cannot afford to overlook.

So far, many of our American employers, including President Nixon, as the Federal Government employer, have signed a document called the Statement of Support for the Guard and Reserve. The campaign to reach others throughout the land is now under way. Not only do we need the cooperation of the large corporation, but the small employer as well, and from both the private as well as the public sector. All make up the fabric of this Nation's industrial capability and all employ current or potential members of the Guard and Reserve. I sincerely hope that the responses will all be favorable. This country needs the Guard and Reserve and the Guard and Reserve need the willing support of us all.

The National Committee welcomes your questions and maintains an office at 400 Army-Navy Drive, Arlington, Va. 22202. I encourage all to jump on this really important band wagon.

Only with a strong national defense, composed of the active as well as the reserve components, will we be able to secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity.

United States
of America

Congressional Record

PROCEEDINGS AND DEBATES OF THE 92<sup>d</sup> CONGRESS, SECOND SESSION

(c)

Vol. 118

WASHINGTON, WEDNESDAY, AUGUST 2, 1972

No. 122

EMPLOYER SUPPORT OF THE
GUARD AND RESERVES

The SPEAKER. Under a previous order of the House, the gentleman from Idaho (Mr. HANSEN) is recognized for 15 minutes.

Mr. HANSEN of Idaho. Mr. Speaker, recently the President of the United States established a special national committee to encourage employer support of the National Guard and the Reserve Forces of this Nation, and I rise to applaud that action and to express my personal approval of the President's appointment of the distinguished retired chairman of the board of General Motors, Mr. James M. Roche, as national chairman of this new committee.

By personal participation over the years, many of us in this Chamber are well aware that the National Guard and Reserves have enjoyed great cooperation and understanding from most employers in this country during past decades, and the patriotic accommodation of those companies to the special needs of the citizen-soldiers, sailors, marines, airmen, and coastguardsmen in their employ is recognized and appreciated.

But recent indications point to an increasing reluctance on the part of some employers to make the necessary allowances for the training dates of the guardsmen and reservists on their payrolls, and there have even been reports from several parts of the country of direct and indirect promotion discrimination and other company pressures upon our part-time military personnel to get out or stay out of the Reserve Forces.

Mr. Speaker, this is a situation that must be corrected. We all understand that competition is becoming more difficult for business every year, and that it is particularly hard for a small employer to arrange military training leaves of absence for his key people every year, but if it is thoroughly explained to every American businessman how important our Guard and Reserve Forces are to the security of the Nation and to his own future as a free and independent executive, I am convinced that we will get the full support and assistance that we need from these good citizens.

Also, if it is emphasized that the Guard and Reserve are the biggest bargain we have in national defense, today supplying almost 30 percent of our military strength for less than 5 percent of the defense budget, I know that the point will get across and we will have almost 100 percent employer cooperation with our guardsmen and reservists. After all, nobody wants to pay higher taxes to support a huge standing army, when it only takes a little cooperation to do the same job for less money with a combination of reserve and Active Forces.

That is why I am so pleased at the action of the President and the Secretary

of Defense in creating this new "National Committee for Employer Support of the Guard and Reserve," Mr. Speaker, and so gratified that this important activity has been placed in the hands of such an outstanding citizen as Mr. Roche.

Most of us recall the significant announcement 2 years ago by the Secretary of Defense, Mr. Laird, that in any future emergency buildup of the Army, Navy, Air Force, and Marines, the initial and primary augmentation will be from the National Guard and the Reserve components, not the draft. This represented a welcome change and a very proper return to the concept of the citizen-soldier, the Minuteman at Lexington and Concord, the volunteer forces of the Guard and Reserve that have taken up arms to defend this Nation in every war in our history.

And so today the 1 million members of the Guard and Reserve, in their units and mobilization assignments, have become an even more vital part of the national security system and are being relied upon more heavily than at any time in history of our country—relied upon as nearly one-third of the "Total Force" of regulars and reservists responsible for deterring aggression and defending the United States at home and abroad.

Mr. Speaker, I believe the President and the Secretary of Defense are on the right track in their efforts to provide a balanced, economical mix of full-time and part-time military forces for the defense of this country. I believe they are right in placing our reliance on the Guard and Reserve rather than the draft if a quick buildup of our Armed Forces ever becomes necessary again. And I believe they are so right to try to achieve an all-volunteer force, both regular and reserve, and do away with the draft except in time of absolute need.

But this broad concept of national defense will not work if we are not able to keep our Guard and Reserve up to strength as a result of job pressures back at the plant or office. If our Reserve Forces become undermanned as a result of this employer resistance, they will be incapable of performing their mission and the defense posture of this Nation will be undermined.

The serious complications which may ensue from a lack of support has been recognized at the White House and in all our Reserve Forces, and now, I am happy to say, the right action has been taken to correct the situation at the source, among the employers, executives, supervisors and foremen in every factory, office building and place of employment in the Nation. This new committee will carry an important message to every person who hires guardsmen or reservists—a message asking his understanding and cooperation, a message stressing the important role his reservist-employees are playing in the national defense,

and how this historic militia method holds down the cost of security to him as a taxpayer.

This is a key program which must succeed or defense will cost us billions more. If we are unable as a result of employer resistance to provide the Guard and Reserve manpower we need in our total force, we must obviously provide full-time soldiers at six times the cost. Certainly we will not allow our available strength to fall below the safety zone, so full-time troops are the only alternative if our part-time backup forces become undermanned.

I am convinced that our American employers will cooperate wholeheartedly in this matter, once they understand its importance. I am sure, Mr. Speaker, that just as they have done throughout our history, American businessmen will make the adjustments and accommodations necessary to the schedules of their workers who belong to the Guard and Reserve, and will support these volunteer defenders just as they support their local police and firefighters.

Through the Guard and Reserve, the American businessman has always been a partner in the national defense, and I am convinced that this partnership will soon be renewed and revitalized as this new committee conducts its program. It is my personal opinion. Mr. Speaker, that the slippage in support for the Guard and Reserve among our employers has not been as a result of a drop in patriotism, but has been caused only by a buildup of business pressures and competitive demands over the past decade. When these Americans are reminded of the vital position of the Guard and Reserve in the forces that defend them, I am sure they will respond positively as they have always done in the past.

I encourage employers throughout this great land to establish and adhere to personnel practices that will encourage employee participation in the Guard and Reserve, by assuring sufficient time off for military training annually in addition to normal vacation time; to pay the difference in earnings to the employee-guardsman/reservist between his civilian income and his military pay during those training periods; to assure that no employee is penalized in job security, promotions or work schedules because of Guard or Reserve affiliation; and to recognize those employees who are a part of this 20th century citizen-military force for their extra contribution to the protection of their Nation, their communities, their neighbors, and their families.

These fine men and women who help defend America and our sacred principles are to be saluted for their unselfish dedication, and they deserve every encouragement we can give them.

[LC]

We recognize the National Guard and Reserve as essential to the strength of our nation and the maintenance of world peace. They deserve the interest and support of every segment of our society.

In the highest American tradition, these Guard and Reserve forces are manned largely by civilians. Their voluntary service takes them from their homes, their families and their occupations. On weekends and at other times, they train to prepare themselves to answer their country's call to active service in the United States armed forces.

If these volunteer forces are to continue to serve our nation, a broad public understanding is required of the total force concept of national security - and the essential role of the Guard and Reserve within it.

The Guard and Reserve need the patriotic cooperation of American employers in facilitating the participation of their eligible employees in Guard and Reserve programs, without impediment or penalty.

We therefore join members of the American business community in agreement that:

1. Our employees' job and career opportunities will not be limited or reduced because of their service in the Guard or Reserve;

2. Consistent with existing laws, our employees will be granted leaves of absence for military training in the Guard or Reserve without sacrifice of vacation time; and

3. This agreement and the resultant policies will be made known throughout the organization and announced in publications and through other existing means of communication.

National Chairman
National Committee for Employer Support
of the Guard and Reserve

President
United States of America

December 14, 1972

[LC]

# Monday Memo.®

A public-service commentary from James M. Roche, chairman, National Committee for Employer Support of the Guard and Reserve

## A pitch for pitching in:
How the broadcaster can help back up Guard and Reserve

One might comfortably say that the automotive field and radio broadcasting are linked by a common bond—the individual in the car. Where automobile radios were once a luxury, today they are almost as much a part of the car as a steering wheel. There is an additional link between broadcasting and autos that takes place in the home, where television joins forces with radio to reach people.

I don't believe I have to extol the importance of broadcasting in the selling of automobiles. The evidence is quite clear when one considers the sizable budgets we all direct annually toward radio and television advertising. General Motors, a long-time user of broadcasting, has always recognized the importance of the medium. And I'm sure it will continue to do so.

My purpose in writing this commentary, however, is not to discuss the virtues of radio and television with respect to the cars we drive. This time, I have something else to sell. Something that is even more important to each of us and impacts on everyone in the nation in one way or another. My purpose now is the security of our nation, security based on the uncertainties of the world in which we live and the importance of deterrent capability. Particularly, the capability now being forwarded in the Department of Defense through a smaller, active military force supported by a viable National Guard and Reserve.

It may seem strange to some that a former chairman of General Motors, a leading manufacturer of consumer products, should be espousing a military program. But perhaps after you have read this, you will begin to understand why I have found this program so challenging and worthwhile.

First of all, let me make clear that I am seeking your assistance. There is something that you as broadcasters can do to help and, once you have considered the fact, I hope you will. Because the broadcast media reach millions of people daily, a message from broadcasters concerning this specific program will probably do more good than anything else to succeed in the undertaking.

Last June, President Nixon asked me to be chairman of a special committee that would take on the task of seeking the understanding and support of American employers in relation to employee participation in the Guard and Reserve. In the President's strategy for peace, our military capability would be made up of a smaller active force augmented by a strong, well equipped, highly trained Guard and Reserve. This plan contemplates the merger of the two forces to

meet emergencies. Through this, the Guard and Reserve will give our nation the security we need in the years ahead and would represent an integral part of the total force.

Today the Guard and Reserve components are becoming better equipped, better trained and more responsive. The infusion of new equipment and new missions which complement those of the active forces assure an effective force. But what still remains is the great need for employer understanding and appreciation so that we will be able to retain and recruit the individuals necessary to man these Guard and Reserve units.

I accepted this assignment, confident that once the need was seen American employers would give their support to the implementation of personnel policies which would encourage employee participation in these important Guard and Reserve programs. I am happy to report that my faith in the American business community has not been misplaced. I have been greatly encouraged by the response received thus far from thousands of employers representing millions of employes.

To assist me in this program, I have secured the help of some outstanding Americans from various walks of life—business and industry, labor, associations and the media. Among those leaders who serve on a 21-member executive committee are Vincent T. Wasilewski,

president of the National Association of Broadcasters; W. Stanford Smith, president of the American Newspaper Publishers Association, and Richard C. Block, vice president of Kaiser Broadcasting Corp. Each has contributed time and talent to assure our success in this endeavor.

Application of this new plan will require the Guard and Reserve to satisfy about 30% of the nation's military manpower needs; however, this will be accomplished at a cost of less than 5% of the defense budget. In my estimation, this is quite a bargain in national security.

At the same time, the men and women of our Guard and Reserve enjoy specialized training which often increases their value to the civilian employer. They learn leadership as well as discipline—both of which are important to employers. They enjoy part-time earnings from the one-weekend-a-month training and from their annual two-week training tours, as well as the great personal satisfaction of serving their country.

To assure that employes are permitted to participate in the Guard and Reserve without impediment or penalty, we are asking employers to sign a statement of support that outlines the purpose for the Guard and Reserve and sets forth the basic support essential if employes are to feel free to participate. Those basics are:

* No limitation of job or career opportunities because of service in the Guard or Reserve.

* Leaves of absence for military training in the Guard or Reserve without sacrifice of vacation time.

* The agreement and resultant policies to be made known throughout the organization.

Now for the role I am asking broadcasters to assume. Editorially, they can be of inestimable value. A word from them suggesting that those employers who have not yet signed a statement of support should do so will encourage many employers to join our team. The Advertising Council has accepted our program as a public service, and when it has prepared radio announcements and television spots, we hope they will be used regularly. Finally, we would like each broadcaster who is an owner or manager to sign a statement of support for his or her station. We are most pleased that ABC, CBS, and NBC, as well as the NAB and many radio and television stations, have already signed the statement of support.

I don't think this is asking for too much in terms of national security, which I know all of us seek and are willing to support. With the broadcasters' help and cooperation, we will successfully conclude our program and continue to enjoy the benefits of the freedoms which are a part of our heritage.

J. M. Roche is former chairman and chief executive of General Motors Corp. He remains as a director of the company and a member of its finance committee. He is also a member of the boards of directors of Pepsico Inc., the Chicago Board of Trade and the New York Stock Exchange. In June 1972, he was named by President Nixon to be chairman of the National Committee for Employer Support of the Guard and Reserve.

Reprinted from *Broadcasting*, August 6, 1973.

GR

EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE

APPOINTED BY THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE WITH THE ADVICE OF THE NATIONAL
CHAIRMAN, J. M. ROCHE (Former Board Chairman, General Motors Corporation)

Robinson F. Barker
Chairman and Chief Executive Officer
PPG Industries, Incorporated
Pittsburgh, PA 15222

W. P. Gullander
Consultant
National Association of Manufacturers
Washington, DC 20005

Richard C. Block
Vice President and General Manager
Kaiser Broadcasting Corporation
Oakland, CA 94604

J. R. Johnstone
Vice Chairman
Union Carbide Corporation
New York, NY 10017

John M. Campbell
President
Miller & Paine Department Store
Lincoln, NE 68502

W. A. Kiefer
President
Kiefer Electrical Supply Company
Peoria, IL 61602

Richard G. Capen, Jr.
Vice President
Copley Newspapers
LaJolla, CA 92037

Ernest S. Lee
Assistant Director, Department of
International Affairs, AFL-CIO
Washington, DC 20006

Kimball C. Firestone
Vice President, Government Relations
Firestone Tire and Rubber Company
Washington, DC 20006

John E. Lewis
Executive Vice President
National Small Business Association
Washington, DC 20036

Ronald Gidwitz
Vice President
Helene Curtis Industries
Chicago, IL 60639

Marilyn C. Link
Special Assistant, Sales Development
Hughes Airwest
New York, NY 10017

NATIONAL COMMITTEE FOR EMPLOYER SUPPORT OF THE GUARD AND RESERVE, 400 Army Navy Drive, Arlington, VA 22202 (202) 697-6902

Honorable John O. Marsh, Jr.
Assistant Secretary of Defense
for Legislative Affairs
The Pentagon
Washington, DC 20301

M. Wayne Stoffle
Architect

M. Wayne Stoffle and Associates
New Orleans, LA 70130

Harold R. Sims
Director, Corporate Affairs
Johnson and Johnson
New Brunswick, NJ 08901

Vincent T. Wasilewski
President

National Association of Broadcasters
Washington, DC 20036

Reuben D. Siverson
Group Leader, National Economic
Development
Chamber of Commerce of the United States
Washington, DC 20005

Clyde M. Webber

National President

American Federation of Government
Employees

Washington, DC 20001

Stanford Smith
President
American Newspaper Publishers Association
Washington, DC 20041

Harry J. Zink

Managing Director

Civil Aeronautics Board
Washington, DC 20428

These accounts accord with statements in interviews I have
received from these three and others who worked with him at the
State Department. Always they mentioned the General's quiet
magnetism, the feeling that he knew more about a problem than they
did, the feeling that he considered their advice important, that he
listened carefully to what they said (although he was impatient with
prattle), the fact that he seemed to be interested in them as individuals,
a certain warmth he showed toward those with whom he worked closely,
his willingness to assign an individual a task and then to allow him to
work without constant interference.

2nd Draft

10/16/73

MARSHALL AWARD DINNER
INFORMAL REMARKS

I am particularly honored to be with you tonight for the United
States Army was my first introduction to America. Fortunately by the time
I entered the service attitudes toward enlisted men had changed from those
set forth in the 1894 U. S. Army Officer's Guide:

"enlisted men are stupid, but they are exceedingly
cunning and sly and bear constant watching."

Popular conceptions of diplomats being what they are, some might
say that I have now come full circle.

*****

History derives its meaning from the purposes and convictions of
the men who shape it. As so often in our history, when our need was greatest
we found a man of both firm purpose and great conviction — George C.
Marshall. Master in the art of war, he won equal acclaim for his deftness
in building peace. Able to lead millions from a distance, he kindled the
deepest of affection in those who knew him personally. The leaders of his
time, Roosevelt, Churchill, Truman, under whom he served, made clear
they would with equal confidence have served under him.

Thirty years ago I was a new citizen of this country serving in an
Army led by George Marshall. That I should be offered this award tonight
speaks volumes about this nation, for nowhere else on earth could a story
such as mine take place; without America there would be no country in the
world where such a story would be believed.

*****

-2-

(4)

America has always derived its greatest domestic strength from the freedom that allows diversity to flourish. But there is a tension between the diversity that enriches us at home and the basic consensus that must underlie a coherent foreign policy. Thus, Alexis de Tocqueville, one of the keenest observers of America and Americans wrote:

> "It is especially in the conduct of their foreign relations that democracies appear to me decidedly inferior to other governments." There is, he said, a "propensity that induces democracies to obey impulse rather than prudence, and to abandon a mature design for the gratification of a momentary passion."

These dilemmas of democracy were evident to General Marshall in the 1940's, just as they had been a century before and as they are again today.

As Secretary of State he faced a nation tired of the sacrifices of war and reluctant to sacrifice for the maintenance of peace. With no clear vision of America's role in the world, partisan political considerations had begun to dominate postwar foreign as well as domestic affairs.

But Marshall's great contribution was to prove de Tocqueville wrong. He provided the catalyst for a new vision, making foreign policy an expression of national rather than partisan purpose. Understanding that for our foreign policy to be truly national, Congress must share in its design, he established the closest relations with Senator Vandenburg and other Congressional leaders.

-3-

While every moment in history is unique, a few moments are similar in their openness to fundamental choice. George Marshall faced the danger of a world descending into chaos and the opportunity to build a new order. The reconstruction of Europe, the creation of NATO, the rebuilding of Japan, the intervention in Korea, the beginning of Point Four were major acts of statesmanship and substantially determined the course of the past quarter century.

Now we face another open moment in history, when once again we must not only clearly perceive the contours of the world but also purposefully seek to shape them.

Nowhere is the need to maintain the maturity and strength of America more evident than in the Middle East. This crisis is not only a tragedy for the peoples of the area, it is a test of the new era of detente throughout the world. While seeking to make our nation safe from war, we will not make the world safe for war! We are doing what we consider necessary to stabilize the situation militarily, and we are engaged in delicate consultations with a number of countries to contain and stop the fighting.

However, our objective is not only to end this latest crisis in the Middle East, but to do so in a way which will encourage progress towards a just and lasting peace. We are flexible about the details of a settlement but we are inflexible about the need to end the fighting.

Let me devote the remainder of my remarks tonight to a brighter, more encouraging area of our foreign affairs, and one more closely identified with the man for whom this award is named.

-4-

If in the Middle East we face the challenges of war, in Europe we face the challenges of peace. The policies initiated and supported by George Marshall have assured peace in Europe for over two decades. But their very success now confronts the Atlantic partnership with new and difficult tasks.

- Western Europe's economic and political revival coincided with success in building new relations with old adversaries. Alliance relationships coexist with increasingly fluid international relations.

- In Europe, as the military vacuum was filled by the strength of the Atlantic coalition, the danger of war has receded. But the altered strategic environment creates totally new problems of deterrence and defense.

- The unity the Europeans have forged and which we support has made the Community into a major economic power and our most important economic partner. Now we must ensure that these mutual strengths pull us together rather than pull us apart.

The challenges are great, but what is not seen as a stepping stone can soon become the beginning of decline. Future generations will hardly be comforted to know that the challenges we refused to meet were the products of great achievement.

For these reasons, the President decided that in his second term a major effort had to be made to create a symbolic and substantive achievement that would unite Europeans and Americans behind a new vision of our common destiny.

-5-

The Year of Europe was conceived not as an end but as the beginning of a process of renewal and reform. By defining and declaring our new purposes as well as our traditional principles, we have an historic opportunity to place our relations on a basis that will endure for yet another generation. Our effort must be directed at protecting and nurturing our common political, security and economic interests.

- The declaration we are developing with the European Community can assure an open and lasting partnership between the Community and the United States. At their meeting in Copenhagen tomorrow our representatives will be striving to set forth a meaningful and comprehensive framework within which our relations can grow. But we must not sacrifice the common bonds which allow us to benefit from change. Americans are looking toward Europeans not to let their growing unity close us out. And Europeans are looking toward Americans not to reduce our commitment to freer trade and the common defense.

- Within NATO a similar process is underway. As detente has come closer, the willingness of our peoples to support expensive defense efforts understandably has receded. Ironically, this impatience with defense arises at a time when, because of nuclear parity between ourselves and the Soviet Union, we and our allies must maintain a credible conventional deterrent. Taking into account these changed circumstances and needs, we and our allies are

-6-

seeking to agree on the most effective military and diplomatic
strategy, to define what is required from each ally and the alliance
to implement that strategy, and to determine how the burdens can
be shared. Progress has been made toward these goals -- progress,
significantly enough, to which the French have made a large contribu-
tion. We are confident that the Alliance can be made to serve the
goals of detente and defense as well in the 70's as it did when
George Marshall helped to put it in place.

-- Japan is an essential part of the process of creating a new partner-
ship among the industrial democracies. Prime Minister Tanaka's
discussion in Europe earlier this month and our ongoing contacts
with Japan are contributing to a new understanding of our relation-
ship. The manner and kind of declaration in which they will join
remains to be determined.

But what is most important for all of these declarations is not their
form but that their content should warrant the signature of our highest
leaders and the full support of our peoples. What is required is an act of
will, a decision to do something at a crucial juncture when the future of
relations with our major allies are in the balance.

*****

It is the peculiar nature of the challenges America now confronts
that the choices they pose are clouded by ambiguity. A generation ago the
challenges were clear, the alternatives naked. Today the dangers appear
less immediate, the choices veiled.

-7-

Americans are required to summon an unaccustomed ability to deal with nuance, to strive for what is good while never forgetting what is best. De Tocqueville's America faced no such challenge, Marshall's America knew no such need. Today's America has no alternative.

Now we must decide -- were the achievements of General Marshall an interlude or an introduction, a passing moment of American maturity or the beginning of another era of great achievement? Will we follow President Truman's wise advice that "Peace is not a reward that comes automatically to those who cherish it -- it must be pursued, increasingly and unswervingly by every means at our command."

This is the challenge that George Marshall summoned America to meet. This is the summons we must once again answer.

THE SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON

October 11, 1973

Dear Dr. Pogue:

How kind of you to send me your biography of
General Marshall. I know I shall find the answer
I need in the materials you so generously pro-
vided.

I am indebted to General Frank McCarthy for
passing on to you my inquiry.

With best regards and many thanks,

Dr. Forrest C. Pogue
Executive Director
George C. Marshall Research Foundation
1111 Army-Navy Drive
Arlington, Virginia 22202

GEORGE C. MARSHALL RESEARCH FOUNDATION

The River House
1111 Army-Navy Drive
ARLINGTON, VIRGINIA 22202

OMAR N. BRADLEY
GENERAL OF THE ARMY
CHAIRMAN EMERITUS

MARSHALL S. CARTER
LIEUTENANT GENERAL, USA (RET.)
PRESIDENT

ROBERT A. LOVETT
CHAIRMAN, BOARD OF TRUSTEES

September 4, 1973

FORREST C. POGUE
EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR

Dear Mr. Secretary:

Brigadier General Frank McCarthy, wartime Secretary General Staff for General Marshall and a member of our Foundation's Board of Trustees, called me over the weekend concerning a question you had posed to him several weeks ago at a reception on the West Coast. He said that your conversation was interrupted and that he planned to talk to you at a dinner at Danny Kaye's but that unexpected developments caused you to have to cancel the engagement. Since he is leaving today for several weeks in the Far East, he asked if I would write you. You had asked him, he said, about how General Marshall had won the high regard of members of the State Department staff.

It happens that I talked for several hours last week with Mr. Robert A. Lovett concerning his work with General Marshall at the State Department. When I asked for his views on how General Marshall operated there, he handed me a copy of the address which he gave at the first Marshall Award dinner given by the Association of the U. S. Army and said that it summed up his feelings. We have reprinted in the Marshall Foundation News Letter some excerpts from books by Former Secretary of State Dean Acheson and former Ambassador George Kennan.

I was delighted to hear that you are to receive the Marshall Award at the Association of the U. S. Army dinner this year. You are one of the first to receive it who did not work with General Marshall during World War II. I think he would be delighted to see you receive it because of your splendid work during the past year in our foreign relations.

1960

CONGRESSIONAL RECORD — APPENDIX

A6063

I think, which added a great deal to his stature, was his recognition of the fact that Nature never stands still and that change is, indeed, one of the primary laws of life. His receptivities to new ideas, which you have seen, for example, in the use of airpower and in the Marshall plan, was indeed center by this philosophy, for he was not burdened with the attitude of mind which regards any change as a threat to the established order—or vested rights, if you choose—which must, therefore, be automatically, even blindly resisted.

About 6 months ago I testified before a Senate committee regarding policymaking machinery in the special field of the Department of Defense. I expressed the opinion that the essential military attribute of these relationship between planning and operational responsibility existed and that proved operations machinery was currently in being; and, finally, that the departments were staffed, for the most part, with competent, specially trained officers whom we were fortunate to have in good supply. I suggested, however, that it seemed to be increasingly difficult to fit new feet into old boots; that there was, I thought, excessive staff layering and, obviously, far too many committees with the resultant trend toward a reduction in the authority of the individual which I greatly deplored.

It may be that I place too much importance on men and not enough on the machine. I do not think so. But it is of no consequence anyway because events in the world are building up forces which will inevitably rate again the question of the proper organization of the services to meet the new situations which face us. The world is full of dangers, and the attitude toward change will be even more important than in the past.

Wherever you look in the world today you find one great common denominator the increasing role Government is playing in every aspect of every man's life, everywhere. We do not like to admit it, but Government is retting bigger all the time—partly because big government is necessary to deal with big land and big business; partly because our people are asking the Government to do more for them each year; and, partly because Government by its very nature is a glandular grower.

Now, to oversimplify things a bit, this means more Government expenses. More Government expenditures mean more taxes; or more economy and efficiency; or a mixture of both. Looking at the problem of national security with such clearness as I can muster, I cannot avoid the conclusion that world change has overtaken us and that, in a relatively few years, economic pressure alone will force us to reexamine our current organization and procedures.

When that time comes, and I think it will come sooner rather than later, we will need the detached approach to the problem of what is best for national security that General Marshall exemplified and which you him universal respect. National security seems to me to be more complex than ever. I feel it is a problem we will have with us for generations to come and it is not helped in an open society by either an open mouth or a closed fund.

It will most certainly not be solved by trotting out those tired old elegans of warning about "reduction of civilian control" and the "men on horseback" that have been used to divert attention for generations. When you hear them just remember that the chiefs

of the branches of the Army used the same "man on horseback" argument against Secretary Elbert Root's reorganization plan which established the position of Chief of Staff of the Army.

Nor is the problem likely to be solved by appointing several committees of distinguished citizens from remote walks of life. Such groups normally come to Washington ignorant of the problems and ways of Government and, by dint of concentration on committee procedures, remain in that happy state. Some may even be attracted by the title "and hoc committee" little realizing that it is merely a device used ad infinitum to obtain snap judgments and nousema.

The solution will be found, I suppose, when necessity or good judgment make it abundantly clear that in national security the whole is more important than its parts.

Having spoken in behalf of receptiveness to good new ideas or changes for the better, let me identify an area in which I hope you will permit no change to occur. Part of my inheritance from General Marshall is a feeling of real affection and admiration for the Army and the way it performs its manifold duties. The great traditions, which are handed down from generation to generation in the armed services, of duty, honor, loyalty, and dedication to the service of one's country are among the most admirable virtues of mankind. These have been kept alive by a dedicated and skilled group of officers who realize that self-discipline is one of the higher attributes of man. We simply cannot afford to lose these virtues. Our great schools and their standards must be nurtured and strengthened so that the code of excellence may be carried forward in a world which seems to have an increasing taste for the medicare.

My strong conviction about this results from my experience with you, of which I am proud, and because it was these traditions, training, and discipline, which I have just mentioned, that produced the young Army officer who became one of the greatest generals and greatest men of his time.

Since I spoke at the outset of certain basic characteristics shared by General Marshall and Secretary Stimson, it is sitting and proper, I believe, that I should close my comments by letting the venerable and distinguished Secretary of War be heard again, through me, in his valdevulatory remarks made at a press conference in September 1945.

Hear Mr. Stimson's words: "General Marshall's devotion to the Nation he served was a vital quality which infused everything he does. During the course of a long lifetime, much of it spent in positions of public trust, I have had considerable experience of men in government. General Marshall has given me a new gauge of what such service should be. The destiny of America at the critical time of its national existence has been in the hands of a great and good citizen. Let no man forget it."

## RECORD OFFICE AT THE CAPITOL

An office for the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, with Mr. Raymond F. Noyes in charge, is located in Statutory Hall, House wing, where orders will be received for subscriptions to the Record at $1.50 per month or for single copies at 1 cent for eight pages (minimum charge of 3 cents). Also, orders from Members of Congress to purchase reprints from the Record should be processed through this office.

## LAWS RELATIVE TO THE PRINTING OF DOCUMENTS

Either House may order the printing of a document not already provided for by law, but only when the same shall be accompanied by an estimate from the Public Printer as to the probable cost thereof. Any executive department, bureau, board, or independent office of the Government submitting reports or documents in response to inquiries from Congress shall submit therewith an estimate of the probable cost of printing the usual number. Nothing in this section relating to estimates shall apply to reports or documents not exceeding 50 pages (U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 140, p. 1939).

Resolutions for printing extra copies, when presented to either House, shall be referred immediately to the Committee on House Administration of the House of Representatives or the Committee on Rules and Administration of the Senate, who, in making their report, shall give the probable cost of the proposed printing upon the estimate of the Public Printer, and no extra copies shall be printed before such committee has reported (U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 133, p. 1937).

## GOVERNMENT PUBLICATIONS FOR SALE

Additional copies of Government publications are offered for sale to the public by the Superintendent of Documents, Government Printing Office, Washington 25, D.C., at cost thereof as determined by the Public Printer plus 60 percent: Provided, That a discount of not to exceed 25 percent may be allowed to authorized bookdealers and quantity purchasers, but such printing shall not interfere with the prompt execution of work for the Government. The Superintendent of Documents shall prescribe the terms and conditions under which he may authorize the resale of Government publications by bookdealers, and he may designate any Government officer his agent for the sale of Government publications under such regulations as shall be agreed upon by the Superintendent of Documents and the head of the respective department or establishment of the Government (U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 72a, Supp. 2).

## CONGRESSIONAL DIRECTORY

The Public Printer, under the direction of the Joint Committee on Printing, may print for sale, at a price sufficient to reimburse the expenses of such printing, the current Congressional Directory. No sale shall be made on credit (U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 150, p. 1939).

## PRINTING OF CONGRESSIONAL RECORD EXTRACTS

It shall be lawful for the Public Printer to print and deliver upon the order of any Senator, Representative, or Delegate, extracts from the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, the person ordering the same paying the cost thereof (U.S. Code, title 44, sec. 185, p. 1942).

## CHANGE OF RESIDENCE

Senators, Representatives, and Delegates who have changed their residences will please give information thereof to the Government Printing Office, that their addresses may be correctly given in the Recense.

Marshall shared Acheson, Alsop and others' reluctance when the U.S. first moved to recognize and support the State of Israel. Therefore we recommend against lengthy treatment of the Middle East at the Marshall dinner which could provide critics of the US-Middle East policy -- at home and abroad -- with a broad opportunity to dredge up this past and use it to attack our current and past actions.

No mention of Middle East

10/13/75 [Y]

MARSHALL AWARD DINNER

INFORMAL REMARKS

I am most pleased and honored to be with all of you tonight.

The United States Army was my first introduction to America. I value those years and have the highest respect for the institution. Fortunately by the time I entered the service attitudes toward enlisted men had changed from those expressed in the 1894 U.S. Army Officer's Guide:

> "enlisted men are stupid, but they are exceedingly cunning and sly and bear constant watching."

Popular conceptions of diplomats being what they are, some might say that I have come full circle.

* * * * *

As soldier and as statesman George C. Marshall enriched both professions, endowing his successors with a magnificent heritage.

History derives its meaning from the purposes and the convictions of the men who shape it. When the need was great, the United States was fortunate to find in George Marshall a man of purpose and conviction.

-2-

Master in the art of war, he won equal acclaim for his deftness in building peace. Able to lead millions from a distance he kindled the deepest of affection in those who knew him personally. The leaders of his time, Roosevelt, Churchill, Truman, under whom he served, made clear they would with equal confidence have served under him.

My utmost respect for General Marshall's achievements, character and vision heightens my sense of honor and deepens my feeling of humility on receiving this award.

Thirty years ago I was a new citizen of this country serving in an Army led by George Marshall. Later I was a student at Harvard where he announced the Marshall Plan.

That I should be able to receive this award tonight speaks volumes about the values and purposes of this nation, values and purposes which George Marshall served so well and so long. There is no other nation in the world where a story such as mine could take place; without America there would be no country in the world where such a story would be believed.

* * * * *

-3-

America has always derived its greatest domestic
strength from the freedom that allows diversity to
flourish. But there is a tension between the diversity
that enriches us at home and the common purpose that
must underline a coherent foreign policy. Thus, Alexis
de Tocqueville, one of the keenest observers of America
and Americans wrote:

These dilemmas of democracy were evident to General
Marshall in the 1940's just as they had been a century
before and as they are again today.

As Secretary of State he faced a nation tired of the
sacrifices of war and reluctant to sacrifice for the
maintenance of peace. With no clear vision of America's
role in the world, partisan political considerations domin-
ated foreign as well as domestic affairs.

-4-

But Marshall's great contribution was to prove de Tocqueville wrong, to demonstrate that a mature democracy can have enduring purposes and policies in foreign affairs. By proposing that we come to Europe's assistance, he provided the catalyst for a new vision and the first act in making foreign policy an expression of national rather than partisan purpose. For he understood that if our foreign policy is to be truly national, the Congress must share in its design. Thus he established the closest relations with Senator Vandenburg and other Congressional leaders, just as we are attempting to do with the members of Congress present here today.

While every moment in history is unique, a few moments are similar in their openness to fundamental choice. Secretary Marshall faced the danger of a world descending into chaos and the opportunity to build a new order. The institutions he helped create substantially determined the course of the last quarter century. The reconstruction of Europe, the creation of NATO, the rebuilding of Japan, the intervention in Korea, the beginning of Point Four were major acts of statesmanship.

-5-

Now we face another open moment in history, when once
again we must not only clearly perceive the contours of
the world but also purposefully seek to shape them. Nowhere
is this more apparent than in relations between the U.S.
and its Atlantic partners.

The policies initiated and supported by George Marshall
in Europe have enriched us for over two decades. But their
very success now confronts the Atlantic partnership with
new and difficult tasks.

-- Western Europe's economic and political revival coincided with success in building new relations with old adversaries. The bipolar confrontation of the postwar period no longer dominates international relations. Alliance relationships in Europe coexist with increasingly fluid international relationships.

-- In Europe, as the military vacuum was filled by the strength of the Atlantic coalition, the danger of war has receded. But the altered strategic environment creates totally new problems of deterrence and defense.

-- The unity the Europeans have forged and which we have supported has made the Community into a major economic power and our most important economic partner. Now we must ensure that these mutual strengths pull us together rather than pulling us apart.

-6-

The difficulties involved in shaping our relations to
meet new needs are considerable. But what is not seen as
a stepping stone can soon become the beginning of decline.
Future generations will hardly be comforted to know that
the challenges we refused to meet were the products of
great achievement.

For these reasons, the President decided that in his
second term a major effort had to be made to create a
symbolic and substantive achievement that would unite
Europeans and Americans behind a new vision of our common
destiny. Thus the Year of Europe was conceived not as an
end but as the beginning of a new relationship responsive
to the realities of this decade.

By defining and declaring our new purposes as well as
our traditional principles, we have an historic opportunity
to place our relations on a basis that will endure for yet
another generation. Our effort must be directed at pro-
tecting and nurturing the common political, security and
economic interests of the partners. Without such a broad
purpose the roots of the partnership will be sapped and the
association withered. But we cannot achieve this if we
merely ratify the past.

-- The declaration we are developing with the European
Community can assure an open and lasting partnership
between the Community and the United States. At
their meeting in Copenhagen tomorrow our repre-

-7-

sentatives will be striving to set forth a meaningful and comprehensive framework within which our relations can grow. Americans are looking toward Europeans not to let their growing unity close us out.

Europeans are looking toward Americans not to retreat from the challenges of increasing trade and maintaining security.

-- Within NATO a similar process is underway. For over two decades, detente and defense have been the twin goals of the Atlantic Alliance. Until recently we could pursue them in the face of a threat that appeared imminent and under an umbrella of overwhelming American strategic nuclear superiority. But today as detente has come closer the willingness of our peoples to support expensive defense efforts understandably has receded.

Taking into account these changed circumstances and needs, we and our allies are seeking to agree on the most effective military and diplomatic

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strategy, to define what is required from each ally
and the alliance to implement that strategy and to
determine how the burdens can be shared. Progress
has been made toward these goals - progress, signifi-
cantly enough to which the French have made a large
contribution. We are confident that the Alliance
can be made to serve the goals of detente and defense
as well in the 70's as it did when George Marshall
helped to put it in place.

-- Japan is an essential part of the process of creating
a new partnership among the industrial democracies.
Prime Minister Tanaka's discussion in Europe earlier
this month and our ongoing contacts with Japan are
contributing to a new understanding of our relation-
ship. The manner and kind of declaration in which
they will join remains to be determined.

History will no more remember the precise words that
we set down than we can recall the text of the original

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Atlantic Charter. What will be remembered is that we set
worthy goals at a critical time and launched the process
to reach those goals.

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Now we and our allies must decide - were the achievements of General Marshall an interlude or an introduction, a passing moment of American maturity or the beginning of another era of great achievement? Will we follow President Truman's wise advice that "Peace is not a reward that comes automatically to those who cherish it -- it must be pursued, increasingly and unswervingly by every means at our command."

Abbreviated Middle East Version

10/15/73

MARSHALL AWARD DINNER

INFORMAL REMARKS

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America has always derived its greatest domestic
strength from the freedom that allows diversity to
flourish. But there is a tension between the diversity
that enriches us at home and the common purpose that
must underlie a coherent foreign policy. Thus, Alexis
de Tocqueville, one of the keenest observers of America
and Americans wrote:

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Nowhere is the need for a mature American role more
evident than in the Middle East. This crisis is not only
a tragedy for the peoples of the area, it is a test of the
new era of detente throughout the world. We are doing what
we consider necessary to stabilize the situation militarily,
and we are engaged in delicate consultations with a number
of countries to contain and stop the fighting. However,
our objective is not only to end this latest crisis in the
Middle East but to do so in a way which will encourage
progress towards a just and lasting peace.

For America is not pro-Israel or pro-Arab but pro-peace.
We want to remain in contact with all of the parties so that
we can make a maximum contribution to the process of negotia-
tion and reconciliation. But we cannot make this contribu-
tion if we are falsely accused of involvement in the fighting.
We are flexible about the details of a settlement but we are
inflexible about the need to end the fighting.

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By defining and declaring our new purposes as well as
our traditional principles, we have an historic opportunity
to place our relations on a basis that will endure for yet
another generation. Our effort must be directed at pro-
tecting and nurturing our common political, security and
economic interests. Without such a broad purpose the roots
of the partnership will be sapped and the association
withered. And we cannot define our new purposes by merely
ratifying the past.

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sentatives will be striving to set forth a meaningful and comprehensive framework within which our relations can grow. Americans are looking toward Europeans not to let their growing unity close us out. And Europeans are looking toward Americans not to retreat from the challenges of increasing trade and maintaining security.

-- Within NATO a similar process is underway. For over two decades, detente and defense have been the twin goals of the Atlantic Alliance. Until recently we could pursue them in the face of a threat that appeared imminent and under an umbrella of overwhelming American strategic nuclear superiority. But today as detente has come closer, the willingness of our peoples to support expensive defense efforts understandably has receded.

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Now we must decide - were the achievements of General Marshall an interlude or an introduction, a passing moment of American maturity or the beginning of another era of great achievement? Will we follow President Truman's wise advice that "Peace is not a reward that comes automatically to those who cherish it -- it must be pursued, increasingly and unswervingly by every means at our command."

Extended Middle East Version

10/15/73

MARSHALL AWARD DINNER

INFORMAL REMARKS

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* * * * *

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Nowhere is the need for a mature American role more
evident than in the Middle East. In a little over a
generation, the war has come repeatedly to the area. Peace
has remained a distant goal. The tragedy and bloodletting
inflicted on the nations of the area brought it no closer.
Whether the present Arab-Israeli conflict is seen as a
fourth war between these nations or a resumption of the
third, it must be concluded not by a pause in but by an
end to the tragic cycle of war-peace-war.

Our immediate objective is to end the fighting. We
are doing what we think necessary to stabilize the situation
militarily. And we are engaged in delicate consultations
with a number of governments to contain and end the crisis,
in a manner which will lay the foundation for the construc-
tion of a final, just and lasting peace.

To achieve that goal nations must, even while the
fighting rages, look beyond the immediate objective of
stopping this war to ask what can be done to bring about
a peace in which both sides have a stake. And they must
ask themselves about the costs should they fail and peace be
only an interruption before renewed warfare. Can Arabs

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and Israelis tolerate another war in the next decade without grave damage to their economies, their societies, and their institutions? Can the world tolerate another Middle Eastern war without serious consequences for the global structure of peace?

We can take minimum comfort from the fact that this war, unlike past Arab-Israeli conflicts, has not brought an immediate great power confrontation. The new relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union has proven its value in this respect. We and the Soviets have sought to avoid confrontation over the Middle East both before and since the fighting erupted on October 6. But the avoidance of confrontation is not enough. We have not yet taken the next important step -- to cooperate in ending conflicts where the interests of both nations are involved.

This new crisis is a test of detente. This nation is now asking itself what are the goals of detente. One result of that debate is preordained. While seeking to make ourselves safe from war, we will not and cannot make the world safe for war. Thus, we await the final results of this test of the new and delicate Soviet-American relationship.

But it is also a test for the parties in the conflict. Their concepts of self-interest and their perceptions of the others intentions have made peace impossible after each preceding Arab-Israeli war.

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Thus today, the question of how the present hostilities
are brought to an end, and of how the parties - both Arabs
and Israelis - approach the task of seeking a settlement
between them is of utmost importance for the future. Deci-
sions which are made in the days ahead will in large measure
determine whether the Middle East chooses the path of con-
ciliation or starts down the road toward yet another war.
Those decisions will be a test of the will and the capacity
of Arabs and Israelis to search for peace, not from per-
spectives and passions of the past, but with vision of a
better future. Peace cannot be seen simply as the absence
of war.

In seeking to contribute to a stable and just peace,
the United States is, neither pro-Arab nor pro-Israel. We are
pro-peace and strive to make the maximum contribution to
a lasting peace. In seeking the only kind of peace that
will last, a peace which will engage the commitment of all
sides, the United States will work tirelessly, and seek
the cooperation of others. But the propagation of false
stories about our activities in the Middle East, and the
attempts to vilify this nation cannot contribute to the
that
constructive role/we seek and others would have the United
States play.

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For twenty-five years, the nations of the Middle East have known what they thought was best. They have been unwilling to accept what is good. History, even the history of this nation, does not suggest that this lesson is easily learned -- particularly when the atmosphere is clouded with passion. But if the Middle East and if the world is to know true peace, all parties will have to learn this most difficult of lessons.

First Draft

MARSHALL AWARD DINNER

INFORMAL REMARKS

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sentatives will be striving to set forth a meaningful and comprehensive framework within which our relations can grow. Americans are looking toward Europeans not to let their growing unity close us out. And Europeans are looking toward Americans not to let their growing unity close us out. And Europeans are looking toward Americans not to retreat from the challenges of increasing trade and maintaining security.

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