[Lc]

- 37 -

die im Krieg hätte enden können, vorzubeugen. Sollten die
Sowjets versuchen, das internationale Gleichgewicht zu
ihren Gunsten zu verschieben, müßten die Vereinigten
Staaten reagieren. Das könnte in Form von Drohungen,
Ultimata oder gar der direkten Entsendung von Truppen
geschehen. All diese Optionen sind mit einem gewissen
Risiko verbunden. Wie steht eine Weltmacht da, die ihre
Drohung nicht wahrmacht und immer nachgibt? Soll sie nach
Ablauf eines Ultimatums einen Krieg entfachen, oder gar
gleich durch Militär eingreifen? Diese Fragen und das
genaue Kalkulieren der Konsequenzen müßte Aufgabe jeder
Regierung sein, doch die Folgen eines Irrtums hätten ein
Inferno auslösen können. Der Kanal war dagegen ein Mittel,
um in schneller und effektiver Weise auf jeden Sow-
jet-Schritt zu reagieren. Beide Partner konnten erklären,
was sie hinnehmen konnten und was nicht. Die unverbindliche
Art und Weise des Dialogs machte einen offenen Meinungs-
austausch möglich. Das Risiko der Eskalation des möglichen
Konflikts wurde gering gehalten. Beide Seiten konnten ohne
Gesichtsverlust nachgeben, wenn die erkennen mußten, daß
sie zuweit gegangen waren. Es war ein unbürokratisches
Forum geschaffen worden, daß die Sicherheit der westlichen
Welt auf eine breitere Basis stellte und Kissinger ein
weiteres Mittel in die Hand gab, um eine Politik zu flexi-
bilisieren und den Vereinigten Staaten international mehr
Handlungsspielraum zu sichern.

Ein weiteres typisches Merkmal der Vorgehensweise Henry
Kissingers war sein persönlicher Stil bei Verhandlungen. Er
verstand es in geschickter Weise, geheime und der Öffent-
lichkeit bekannte Gespräche miteinanderzu kombinieren. Wie
schon am Beispiel des "Kanals" deutlich wurde, fanden oft
geheime Verhandlungen statt, während offizielle Kontakte in

- 38 -

[Lc]

Details oder im bürokratischen Sumpf stecken geblieben waren. Die geheimen Erörterungen brachten den Vorteil mit sich, daß sie ohne den Druck der Öffentlichkeit stattfanden. Man konnte in Ruhe verschiedene Optionen ausarbeiten und vorlegen, ohne bei jedem Mißerfolg den Rechtfertigungszwang vor den Medien ausgesetzt zu sein. Man weckte keine Hoffnungen, die sich später vielleicht nicht erfüllten. Außendem kam es, wie schon am Beispiel der Gipfeldiplomatie beschrieben, viel eher zu Einigungen, da im geheimen jede Seite ohne Gesichtsverlust nachgeben konnte und somit Kompromisse eher möglich wurden. Geheime und öffentliche Kontakte standen nicht in Konkurrenz zueinander, sondern ergänzten sich gegenseitig. Die großen Leitlinien wurden oft im geheimen festgelegt, während zeitraubende Detailarbeit bei offiziellen Gesprächsrunden geleistet werden konnte.

## 2.3. Kissingers Verhandlungsstrategie

Ob nun nach Bekanntwerden seiner Geheimreisen nach China, um dort das Terrain zu erkunden, nach Moskau, um den Gipfel von 1972 vorzubereiten oder seiner Geheimverhandlungen mit Le Duc Tho in Paris, stets überraschte Kissinger die Öffentlichkeit durch seine flexible Strategie. Doch auch die Verhandlungsführung trug Kissingers Handschrift. Der Gleichgewichtsdenker hielt Gespräche nur dann für erfolgversprechend, wenn sie zwischen gleichstarken Partnern geführt wurden. Bei ungleicher Kräfteverteilung hat der Stärkere keinen Anreiz, um gegenüber dem Schwächeren nachzugeben. Entweder es entsteht ein Abkommen zugunsten des Schwächeren oder es kommt zu keiner Einigung. Voraussetzung für konstruktive Erörterungen ist das Gleichgewicht der Kräfte. Macht und Diplomatie sind seiner Meinung nach zwei interdependente Größen, die sich nicht voneinander trennen

- 39 -

lassen: "Weil wir unser Machtpotential und die Diplomatie als zwei voneinander unabhängige Phänomene behandelten, kam es dazu, daß es der Macht an Wirkung fehlte und den Verhandlungen an Kraft. ³²

So kommentiert Kissinger das Dilemma der USA im Krieg mit Korea. Nach der Landung bei Inchon hätten die USA, als sie am stärksten waren, in Verhandlungen eintreten sollen. Genauso kritisiert er das Konzept im entstehenden kalten Krieg. Anstatt erst aufzurüsten, um dann aus einer Position der Stärke verhandeln zu können, hätten die Vereinigten Staaten die Schwäche der Sowjetunion nach dem Krieg und ihr Atommonopol sofort mit Verhandlungen paaren müssen. So gaben sie der UdSSR die Zeit, wieder zu erstarken und sich vom Krieg zu erholen. Nie wieder war die Position des Westens stärker als zu dieser Zeit.

Kissinger handelt entsprechend der Lehren, die er daraus zieht. Als die Sowjets im Jom Kippur Krieg durch regelmässige Rüstungslieferungen Syrien unterstützen, läßt er eine Luftbrücke nach Israel errichten und schafft somit wieder das für Verhandlungen notwendige Gleichgewicht. Ebenso in Vietnam: Le Duc Tho fühlte sich zu Beginn der Verhandlungen als der stärkere und stellte für die Vereinigten Staaten unannehmbare Bedingungen. Erst nach dem Bombardement Hanois durch amerikanische B-52 und die Verminung nordvietnamesischer Häfen gleichen sich die Kräfte wieder aus und Hanoi lenkt in eine vernünftige Verhandlungsgrundlage ein. Kissinger ist ein Befürworter von Verhandlungen, sie müssen aber aus einer starken Position, die der des Gegners mindestens ebenbürtig ist, geführt werden.

³² H. Kissinger, Memoiren Bd. 1, a.a.O., S. 94

- 40 -

[LC]

### 3. Die Institutionalisierung des Kissinger-Systems

Es bleibt die Frage nach der Effizienz des außenpolitischen Systems von Henry Kissinger. War seine Konzeption erfolgreich? Die genaue Antwort wird man erst im nächsten Jahrhundert geben können; Tatsache bleibt aber, daß seine Politik auch heute noch fortgeführt wird und eine Alternative nicht abzusehen ist. Es ist Kissinger gelungen, sein System zu institutionalisieren, das Schicksal Bismarcks scheint ihm erspart zu werden:

> Auch nach der Abberufung Dobrinins ins Politbüro ist damit zu rechnen, daß der Kanal in anderer Besetzung weiterexistiert; ³³die Vertiefung der Beziehung zu China bleibt auch künftigen Präsidenten ein Ziel. Die Bedeutung des kräftemässigen Gleichgewichts wurde Anfang der 80er Jahre neu betont: Nachdem Ende der 70er Jahre deutlich wurde, wie die Sowjetunion die Entspannung zur weiteren Hochrüstung und zum Engagement in der Dritten Welt mißbrauchte, wurde der Westen wieder aktiv. Das Gleichgewicht mußte wieder hergestellt werden, es folgte der Nato-Doppelbeschluß und auf intercontinentalstrategischer Ebene warfen die USA das SDI-Abwehrsystem in die Waagschale. Die Regierung Reagan nahm - unter Nixon und Kissinger erarbeitete - Vorschläge zum Bau des B 1-Bombers und der MX-Rakete wieder auf. Unter diesem Druck kehrten die Sowjets wieder an den Verhandlungstisch zurück. Die Kissingerkonzeption hatte erneut ihre Gültigkeit bewiesen. Weitere Verträge - ein Schritt zur Institutionalisierung - werden angestrebt. Im Endeffekt garantiert der Erfolg der Kissingerkonzeption ihre Manifestierung.

³³Die Umbesetzung der amerikanischen Botschaft in Moskau läßt darauf schließen, daß diesmal Moskau der Ort des Geschehens wird.

[Lc]

- 41 -

4. Was' war das - Entspannung

Abschliessend fehlt noch die Defination des Begriffs Ent-
spannung in Kissingers Sinn. Seinem realpolitischen Ansatz
nach ist sie ein Mittel um ein gewisses Ziel zu erreichen.
Das Ziel ist die Sicherung des Friedens, verbunden mit der
Erhaltung der liberal-demokratischen Tradition des Abend-
landes. Entspannung ist die Antwort auf die Frage, wie ein
Krieg mit Atomwaffen verhindert werden kann, ohne daß man
sich durch Kernwaffen erpressen läßt und wie man dem Ver-
langen nach Frieden ohne eine Beschwichtigungspolitik zu
führen, gerecht wird. In der Praxis bedeutet das ein
Doppelkonzept der Eindämmung und der Koexistenzen, die Be-
wahrung des Gleichgewichts der Kräfte bei einem gleich-
zeitigen Bemühen um eine positive Gestaltung der Zukunft.
Entspannung ist somit kein Selbstzweck. Sie entsteht unter
dem Diktat der nuklearen Bedrohung als historische Notwen-
digkeit. Sollte allerdings ein neues Konzept, z.B. eine
technische Revolution, welche die Folgen des Einsatzes ato-
marer Waffen belanglos werden läßt, einen weit weniger ge-
fährlichen Weg zum Erreichen oben genannter Ziele bieten,
wäre auch die Entspannung überlebt. Entspannung ist ein
flexibles Konzept, das sich der Weltlage anpaßt. Das Ge-
lingen hängt im wesentlichen von der Entschlossenheit der
westlichen Welt ab, sich der sowjetischen Herausforderung
entgegenzustellen, ab. Indem Henry Kissinger im Verbund mit
seinen Präsidenten Nixon und Ford den internationalen Be-
ziehungen diese Struktur gab, hat er ein System geschaffen,
das den Vergleich mit dem Werk seiner Vorbilder Metternich
und Bismarck nicht zu scheuen braucht.

- 42 -

[Lc]

Bibliographie

Primärliteratur

Bücher:

Kissinger Henry, Memoiren 1968-1974, München
Goldmann Verlag, 1981

Kissinger Henry, Memoiren 1973-1974, München
Goldmann Verlag, 1982

Kissinger Henry, Nuklear Weapons and Foreign Policy,
München-Wien, R. Oldenbourgh Verlag
1974²

Kissinger Henry, Weltpolitik für Morgen - Reden und Aufsätze
1982-1985, München, C. Bertelsmann-Verlag,
1986

Nixon Richard, Memoiren, Köln, Ellenberg-Verlag, 1979

Aufsätze und Texte

Kissinger Henry, Die Entspannungsdoktrin der Vereinigten
Staaten, Erklärung des amerikanischen
Außenministers Henry A. Kissinger vor dem
außenpolitischen Ausschuß des Senats am
19. Sept. 1974 über die Politik gegenüber
der Sowjetunion.

In: Europa Archiv, 1974, Heft 20, S.463-482

- 44 -

[Lc]

## Kurzzusammenfassung

Immer wieder entbrennt der Streit um die Entspannungspolitik. Die Kritiker fordern ein zurück zu einer realistischen Entspannung, so wie sie eingentlich geplant war. Dabei spielt das Kissinger-Konzept eine zentrale Rolle.

Kissingers Entspannung ist eine erweiterte Doktrin der Eingämmung, die zudem auch noch mehr Sicherheit für die westliche Welt bringen soll. Klar wird die Sowjetunion als weltpolitischer Gegner genannt. Durch zwei Komponenten – militärische Stärke gekoppelt mit Kooperationsbereitschaft auf allen Gebieten – sollen zwei Ziele erreicht werden: Sicherung des Friedens gepaart mit Erhaltung der demokratischen und liberalen Werte der westlichen Welt.

Es ist Kissinger gelungen, trotz erheblicher Handicaps, wie dem Vietnamkrieg und dem Watergate-Skandal, der Außenpolitik seine Handschrift aufzudrücken; seine Verhandlungsführung, die Verträge zu denen er den Startschuß gab und die Umgestaltung der diplomatischen Welt werden bis ins nächste Jahrhundert ihre Wirkung haben.

TRANSLATION - jw

1 June 1987

Dear Professor Kissinger:

May I extend warmest congratulations personally and on
behalf of the CSU-Landesgruppe [provincial or state group]
in the German Bundestag on receiving the Karlspreis.

Your noteworthy points of view on current world political
issues, on the disarmament talks or events in the USSR are
of great significance for the formation of policy also in
the Federal Republic. In addition to the politician, I would
not wish to overlook Henry Kissinger the author. In this
connection, I was especially pleased that your dissertation
on Metternich and Castlereagh was included in the Manesse
series.

I hope to once again have the opportunity for a personal
chat in the foreseeable future and look forward to the next
encounter.

CSU-Landesgruppe
im Deutschen Bundestag

Der Vorsitzende

JUL 1 1987

1. Juni 1987

ka/16-12

Herrn
Prof. Dr. Henry Kissinger
Suite 520
1800 K Street
NW Washington 20006

USA

Sehr geehrter Herr Professor Kissinger,

zur Verleihung des Karls-Preises darf ich Ihnen persönlich
und namens der CSU-Landesgruppe im Deutschen Bundestag die
herzlichsten Glückwünsche übermitteln.

Ihre bemerkenswerten Stellungnahmen zu aktuellen weltpolitischen Fragen, zur Abrüstungsdiskussion oder den Vorgängen in der UdSSR sind für die politische Willensbildung auch in der Bundesrepublik von großer Bedeutung. Neben dem Politiker möchte ich jedoch auch den Autor Henry Kissinger nicht missen. Besonders gefreut hat mich in diesem Zusammenhang die Tatsache, daß Ihre Dissertation über Metternich und Castlereagh Aufnahme in die Manesse-Reihe gefunden hat.

Ich hoffe, in absehbarer Zeit wieder einmal die Möglichkeit für ein persönliches Gespräch zu haben und freue mich auf die nächste Begegnung.

Mit vorzüglicher Hochachtung
Ihr

Bundeshaus · 5300 Bonn 1 · Fernsprecher (02 28) 16 30 49

"TO FLY WILL BE AN AWFULLY BIG ADVENTURE!"

E167

12 = Nov. '87

# Washington keeps the world waiting

GEORGE WALDEN MP reports from the US capital on the startling lack of urgency as America ponders how to bring its budget under control as the spectre of recession looms

LIKE THE unnaturally warm weather that continued in Washington until a few days ago, there is something distinctly unreal about the political atmosphere in the American capital. Just as the leaves have clung to the trees in a show of defiance of the forces of nature, so the Administration has seemed determined to postpone to the last moment the arithmetical inevitability of action to cut the budget deficit.

As the negotiations between Congress and the White House slide towards the end of their third week, the fear is not so much that there will be no agreement as that the talks have been running uncomfortably close to the November 20 deadline set by the Gramm-Rudman Bill and that the jump might be lowered at the last moment.

The prospect of cuts only a little above the $23 billion stipulated in the Bill, and achieved after weeks of haggling, is unlikely to satisfy the need of the stock markets, the banks and of foreign Governments for bold action to avert a recession.

At the very least, a simulacrum of lively concern was required; but the pace of the talks has been closer to a pavane than a gavotte. Sometimes the mood has seemed to be one of a certain fatigue with the inhuman abstraction of budgetry. Public attention has focused on more personal and parochial dramas: the search for yet a third candidate for the Supreme Court nomination; the resignation of Caspar Weinberger; the declaration of Senator Dole's presidential candi-dacy; and the President's concern over the health of his wife.

Politicians detect no clamour for action on the deficit from their constituents — though given the unattractiveness of the options facing the Administration, this is scarcely surprising. Nor, in a pre-election year, have the Democrats been in any noticeable hurry to help the President out of his hole. He himself has naturally done his best to discourage the impression that he is in one.

In reality, in-fighting within and between the two camps. Congress and the White House, has been predictably intense; so much so that the politics of the negotiation process have sometimes seemed to obscure the magnitude of what is at stake.

It would have been comforting to believe that the mesmeric slowness of the negotiations has been an economic therapy in itself: an invisible hand soothing the brow of a distraught Europe. But the occasional suspicion that there may have been no hand there at all has made the brow perspire even more profusely.

It would also have been encouraging if the world could have seen the outline of a package being pieced together, however cumbrously. But here, too, there has been no clear, rational sequence. Until recently the talk was of an increase in petrol tax combined with a reduction in the expected increases in pensions and other benefits. But now it is said that both are "off the table".

The sensitivity of any decision to touch pensions is not hard to see: 32 million people would be affected in an age group with a high voting propensity, though many of them are by no means poor. An increase in the price of petrol, which has not risen in real terms for 15 years, would hit everyone — which is presumably why that is now out too.

A subsequent package seemed more politically prudent: a balance between revenue raising through asset sales, excise duties and perhaps a tax on oil imports, with expenditure cuts in defence and some social security payments. Now, yet a third package seems to be emerging. Thus not only have the mills ground slowly, but at times to uncertain purpose.

Ironically, this year is the bicentenary of the American Constitution — a piece of machinery which, with its plebescitarian presidency, division of powers and fragmentation of responsibilities seems almost designed to frustrate decisive action in crises of this kind. Only clear presidential leadership or a bipartisan approach could have circumvented these insti-

tutional obstacles; but so far there has been little evidence of either.

In the American view, this is a fact of life that Europe must simply accept. The Democratic majority leader, Tom Foley, a major player in the negotiations, asked me to imagine how we ourselves would fare if Mrs. Thatcher and Mr. Kinnock, each forearmed with a veto, were obliged to negotiate painful budget cuts acceptable to the backbenchers of both parties. The analogy, however apt, is scarcely consoling.

Everyone pays lip-service to the tired truism of interdependence. But, in practice, international exigencies seem less central than might have been hoped. Seen from America, the other key economies — Germany's and Japan's — are in no position to complain. By their failure to reduce their trading surpluses, they have become part of the problem.

Britain herself does not feature in the discussion. The Prime Minister's message and the Chancellor's outspoken Mansion House speech were received here not with resentment, but with something almost worse — a kind of polite unconcern. Admiration for Mrs. Thatcher is as boundless as receptiveness to foreign advice is limited.

Paradoxically, the fact that we are so obviously among the good guys has tended to reduce our relevance. The main international concern is that foreigners are expecting too much. The unspoken corollary is that it will be their own fault if they are disappointed.

Nor, despite the proximity of the

Reagan-Gorbachev summit, in any discernible anxiety about strategic penalties of financial bility, the risk that the West of prolonged economic flux weaken the President's position. But Gorbachev seems to indicate far wider than the INI ment. Yet in the Soviet world is not just the military balance the overall "correlation of forces" economic, social and political counts.

On present form, Gorbachev encouraged to take a tough stand much by the prospect of a deal in the West's economic fortunes the accompanying strains Europe and America as by sures for a relatively small gain in America's defence budget.

In Washington, the summit seems more than the moment. The hope sees that by itself the encounter will lead to a new approach to the "recent political setbacks" — over the budget deficit by one among many.

The reaction of the American remains to be seen. Elicit takes place against the background of falling stock and declining confidence, the nation of economic anxieties reservations about the INI ment and fear of precipitous moves in arms control, and that any applause from Europe be distant and polite.

Conversely, if a satisfactory settlement is achieved before he's visit, and the matter well, the hand of the West will be considerably stronger and their inevitable difference perspective on arms control less large.

Meanwhile main come from the real America. Many of the indicators are excellent. America is immensely energetic and country whose feet are up to leave the ground for current compromise with common sense is therefore even if the process by being achieved is a protracted.

At the time of writing expects for a solution having brightened again: it may be that the markets will pass to this real America the final package when it

Beneath all the frust recriminations, there is a transatlantic relationship will ride out this storm others, simply because it

really surprising that clai

COMMUNISM
IN DECLINE?

In the second of two
special articles on the
changing communist
world, GEORGE
WALDEN MP assesses
the pace of current
reforms in China in
the light of the Party
Congress last week

New realism: the long march back to elitism and examinations in Chinese schools

Learning a lesson from
the dogma that failed

AS a diplomat in China during
a Cultural Revolution
almost 20 years ago, I sensed
that Mao's last spasm of extremism
had passed its peak when the
girls in Peking, who had unsexed them-
selves by amputating their plaits,
began to tie up the stubs with col-
oured elastic bands rather than the
brown ones favoured at the height
of the hysteria.

On a visit to China less than a
year ago, I was served in a hotel by
a girl in a cheongsam split almost to
the thigh. From this, and from less
subjective portents, I concluded
that the counter-revolution was
advancing too fast for its own good.
A month later, China's leader, Deng
Xiaoping, gave a touch on the
brakes.

The pace of change slackened
briefly, but after last week's Party
Congress and the retreat of the old
guard it seems likely to pick up
again. The ground already covered
in a relatively short historical period
is astonishing, outstripping Gorbachev's
reforms in the Soviet Union.
There is also less resistance to
change than in Russia.

One reason for this is that commu-
nism seems to have eaten less
deerly into China's psyche. Another
is the widespread recognition that
the Cultural Revolution was a major
tragedy for the country. In Mao's
last year China had been run by a
communist Calig authority under the influ-
ence of a vigorously obsequious
discipline led by his own wife, the
lamentable Jiang Qing. The lessons
of ultra-Leftism have been well and
truly learned in the school of recent
history. Gu Jiang, a young poet who
lived through the period, later
wrote:

The night has given me dark eyes
But I use them to look for light.

Deng's reforms are clearly work-
ing. With two-thirds of the popula-

tion still on the land, he sensibly
began in the countryside. The com-
mine system was largely aban-
doned, and family farming encour-
aged. China has a long tradition of
private farming: for the last 2,000
years serfdom has been almost
unknown — whereas in Russia it
existed until 1861. This could
explain why the Chinese peasant is
grasping his new opportunities so
avidly and why the countryside
looks a far busier and more prosper-
ous place than it did two decades
ago. In a year of another bad Soviet
harvest, Gorbachev must be casting
an envious eye eastwards.

Industrial production has
improved less dramatically except,
paradoxically, in the countryside,
where small firms are booming. Like
farms, factories now contract
to sell a fixed quota of their produce

Education suffered particularly
badly during the Cultural Revolu-
tion. But here, too, the Chinese have
sound traditions on which to build.
As one senior Chinese told me: "We
have wasted 30 years showing that
egalitarianism doesn't work. Now
we have to encourage enterprise
and have competition." The competitive
ethos is deeply rooted in the coun-
try's culture: Confucian educational
ideals were thoroughly meritorious,
and public examinations were the
gateway to advancement for all
classes. Under the Manchus, they
were sometimes so stiff that 98 per
cent of the candidates failed.

I saw an example of educational
realism in practice in a Peking
school. The headmaster had no
qualms about selectivity — the nor-
mal mode of entry — and listened
with politely disguised incredulity
as I described our comprehensive

we and the Americans are experi-
encing a severe shortage of — math-
maths and physics — and are prov-
ing embarrassingly successful in our
universities in such fields as
engineering.

In the Cultural Revolution intel-
lectualism was suffocated. Book-
shops were stocked not with litera-
ture but with propaganda portraits
of Communist leaders: one asked for
three Maos and two Lin Piaos. Soon
the Chinese will be able to order
anything from Confluences to Kafka (a
writer still difficult to find in BR),
and there is a vast programme of
republication of Chinese and
world literature. Unless the cam-
paign against "bourgeois liberal-
ism" gets in the way, this will have
an immense impact on the
intelligentsia.

Both economic and educational
reforms will increase income differ-
entials, and the question arises: is
China still a communist country? If
human rights are a guide, the
answer must still be yes. Dissidents
are not tenderly treated. Yet it is
not easy to reconcile the reforms
with Marxism, and China's leaders
do not seem to be trying too hard.
As Deng likes to say: it does not
matter whether a cat is black or
white as long as it catches mice.

China is indulging in a new orth-
ogamy. She has never been
crafty in theology: the deity —
"Tien", literally "the sky" — has
always been a remote and imper-
sonal force. The contrast in Russia,
with her quasi-religious heritage,
her devotion to dreamy abstrac-
tions, her willingness to sacrifice
the present to the future, and her
mission to impose brotherly love on
the world through the vehicle of
Marxism-Leninism, is instructive.
Maybe that is why there are so few
millionaires among the Russian
emigres in America, and an increas-
ing number of Chinese.

to the state, the rest being marketed
for profit — a notion that has been
rehabilitated without difficulty. In
the Special Economic Zones, foreign
holdings can be up to 100 per cent;
in Russia, overseas capitalists can
control only 49 per cent of the
equity.

There is a long way to go before
China catches up with the living
standards of some non-communist
Asian countries, and the manage-
ment of the economy in a country of
more than 29 provinces has a popu-
lation of over 20 million people —
more than the average nation state
— will always be awesomely diffi-
cult. But China is on the road.

system. In his school the brightest
pupils had their photographs dis-
played on the notice board and their
parents received cash prizes. Those
parents who could afford it were
required to make a small monthly
contribution to supplement state
funding and to give them a stake
in the school's success.

The Chinese, too, are sending
large numbers of students abroad —
22,000 to the United States alone —
and a new scholarship scheme has
been set up in Britain with the help
of the Hongkong businessman and
philanthropist Y. K. Pao. Stu-
dents of the Chinese origin seem es-
cially gifted in the two areas where

expense has been lavished should look
to better. As the passenger who passes
quickly through the train, I thought that
it taken to cover up, paint and repair will
appear to be an improvement.

However, dirt is already beginning
to cover new paint. The new flooring
on the steps down from the platforms
was obviously chosen for looks rather
than durability — it is now no longer
blue but mud — and water could be
shifted by sweeping it down the drain.
The smell, puddles, litter and bird-
drops in areas away from the main
concourse have to be experienced
to be believed. The hanging
flower baskets, planted in the enthu-
siastic beginning of Network South

Passengers have to paddle through
and I have seen them seem slip on the
once cream but now grey new marble floor-
ing. The station staff appear not to
understand that the water could be
shifted by sweeping it down the drain.
The smell, puddles, litter and bird-
drops in areas away from the main
concourse have to be experienced
to be believed. The hanging
flower baskets, planted in the enthu-
siastic beginning of Network South

Elect
by a
red lig

HOW APPOSITES
it before MPs
decide, again, whether
it mit the televising of
ings, the Lords should
agoning over some
local difficulties. Th
thems last Wednesday
eers talk for too long
longer Leader in the
Lord's, may well be moved
to hard against some of
ment's forthcoming lea

Lord Whitelam is
Prime Minister will be
his warning. There is
reason for the protivists
One, of course, is the
Commons they have
Order and no Speaker
firmed last week, the
discipline which, in
nature, is not invariable

Another reason is that
thi work on piece of
a fixed salary and ca-
alences. Peers are not
allowable. This tends to
up a bit so debates are
more closely contested
than the Commons. In
time-consuming.

A third factor is that
already on television
light above the ce
means that it is turni
performance. No mo
Lords is vain: but not
when looking occasion-
noted.

Many years 1 vision in the Commu-
nity because televis-
bosses everything it
dictates, for example
trial finals are to
America. I thought
 invite television to de
which the business of
should be conducted.

When behaviour deteriorated, and Peers began to think that they could be a thought that caner people down. My pre
that far from calming
minority in the Com
inflamable domestic
demon of getting things do
gladly done soon be expe-
rienced, wholly subjective vi

What, more objecti
cameras in is that
certainly get fuller
Lords, their busi
much, much longer t

PAUL DANIELS

has been critical on
click which left view
he had perished
Maiden. Not long a
Spain in a private
Daniels. He and hi
at one end of it,
which included the

We were doing
when we did, a
lot of dust
he said. Don't
the card taste
taste but with un
ents drew a card
the trick. We had
encounters with
Spain. I think. I
was watching the
will not have had
the card up the BBC
up the BBC.
Daniels was still a

ABOUT 15 year
A new book
India in Bomba
It was not no

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

Why did I bother to get
qualifications?

SIR — I am writing to ask if you could
please tell me where I have gone
wrong in my life?

I am 21 years old and have just
completed a four-year intensive train-
ing course to become a laboratory
Scientific Officer in the National Health
Service. At 17 I left school with eight
good GCE 'O' level passes, having
secured a position in the Pathology
Department at Peterborough District
Hospital. From this, and thought, offer
me an enjoyable and rewarding career.
The job required a degree, two rele-
vant GCE 'A' levels or five GCE 'O'
levels including English, Maths and
two Science subjects.

I have repeatedly asked myself why,
after spending apparently endless
days and evenings at technical college

ious change from the money, politics,
international crises, murder, rape and
pillage that fill newspapers.

I know Mrs Gunnila Steen is the
founder of the Swedish management
consultant in Sweden and therefore handles
all those subjects with monotonous regu-
larity, but her treatment of them was
pure joy. It must have produced
laugh all across Europe, at every
level of the nightmarish office life she
so vividly describes.

Women executives become mon-
sters because they copy the monsters,
re men, with whom they work. It is an
interesting line of argument. If we
become like those with whom we
work, what is to become of zoo-
ers? Not only will they start behaving
like zebras, cockatoos and chimpan-

present are at a level to go a long way
to pay for them. Return on capital
varies from industry to industry, and
present electricity generation and
distribution rates are excellent. To
quote Current Cost Accounting hares as
supporting the increase is quite false.
Business has almost completely
stopped using this system, finding it
misleading and practically use-
less. Energy would cost advances of this
nature would hit industry, and its
profitability would put up the rate
of inflation, and add to the drift of
helping the rich and harmine the poor.

Only stark abuse of monopoly power
will enable the Government to inflict
this severe self-inflicted wound upon
the country and themselves, and it is
to be hoped intensive political and
public pressure will induce at last

1987

# The mixed blessings of Russian reform

TEN YEARS ago, a French philosopher wrote a book called Marx est Mort. At the time it seemed extravagantly optimistic, but the political seismograph is undeniably registering a global slippage to the Right. As socialism subsides in the West, communism ebbs in the East.

The trend has crystallised with remarkable suddenness, and the West is still suspicious of its own good fortune. Some even ask — as they did about the Sino-Soviet split — whether it is not all a gigantic charade. A better question is whether the Communist Reform- ation will work. A better one still is: whether it succeeds or fails, what does it mean for us? But the best question of all is the most brutally paradoxical: are we safe to assume that our interests are better served by more pragmatic regimes?

First, will it work? To us, Gorbachev seems to be offering his people something they cannot re-use: a measure of freedom and democracy, and the lure of prosperity. Essentially, he is asking them to drink less, bestir themselves from their legendary indolence, reduce their slothful reliance on the welfare state, cut over-manning and risk unemployment, contem- plate price rises for food and hous-ing, and face up to the more sordid episodes of their recent history.

Gorbachev's speeches imply awareness of the lunar pull of inertia over the Russian people. Lenin was aware of it too: "Russians are lazy-bones and like a soft life ... It's a bowl of mush we have, not a dictatorship." Like Peter the Great, who tried to westernise his subjects by cutting off their beards, Gorbachev is trying to dictate reform from above. In the economy, the ports for success are not encouraging. Unlike Eastern Europe or China, Russia's experience of anything like a market economy is brief and remote. It is only a little over 100 years since the serfs were freed, and already 70 years since the Revolution. Economic reform means above all a willingness to close unproductive factories and lay off workers; but job security has come to be seen as the main — perhaps the sole — advantage of socialism.

THERE is a tendency in the West to suggest that, somehow, it is up to us to ensure that Gorbachev succeeds in making some economic headway reasonably soon. Such a view greatly exaggerates our ability to influence events. There is not a lot we can do to enable his own people, conditioned to the inefficiencies of the Soviet economy, to accept the rigours of reform.

In China, the prospects seem better. In 4,000 years of her history, Communism has been a fleeting moment, and it is there that the incubs may be sloughed off most quickly. The Chinese revolution has always been more nationalist than communist, and Peking an ideologically volatile partner for

Moscow, ricocheting from the extreme Leftism of the Great Leap forward and the Cultural Revolution to the extreme pragmatism of today, which goes further than anything yet attempted in Russia.

But even if both Russia and China continue to inch towards our own ideology, what are the implications for us? The very word ideology, with its overtones of absolutism, is an alien import. Moreover, ideologies are ephemeral: states with their permanent interests and potential for conflict, are enduring. That this new thaw could bring hope to the millions still suffering

from the canker of communism is not in doubt. But seen historically, it is a cruel fact that communism has brought indirect benefits to the West, as well as dangers.

Without the stimulus from the East it is doubtful whether Europe would have united after the 1939-45 War. Without the *paz sovietica* in Eastern Europe, the Balkan pot would have continued to simmer, and perhaps overflow. Without a system which entombed the talents of the Russian and Chinese peoples, the economic and cultural primacy of the West would be less absolute than it is today.

Picture: JUDAH PASSOW

Russian workers: job security is seen as socialism's main advantage

> In the first of two articles, GEORGE WALDEN MP considers whether there is a genuine desire for change in the Soviet Union and whether a more liberal government would be of benefit to the West

Communism also marks out a clearly defined adversary, keeping the West united and its peoples ready to pay for the defence of the peace. For all their inequities, communist regimes have shown prudence in their military relationships with the West (the exceptions being Korea and Cuba). China has never attempted to take Taiwan by force, nor Russia Berlin. Under communism, no American or British soldier has ever fought a Russian.

IT WOULD be absurd and immoral to conclude that totalitarianism is in our interests and that it should be sustained. But nothing — even the progressive dismantling of communism, if that is what lies ahead — is without its penalties.

If communism is indeed retreat-ing, whatever has been half-sub-merged by the tide will reappear more starkly. In Russia, this retreat will not erase the spirit that drives the country — its sense of superiority of soul over the West, exacerbated by material inferiority and by an ambiguity of identity (China is wholly Asian, but is Russia European?). The doctrine of Moscow as the Third Rome trans-scends that of communism, and is far older: "Two Romes have fallen, and but the third is still standing, and there will be no fourth." Slavophiles and Westerners both agree on the unique destiny of the Russian motherland.

Experts have long debated whether Soviet policies are more national than ideological, and the exact mix is inevitably uncertain. What is clear is that, if the doctrinal element is diminished, the national component will increase.

The one thing both Russia and China lack is a tradition of freedom, which is why their reform movements could still be reversed, by a place coup or by the untimely disappearance of an individual leader.

Both countries are still infinitely removed from the democratic ideal. Yet the whole of modern history shows that real security can only be based on a comity of democratic states: countries with fully representative governments do not go to war with each other.

Either Gorbachev will fail, which could bring a reversion to orthodoxy and militarism; or he will half-succeed, making communism a more formidable adversary, able to present a more plausible façade to the West and to the Third World.

Conceivably his advent could also predate the progressive metamorphosis of communism, over a prolonged and fitful historical period, into something more akin to the democratic model. In all three cases, the prudent conclusion for the West is the same: the maintenance, for the foreseeable future, of the political and military basis of our present security.

Next Monday, George Walden takes a closer look at recent moves towards liberalisation in China

A far-caught in tabloid

I HAVE been prepredicated in the contemporary campaign by themselves by the papers, primarily Maxwell's Mirror which Lord Steve and his colleagues, David Tattle about the Prince and Prince Sun broadly takes you and, by heart even their wives

Now it is true news media this and-break impu- work. It appearsance. There al however, the gre All newspapers, ture newspapers of a complex abo the Royal Fam appears to bestor direction, there tors of tabloids even their wives

Thus, a year watched with u scyphatic veri life of the Prin Wales, presented Alastair Burnet, reflected, there pay.Reflect for words used by t

"Princess Diana the newspapers The Sun can ans in one word — I newspapers have the most fam world. They hav of glamour and years I have p collection of cl duch's newspaper Princess Diana of her family "i and romance". have fared be inhabited by reg nals and sur

What about the years suited you, ad your lives, priva and so fanned yourselves. We sion's resource other means of curi

Looking back, I doubt if period in which the Royal Fam has led such has there been has suffered n offensiveness press. I exurge

Alan Rusbridger of last Thursday in Manchester, the bridge explaining press corps, from addressin

Leave the radio

guarantee a job if there are not enough jobs to go round. Besides,

August 12, 1987

MEMO FOR HAK

FROM: Rosemary

SUBJECT: Letter from Waldheim

Attached is the original of the letter from President Waldheim enclosing a soon to be published (by the Foreign Ministry) background paper defending Waldheim against the charges that have been the subject of so much attention.

The letter is operational on two points: first, that he would appreciate "any advice you can give me in this matter"; and second, the hope that "we shall have the opportunity to see you in Vienna on some future occasion."

It cannot be ruled out that Waldheim has sent a similar letter to other important leaders.

No reply necessary

Draft a brief acknowledgement

[L.C.T.]

AUG 11 1987

Der Bundespräsident

Vienna, July 27, 1987

You are of course fully aware of the unfortunate
campaign directed against me and my country in the United
States. The Watchlist-decision of the US-Administration
had an extremely negativ impact on the thinking of the
Austrian people about a country for which we Austrians
always had feelings of great friendship and gratitude.
All this has been destroyed by this one decision which
is not understood by our people.

It is indeed unique in the history of interstate
relations to discriminate against a head of state of
a friendly country in a way as it has been done in my
case.

The Austrian Government and the Austrian Parliament
have strongly opposed this decision for the reason that
no evidence for any wrong doing on my part has been
presented and furthermore that the decision violates
international law.

Please find enclosed a summary of a documentation on
my political background and my war years which is to be
published soon by our Ministry for Foreign Affairs.
Having known you for so many years I would certainly
appreciate any advice you can give me in this matter.

I hope that we shall have the opportunity to see
you in Vienna on some future occasion.

With best regards

Professor
Henry KISSINGER
Washington

General remarks

Since early 1986, Dr. Kurt Waldheim, the President of Austria and the former Secretary General of the United Nations, has been the target of allegations regarding his activities and political affiliations immediately prior to and during World War II. These allegations have received extensive publicity in the world media and have been discussed in several forums, both official and unofficial.

In the context of Dr. Waldheim's 1986 candidacy for the office of Federal President of Austria, several documents were mischaracterized in such a way as to mislead the public with regard to his wartime record. Thereby, an obvious effort was made to put in question the moral integrity of the candidate. The key allegations against Dr. Waldheim can be summarized as follows:

- that he had been a member of National Socialist (NS) organizations, thereby adhering to their ideology;

- that he had been involved in war crimes and in the persecution of civilians in the Balkans;

- that he had participated in the deportation of Jews from Greece, or at least had knowledge thereof;

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- that he had intentionally omitted facts regarding his military career during World War II in an effort to conceal involvement in war crimes and persecutions.

Objective analysis of existing documentary and other materials results in findings whereby:

- Dr. Waldheim comes from an anti-National Socialist family; he resisted pressures exerted by the NS regime, did not become a member of NS organizations and rejected all aspects of National Socialist ideology. He was not, as has been variously alleged, a member of the NS Students' Union, much less an SA-Storm Trooper;

- Dr. Waldheim's military rank and the nature of his assignments exclude, by virtue of their scope and limits, any of the alleged involvement in war crimes or persecution of civilians;

- based upon absences from the respective regions for reasons of academic and home leave, and taking into consideration his assignments and whereabouts, Dr. Waldheim could not have been involved in the deportations of Jews from Greece; had he actually been aware of these events, he would not have been in a position to undertake anything to prevent them;

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- Dr. Waldheim was not guilty of any misconduct and therefore had no motive to purposefully conceal any part of his wartime record.

- Documentary evidence from Belgrade indicates that the Yugoslav war crimes file on Dr. Waldheim which is also the basis for the UN-War Crimes Commission file, is rife with errors as well as irregularities. One of these documents suggests that foreign policy issues then existing between Yugoslavia and Austria seem to have been the motive for the preparation of this file.

It is important to note that there is not a single credible witness in support of the many allegations raised against Dr. Waldheim; the only two purported witness testimonies against him, those used for the Yugoslav and UN War Crimes Commission charges, have been disproven beyond reasonable doubt.

When the allegations were first raised in March of 1986, Dr. Waldheim endeavoured to respond to them, relying only on his memory to recall events of more than 40 years ago. However, it soon became apparent that these allegations were not always motivated by a scrupulous concern for the truth, but were instead, manipulated as part of a coordinated and misleading campaign to diminish Dr. Waldheim's moral integrity. These accusers sought to damage his international reputation

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by a mischaracterization of facts, innuendo and outright misrepresentation. Given the nature of the attacks and their timing in the midst of an election campaign, the then Austrian President, Dr. Rudolf Kirchschläger, a former judge, agreed to examine the documents and other evidence at the request of Dr. Waldheim's critics, and determined that if placed in the position of a state prosecutor, he ".... would not dare to level charges ...." based upon the evidence presented to him.

These widespread allegations continued to make headlines, despite Dr. Kirchschläger's findings and Dr. Waldheim's clarifications. Concurrently, the Office of Special Investigations (OSI) of the United States Department of Justice, on the urging of a non-elected private organization, the World Jewish Congress (WJC), began to conduct an investigation to determine Dr. Waldheim's eligibility for entry into the United States in terms of the "Holtzmann amendment" to the US Immigration and Nationalities Act. In order to facilitate the above investigation, Dr. Waldheim's lawyers and representatives immediately and continuously informed the US Department of Justice of such research results as were then available regarding his military and political activities prior to and during World War II. At no time was Dr. Waldheim given the opportunity to address specific charges formulated against him by the OSI, since the special nature of this proceeding excluded this as well as all access to the

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documentary evidence against him. Instead, in July 1986 the
OSI provided a list of several general areas in Dr.
Waldheim's curriculum concerning which information was of
interest to that office. There was never an indication of
precise charges being investigated, nor were there ever
questions posed by OSI or requests for comments, or
clarification received from OSI.

An extensive research effort was initiated by Dr. Waldheim in
order to bring to light as much evidence as possible regar-
ding his wartime record. This undertaking turned out to be
particularly time-consuming because it not only necessitated
investigations going back more than 40 years, but it was also
essential that Dr. Waldheim's pertinent reminiscences of the
past, as well as those of other witnesses, were corroborated
with documentary evidence.

Acting on Dr. Waldheim's behalf, researchers have reviewed
thousands of documents located in several archives in Ger-
many, the United States, Italy, Yugoslavia, Austria and other
countries. Documentary evidence has also been procured from
Dr. Waldheim's academic, military and private family records
and memorabilia. Further evidence has been voluntarily provi-
ded by the citizens of several nations. Moreover, dozens of
Dr. Waldheim's fellow students, comrades-in-arms, former
neighbors and collegues have submitted affidavits in order to
obtain a full and accurate picture of his activities during

[L.C.]

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the time in question. He also asked several scholars and experts to clarify matters within their particular areas of expertise. As a result of these efforts on his part, Dr. Waldheim's academic and military activities are now so transparent that all allegations are disproven beyond reasonable doubt.

Nevertheless, in contradiction to generally acknowledged principles of due process as well as of international law, the US- Department of Justice on April 27, 1987, announced its decision to place Dr. Waldheim's name on the so called "Watch-List". On April 28, 1987, the Austrian Federal Government formally rejected this decision and requested the US-authorities to make available the documentary evidence which had led to that decision. However, the US-authorities did not comply with this request; no documents or other evidence were presented to the Austrian government.

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# Summary of Documentation

## 1. Alleged Membership in NS-Organizations

Early allegations attempted to paint Dr. Waldheim as an active supporter of Nazi doctrines and organizations during his student days. It has been specifically alleged that while a university student he was a member of certain National Socialist organizations. These allegations were also used in an attempt to implicate Dr. Waldheim in the activities of the so-called "brown shirts" (SA Storm Troopers).

The facts revealed by documentary evidence clearly demonstrate the falsity of the above allegations. For example, a search of the Berlin Document Center, the central repository for membership records of all such National Socialist organizations, reveals a total absence of any reference to Dr. Waldheim. Other records in complete contradiction to the accusatory allegations prove that as a student Dr. Waldheim was in organizations opposed to National Socialism in his home town (Christian Democrat Youth Movement, etc.). In addition, former school and University friends have provided written testimony as to his anti-Nazi positions. Most compellingly, a 1940 political assessment of Dr. Waldheim by the Nazi Gauleitung of Lower Danube, cites him for his hostility to the Nazi movement. This document dates from a time after the alleged dates of membership in Nazi organizations and thus re-

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futes any such implication of membership. Finally, the in-
existence of membership in any National Socialist organiza-
tion was confirmed in official proceedings in 1946. At Dr.
Waldheim's request these proceedings were reviewed in 1987 by
Generalanwalt Dr. Karl Marschall, head of the department
responsible for denazification matters ("NS-Verbotsgesetz")
in the Austrian Ministry of Justice, and the evidence of no
NS memberships whatsoever reconfirmed.

## 2. The Doctoral Dissertation

Other allegations, according to which Dr. Waldheim's 1944
legal dissertation showed evidence of National Socialist in-
clinations, are again completely without merit. Eminent aca-
demicians have analysed the dissertation at length and have
unequivocally rejected these allegations. One of the most
intensive analyses was conducted by Professor Gerald Stourzh
of the University of Vienna, an historian who has been at-
tached to institutions of higher learning in the United
States and Great Britain, such as the Institute for Advanced
Study, Princeton, N.J., and Churchill College, Cambridge Uni-
versity. In his analysis, Prof. Stourzh concluded that Dr.
Waldheim's dissertation did not espouse any principle of Na-
tional Socialism, either directly or indirectly, that it did
not have the slightest anti-Semitic overtones and that it did
not contain any anti-Semitic statement or tendency whatso-
ever. As a matter of fact, the words "Jew" or "Jewish"

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do not occur in the text. It is not conceivable that Dr. Waldheim, had he been of National Socialist inclination, would have scrupulously excluded all anti-Semitic formulations from his thesis which do in fact exist in the writings of Konstantin Frantz.

### 3. Interpreting and Ordinance Assignments in 1942

Further allegations have attempted to distort the nature of Dr. Waldheim's service in the Balkans during the spring and summer of 1942. The facts, as revealed in documents, disprove these allegations.

In April 1942, he was assigned to a German army liaison staff with a division of the Italian army. His duties were those of an Italian-German interpreter. During this assignment, he was stationed in Pljevlje, Yugoslavia, together with a signal corps team and a radio truck. He had no command authority, but instead, acted as interpreter and liaison officer between the German and Italian staffs.

In late May 1942, the German liaison unit to the Italian 5th Division in Pljevlje, Yugoslavia, was disbanded and Dr. Waldheim was transferred to Banja Luka, Yugoslavia (haedquarters for Kampfgruppe West-Bosnien) where he carried out the duties of a junior supply officer. Contrary to what has been alleged, he had no command authority and no

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involvement in combat, intelligence, counterintelligence or POW handling operations. This assignment continued until August 1942.

In connection with Dr. Waldheim's service during this time, his critics have repeatedly cited the inclusion of his name on a purported "commemorative list" and the awards list reflecting the presentation to him of a Croatian medal. These critics contend the listing and award show that he was actively involved in combat operations.

Any fair reading of either the "commemorative list" or the citation covering the award of the medal, makes these charges unsustainable. Both documents list other officers who, like Dr. Waldheim, were assigned to non-combat staff positions. For example, they include the names of a chaplain, medical officers, another supply officer, a legal officer and a paymaster. Large-scale and often random distribution of this medal has been confirmed by both Yugoslav and Austrian sources. At the time Dr. Waldheim received this medal, almost one thousand such medals had already been distributed. A document governing the award of Croatian distinctions to Wehrmacht personnel proves that this medal, because of its low level, was not presented either to active combat participants or to leading officers. Clearly these two documents do not constitute proof of "courageous conduct in the fighting" or involvement in combat operations.

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[Lc]

## 4. Tirana and the Podgorica Meeting

A widely circulated 1943 photograph shows Dr. Waldheim in the presence of an Italian general and a German general of the Waffen-SS. His critics have misinterpreted this photograph as evidence of his involvement with the SS or with the planning of combat operations. They have even gone so far as to characterize the high-top boots he is wearing as part of an SS uniform.

In fact, the photograph is a record of nothing more than Dr. Waldheim's role as an Italian-German interpreter at a meeting regarding the chain of command between Italian and German forces. He was temporarily dispatched to this meeting on a one-day assignment from his base position as an Italian-German interpreter with the German liaison staff to Italian troops in Tirana, Albania. As to his boots, they were a traditional part of the uniform of a cavalry officer, (his last assignment prior to being wounded) and, for that matter, of most Wehrmacht officers.

## 5. Athens - the Italian Armistice

Between July and early October of 1943, Dr. Waldheim was attached to a German liaison staff with the Italian Army Command in Athens, Greece. His critics contend that he had re-

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sponsibility for the transportation of Italian POWs to cap-
tivity in Germany after Italy's armistice with the Allies.
Contrary to this, it has been clearly established that Dr.
Waldheim's activities at this time were restricted to the
realm of regular ordinance, interpreting and liaison duties,
which lacked any power of command. Such activities of an
ordinance officer fail to constitute a basis for such
allegations.

An allegation has also been made that deportations of Jews
from Athens took place during Dr. Waldheim's assignment
there, implying that he might have been involved in such ac-
tivities. The fact of the matter is that Jews in Athens, and
in other areas of Greece and the Balkans under Italian autho-
rity, were not subjected to persecution until after Italy's
armistice with the Allies on September 8, 1943. Anti-Jewish
activities in Athens did not begin until after the Italian-
German liaison staff, to which Dr. Waldheim was attached, had
been disbanded and he had returned to his permanent duty as-
signment in Arsakli, near Salonika, Greece.

## 6. Jewish Deportations from Greece

The most consistently recurring allegation against Dr.
Waldheim is that, as a subordinate member of the staff of
Army Group E stationed in Arsakli, he was involved in the
deportation of Greek Jews from Salonika to concentration

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camps. His accusers base this allegation on nothing more
than his assignment to the staff of that army group, and his
duty assignment as an ordinance officer responsible for enemy
situation reports. They contend that his duties must have
included assisting, if not participating, in the deportation
of Jews, especially those from Salonika in 1943, but also the
others which took place in Southern Greece in the spring of
1944 and on certain Greek islands in the summer of 1944.

Dr. Waldheim's academic and military records show that he was
absent from the Salonika area from late 1942 until early Oc-
tober 1943 (with the exception of a few days in the middle of
July 1943 for instructions regarding his forthcoming liaison
assignment in Athens). When these records are compared with
the detailed chronology of Jewish deportations set forth in
Raoul Hilberg's authoritative book, *The Destruction of the
European Jews*, all allegations against Dr. Waldheim with
regard to the Salonika deportations are disproved conclusive-
ly. Such comparison clearly shows that he was not in the
Salonika area during either the planning or implementation of
the Jewish deportations from that city.

With regard to the deportations from southern Greece in March
of 1944, contemporary records again show that Dr. Waldheim
was absent from Greece during both the planning and execution
of these activities. In any event, even had he been present
there at that time, deportation activities could not have

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been part of the duties or responsibilities of an ordinance
officer responsible for preparing daily military situation
reports.

At the time of the Jewish deportations from certain Greek
islands during June and July 1944, Dr. Waldheim was sta-
tioned in Arsalaki near Salonika, several hundred kilometers
away. Given the duties and responsibilities of his ordinance
assignments at that time, he could not have played any role
in the deportations from those areas. There is no evidence
to contradict this. Examination of documents pertaining to
the deportations from the Greek islands shows that Dr.
Waldheim was neither the originator nor the recipient of such
documents.

Dr. Waldheim deeply deplores the Jewish deportations from
Greece as heinous violations of human rights and as profound
violations of the tenets of his own Catholic faith.
However, his personal record is clear. There is absolutely
no evidence that he ever participated in the deportation of
Jews, or of other peoples, from Greece or any other area. It
is apparent, therefore, that any allegations against him in
this regard are baseless. In fact, all available evidence is
to the contrary and indicates that Dr. Waldheim's claim not
to have had knowledge of such deportations at the time of
their occurrence is credible.

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[LC]

## 7. Propaganda Pamphlets

Another allegation accused Dr. Waldheim of ordering, approving, printing or diffusing certain anti-Semitic propaganda. However, even the most cursory examination of the documents reveals that they were prepared by other units and only one specimen copy of each brochure was forewarded for informational purposes to the Ic/AO branch in the staff of Army Group E, so that this branch was not actively involved in the production of the material or its diffusion. Moreover, the content of these brochures in no way related to Dr.

Waldheim's ordinance duties. Furthermore, handwriting analysis has confirmed that the initial on the subject document for the counterintelligence department, which was attributed to Dr. Waldheim, is definitely not his. Therefore, this matter does not provide any support for an allegation purporting anti-Semitic inclinations, activities or involvement on the part of Dr. Waldheim, as is further witnessed by Dr. Waldheim's Jewish friends from before and after the war, who have come forth with testimony and statements in support of him.

## 8. Allied Commandos and Prisoners

Despite a complete lack of any supporting evidence, several of his attackers have inferred that Dr. Waldheim, as an ordinance officer on the staff of Army Group E preparing

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[LC]

military situation reports, was involved in the unlawful
execution of captured Allied commandos. These allegations
lack merit and have been rebutted repeatedly, both by Dr.
Waldheim and others who served with him and were therefore
familiar with his wartime duties and activities. As has been
the case with other allegations directed against him, those
allegations regarding Allied commandos find no support in any
documents which originated with, or were directed to Dr.
Waldheim. Furthermore, he never conducted or participated in
prisoner interrogations. Allegations regarding his
involvement in such activities are false.

## 9. The "War Crime Files"

There was also speculation that Dr. Waldheim was involved in
two particularly fierce incidents during the German army's
withdrawal from Greece and the Balkans. These charges con-
cern an alleged involvement in the so-called "Stip-Kocane
incident" and the ordering of retaliatory executions in
Sarajevo. Such charges are contained in a Yugoslav war
crimes file dating from 1947. Based upon the contents of this
file, the United Nations War Crimes Commission (UNWCC), on
the initiative of Yugoslavia, put Dr. Waldheim's name on its
list of suspects shortly before its dissolution in 1948.

The charges contained in both files are disproven beyond
reasonable doubt. Most importantly, the key testimony used

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- 17 -

in the UN file differs materially from the analogous original testimony in the Yugoslav war crimes file on which the UN file was based. While the Yugoslav file - aside from other discrepancies - does not attach responsibility for the said incidents to Dr. Waldheim personally, the analogous testimony in the UN file, however, attaches the incidents to him by name. This obvious material error is, in itself, sufficient to invalidate the UN file charges and the subsequent listing of Dr. Waldheim as a suspect.

Apart from this unexplained, materially false wording of testimony, as used by the UNWCC, the following additional reasons form the basis for unconditional rebuttal of the charges made: Dr. Waldheim's assignment at that time is not identical with the one cited in both files as the causal link for his involvement in atrocities: he was never a counterintelligence (Abwehr) officer; furthermore, he lacked the command authority attributed to him in both files. Also, all witness testimony contained in the Yugoslav Archives explaining his actual tasks as well as his non-involvement in counterintelligence matters is disregarded in the Yugoslav War Crimes Resolution and, therefore, in the UNWCC-file.

In addition, the conclusions drawn by his critics concerning a connection between certain enemy situation reports prepared by him and the Stip-Kocane incident, cannot stand in light of military historical analysis because his function

[LC]

- 18 -

was such that no operational order whatsoever could emanate
from Dr. Waldheim. Also, information collated at that level
was not passed down to operational troop levels, but took the
opposite direction to higher command levels. The Wehrmacht
Supreme Command order which can be related to the Stip-Kocane
incident is the basic order governing retaliatory measures
against hostages subsequent to Wehrmacht casualties caused by
snipers, etc; this order is a military conceptual decision
completely disconnected from any information whatsoever ori-
ginating at the level of an ordinance officer in the military
intelligence section.

In this context it should be noted that the German field
officer involved in this incident, Captain Egberts-Hilker, in
his trial in Belgrade after the war, explicitly accepted sole
personal responsibility for this incident, explaining that
there had been no order from or contact with higher commands
in this matter.

Finally, the lack of credibility of the key witness, Johann
Mayer, and his testimony in the Yugoslav file is explained
and confirmed in several existing affidavits from his
comrades and family; after his release from captivity, he
acknowledged that he had provided his captors with false
charges against German officers so as to improve his lot.

In 1947, Dr. Waldheim participated as a junior diplomat and

- 19 -

personal secretary to the then Austrian Foreign Minister, Dr. Karl Gruber, in the bilateral austrian-yugoslav negotiations in London on territorial claims against Austria. On that occasion, the yugoslav side objected to some members of the Austrian delegation because of an alleged Nazi-past, but never raised any question about Dr. Waldheim. Reference to this aspect and its possible implications for the war-crime-file is made in the previous chapter.

## 10. Alleged Involvement in Counterintelligence Matters

Given the fact that there is no evidence of Dr. Waldheim's culpability for any war crime, his critics suggest that he must have at least had contemporary, operative knowledge of counterintelligence and security police matters. This suggestion disregards the clear separation existing between the counterintelligence ("Abwehr" or AO) Section of Army Group E and the military intelligence section ("Feindnachrichten" or Ic) in which Dr. Waldheim served.

In this regard, military records, witness testimony and the expertise of eminent military historians, extensively document the separation of assignments, quarters and information flows between the counter- and military intelligence sections. The assignments of the military intelligence department did not involve counterintelligence tasks; quarters for the two sections were fully separated;

[LC]

- 20 -

information flows from the counterintelligence to the
intelligence department were restricted to military matters.
Therefore, Dr. Waldheim did not have knowledge of
counterintelligence (Abwehr) information except for military
inputs from that section for the preparation of daily enemy
situation reports.

This sharp restriction and strict division of information
flows to the immediate job requirements of each unit and
officer was enforced by the "need to know reservation" laid
down in Hitler's general order of November 1, 1940. This
order strictly prohibits the sharing of information, other
than such items necessitated by nature of assignment, and
thus explains the lack of knowledge concerning matters not
directly falling within the responsibility of the officer
concerned.

## 11. Issues of Credibility

Finally, repeated attempts aimed at impairing Dr. Waldheim's
credibility by challenging his candor, forthcomingness and
truthfulness, must be addressed. Each of these attempts has
been analysed and the underlying claims disproven by documents and witnesses.

Dr. Waldheim was specifically charged with having concealed

[Lc]

- 21 -

his military service from 1942-1945. Contrary to these charges, Dr. Waldheim publicly and repeatedly referred to the continuation of his military duty after 1942, e.g. in his official curriculum during a prior presidential election campaign in 1971, less than a year before his election as Secretary General of the United Nations, and in 1985 in the German version of his book "Im Glaspalast der Weltpolitik" ("In the Eye of the Storm"). He explicitly mentioned his military service in the Balkans in both a civil service questionnaire and a curriculum vitae for the judicial service and, most recently in 1985, in response to questions by Italian journalists in Rome as to his wartime whereabouts, making explicit reference to his interpreting and liaison assignments in Yugoslavia and Greece.

Dr. Waldheim was also charged with having attempted to conceal his presence in the Kozara area in 1942; in fact, the record shows that there was no intention of concealment. Without research and documents, it was impossible to reconstruct the exact sequence of events which - 45 years ago - took him to eight temporary locations in less than one year. Clarification was provided by documents finally found through Dr. Waldheim's initiative; on August 1, 1986, the US Department of Justice was informed of the facts, as well as the reasons for the prior confusion. This information was subsequently released to the media.

[LC]

- 22 -

In conclusion, the following can be said with regard to the
nature of the assignments held by Dr. Waldheim in the Balkans
as well as the accuracy of his 1986 statements on this sub-
ject:

Based upon documents and witnesses as well as job descrip-
tions, there are no inculpatory wartime military assignments
or activities on Dr. Waldheim's record. His much criticized
initial responses to allegations regarding his military cur-
riculum have generally been confirmed by subsequent research
findings and required material correction only in one in-
stance, this being the early 1942 assignments in Montenegro
and West Bosnia as addressed above. The origins of this inac-
curacy, relating to events which took place 45 years ago,
have been documented and the lack of intent to conceal or to
misrepresent facts known to him has been clearly established.

On the other hand it is also evident that Dr. Waldheim relied
strongly upon the US Justice Department's adherence to the
fundamental principle of due process. He therefore refrained
from continuously publishing the results of ongoing research
on his behalf and instead provided the US Department of Jus-
tice with these results. In retrospect this has undoubtedly
harmed his position - all the more since due consideration
of the facts presented is not reflected in the the "Watch
List" decision taken by the US Department of Justice on April
27, 1987.

Cable HENRYHOLT NEWYORK

Telex 424632 HHC

HENRY HOLT AND COMPANY, INC.

521 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10175 Tel (212) 599-7600

# Henry Holt to Publish Lech Walesa's Autobiography: **A Way of Hope**

NOV 9 1987

When the French edition of Lech Walesa's autobiography was rushed into print on May 1st, *Le Figaro* noted: "It is thrilling. Page after page Walesa creates himself before our eyes." Within a few days, A WAY OF HOPE had sold 130,000 copies, garnering headlines throughout the world. As *Time* magazine reported (May 4, 1987): "Walesa's book eloquently and simply portrays brave citizens pitted against political tyranny . . . his story lays waste Communism's claim that it represents the interests of workers."

## Lech's Secret Project

Working secretly over the past three years, Polish Solidarity leader Lech Walesa has written an autobiography for publication in the West. The project began with clandestine visits to Gdansk by a U.S. editor, but the French publisher Fayard is expected to be first in print with the unheralded work this week or next—troubling at least half a dozen other U.S. and European publishers who think that's "jumping the gun." They are waiting for Walesa to provide additional material on key meetings with officials of the Polish regime and other dissident Polish factions. Could Western publication of the book bring government retaliation against the Nobel Prize winner? "Walesa is too big now," said one editor involved in the project. "He cannot step off a curb and be hit by a car. Nobody would believe it."

■ Pope John Paul II's visit to his homeland this June may cause some political problems

for Poland's Communist Party leaders, but they are expecting it to generate profits for party coffers as well. The party-controlled Interpress Agency will charge foreign journalists for the services they require on assignment. And the party-owned publishing conglomerate R.W.S. Prasa plans to market commemorative photo albums—best sellers during the pope's previous trips—and more than 300,000 picture post-cards of the pontiff. On ideological grounds, propaganda chief Jan Glowczyk will pull all the papal paraphernalia once John Paul II departs.

NEWSWEEK: APRIL 27, 1987

Close to Walesa in these extraordinarily moving pages are his co-workers and supporters at the Gdansk shipyards, where the author is known as the fearless electrician with the "golden hands." Close also are bitter memories spawned by the slaughter of friends during the riots and strikes of 1970 when he took on the mantle of union leader at age 27. Closer still are Danuta—his alter-ego, the beloved Danka ("we know that a man falls in love first with his mother and only later with another woman"), Lech's wife of 19 years and their young children who, in these pages, watch in horror as the tanks roll into the Hanseatic city of Gdansk (Danzig) while their father is being brutalized, then taken away, by grim-faced secret policemen.

## European Hero

The continuous rape of his country by foreign forces—his father was murdered by the Nazis at the war's end, his mother later died in self-exile in America—turned a young self-made former Army corporal from an ordinary background into post-World War II Europe's single authentic hero, the intrepid president of Poland's powerful Solidarity

FOUNDED 1866

[LC]

movement and winner, in 1983, of the Nobel Peace Prize. Ten years after the bloody riots of 1970, Walesa's *Solidarnosc* produced an alternative economy inside a political movement claiming the loyalty of 70 percent of the Polish population. A nationwide *esprit* had at last overshadowed the hideous climax of mid-20th-century history which — in Poland — followed more than one hundred years of foreign invasions, crippling Walesa's country and denying its people self-respect; as Walesa puts it, "before Solidarity the Polish nation had ceased to exist."

## Human Rights

Walesa describes how "the movement" took advantage of a new form of opposition to state tyranny based on the ancient values of Christian faith —values selected from the contemporary Catholic emphasis on human rights and social justice, the idea of a nation as a righteous and responsible community (instead of resurrecting a Polish chauvinism that identified national independence as the people's single cause above all morality). Lech and the other leaders were young, for the most part under 30, when their crusade began, and in these dramatic pages each exhibits the patience and strength to take

society's destiny into their own caring hands.

Despite the movement's occasional discords and absurdities—including serious disagreements with the Church leadership—selflessness and heroism are seen as Solidarity's hallmarks. And the risks were great. State-imposed torture or worse became commonplace; the rule of law simply did not pertain.

## Going It Alone

Employing a strong prose style, Lech Walesa portrays his allegiance to a small group of civil rights dissidents and risk-taking publishers of underground

## POLAND
### A Worker's Tale

*Walesa strikes a hopeful note*

"The impression was of an absence of solidarity between social groups here in Gdansk, even at home, in the same building and stairway, an overwhelming solitude, fear and uncertainty. And despite everything, the feeling revolt was necessary." Thus Lech Walesa, Nobel Peace Prize laureate and leader of the now banned Solidarity trade union movement, describes his political awakening a decade before Solidarity was born.

[In A WAY OF HOPE, published last week in France,] Walesa begins by recounting how his family struggled to survive on its farm in eastern Poland after his father was sent to a concentration camp by the Germans during World War II. Only two months after his release in 1945, Walesa's father died. At 24, the young rural mechanic, one of seven children, grew bored with his job and moved to the Baltic port of Gdansk, where he

became a shipyard electrician. He describes himself as a typical peasant worker, "not really belonging to the city, nor the countryside, a wage earner in appearance only, profoundly attached to his farm."

Such men and women were pragmatic, practicing Catholics with little interest in the abstract Communist orthodoxy of Poland's Soviet-backed rulers. Their main concern was poverty. Shipyard conditions were harsh. Once, Walesa writes, 22 workers were burned alive while welding a ship whose fuel tanks had been filled early to save time. When police shot and killed at least 45 workers during a 1970 shipyard strike, Walesa fully realized the isolation of Polish workers. "We were outside the West's field of interest," he observes. In 1973, after Walesa had married, his mother and stepfather left for the U.S. "The beautiful life only glowed for an instant," writes Walesa. "They returned in leadlined coffins. America changed nothing."

Rather than escape, Walesa tried to come to grips with Poland. The book

charts Solidarity's rise, beginning with the watershed 1980 Gdansk strike he led. "I compare Polish society after August 1980 to a beggar who lives in a corner of a lovely house which he does not own, and then suddenly he finds that he has owned it all along." The joy was short-lived. Solidarity was suspended after martial law was declared in December 1981 and outlawed one year later.

The book ends with Walesa's explanation of the private outrage but public silence of many ordinary Poles after the murder by police of Activist Priest Jerzy Popieluszko in 1984. "This death should not go unanswered," writes Walesa. "But our response will be a coolly reasoned one, imposed on us by our conditions and the peaceful means that we have chosen." Yet his overall tone is optimistic. "Sometimes I feel that I already belong to a period of the kind incarnated in our national anthem, *Poland Is Not Dead Yet!*"

*(reprinted from *Time Magazine* May 4, 1987)*

[LC]

literature, who together
formed the Committee for
the Defense of Workers,
Solidarnosc's precursor,
ran the "Flying University"
courses—Lech's adult
education—and led hunger
strikes in churches. All
this was done at a time
when most leaders in the
West saw the Polish
dissidents as candidates for
martyrdom rather than—as
they proved to be under
Lech's leadership—
forerunners of social
revolution.

When martial law was
imposed on December 12,
1981, communications
were cut internally and
with the West: "a
miserable sense of

abandonment closed in,"
Lech writes. The Western
leaders refused to
recognize that Solidarnosc
represented a vital and
crucially important humane
mass movement, distinct
from the wave of self-
righteous conservatism
then sweeping across
America and Britain,
Germany and Japan, and,
later, France. The author
describes his anguish when
it became abundantly clear
to Solidarity's members
that European and
American governments
distrusted democratic
experiments—whatever
their legitimacy—in a
country of strategic
importance to the Soviets.

And yet the story of
Solidarity and Lech
Walesa—the symbol and
the reality—continues,
authoritatively revealed in
the thrilling pages of this
memoir by the man who
has written an heroic and
lasting chapter in
contemporary world
history.

Illustrated with 30
photographs.

The government's violent suppression of the Gdansk shipyard strike in 1970 forged the alliance between workers, peasants, and intellectuals that a decade later became Solidarity—a national movement claiming support from 70 percent of the Polish people.

PETER WALLENBERG

MAR - 9 1987

Dr Henry A Kissinger
Suite 1021
1800 K Street, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006, USA

Stockholm, February 27, 1987

Dear Henry,

For a number of years a highly qualified historian has been commissioned to document the history of the former Stockholms Enskilda Bank and also the role the individual members of my family played in the formation of that bank. It is now five years since my father passed away. During these years we have from time to time been discussing how to give a proper account of his work outside of Sweden, and of his contributions and achievements in various fields.

An essential part in preparing such an undertaking would in our opinion be to hold interviews with people with whom my father had a close cooperation and it is of vital importance that such interviews should take place while memory-pictures are still sharp.

We are, therefore, now planning to start a series of interviews which are to be carried out by a team of three persons, Dr. Ulf Olsson, Dr. Gert Nylander and Mrs. Kerstin Edengård.

Dr. Ulf Olsson is Professor in Economic History at the University of Umeå. He has recently published an excellent and well-written history of Stockholms Enskilda Bank covering the period 1946 through 1971 and he is thus well acquainted with the subject. Ulf Olsson is at present Visiting Professor at York University in Toronto, Canada.

Dr. Gert Nylander joined Stockholms Enskilda Bank in 1954 as archivist. He is a historian and has been involved in the

.../.

0386b

PETER WALLENBERG

2

preparation of a number of publications on Stockholms Enskilda Bank and on the Wallenberg family. Gert Nylander worked closely together with my father.

Mrs. Kerstin Edengård has also worked with our bank for many years as a private secretary first to my brother Marc, then to my father.

According to present plans these three members of the team will be going to Canada and the United States for some interviews during the month of May. I should be most grateful to you if you would grant them such an interview some time during the week of May 11 - 15.

Please forgive my approaching you in this personal manner. I am, however, most keen to know if you would make yourself available and if so when you might be able to see these people.

With kindest personal regards, I remain,

Yours,

0386b

PETER WALLENBERG

Dr Henry A. Kissinger
Suite 1021
1800 K Street,N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006, USA

Stockholm, March 12, 1987

Dear Henry,

Thank you for your letter of March 2 on the agenda for the next meeting of the CSIS in Washington. I would naturally be delighted to comment on any subject of my knowledge but I hope that you do not mind too much if I find myself to some extent incompetent to comment on "the effects that the information revolution will have on the Soviet military". I am particularly a bit concerned about the idea that a member from a neutral state should comment on that particular aspect as I can see a few complications surrounding such an event.

To be constructive do you think you might place me in some other group. Otherwise I am quite prepared to wait to the next meeting before I make my contribution to the group.

It was good to see you and I certainly hope I shall have the opportunity again next week.

0393b

BARBARA AND MERV

DEC 31 1986

December 10, 1986

Dear Nancy and Henry:

Lately we have been doing a lot of thinking about friendship and what it means and we realize that as time goes by it becomes the most important thing in life. So, in the spirit of the season and in appreciation of your friendship, we are making a substantial donation in your name to the Nathan Adelson Memorial Hospice.

This Hospice is very close to our hearts as it provides dignity and special care to all those who need it. We know how much the Hospice will appreciate the contribution in your name.

Happy Holidays. May this be the best year ever.

TRANSLATION - jw

Erlangen, 31 May 1987

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I sat across from you in the crowd of guests in the Aachen
ceremonial hall.

During a tribute many words are always spoken, and I have
the desire to also speak--with you! I unfortunately was in
the wrong spot in the hall after the ceremony as I wanted
to pay my dearest compliments, but I was two steps behind you
and it would not have been appropriate in this location to
behave conspicuously. I therefore followed the crowd to the
exit where a particular honor befell me: a paint bomb,
surely thrown by the demonstrators for the most noble one,
struck the most insignificant participant, me!

Of all the speakers at the ceremony, you were the only one
who cited God, evidence that you respect this highest
authority. With reference to the concept of God, I claim
to be able to make a life decision along the lines of the
halakah (the body of Jewish law supplementing the scriptural
law and forming esp. the legal part of the Talmud) --contrary
to the written law of the nation of Israel which in founding
the nation stipulated the paragraphs concerned along the
lines of tradition.

I intend to serve as an example, on the basis of which I can
raise a charge against this case law and have this law newly
written by principle decision. I am the most insignificant
(see above), you are a VIP; my word will not be heard at all,
and your word can move mountains.

The purpose of this letter is to attract your attention and
put your wisdom and analytical ability to the service of
historical development. If the matter has become ripe for
a decision, I would very much like to also include my rabbi
in the consultation. During my last visit for Chanukah,
the rabbi twice said to me that he's very satisfied with me.

I therefore ask that you give me an opportunity to explain
this to you in more detail, since I am not in a position to
put it all in writing.

[LC]

R.S.Wanninger, Schuhstr. 55, 8520 Erlangen 09131/24244

Herrn

Prof. Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Suite 520
1800 K Street N.W.

WASHINGTON D.C. 20006

U.S.A.

JUN - 8 1987

Erlangen, den 31.5.1987

Sehr verehrter Herr Kissinger,

im Krönungssaal der Stadt Aachen habe ich in der Menge
der Gäste Ihnen gegenüber gesessen.

Bei einer Laudatio werden immer sehr viele Worte
gemacht und ich habe den Wunsch, auch einmal zu sprechen -
mit Ihnen! Leider war ich nach der Festveranstaltung im
Treppenhaus am falschen Platz postiert, denn ich wollte

Ihnen mein kostbarstes Kompliment
vorzeigen aber ich war zwei
Schritte hinter Ihnen und es wäre
in dieser Umgebung unpassend
gewesen, mich auffallend zu be-
nehmen. So habe ich mich mit dem
Strom zum Ausgang treiben lassen,
wo mir eine besondere Ehre zuteil
wurde:

Ein Farbbeutel, sicher für den
Erlauchtetsten von den Demon-
stranten geworfen, hat den geringsten
Teilnehmer, mich,
getroffen.

SUITE 520, 1800 K STREET, N.W. • WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006
(202) 872-0300 (202) 833-8595

Von allen Festrednern haben Sie als einziger "G'tt"
zitiert, ein Zeugnis, daß Sie diese höchste Autorität
resprektieren. Ich berufe mich auch auf den G'ttesbegriff
und erhebe den Anspruch, eine Lebensentscheidung im Sinne
der Halacha treffen zu können, im Gegensatz zu dem ge-
schriebenen Gesetz des Staates Israel, der bei der Staats-
gründung den betreffenden Paragraphen im Sinne der Tradition
festgelegt hat.

[LC]

Ich beabsichtige, ein Exempel zu statuieren aufgrund dessen ich gegen diese Rechtssprechung Anklage erheben kann und durch ein Grundsatzurteil dieses Gesetz neu geschrieben wird. Ich bin der Geringste (siehe oben) und Sie sind ein V.I.P. (very important person), mein Wort wird gar nicht gehört und Ihr Wort "kann Berge versetzen".

Es ist das Anliegen dieses Briefes, Ihre Aufmerksamkeit für mich zu gewinnen und Ihre Klugheit und Ihr Abschätzungsvermögen in den Dienst der geschichtlichen Entwicklung zu stellen. Ist die Sache erst einmal "spruchreif" geworden, so möchte ich sehr gerne auch meinen Rav (siehe Anlage) in die Beratung mit einbeziehen. Bei meinem letzten Besuch zu Chanuka hat mir der Rav *zwei mal* gesagt, daß er sehr *zufrieden* ist mit mir.

Ich bitte sehr darum:

Schaffen Sie eine Möglichkeit, Ihnen den bewußten Paragraphen und das beabsichtigte Exempel näher erklären zu können, da ich nicht imstande bin, den ganzen Komplex schriftlich zu formulieren.

In der Anlage nenne ich Ihnen meine persönlichen Daten und verschiedene Vertrauenspersonen, bei denen Sie sich über mich erkundigen können.

Mit großer Verehrung
grüßt Sie

<u>Anlage</u>

Rose Schoschanna Wanninger,

ich bin 44 Jahre alt und seit mehr als fünf Jahren
verwitwet. Ich habe drei erwachsene Söhne.
Ich arbeite seit 10 Jahren bei der Stadtkasse
Erlangen als Datentypistin.

Der Amtsleiter der Stadtkasse ist Herr Schießl,
Telefon 09131/862293
privat 09131/35657

Ich bin Mitglied der Israelitischen Kultusgemeinde,
Nürnberg. Der 1. Vorsitzende der Gemeinde ist
Herr Hamburger,

Telefon 0911/56250
privat 0911/512224

Die Söhne besuchen den Religionsunterricht beim
Kantor der Gemeinde, Herr Baruch Grabowsky,
Telefon 0911/593330

Rav David Katz, Yeshiva Mishkan Ya'akov, Haifa,
Telefon 225829

254987

HENRY A. KISSINGER

August 20, 1987

Dear Lew:

As you know, soccer is the sport that outside
the United States generates the most passionate
interest.

Every four years some 140 teams compete over a
two-year period to qualify for the final two
rounds which contain 24 teams. That last com-
petition extends over the period of a month
and culminates in a final match watched on global
television by at least a billion people.

The World Cup alternates between the Western
Hemisphere and Europe. The last World Cup was
in 1986 in Mexico. The next will be in Italy
in 1990. I think it would be a great coup if
the United States could host it in 1994. The
soccer World Cup elicits more widespread and
passionate spectator interest than the Olympics.
It can take place in eight cities across the
United States culminating in a final at a site
yet to be determined. It would be a great show-
case for our country and a great boost for the
sport in America. It will also be economically
very beneficial to the United States as a result
of television fees and endorsements.

Due to my lifelong interest in the sport, I have
agreed to chair a steering committee of leading
Americans to help bring the World Cup to America.
Steve Ross, who used to own the Cosmos soccer
club, and Drew Lewis have agreed to serve as
Vice Chairmen. Lou Gerstner and Bill Simon have
already agreed to serve.

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR · 350 PARK AVENUE · NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 · (212) 759-7919

Mrs. Alicia C. Waters
337 S. Doheny Dr. 4
Beverly Hills, CA 90211

February 23, 1987

Mr. Henry Kissinger
1800 K St. Northwest
Suite 400
Washington, D.C. 20006

MAR - 5 1987

Dear Mr. Kissinger,

Through the newspaper we, my husband and I, learned
that you will be in Los Angeles, CA. in March 9, 87.

As much as we would like to attend to this wonderful
event and probably have the opportunity to meet you
personally, we are sorry to say we cannot do it due to
our low income as senior citizens.

We tried very hard to get in contact with the people
at the USC School of Public Administration to help us
at least to obtain your autograph of your book "Years
of Upheaval", that we read with so much interest years
ago, but with no success at all. Would you be kind
enough to tell us how to go about to obtain your
autograph in our book?

I must also tell you that we have followed your interesting
career very close. My husband, who was educated in
Europe and later attended the University of Chile was
very much interested in your chapter you wrote in your
book about Chile, a country he loves very much. He
speaks five languages and strangely enough he could be
your twin brother, the resemblance has always been so
incredible. We were years ago in Mexico City and where-
ever we went, people would greet my husband.."Hello Mr.
Kissinger! or "Are you Mr. Kissinger?". It is not only
the intellectual look, but in my opinion, if circumstances
would have been different in Europe when he was young, he
could have been a famous music director, (that is what he
wanted to be) or an important man as you are yourself.

Sorry about this lengthy letter, and for distracting you
from your more important occupations, but I wish to say
that we have admired you through all these years for your
integrity, honesty and perseverance in this complex age
and society.