TRANSLATION - jw

Saturday, September 27, 2003

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

Surely you have already heard of the death of your mentor, Dr. Fritz Kraemer, on September 8th, who will be buried October 8th in Arlington.

I send with best regards the obituary I've written and his reflections "On Elitism," clear and brilliant as ever. Below you will also find one of the last photos, taken this past year at the induction of Inspector General Joe Schmitz (a good friend of mine). We invited "Old Fritz" to the Pentagon, which obviously delighted him and reminded him of old times.

Dr. Kraemer spoke of you often. Never badly, like a prodigal son, fair but stern, sometimes too stern. A reconciliation was - although often encouraged - not at all possible.

I was deeply affected as well by the fact that you once called him, and he imposed the sentence: "Henry, how dare you call me!"

A main reason for his stubborn behavior can be found in the obituary. In a nutshell, since he considered you one of the most gifted, he demanded more of you - certainly too much -than he did of other less blessed. This is also evident in his analysis "On Elitism." To that extent, the stubborn and stern rejection was at heart an expression of admiration and love that almost automatically turned into the contrary when you didn't follow your master in the absolute and spartan world of his. (The subject of Schlesinger was never mentioned and was not important.)

For two years I have been writing Fritz Kraemer's "Aphorisms on Foreign and Security Policy," which have just been published.

With World Security Network, which I have founded and solely financed as a nonprofit news service, I would like to make a small contribution to discussion, also in the spirit of Fritz Kraemer. Currently it goes to 25,000 people in the information elite (journalists, delegates, YPO, Harvard, Atlantik-Brücke) worldwide.

My deepest sympathy and condolences on the death of your mentor, who meant so much to you.

Attachment 1 - 9/19/03 obituary written by Hoffmann

Attachment 2 - Kraemer's "On Elitism: Look for Men & Women of Excellence!"

Jody Williams - FW: Dr. Fritz Kraemer on Elitism: Look for Men and Women of Excellence !

Page 1

From: "Amanda Henry" <ahenry@kmaglobal.com>
To: "Jody Williams" <JWilliam@csis.org>
Date: 9/29/03 10:06AM
Subject: FW: Dr. Fritz Kraemer on Elitism: Look for Men and Women of Excellence !

Happy Monday to you!

This came in over the weekend ...

-----Original Message-----

From: Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann [mailto:hubertushoffmann@gmx.de]
Sent: Saturday, September 27, 2003 11:32 AM
To: ahenry@kmaglobal.com
Subject: Dr. Fritz Kraemer on Elitism: Look for Men and Women of Excellence !

Sehr geehrter Dr. Kissinger,

sicherlich haben Sie bereits vom Tod Ihres Mentors Dr. Fritz Kraemer am
8. September gehört, der am

8. Oktober in Arlington begraben wird.

Meinen Nachruf und seine wie immer klaren und brillianten Überlegungen
"On Elitism" sende ich Ihnen

mit den besten Grüßen. Unten finden Sie auch eines der letzten Bilder,
daß ich im vergangenen Jahr

bei der Amtseinführung des Inspektor Generals Joe Schmitz ( ein guter
Freund von mir) aufgenommen

hatte. Wir haben damals "Old Fritz" ins Pentagon eingeladen, was ihn
sichtlich freute und an alte

Zeiten erinnerte.

Oft hat Dr. Kraemer über Sie gesprochen. Nie schlecht, wie über einen
verlorenen Sohn, fair aber

hart, manchmal zu hart. Eine Aussöhnung war - obwohl oft angeregt -
überhaupt nicht möglich.

Es hat mich auch sehr berührt, daß Sie ihn einmal anriefen und er mit
dem Satz auflegte: "Henry,

Page 2

how dare you call me !".

Einen Hauptgrund für seine sture Haltung finden Sie im Nachruf. Im Kern verlangte er gerade von

Ihnen, da er Sie für einen der Begabtesten hielt, mehr - sicherlich zu viel - als von anderen weniger

Begnadeten. Das schimmert auch in seinen Analyse "On Elitism" durch. Insofern war die sture

und harte Ablehnung im Innersten Ausdruck von Bewunderung und Liebe, die fast zwangsläufig

in das Gegenteil umschlug, als Sie Ihrem Meister nicht in dessen absolute und spartanische Welt

folgten. ( Das Thema Schlesinger wurde nie erwähnt und war nicht wichtig).

Seit zwei Jahren schreibe ich Fritz Kraemers "Aphorismen zur Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik",

die erst jetzt erscheinen können.

Mit dem von mir gegründeten und allein als non-profit news service finanzierten

www.worldsecuritynetwork.com <http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/> möchte ich – auch im Geiste von Fritz Kraemer- einen

kleinen Diskussionsbeitrag leisten. Er geht derzeit an 25.000 Empfänger in der Info-

Elite( Journalisten, Abgeordnete, YPO, Harvard, Atlantik-Brücke usa) in der ganzen Welt.

Ihnen, sehr geehrter Herr Dr. Kissinger, mein herzliches Beileid und Mitgefühl zum Tod

Ihres Mentors, der Ihnen so viel bedeutet hat.

Mit besten Grüßen

WorldSecurityNetwork.com - Good bye, Col. Dr. Fritz Kraemer!

Page 1 of 3

# Good bye, Col. Dr. Fritz Kraemer !

written by: Hubertus Hoffmann, 18-Sep-03.

At the age of 95, one of the last Prussians passed away on September 8 in Washington DC: Fritz Kraemer, retired colonel and geo-strategic advisor to the Chief of Staff of the U.S. Army for over 30 years, an influential advisor to a number of different Secretaries of Defense, German emigré with two PhDs and one monocle, a freedom fighter, combating "provocative weakness" and fighting for "peace through strength". The Pentagon's "éminence grise" is to be put to rest with Full Military Honors at the Arlington National Cemetery on October 8.

Throughout his long life, Fritz Kraemer acted as a dedicated "talent scout" and it was in this missionary-like role that he "discovered" and encouraged young people – like myself since 1979 – and held them in his thrall during numerous night-time meetings. His sonorous voice would resound as he preached his creeds to us, often swinging his stick (with a built-in rapier) wildly in the air:

Worldsecuritynetwork.com Founder Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann: "Thank you, Dr. Fritz Kraemer !"

* You must believe in and fight for the "absolute values"! It is important to follow a code of honor.

* Show physical courage, take risks!

* Temperament, enthusiasm, reliability and imagination are important factors for the personality, for success and for the cause. The value of the IQ, on the other hand, is overestimated.

* There is less danger of people causing harm to themselves and others through arrogance and pride than through a lack of pride and a sense of inferiority.

* It is important to state your opinion as you see it and stand up for it, rather than saying what you think your superior would like to hear.

* Don't allow "brilliant fools" to seduce you and lead you astray!

* Character counts, not position and title.

* Don't ever ask "What's in it for me?" Instead, ask "What is good for my country?"

* The crucial faults of countless modern politicians are their latent superficiality, their incurable lack of receptivity to the transcendental and the metaphysical, their lack of inner cultivation and their bad taste in employees.

* One of the major problems of our time is provincialism in foreign policy (which Fritz Kraemer aptly termed the "include me out" mentality).

* In our modern, egalitarian democracies, you always need a small, determined minority, an elite, to put ideals into practice. Democracies don't want high-flyers, but regular people, who are just the same as anyone else.

http://www.internationalsecuritymedianetwork.com/printArticle.cfm?article_id=8645

10/1/2003

Page 2 of 3

* If you meet someone who truly excels – a rare event – then encourage them, foster them and give them lasting support in every way!

* The willingness to assume responsibility is an intrinsic criterion of any true elite. It is not about rewards or privileges, but about being willing to take on greater burdens and serious responsibility, in contrast to the average citizen, according to the old saying "noblesse oblige".

* Loneliness is the price of excellence.

* Read Shakespeare! This is the only way to think up new and more creative ideas than the 50,000 people in front of you.

* Intellectuals have always preached that everything is relative and there are no absolute values. According to them, a brilliant person can analyze and understand every problem. This relativism has caused complete confusion, uncertainty and disorientation. The result is a spiritual emptiness; everything is possible, and yet nothing is.

* Only semi-brilliant people can afford to be impressed with their own brilliance. Truly brilliant people know that brilliance is worthless.

* The worst thing about a loss of faith is not the fact that someone has stopped believing but that they are ready to believe anything.

* There can be no diplomacy without the threat of power behind it. Nothing works without power.

* If you look at it objectively, plain violence and raw power are necessary to check wild, untamed fanatics.

* The lesson we must learn from the Second World War is: War is started by "provocative weakness", the lack of a credible deterrent and a balance of power.

After many hours of listening to our mentor, Fritz Kraemer – sometimes until 4 am in the morning – we felt as though an almost metaphysical power was flowing through our veins.

He left a very deep personal impression, forming the minds of his followers, through the strict look in his piercing eyes, his precise choice of words, the force of his dark, intense voice, the clarity of his thoughts, his incorruptibility, the modesty of his almost monk-like way of life, his universal knowledge accumulated from around the world in 95 years of first-hand experience.

But he will also be remembered for the encouragement he gave us young men, our characters still unformed, and for his endearing, courteous manner.

Fritz Kraemer gave power and inner stability and gave others the courage to follow his ideals.

When he was 17, Henry Kissinger was thoroughly enthralled by Dr. Fritz Kraemer, who took him with him into the 84th U.S. Infantry Division and made a strong impression on his mind. When Henry Kissinger was made U.S. Secretary of State under President Ford, their friendship was broken off. Why? In Kraemer's view: Kissinger's policy was "always flexible and open", whereas his true convictions were "always absolute"; he always strived for recognition and popularity; this prevented Henry Kissinger from standing for a policy that was in accordance with his conscience.

10/1/2003

WorldSecurityNetwork.com - Good bye, Col. Dr. Fritz Kraemer !

Page 3 of 3

Alexander Haig also has this geo-strategist at the Potomac to thank for his political career up to Secretary of State. When Kissinger was looking for a military assistant, his mentor put down his name as the only candidate on the list for this post, sent it to the Secretary of Defense and wrote a very heart-felt letter of recommendation to Kissinger. Kraemer had noted the brilliance of the late Major Alexander Haig years before in the Pentagon.

When I spoke to him of the Worldsecuritynetwork.com project again some months ago, he encouraged me to further extend this non-profit newsletter on security and foreign policy for the international information elite.

Worldsecuritynetwork is imbued with some of Col. Fritz Kraemer's spirit – and of this we are proud. In his honor, we publish today – for the first time – Kraemer's ideas "On Elitism".

Thank you, Dr. Kraemer!

Good bye, Col. Fritz Kraemer!

10/1/2003

WorldSecurityNetwork.com - On Elitism: Look for Men and Women of Excellence !

Page 1 of 5

# On Elitism: Look for Men and Women of Excellence !

written by: Fritz Kraemer, 17-Sep-03.

## - Fritz Kraemer calls for a mission to bear heavier burdens and make greater sacrifices for the cause -

I am calling for an elite on which we can draw, even in a democratic society, to fill important positions not only in government, but also in business, education, and many other fields. Changing my terminology, but not my meaning, I might simply say that, however democratic we might happen to be, we should always at least look for men and women of excellence when choosing people for key functions in the political, economic, academic, or even religious spheres.

While in our modern age - in the U.S. as well as in Europe - the word elite is suspect, everybody is calling for "excellence." But only lip service is being paid to this lofty concept. "Excellence" in Latin means to stand out, but we do not really look for genuinely outstanding people who are "taller" than the average. There is, on the contrary, a desire for sameness, for comfortable mediocrity, for conformity, which is inherently intolerant of any kind of superiority. This alone is a great obstacle to the selection of the non-mediocre.

Something else, however, is - in practice - even more important: those who have to pick others and who, by chance, are sincerely trying to find the best, the most "excellent," do not know any longer what criteria to apply in their search. In an age of facts and figures - in which, moreover, ethical values are no longer considered absolute but merely relative - men find it difficult to base their judgment regarding candidates for office, or for jobs, on intangible, non-quantifiable personality traits such as strength of character, fortitude, conscientiousness.

Typically Kraemer: Encouraging the Secretary of Defense, Donald Rumsfeld, swinging a stick with his sonorous voice: "No provocative weakness, please!" at the reception for the new appointed Inspector General Joe Schmitz in the Pentagon again in 2002.

Not in theory, perhaps, but certainly in practice, modern society looks at labels and paper credentials rather than at substance. In the Civil Service, for example, it has become a custom to admit only Ph.D.s to the more important positions, although individuals who never had the time or money to acquire such a degree may actually be infinitely better qualified. Due to the vicissitudes of my life, I obtained two doctorates, and this "academic record" has unduly facilitated my government career. In reality, of course, they do not show at all who I am and who I am not; they are not even a sign of intellectual prowess, because they might well have been bestowed by a mediocre faculty on an equally mediocre student. A double Ph.D. may mean little more, in fact, than a nicely patented nobody.

We also accept a former Ambassador to Bangkok or Moscow as a prestigious authority on Thailand or the Russia, even if his ever repeated anecdotes and stories of "personal experiences" reveal him as irretrievably superficial. And a professor of Political Science from Harvard, Princeton, Yale, etc., will be quoted as a certified expert almost regardless of the true quality of his writings and teachings. Thus, looking for excellence has degenerated into asking for individuals with easily discernible license plates.

http://www.worldsecuritynetwork.com/printArticle.cfm?article_id=8644

10/1/2003

Page 2 of 5

In the purely political field, especially in the selection and election of candidates, there is an additional problem for the voting public. The speeches and other utterances of candidates are ghost-written and carefully concocted, the real personalities are hidden behind a veil of pure imagery; there is little visible spontaneity and much staging. Reviewing the current Democratic and Republican presidential candidates, for example, I would not dare to say, with any degree of certainty, what and who these men really are and what convictions, if any, they hold in their heart of hearts; although - in contrast to the general public, which cannot remember even the recent past.

We are facing a very real growing danger that the American people will get so bored, or apathetic, or cynical and disgusted with the artificiality and hollowness of "politics" that they will simply refuse to participate! In our 1992 national election only 37.3% of the eligible voters actually took the trouble of going to the polls, which means that almost 2/3 of the electorate did not find it worth their while to cast a ballot. If the normal, "legitimate" but dehydrated, politicians can no longer move or attract people, they are leaving a void, an ever more yawning gap which will be filled, inevitably, by demagogues speaking fiery words with shining eyes; and the masses - feeling empty, unled and disoriented - will turn to the false prophets with their seemingly inspired and therefore rather inspiring messages.

My fear regarding the inner corrosion of the very "successful" politician (President, Senator, Representative, Governor, etc.) is not, by the way, that during a long career of compromising and sailing with the wind he will lose his aggressiveness, cleverness or even the capability to command, but that - to quote a formula I have used for many year now - he will leave part of his soul on every rung of the ladder leading him to the top. The harsh school of the upward struggle may, in fact, have made him a master tactician but the *Holy Fire*, the *inner passion*, the *vision has gone, had to go*, in a world of make-believe and ghost writers, of continuous accommodation to public opinion polls, of dependence on such non-events as "caucuses" in Iowa in which only a tiny fraction of the voters take part anyway. It seems revealing to me that the word "emotional" has assumed a pejorative meaning, as if deep convictions could actually be held in some nicely abstract, coolly detached fashion, "untainted" by very strong feelings of the individual holding such convictions.

My ultimate reason, however, for postulating the necessity of an elite is the observation that in control *everyday reality the ideal of an egalitarian society has quite simply led to a loss of quality*. Since, for example, virtually everyone now is going to high school, the demands made on *high school* students had to be lowered, inevitably, to such an extent that the business world as well as colleges complain bitterly about the number of high school graduates needing remedial courses in reading and orthography, to say nothing of history and geography. And since *college education* has become a mass enterprise, very many can obtain an academic degree today who formerly would have had to be satisfied with a high school certificate. I do admit that the "classical" high school curriculum of my youth - nine years of Latin (every day of the six-day week) and six years of Greek (every day of the six-day week), plus one modern foreign language in addition to mathematics, physics, chemistry, geography and history - is no longer feasible, although it did accustom me and my classmates to become acquainted, very early in life, with subjects (Greek, Latin) of no visible "practical" value which, however, broadened my vision greatly and opened windows to distant landscapes.

Yet, even today, one could certainly demand that a high school student taking Spanish or French as his one foreign language *has* to learn the grammar of that language, instead of acquiring merely a basic and primitive vocabulary. One could likewise demand of a college graduate in Political Science a knowledge of world history in general outlines and an awareness of internal developments of a few key countries in some depth, and such a graduate should also be expected to have a very precise idea of where on the map Indonesia, Nigeria, Honduras, or Bolivia are located. As regards professional diplomats, would it be unjust to ask that henceforth they must be well grounded in international law and demonstrate familiarity with global political and economic trends? One might even insist that a professor of Comparative Government be well acquainted with the actual constitutions of perhaps a dozen important nations and that a priest or

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Page 3 of 5

pastor have some knowledge of Hebrew and Greek enabling him to look, an occasion, at the original text of the Bible. In other words, one could, without becoming undemocratic, raise the level of requirements for students as well as for teachers and professors, etc., and thus eliminate the very large and clogging numbers of those who are "making it" through the educational system only because that system is geared to mass production rather than to the development of any personal excellence, to some specialties rather than to the acquisition of a broader understanding of even their own general field of endeavor.

Personally, I do not consider a formal education a necessary pre-condition for genuine achievement. Eric Hoffer, a bona fide dockyard worker until his 65th year who never went to college, had a far deeper grasp of historico-political reality than most learned professors. His book, "The True Believer," shows an extraordinary breadth of knowledge and a depth of insight into history, past and current, which I for one can only admire and envy. Hoffer's dictum: "Where the yearning for freedom destroys order, the yearning for order will destroy freedom," is a splendid, pithy formulation of a basic truth that very few of the learned ones could have produced. If I suggest a more demanding educational system aiming at "excellence" rather than mass delivery of graduates to society, it is only because I am aware of the fact that our society simply will not talentscout for the untutored genius who cannot present some paper credentials, some formal card of admission. All I can realistically propose, therefore, is to make that plastic card more substantial and more intrinsically meaningful.

(I have fewer misgivings concerning our excellence in the natural, i.e., exact sciences [mathematics, atomic physics, electronics, etc.] than in the field of political and social "sciences" which are by no means exact and where superficiality, lack of knowledge, even fakery cannot so easily be found out and shown up. A political columnist, a political candidate or office-holder, a professor of political science may have a long record of wrong predictions and of faulty analyses and of eloquent but ill informed views, especially an foreign affairs, and he may very well survive as a respected oracle. An engineer on the other hand, whose design for a bridge is faulty, a mathematician or physicist whose equations do not equate will soon lose prestige and professional standing.)

That there is an objective contradiction between "excellence" and mass education is either not understood or, for ideological reasons, not admitted. The facts, however, are very clear. I once asked a young professor Kissinger (Political Science): "How many especially gifted students have you discovered this year?" His answer: "There are about 500 students in the class I teach and 120 in the Seminar I conduct; it is impossible to seek out individuals." It is, indeed, an "impossible" situation since one cannot effectively guide, help, assist, encourage whole assemblages of people to achieve superior qualities of mind and character; one has to pay attention to individuals.

### Pay attention to individuals?

Modern educators, whatever they may loudly proclaim, actually cling to a childlike faith that, with the right method of instruction you can make virtually any "normal" group of students quite proficient in practically any subject. I remember a spirited discussion with faculty members of a renowned institute of higher learning where the professors heatedly bore down on a chance remark of mine that my own "gifts" were strictly limited to the so-called humanities, while from high school days on I had proven strikingly inept in natural sciences. They insisted that

Henry Kissinger (left), the talent, with his scout and mentor Dr. Fritz Kraemer in 1945 as soldiers in the 84th U.S. Infantry Division in Germany again, their Heimat until 1938: "Always Flexible and Open" vs. "Always Absolute".

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"everybody," myself included, could do very well indeed in mathematics, physics, etc., if taught in the proper fashion. This professional belief assumes implicitly that, in the ultimate analysis, people are not too different in their natural giftedness and that it is all lastly a question of presenting a subject to them in a paedagogically "correct" manner. This is absurd. A young Italian peasant with a splendid natural voice who cannot even read music may be trained at a conservatory and, finally, become a leading opera singer; but ten years or more at that same conservatory will not make a singer of him who did not have such natural (if untrained) voice in the first place. Similarly, you can teach historical facts but you cannot teach a sense of history to those who do not possess a natural inner musicality for history. Nor can you teach psychological understanding of people and peoples to those not endowed with vibrating antennae for intangibles and imponderables that are outside and beyond the facts and figures zone.

An individual with an innate potential for excellence in foreign or military affairs may be totally ungifted in business. A business genius, on the other hand, may have no inner affinity whatever for the peculiar realities prevailing in international relations and in matters of national Defense. To recognize that talents are very unjustly distributed among human beings (and that the natural aptitudes of individuals differ from person to person) is, perhaps, anti-egalitarian, but it is certainly realistic.

**How can young men and women even strive for excellence?** - be it only within the parameters of their own special giftedness - if the huge and soulless education-manufacturing plants make the students feel that all that is expected of them is an effort to obtain credit points, work more or less diligently for an upcoming test and, finally, get some degree (preferably from a big-name institution). In fact, in such an atmosphere an originally independent and highly endowed personality will be discouraged rather than permitted to develop in depth, because profundity and higher ethical aspirations would simply not fit the purpose of that costly education: to achieve visible, practical results.

"(I have not yet read a recent book by Allan Bloom, professor of political philosophy at the University of Chicago, "The Closing of the American Mind," subtitle, "How Higher Education has Failed Democracy and Impoverished the Souls of Today's Students," but the "impoverishment of the soul" part does sound quite remarkable coming from a man who has actually observed the system from within for decades.)"

It is entirely possible that no preaching on my part, or on the part of anybody else, will change the existing educational situation and that high schools and colleges will continue to be swamped and smothered by having to serve too many.

*Yet, there are two things each of us can do in his own circle of family and friends.*

**FIRST.** We can teach our own children that "success" as such is by no means a hallmark of excellence and that they do not have to prove their worth by collecting high grades and impressive degrees at college or by climbing to prestigious positions later in life. When my son went off to college, I warned him that he might get straight "As" simply by writing papers cleverly reflecting a professor's pet views, while he might get "Cs" (and less) as a result of expressing original and well-conceived but "unpopular" ideas. I assured him that he would never have to bend and bow, and sacrifice his convictions and his soul out of a feeling that his father would expect him to "show something," i.e., a fine-looking paper record, for money spent on the son's education. "If your academic record is far less than splendid, even if you fail," I told him, "you will always be received by your father with pride and approval, provided you can answer 'Yes' to two questions: 'Did you work hard? Did you stand up for your convictions?'" I have reasons to believe that it would be most helpful, especially to the more promising of the younger generation, if their parents (grandparents, uncles, etc.) would let them start out in the world with no doubt whatever that character and self-discipline, rather than showy "report cards," are expected of them.

**SECOND.** We can teach our children that, while everyone has to earn a living, material riches are a rather minor reward to strive for. According to a person's value system and individual nature, political power, inner independence, a life of contemplation, active missionary work for a cause, fulfillment as an artist,

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challenging historic or scientific research may be - even from a most egotistical point of view - infinitely more desirable than an existence earnestly geared to the making of money. We have come to a point today where people who are not innately money-directed feel a kind of moral obligation, nevertheless, to be successful financially, just to show to themselves and to the world that they are no laggards.

*With high income becoming a measuring rod of a person's worth and social prestige, why should anyone voluntarily choose such materialistically unrewarding careers as civil or military service to the nation?*

What normal, prudent father in this day and age would actually advise a son or daughter to dedicate his or her life to a cause rather than to the eminently practical and sensible goal of receiving maximum pay and very tangible remuneration for decades of work? How can we dare to direct those gifted and promising youngsters toward professions and occupations which clearly demand very considerable personal sacrifices for but modest rewards? What answer does one give to the brilliant man or woman who wants to get out of the military or of an important position in government so as to provide (at last!) better for himself and his long suffering family by *making "some real money" in business*? How, in other words, can one recruit and retain individuals of excellence for public service? The age-old answer to these questions is a rather simple one: *Noblesse Oblige*. Please do note that I am *not* recommending this adage for public preaching but that I am referring to it as something we should teach our children within the family. And this is the meaning of the noblesse oblige shorthand message!

*Any average person may, indeed, think primarily of himself and his clan but human beings are differently endowed by God (or by chance) and if you, my son or daughter happen to be particularly well endowed, if you truly belong to the excellent ones, then you do have a special obligation - nay, a mission - to bear heavier burdens and make greater sacrifices for a cause, e.g., good government, than the common herd.*

I recognize, of course, the arrogance involved in such an elitist approach. Yet, it is an arrogance which does not demand privileges and rights for the elite, but imposes on it *abnegation and duties*.

*My quarrel with egalitarianism is not that it denies special privileges to all and sundry, but that it does not admit the existence of special duties for SOME.*

10/1/2003

WorldSecurityNetwork.com: About Us

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Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann

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Dr. Hoffmann has worked as advisor in the European Parliament (Office of Prof. Hans-Gert Poettering), the German Bundestag (Parl. State Secretary of Defense Peter Kurt Wuerzbach MP) and the U.S. Senate (Sam Nunn, Gary Hart) in defense affairs for many years. He was Research Fellow at CSIS, Georgetown University. He worked as a journalist in the White House Press Corps, as Editor in ZDF, the largest TV station in Europe, and managing director of large German

media companies. Dr. Hoffmann holds a PH.D in Political Science with "summa cum laude" (Prof. Karl Dietrich Bracher, University of Bonn, Germany) and is lawyer as well. Dr. Hoffmann is reserve officer in the German Army (Field Artillery).

Dr. Hoffmann has from 1979 to 1983 supported NATO's Two Track Decision to deploy medium range nuclear weapons in Europe combined with mutual arms reductions (SS-20) on the Russian side which put him on the target list of RAF, the German terrorist organization. He supported the Mudahedin from 1985-1990 against the Russian invasion of Afghanistan, visiting them in the mountains in 1985 and writing the Afghanistan report for the European Parliament. In 1992 he was Chairman of the Eesti Committee Report (asked by its President Tunne Kelam) about the Future of the "Baltic Hanseatic Region" (Oblast Kaliningrad; Lithuania; Latvia, Estonia) which helped to create stable democratic states in the Baltics.

He is now a successful independent investor in many companies, including General Capital Group specialized in MBO/I, and OBOs in Germany.

In 1981 his home town Goslar/Harz awarded him its "Förderpreis" for journalistic merits (Laudatio: General Johannes Steinhoff).

In October 2000 he was awarded the "Federal Cross of Merit" for "innovative business ideas" by German President Johannes Rau in Schloss Bellevue (Berlin). In 2002 Fürst Ferdinand von Bismarck awarded Dr. Hoffmann the "Bismarck Medal with Golden Oak Leaves" in Friedrichsruh.

Dr. Hoffmann is author of two standard books about nuclear weapons ("Atomkrieg-Atomfrieden, Technik, Strategie, Abrüstung" 1980; "Die Atompartner. Washington - Bonn und die Modernisierung der taktischen Kernwaffen", 1986).

Member of YPO (Rhine Chapter) and IISS (London). Young Atlantic Leader 1992 (Atlantik-Brücke).

Articles by Dr. Hubertus Hoffmann

http://www.internationalsecuritymedianetwork.com/_dsp/dsp_auth Bio.cfm?authID=12

10/1/2003

HENRY A. KISSINGER

October 21, 2003

Dear Dick:

Thank you for the copy of your words at Fritz Kraemer's funeral. They very well described the remarkable man I remembered.

I was also greatly interested in your observations
following your trip to Iran. We are in substantial
agreement, and I appreciated your including them.

The Honorable Richard McCormack
Center for the Study of the Presidency
1020 19th Street NW, Suite 250
Washington, DC 20036

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR · 350 PARK AVENUE · NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 · (212) 759-7919
FACSIMILE (212) 759-0042

Eulogy for Fritz Kraemer

By Henry A. Kissinger

October 8, 2003

Fritz Kraemer was the greatest single influence of my formative years, and his inspiration remained with me even during the last thirty years when he would not speak to me.

We met in 1944 in Camp Claiborne, Louisiana. We were both privates in the 84th Infantry Division. I served in G Company of the 335th Regiment, Kraemer in the G-2 section of division headquarters. We were both refugees from Germany, I by necessity, Kraemer by choice. He was thirty-six years of age; I nineteen. He had two Ph. D. degrees. I had two years of night college in accounting.

When I first saw Kraemer, he was dressed in a German uniform, wore a monocle, and carried a riding crop. The occasion was a speech to the regiment in which I was serving. The subject was the moral and political stakes of the war, and the Commanding General thought Kraemer's outfit would endow his presentation with verisimilitude. Kraemer spoke with passion, erudition, and overwhelming force, as if he were addressing each member of the regiment individually. For the first time in my life—and perhaps the only one—at least I can recall no other such occurrence—I wrote to a speaker how much he had moved me. A few days later Kraemer came to where my company was training. Now the uniform was American, but he still wore the monocle around his neck and continued to carry his riding crop. He invited me to have dinner with him at the enlisted men's club at which he questioned me about my views and spoke to me about his values.

Out of this encounter grew a relationship that changed my life. After the division reached Europe, Kraemer arranged to have me transferred to the G-2 section. We worked together and, after work, we walked the streets of battle scarred towns at night during total blackouts while Kraemer spoke of history and postwar challenges in his stentorian voice—sometimes in German, tempting nervous sentries. Over the next decades Kraemer shaped my reading and thinking, influenced my choice of college, awakened my interest in political philosophy and history, inspired both my undergraduate and graduate theses, and became an integral and indispensable part of my life. He was always there to discuss my concerns; he never talked of his own needs to me, and I doubt to anyone else, as if such an admission would derogate from his mission.

Kraemer dedicated his life to fighting against the triumph of the expedient over the principled. "Intellectuals," Kraemer once said, "have always preached that everything is relative and that there are no absolute values... The result is spiritual emptiness. Everything is possible and therefore nothing is." "The worst

2

thing about a loss of faith is not the fact that someone has stopped believing but
that they are ready to believe anything."

Kraemer fought his battle not so much by seeking to influence policymakers--
though on occasion he had that opportunity--but by giving lectures and above all
by discovering in young people qualities they did not always know they
possessed. He would then devote an enormous amount of his time on
encouraging them towards a life of duty and honor. He lived an ascetic, nearly
monastic existence. His learning matched his commitment. For decades he
spent much of his day clipping newspaper articles from all over the world,
marking significant passages, and filing them by major categories--a one-man,
handmade internet. He asked nothing for himself. He refused all promotions
beyond civil service grades.

Kraemer's values were absolute. Like the ancient prophets, he made no concessions to human frailty or to historic evolution; he treated intermediate solutions as derogation from principle.

And therein lay the source of our later estrangement. When I became part of the
world of policymaking, I entered the realm of the contingent. For the prophet,
there can be no gap between conception and implementation; the policymaker
must build the necessary from the possible. For the prophet, values are eternal,
independent of time. For the policymaker, absolute values must be approached
in stages, each of which is by definition imperfect. The prophet thinks in terms of
crusades; the policymaker hedges against the possibility of human fallibility. The
policymaker, if he wants to avoid stagnation, needs the prophet's inspiration, but
he cannot live by all the prophet's prescriptions in the short term; he must leave
something to history.

Kraemer could not accept this distinction. And so we did not speak for thirty
years. He felt he needed to make a demonstration--even a personal sacrifice--to
vindicate the absoluteness of his convictions. It was not personal. During the
decades of silence, he never spoke of me except with respect nor I of him with
anything but devotion.

As Kraemer enters the realm of eternity, and I approach it, I want to thank his
children, Sven and Madeleine, for allowing me this occasion of reconciliation with
an extraordinary man who will be part of my life as long as I draw breath.
Kraemer will remain to me, as to so many in this room whose lives he touched, a
symbol of commitment and dedication, a beacon that, amidst the turmoil of the
moment, guides us to the transcendental.

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November 3, 2003

Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Kissinger Associates Inc.
350 Park Avenue
New York City, NY 10022

Dear Mr. Secretary:

I was very pleased that you came to Fritz Kraemer's funeral. Also, that you gave such a fine eulogy. Do you have a copy of what you said that you could send to me?

I am enclosing a copy of an obituary I sent to the *Wall Street Journal*. Bob Bartley knew Fritz and thought *WSJ* might publish it. Unfortunately, they decided not to run it.

If you haven't read it, I think you will be interested in Bartley's op ed in today's *WSJ* on Tet. I had finished my tour in Vietnam before then but knew Generals Westmoreland and Abrams. Bartley's piece is consistent with what I have heard from Peter Braestup and Bob Sorley.

I worked with Jerry Bremer and think very highly of him. He has a difficult job. My grandson returned from Iraq two weeks ago. He is in the 3rd Infantry Division and drove a tank into Baghdad. He said he would have just as soon stayed to see the job finished. However, his father and mother are glad to have him back.

Best wishes and warm regards,

Fritz Kraemer: Grand Strategist

Dr. Fritz G.A. Kraemer died on September 8, 2003 at the age of 95. I met Fritz more than 40 years ago when I was an assistant to General Twining, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff. The General asked me to draft a reply to a sensitive question put to him by the President. He told me to check it out with the Pentagon's grand strategist, Dr. Kraemer.

I located Dr. Kraemer in a small windowless room in the Pentagon. I had to weave my way through stacks of The New York Times and Neue Zuricher Zeitung. Since it was before the days of copying machines, Fritz bought three copies of each issue of the two papers. These he filed behind his desk in six file cabinets, which contained three cross-referenced copies of each clipping.

Dr. Kraemer read my draft and gave me several excellent suggestions. I was immensely impressed by his broad knowledge and understanding. Over the years I frequently went back to seek his advice.

In August of 1958, I was assigned as a student to the National War College and was pleased to find Fritz was selected to attend the College as a Pentagon civilian employee. Not surprisingly, Fritz was more often the teacher than student. The college offered a prize each year to the best term paper. The good news is that I won. The bad news is that I tied with Dr. Kraemer. Instead of having an hour to present the paper to the staff and faculty, Fritz and I were each allotted half the time. Fritz won the coin toss and went first. His half hour lasted 50 minutes, leaving me only 10 minutes. It made no difference, however, since his dynamic presentation, which he delivered in four

languages with John Barrymore histrionics, held the audience spellbound. My talk was
anti-climactic.

Getting to know Fritz, I learned that he earned certificates from Berlin's Arndt
Gymnasium, the London School of Economics and the University of Geneva. He was
subsequently awarded a doctorate in law from the University of Frankfurt and a doctorate
in political science from the University of Rome. During the 1930s, he served as a
senior legal adviser in international law to the League of Nations.

When Hitler came to power, Fritz left Germany and came to the United States in
1939. Four years later he entered the U.S. Army, and became an American citizen. To
my knowledge, he was the only enlisted man permitted to wear a monocle. Entering
combat with the 84th Infantry Division, in November 1944, he fought in the Battle of the
Bulge, and was awarded a Bronze Star Medal for single-handedly achieving the
surrender of a German city. He also received a battlefield commission. Displaying his
Prussian ancestry, Fritz carried a captured leather riding whip. He fought with his unit
until their meeting with the Russians at the Elbe.

During the 84th Division's march to the East, Kraemer's Division Commander
decided that Fritz should indoctrinate the Division on "why we fight." At the end of one
of his lectures a soldier told him his speech was highly inspiring. This young soldier was
Henry Kissinger, which whom he struck up a lasting friendship.

In May 1945, working through General Patton, he was able to rescue his Swedish
wife, and his English-born son, who had been seized by the Gestapo in 1939 and held in
Germany by the Nazi regime throughout the war. After VE Day, he remained in
Germany for two years, serving as an intelligence officer and helping analyze war crimes

2

documents in preparation for the Nuremberg trials. He brought along Kissinger as one of
his assistants. At the end of their stay in Germany, Kraemer convinced Kissinger that he
should study political science at Harvard. Kissinger had been reluctant to do so, saying
he preferred to follow his father's career as an accountant.

Returning to the United States, Dr. Kraemer was assigned to the Pentagon. He became editor of a series of handbooks designed to acquaint soldiers with the customs of various countries to which they would be assigned. In 1948, he resigned his commission as a Lieutenant Colonel and became a Department of the Army civilian and simultaneously a Reserve Officer. He so favorably impressed the Army Chief of Staff that he was given the permanent assignment of Advisor to the Chief of Staff of the Army. During the next three decades, he not only offered advice to the Army Chiefs but also to the Chairmen of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, Department Secretaries, and Secretaries of Defense. Away from the office he also offered advice to Dr. Kissinger when he became National Security Advisor and subsequently, Secretary of State. Fritz cultivated relationships with a large circle of foreign leaders. He impressed all with whom he came in contact with his encyclopedic knowledge and sound judgment. He often reinforced his statements with quotations from Sun Tzu, Thucydides, Clausewitz, Metternich, Bismarck, and Churchill.

Fritz helped me in my work as the chief strategic arms negotiator with the Soviets through his insights as to how totalitarian leaders think. He also introduced me to persons he considered to be leading strategists in their respective fields, such as the State Department's Seymour Weiss, and AFL-CIO's Jay Lovestone. Among his many admirers were Secretaries Haig, Rumsfeld, and Schlesinger, who kept in touch with him

OpinionJournal - THINKING THINGS OVER

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WSJ
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from THE WALL STREET JOURNAL *Editorial Page*

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## THINKING THINGS OVER

# Iraq: Another Vietnam?

The truth about the Tet offensive is that we won.

BY ROBERT L. BARTLEY

Monday, November 3, 2003 12:01 a.m.

Suddenly the historical debate over Vietnam is sprouting all through the current debate over Iraq. Howard Dean, leading the Democratic pack, told Dan Rather: "We sent troops to Vietnam, without understanding why we were there. And the American people weren't told the truth and it was a disaster. And Iraq is gonna become a disaster under this presidency."

With other would-be Democratic presidents joining this assault, it might be helpful to review what happened in Vietnam. Especially what happened at the Tet offensive, like the car bombings in Baghdad timed at the start of a religious holiday. In what sense should we fear that Iraq is "another Vietnam"?

Well, first of all, the Tet offensive was a militarily significant effort, not four truck bombs. After erosion of their position during 1967, the Communists threw all of their South Vietnam guerrilla forces into attacks in more than 100 cities across the length and breadth of the country. Most spectacularly, since it came before the eyes of the Saigon press corps, a 19-man sapper squad penetrated the U.S. Embassy compound. They failed to enter the chancery building, despite early reports, and the last of them was killed or repulsed after a six-hour battle.

General William Westmoreland appeared in the shattered compound to proclaim a great victory. His televised appearance came against a backdrop of destruction throughout the country, and the American elite decided to believe not the general but their own eyes. A widely cited Wall Street Journal editorial proclaimed that "the whole Vietnam effort may be doomed, it may be falling apart beneath our feet." Walter Cronkite turned against the war, editorializing on the need for negotiation. With this home-front reaction, Tet was the turning-point in the war, the anvil of Communist victory and American defeat.

Yet in fact, Westmoreland was right, subsequent analysts have uniformly concluded. The Communist offensive was decisively repulsed. There was no general uprising in favor of the North. The South Vietnamese army did not buckle, though operating at 50% strength because of imprudent holiday leaves. The indigenous Viet Cong were destroyed, leaving the rest of the war to be conducted by troops recruited in the North.

"To have portrayed such a setback for one side as a defeat for the other--in a major crisis abroad--cannot be counted as a triumph for American journalism," Peter Braestup wrote in his book "Big Story." He was Washington Post Saigon bureau chief during Tet, and his critique didn't provoke serious controversy even within the press corps.

Tet was a military victory turned into a psychological defeat on the home front. Shall we do it again in Iraq?

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11/17/2003

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Tet represents another, less widely understood, turning point in the Vietnam War. Soon after the offensive, Gen. Westmoreland was replaced as the U.S. commander by Creighton W. Abrams, with a notable change in U.S. strategy and tactics. The contrast of the two eras is pregnant with lessons for the far smaller guerrilla war in Iraq.

"More troops" was Gen. Westmoreland's first request from Vietnam, and also his last one. He sought to take the battle to the enemy, with "search and destroy" missions intended to find the major enemy units hiding in the jungle hills. It was a war of attrition, using superior U.S. firepower to destroy the enemy's forces faster than he could replace them. But the scale of the Tet assaults was scarcely encouraging.

Under Gen. Abrams, "search and destroy" was replaced by "clear and hold." This is recorded in "A Better War," by Lewis Sorley, who notes that most of the histories of Vietnam pretty much skip the post-1968 period. Abrams put emphasis not on attrition but on the security of the local population, and the training of the South Vietnamese who would continue the fighting as Americans left.

The success of these programs was tested by the Easter Offensive of 1972. Some 200,000 North Vietnamese troops attacked on three fronts. U.S. ground troop withdrawals continued as scheduled, but President Nixon ordered heavy air and naval retaliation, including the mining of North Vietnamese ports. With this air support, the South Vietnamese army repelled the invasion. The North Vietnamese lost half of their attacking force and half of their tanks and artillery. The legendary Vo Nguyen Giap was quietly removed from command of the Northern armies.

Three years later the North had recovered sufficient strength to repeat the offensive. But by then the Paris peace accords had been signed, with U.S. prisoners returned at the cost of allowing Hanoi to infiltrate military units in the south. With Watergate, Congress had passed the Case-Church Amendment forbidding military involvement in Southeast Asia. Sen. Edward Kennedy passed a $266 million cut in supplemental spending for Vietnam, and funds were slashed for the coming year. Counter-insurgency expert Sir Robert Thompson remarked, "perhaps the major lesson of the Vietnam War is: do not rely on the United States as an ally."

This time the South Vietnamese got no assistance from the U.S. and fell before an assault by 20 tank-led divisions. Some million refugees took to the seas as "the boat people." After the loss of Iran and some trying times in Europe, the U.S. elected Ronald Reagan, who revived the American military and faced the Communists down at Reykjavik. The Communist empire fell after all, and Vietnam goes down as a lost battle in a successful campaign.

Yet something more than a lost battle, a self-inflicted wound arising from an essentially dishonorable strain of American neurosis. Yes, by all means, don't do it again in Iraq. As Gov. Dean says, the first step is to tell the truth, starting with the truth of what happened in Vietnam.
*Mr. Bartley is editor emeritus of The Wall Street Journal. His column appears Mondays in the Journal and on OpinionJournal.com.*

Copyright © 2003 Dow Jones & Company, Inc. All Rights Reserved.

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11/17/2003

# Eulogy for Fritz Kraemer

By Henry A. Kissinger

October 8, 2003

2

["even irrational, factors that governed the outcomes of conflict – such as culture, ideology and psychology.", "In his formal and informal seminars at service staff colleges and at the Pentagon, Kraemer found a ready audience amongst the more unconventional officers. His circle of admirers included Army Chiefs of Staff such as Gen Creighton Abrams; Gen Alexander Haig (later US Secretary of State), whom Kraemer met as a young major; and other luminaries of the Cold War such as Lt-Gen Vernon Walters, later Ambassador to the UN and to West Germany; Lt-Gen Edward Rowny, later chief strategic arms negotiator; and Maj-Gen Edward Lansdale, a founding father of US counter-insurgency and reputedly the model for Graham Greene's *Quiet American*.", "The appeal of Kraemer owed much to the rigour of his thought, but also to his dramatic appearance. With his monocle, riding crop and strong German accent, Kraemer's Willhelmine-era style was already outmoded during his student days in Weimar Germany – let alone in the strait-laced bureaucracy of the post-war Pentagon. Inevitably, he acquired the sobriquet of “the Prussian”.", "In fact, Fritz Gustav Anton Kraemer was born a Rhinelander, at Essen, on July 3 1908. His father was a state prosecutor and his mother the daughter of a Ruhr industrialist, and young Fritz was educated at Berlin's Arndt Gymnasium, the LSE, and Geneva and Berlin universities.", "Later, while studying for the first of his two doctorates, at Frankfurt University, he could be spotted kayaking on the Main river, wearing the scantiest of black bathing trunks and his trademark monocle – with the pennant of the Imperial Navy fluttering on the stern in the rainy", "breeze. Kraemer was known to take this to even more daring lengths. He would pile solo into both Bolshevik and Nazi thugs in inter-war street brawls, carrying the standard of the Hohenzollerns (the Maltese cross was the antithesis of the anti-Christian Hakenkreuz, or Swastika, of the Nazis). Inevitably he would come out bloodied, but unbowed. As a pre-Bismarckian conservative of profound Lutheran faith, he regarded both Godless Communism and Hitlerism as two sides of the same coin.", "Kraemer left Germany in 1933 to work for the League of Nations in Rome, where he wrote eight books on international law. In 1939 he fled to the United States, leaving behind his Swedish wife Britta Bjorkander (whom he had married in 1933) and an infant son. In 1943, he was drafted into the US Army. One day, his commanding officer, Maj-Gen Alexander Bolling of the 84th “Railsplitter” Division came upon Private Kraemer dressed in Wehrmacht uniform at an exercise in Louisiana, where he was shouting commands in German.", "“What are you doing, soldier?” inquired Bolling.", "“Making German battle-noises, Sir.” They struck up a conversation and Kraemer was soon assigned to his headquarters. When a new detachment arrived, Kraemer told Bolling: “We’ve got 2,800 new intellectuals in this division. Permit me to address them; otherwise, they will not understand why they are here.” One of them was a German-Jewish refugee called Heinz Kissinger, and Kraemer rapidly became his patron; it was almost, at times, a father-son relationship.", "After fighting in the Battle of the Bulge, Kraemer was captured by the defenders of Geilenkirchen. He nonetheless persuaded the German commanding officer that an-Allied victory was inevitable and the town duly surrendered. For this, he won a Bronze Star and a battlefield commission. But Kraemer was best known for out-performing the Russian champions in Cossack dance when the 84th met the Red Army at the Elbe; he remained a top-drawer tango dancer until well into his eighties.", "Kraemer was also reunited with his family; his young son, Sven Kraemer, was the", "only boy in that small Rhineland village whose father survived the war. He inherited the family tradition of public service, and enjoyed a distinguished career on the National Security Council staffs of four presidents and 10 national security advisers – a 16-year unbeaten record. A daughter was also born after the after the war.", "In 1947, the “old Spartan”, as Kraemer dubbed himself, returned to America and from 1951 until his retirement in 1978 worked in his small office at the Pentagon. But Kraemer was no cold-hearted advocate of Realpolitik. For him, the moral aspect of the struggle against Communism and Nazism was crucial; it was the neglect of this dimension of the Cold War which helped cause the breach with his one-time protégé Kissinger, who in 1969 had been appointed National Security Adviser by President Richard Nixon.", "After the breakdown of the near monolithic anti-Communist consensus over Vietnam, Nixon and Kissinger concluded that the American public would no longer tolerate the same level of overseas commitments and began a policy of détente with the", "Soviets – as embodied by the SALT I and ABM Treaties of 1972. Kraemer disagreed with Nixon's and Kissinger's pessimistic assessment of American grassroots opinion. He believed that the problem lay, rather, with the country's intellectuals, who had succumbed to the same kind of appealing mentality as their predecessors in Weimar Germany.", "Kraemer soon came to the attention of Kissinger's main bureaucratic rival, the Defence Secretary, James Schlesinger, who urged a tougher public line on the Soviets. But when Kissinger was sacked by President Ford in 1975, Kraemer contended that Kissinger was partly responsible. The two men did not speak for 28 years until 2002, when Kissinger rang Kraemer. Subsequently, the family invited Kissinger to deliver an address at Kraemer's funeral.", "Kraemer, who died on September 8, continued to be a formidable presence in Washington until well into his nineties. At a packed seminar at a State Department auditorium, a young official asked him: “Isn’t diplomacy the answer?” Kraemer whipped out the ceremonial", "me was 30 years of age, I was a PhD candidate in history at the University of Chicago. He had two PhD degrees, I had two years of night college in accounting. Kraemer spoke to us in German uniform with such passion and erudition and on the moral and political stakes of the war that it was as if he were addressing each of us personally. For the first time in my life – and perhaps the only one – I wrote to a speaker how much he had moved me. A few days later Kraemer invited me to have dinner with him at the enlisted men's club at which he questioned me about my views and spoke to me about his values. Out of this encounter grew a relationship that changed my life.", "After the 84th reached Europe, Kraemer arranged to have me transferred to the intelligence section. We worked together and after work we walked the streets of battle scarred towns at night during total blackouts, while Kraemer spoke of history and post-war challenges in his stentorian voice – sometimes in German, tempting nervous sentries. Kraemer awakened my interest in political philosophy, inspiring my undergraduate and graduate theses.", "Kraemer's values were absolute. Like the ancient prophets, he made no concessions to human frailty or to historic evolution; he treated intermediate solutions as derogation from eternal principle. And therein lay the source of our later estrangement. For the prophet, there can be no gap between conception and implementation; the policy-maker must build the necessary from the possible. The prophet thinks in terms of crusades; the policy-maker hedges against the possibility of human fallibility.", "Kraemer could not accept this distinction – but he will remain to me a beacon that, amidst the turmoil of the moment, guides us to the transcendental.", "Kraemer: with his monocle and riding crop, his style was already outmoded during his student days in Weimar Germany", "The New York Times, published by The Times, New York, in cooperation with The Times, London, and The Times, New York. The Times, London, and The Times, New York, are members of The Times Group, a group of newspapers and magazines that includes The Times, London, and The Times, New York. The Times Group, along with its newspapers and magazines, also owns部分The Times Group newspapers and magazines in Australia, New Zealand, South America, and the Caribbean. The newspapers and magazines in Australia, New Zealand, South America, and the Caribbean are published by The Times Newspapers Pty Ltd, a subsidiary of The Times Group. The newspapers and magazines in Australia, New Zealand, South America, and the Caribbean are published by The Times Newsp

DATE

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PERMANENT MISSION
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TO THE UNITED NATIONS

Fax : (212) 355 94 55

11 September 2003

Your Excellency,

Further to my letter of 28 August 2003 with an invitation addressed to you to take part in a working breakfast hosted by H.E. Mr. Leonid Kuchma, President of Ukraine, I would like to inform you that the event will be held on Tuesday, 23 September 2003, at Waldorf Astoria Towers (100 East 50th Street between Lexington and Park Ave.; at 42nd Floor; Presidential Suit 42R) from 8:00am to 9:30am.

Ambassador Richard Haass, President of the Council on Foreign Relations, has already confirmed his participation.

Looking forward to organizing such a meeting, may I kindly ask you to contact me personally, if any questions arise.

It would be also highly appreciated, if the representatives of your Office could finally confirm your presence and inform about any persons who might accompany you.

Respectfully yours,

Valeriy Kuchynsky
Ambassador
Permanent Representative

His Excellency
Dr. Henry A. Kissinger

New York

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Sergey Kuritz is a specialist in Systems Analysis of management problems. He is a laureate of academic prizes, was awarded Gold medals of the prestige Exhibition of in the USSR for development and realization of methodology of Systems Thinking Approach in the solution of a serious problem on a national scale. In the years of the Perestroika, he participated in the work of the Council of Ministers of the USSR on creation of a legislative base of cooperatives and privatization as a consultant on Systems Management. PhD (technology); Doctor (special highest level in Russia) of science (organization and economics); Professor (systems analysis, management). Author of six books and over 150 articles, both scientific ones and publicistic.

...very original book. Drawing upon the literature of systems analysis, Prof. Sergey Kuritz focuses on the main reasons why Israel is an unstable political system. His diagnosis of the system's failures is in my opinion a must reading material for all us who are concerned about Israel's future. Moreover, the concluding chapters, in which the author discusses possible scenarios of developments, breaks new ground for a fruitful academic and public debate.

Itzhak Galnoor,
Herbert Samuel Professor of Political Science
Hebrew University of Jerusalem

All the more interesting is this book, that not only analyses traditional factors, such as the state's power, that determine its viability, but also looks into the issues that have never been considered vital for the existence of the state – the problems of state government. Testing his hypothesis, the Israeli researcher has identified the basic components of state system, defined direct connections and feedback in the system of state government from the formal-methodological standpoint, and performed a goal-oriented analysis of the interests of top functionaries who make political and management decisions. The book undoubtedly makes a serious contribution to the study of prospects of preserving the statehood of the Jewish people from the standpoint of state government (published in "Finances, Law, Management" magazine).

Vitaly P.Vorobyov,
Doctor of Law, Professor of Moscow State Institute of International Relations

In our evaluation of our country we frequently make use of well-known, standard, usually primitive stereotypes. Rarely do we find serious attempts at rethinking our national existence and the existence of our state in terms of scientific approaches and on the basis of a comprehensive profound analysis. This book is a rare example of such an analysis. You do not have to agree with the author in all his assertions. But you have to seriously and deeply think over the text, strain your faculties to reach and comprehend the said things and their level. Especially interesting is the part which is the aim of the book – an attempt to solve the problem of state system, which, on the one hand, is a natural expression of the national character and its specific features, and on the other, is a means to solve our major problems.

Ya'akov Kedmi,
for 20 years headed one of the special services for the prime minister of Israel

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 7

SOME CONSIDERATIONS ON THE CONCEPTS OF PEOPLE AND STATE

How the People Can Be Preserved. 10

How the State Can Be Preserved. 13

ANCIENT JEWISH STATES

A Historical Survey. 18

Major Reasons for Instability of Ancient State Systems 22

MODERN ISRAEL

Characterization of State System Stability. 25

Some Foundations for Systems Analysis of State System Instability 26

STATE SYSTEM INSTABILITY: FORMAL METHODOLOGICAL SOURCES

State Goal. Formally Recognized? 35

Goal Constraints. Established? 41

State System. Protected? 44

Management Decisions. Coordinated Vertically? 48

Management Decisions. Coordinated at the Decision-Making Stage? 52

Feedback. Active?. 53

INSTABILITY CAUSED BY SUBJECTIVITY OF CHOICE 57

System of State Government. Optimal Choice? 58

Diarchy or Mono-Authority? 66

Prognostication, Long-Term Planning. Is Consideration Given? 71

Etatism: to What Extent is State Interference in the Economics Justified? 74

Management Decisions. In Whose Interests? 75

Human Factor. Is It Instrumental in State Government? 77

5

IS THE STATE SYSTEM INSTABILITY HYPOTHESIS CONFIRMED?

<table><tr><td>Results of the Analysis</td><td>81</td></tr><tr><td>Discussion of Results. Management Aspect</td><td>85</td></tr><tr><td>Discussion of Results. Resource Aspect</td><td>89</td></tr></table>

TENDENCIES OF DEVELOPMENT OF THE STATE OF ISRAEL

<table><tr><td>Role of Political Forces</td><td>98</td></tr><tr><td>Possible Scenarios</td><td>104</td></tr><tr><td>Which Scenario is More Probable</td><td>112</td></tr></table>

Appendix

<table><tr><td></td><td>120</td></tr></table>

INTRODUCTION

Absurdity. A statement or belief manifestly inconsistent with one's own opinion.

Ambrose Bierce, *The Devil's Dictionary*.

Why has the Jewish people suffered numerous misfortunes, disasters and dispersions throughout its history? When the idea of Zionism called modern Jews to the land inhabited by their ancestors in ancient times, they united and built a new Jewish state in a brief space of time. Why does the current situation in this state cause anxiety? Is the nation drawing near the dangerous line of a new dispersion? Have the Jews forgotten the terrors of life in exile, of former life in the Diaspora, and ignored Theodor Herzl's warnings that the future Jewish state is their only home in the world? Or could it be that now, when many countries have achieved the dream of democracy based on liberal values and social protection of citizens, the safe and warm home for the Jews can be found not in Israel alone but elsewhere?

Answers to these questions have been sought from many perspectives – realistic, mystic and religious, materialist and idealist alike. Each of these perspectives – be it philosophy or psychology, history or economics, religion or superstition – have focused on some particulars, details of the overall explanation. Numerous details, however, have not yet formed a general explanation behind the tragic history of the dispersed Jewish nation. Moreover, the discussions that were available to the author from professional literature and the mass media, were, with rare exceptions, dedicated to smaller problems of momentary importance. In these discussions, one cannot discern any interest in the way specific decisions of today may affect the fate of the State of Israel in the future.

Absence of a holistic view of the problem of state system makes it doubtful that the road taken in contemporary history will be less tragic for the Jewish people gath-

¹ Bierce, Ambrose. *The Devil's Dictionary*. Cleveland, 1911.

6

7

ered in Eretz-Yisrael than in the past. This book aims to describe the problem, i.e., the potentially dangerous situation, from the most general perspective – that of state government.

A description of this kind is based on Ludwig von Bertalanffy's General Systems Theory, the methodology of which became known in the latter half of the XX century as Systems Thinking Approach¹, and which combines features of philosophy and general methodology of natural sciences. The main idea behind Systems Thinking Approach is the impossibility of reducing the properties of the whole to its components and the analysis of the components and their relations from the viewpoint of the whole. Systems Thinking Approach has been practically applicable since mid-XX century. It has been applied in solving global problems, such as ecology, consumption limits, etc., as well as in specific but extremely dangerous problems, such as providing safe channel for Allied convoys to the northern ports of the USSR in the Second World War. Systems Thinking Approach remains a very effective methodological tool for attacking state system problems in the world; but it has not been widely practiced in Israel after 1960s.

When applied to organizational systems, i.e., systems created by people (a state is such a system), Systems Thinking Approach, in the form of Systems Analysis, views management as a process oriented at achieving a goal chosen by certain people. It makes use of concepts unambiguously defined in the framework of an accepted paradigm. This allows us to obtain a sufficiently strict scientific (i.e., replicated by other researchers independently) description of laws governing the current and past processes in the research subject. On the basis of this description, we can form an idea about the possible future development of the state. But in this case, the author's strictly scientific perspective will inevitably be supplemented by his personal Weltanschauung. This latter – for the sake of which this attempt is undertaken to warn the society of the impending disaster – can be expressed by Kant's famous maxim: the ultimate goal of society and state is man. The ultimate result of every process is man as a personality – an inimitable miracle of nature. He is worthy to have all the rights and conditions allowing him to realize the potential he was endowed with by

nature. The author is going to present his position only as a diagnosis of state system "diseases" and their possible result, not claiming authorship of any management theory, not offering any remedies or treatments. To prepare and administer treatment, large groups of experts are required.

Still, Systems Approach carries a certain danger for the author himself. Analysis subjected to the idea of holism inevitably makes the author touch on a very broad spectrum of spheres of specialized knowledge, in each of which he cannot possibly have exhaustive professionalism and full information. Therefore, the author has to accept the hypotheses currently dominant in these spheres as axioms, which may make his statements controversial. One more thing: this book is not an account of studies on state government but only a description of their results, addressed to educated audience; exhaustive proofs are provided only for specific questions. Nevertheless, the methodological tool for the analysis of government in a particular country (Israel), introduced in this book, may prove useful for the understanding of government problems in any other state. To the readers who get tired of following scientific arguments, the author recommends starting with reading the conclusions in chapters "Is the State System Instability Hypothesis Confirmed?" and "Tendencies of Development of the State of Israel" in the section "Modern Israel".

In conclusion, the author would like to express his thanks to Professor Itzhak Galnoor and Dr. Ze'ev Katz of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Professor Benjamin Neuberger of the New University, Tel-Aviv, and Mr. Yakov Kedmi for their comments that helped the author in his work, and also to Tamara Lubinskaya for her comments on the English translation. Special thanks are due to my wife Nina, a doctor of philosophy, who with infinite patience helped me convert my ideas into text and make it into a readable book.

The book was published thanks to the financial help of Mr. Boris Krasny, President of the Policy – political communications management, Israel.

¹ *The Complete Guide to Systems Thinking and Learning* by S. Haines, President of Center for Strategic Management, USA, 2000.

8

9

SEP - 5 2003

August 31, 2003

Honorable Henry A. Kissinger

Sir,

Thank you very much for your letter about my book "The State of Israel: Prospects for Survival" dated August 5, 2003. It is a very great honor for me to be the addressee of the person, who have managed the fate of the world and continues this noble mission for the boon of mankind.

I hope, that you have read it and found an intention to continue your efforts, which in the recent past have given to Israel the chance to survive in a severe military confrontation of the Jews and Arabs.

My attempts to attract influential politicians and journalists to a discussion of the problem of Israel's survival have been unsuccessful. These people are interested only in immediate political results.

Until appearance of information about the book in American mass media impossibly to attract attention not only to a discussion of decision's ways of this problem but even to the very fact of its existence.

Maybe, you have desire again to help modern Israel to survive, to preserve the third state of the Jews, of which they dreamed two thousands years? However, in this new case would be impossibly to avoid future ingratitude.

45/36 Ha-Nassy Street, Safed 13216, Israel
mailto: kuritzs@013.net.il; phone/fax: +9724 692 5264; cell phone: +97255 4925264

TRANSLATION - jw

6 May 2003

Dear Mr. [Walter] Kissinger:

I am taking the liberty of contacting you by e-mail, enjoying the opportunity
it brings for quick communication.

I was delighted to find mail from you on my return from Vienna. Warmest
thanks for your very nice and long letter and the lovely and very touching
photos from your childhood, in which I am struck by your mother's beauty
and radiance.

I was also delighted with the copy of the handwritten, very moving speech
your father gave in 1975. Many older Fürth residents still have the best
memories of your father from the time he taught at the girls' school. My 84-
year-old mother, who happens to be visiting me right now, did not
personally have him as a teacher but tells me that he was regarded as a
very good and fair teacher and that she can still picture him supervising
recess.

Many thanks as well for the very interesting biographical information on
yourself and the names and addresses of the Hafner, Bickert, and von
Staden families.

I deeply appreciate the trust you've given me and will not take it lightly.

It would be a great honor to get to know you personally and to talk with you
about your life and family. I was pleased to infer from your letter that that's
a possibility. I can work totally around your schedule and am available
immediately - that is, I could come to you next week. I look forward to
your suggestions for a time to meet.

It would be wonderful if we could have a conversation together with your
brother Henry. A film on the Franconian family history of Walter and Henry
Kissinger naturally lives in the tales of both main characters, and my idea is
to show you both together on the television screen and ask you both
together about your childhood, youth and family.

I look forward to hearing from you and send warm greetings from your
hometown of Fürth.

Yours,
Evi Kurz

08 03 03:22a

WBK Associates

516 421-1724

P.1

Subj: Re: -no subject-

Date: 5/6/2003 11:25:15 AM Eastern Standard Time

From: Evi Kurz <evi.kurz@gmx.de>

To: Ludwigwbk@aol.com

Sent from the Internet (Details)

Sehr geehrter Herr Kissinger,

erlauben Sie mir, mich per email bei Ihnen zu melden. Die schnelle
Kontaktmöglichkeit ist sehr verlockend und angenehm.

Aus Wien zurückkommend fand ich Ihre Post vor, über die ich mich außerordentlich gefreut habe. Ich danke Ihnen ganz herzlich für Ihren sehr netten und langen Brief und die wunderschönen und mich sehr anrührenden Bilder aus Ihrer Kindheit, auf denen ich die große Schönheit und Ausstrahlung Ihrer Frau Mutter bewundere.

Sehr gefreut habe ich mich auch über den Abdruck der handgeschriebenen, sehr bewegenden Rede Ihres Herrn Vaters aus dem Jahr 1975. An Ihren Herrn Vater haben viele ältere Menschen in Fürth ja noch allerbeste Erinnerungen aus der Zeit, als er Lehrer am Mädchengymnasium war. Meine 84 jährige Mutter, die gerade bei mir zu Besuch ist, hatte ihn zwar nicht selbst im Unterricht, erzählt aber, dass er als sehr guter und gerechter Lehrer galt und sie ihn immer noch vor Augen hat, als er Aufsicht im Pausenhof hielt.

Vielen Dank auch für die hochinteressanten biographischen Informationen über Sie selbst und die Namen und Adressen der Familien Hafner, Bickert und von Staden.

Ich danke Ihnen schon jetzt von Herzen für das Vertrauen, das Sie mir entgegenbringen. Ich weiß es sehr zu schätzen und bin mir bewusst, was es bedeutet.

Es wäre mir eine große Ehre, Sie persönlich kennen, lernen zu dürfen, um mit Ihnen über Ihr Leben und Ihre Familie zu sprechen. Zu meiner großen Freude entnehme ich Ihrem Brief, dass das möglich wäre. Ich kann mich dabei völlig nach Ihren Terminwünschen richten. Ich bin ab sofort verfügbar, d.h. könnte gleich ab nächster Woche zu Ihnen kommen.

Sehr gerne sehe ich Ihren Terminvorschlägen entgegen.

Großartig wäre es, wenn wir ein gemeinsames Gespräch zusammen mit Ihrem Bruder Henry führen könnten. Ein Film über die fränkische Familiengeschichte von Walter und Henry Kissinger lebt natürlich von den Erzählungen beider Hauptpersonen und meine Idee ist, Sie beide gemeinsam auf dem Bildschirm zu zeigen, sie beide gemeinsam über Ihre Kindheit, Jugend und Familie zu befragen.

Mit Freude und Spannung sehe ich Ihrer Antwort entgegen und grüße Sie ganz herzlich aus Ihrer Geburtsstadt Fürth,

Ihre Evi Kurz

MAY-08-2003 09:22

516 421 1724

96%

P.01

Evi Kurz

Page 1 of 1

Evi Kurz

Moderation
Frankenschau

Die Fränkin Evi Kurz - geboren und aufgewachsen in Fürth - machte nach dem Abitur zunächst das 1. Und 2. Staatsexamen für das Lehrfach an Hauptschulen.

Parallel dazu begann ihre Tätigkeit für das Bayerische Fernsehen. "Entdeckt" im Studio Franken für die Frankenschau moderiert sie diese seit den ersten Sendungen bis heute.

Sie wurde sehr schnell auch im Studio München-Freimann fest in die Moderatorenriege für das Vorabendprogramm innerhalb der ARD eingesetzt, moderierte über viele Jahre die Hauptnachrichtensendung "Rundschau" im Bayerischen Fernsehen.

Frankenschau

Copyright © 1999 Bayerischer Rundfunk - Studio Franken

Schließen

Franconian Evi Kurz - born and raised in Fürth - passed the 1st and 2nd state exams for teaching in middle schools, following graduation.

Her work for Bayerische Fernsehen began at the same time. "Discovered" in Studio Franken for Frankenschau, she has been its moderator since the initial broadcasts.

Very quickly she was also brought onto Studio München-Freimann's moderator team for the program the night before within ARD and moderated for many years the primary news show "Rundschau" on Bayerische Fernsehen.

http://www.br-online.de/franken/fr_info/fernsehen/fr_schau/mitarbeiter/kurz.html

5/13/2003

HENRY A. KISSINGER

August 26, 2003

Dear Mrs. Kurz:

My brother has kept me informed of his correspondence with you. It is
moving that you have given it so much energy and devotion. And I am
astonished at the material you have assembled.

On the other hand, you are asking a degree of participation from me that is
unprecedented. I never give interviews about my personal life. I do not
have anything approximately like the time you seem to need for your
project. My schedule is full through November including trips to Russia,
Germany, and China, each of which is so fully scheduled that there is no time
available to squeeze anything else in.

But I want to respond to your obvious sincerity and goodwill. And I will
cooperate within the limits of my schedule. I will do my utmost to find one
hour for an interview in October (maybe we will have to do it in two half-hour
sessions). It will deal, I assume, only with historical events of my family and
my life in Germany—not with current political topics. My brother is, of
course, free as far as I am concerned, to give you as much time as he can
spare.

I therefore suggest that you call Jessee Incao at (212)759-7919 to make the
necessary arrangements.

One other point: I have wanted to create a genealogy of my family's life in
Germany, trying to take it back as far as possible so that my grandchildren
will learn something about their origin. Would you be willing to share your
records with the German historian I am in the process of hiring? I would be
most grateful.

Looking forward to hearing from you,

Rennweg 120
90768 Fuerth
GERMANY

TRANSLATION - jw

28 August 2003

Dear Prof. Kissinger:

I was very delighted to receive your fax today and thank you very much for agreeing to the interview.

After the long, intensive, and – for me – very exciting research on your family roots, I am deeply touched that you are willing to have a bit of confidence in me. I am honored and moved by this, and it is also for me an altogether special moral commitment.

I know to particularly appreciate your agreement in view of your very intensive time constraints in your worldwide commitments for peace and freedom.

As mentioned, the content of the interview will involve your family's centuries-long roots in Franconia and the brothers Walter and Henry Kissinger. As you know, I would like to be told this family history by you and your brother together.

I would also enjoy addressing on the side how you still today, at 80, work vigorously toward peace because it is a great inner concern of yours – and of that I'm convinced after all that I've read about you.

If we must or can split the one-hour interview into two half-hours, I'd find that ideal since the three of us will have the chance to perhaps remember something we've forgotten or can amplify further on recollections.

As you know from your brother Walter, I've done very intensive research, and I myself am surprised at how many facts, documents, photos and above all period witnesses I have come across, and the more I press forward also discover even more material.

2

I am doing my research together with a historian from Franconia, who has
my complete confidence and who has already done very valuable work in
Franconia on Jewish recollections.

I will of course make my material available to you for a historian of your
choice but also kindly ask if your confidence in me hopefully is confirmed
that I do this work with my historian since we are very well-acquainted and
very familiar with all the details.

I also think possible a second, more detailed or more personal version of a
film for your possession only.

This also would be an honor for me to be able to do for you, your brother,
and your family.

I look forward to hearing your thoughts on this and send warm greetings
from Fürth.

Yours,

Evi Kurz

P.S. From Saturday, August 30th until September 6th, I am with my family in
Italy and only reachable via mobile phone 49/175/5893093 or Internet
www.evi.kurz@gmx.de.

Aug 29 03 12:51p

28/08 2003 23:35 FAX +49 911 9727920

Kurz

212-759-0153

001

p.1

Evi Kurz

90768 Fürth.

Rennweg 120
Telefon (09 11) 97 27 90
Telefax (09 11) 97 27 92 0

28.08.2003

Sehr geehrter Herr Prof. Kissinger,

mit sehr großer Freude habe ich heute Ihr Fax erhalten und danke Ihnen sehr für Ihre
Interviewzusage.

Nach der langen, intensiven und mich sehr aufwühlenden Recherche über Ihre familiären
Wurzeln berührt es mich tief, dass Sie bereit sind, mir ein Stück Ihres Vertrauens zu
schenken. Dies erhält mich, dies bewegt mich und ist für mich auch eine ganz besondere
moralische Verpflichtung.

Besonders zu schätzen weiß ich Ihre Zusage auch vor dem Hintergrund Ihres zeitlich sehr
intensiven weltweiten Engagements für Frieden und Freiheit.

Inhaltlich soll es im Interview wie angekündigt um die jahrhundertelange Verwurzelung Ihrer
Familie in Franken gehen und um das Brüderpaar Walter und Henry Kissinger.

Diese Familiengeschichte möchte ich, wie Sie wissen, von Ihnen und Ihrem Bruder
gemeinsam erzählen lassen.

Gerne würde ich am Rande auch ansprechen, wie Sie sich auch heute noch, mit 80 Jahren
mit all Ihrer Energie für den Frieden einsetzen, weil es Ihnen – und davon bin ich nach allem
was ich über Sie gelesen habe überzeugt – ein großes inneres Anliegen ist.

Wenn wir das einstündige Interview auf zweimal eine halbe Stunde aufteilen müssen oder
können, fände ich das ideal, da wir alle drei so Gelegenheit haben, eventuell Vergessenes
nachzuholen oder Erinnerungen noch zu vertiefen.

Wie Sie von Ihrem Bruder Walter wissen, habe ich sehr intensiv recherchiert und ich bin
selbst erstaunt auf wie viele Fakten, Dokumente, Bilder, und vor allem auch Zeitzeugen ich
gestoßen bin und je weiter ich vordringe, sich auch immer noch weiteres Material auftut.

Ich arbeite bei der Recherche mit einem Historiker aus Franken zusammen,
der mein volles Vertrauen genießt und in Franken schon sehr wertvolle jüdische
Erinnerungsarbeit geleistet hat.

Selbstverständlich stelle ich Ihnen mein Material für einen Historiker Ihrer Wahl zur
Verfügung, biete Ihnen aber auch sehr gerne an, wenn sich Ihr Vertrauen in mich hoffentlich
bestätigt, dass ich Ihnen diese Arbeit mit meinem Historiker leiste, da wir sehr eingearbeitet
sind und sehr vertraut mit allen Details.

Für denkbar halte ich auch eine zweite, ausführlichere oder privatere Version eines Filmes nur
für Ihren Besitz.

Auch dies wäre für mich eine Ehre für Sie, Ihren Bruder und Ihre Familie tun zu dürfen.

TRANSLATION - jw

6 September 2003

E-mail to Walter Kissinger

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

A few thoughts regarding our telephone conversation and, first, the most
important:

From the beginning, I never wanted anything other than what I also wrote to
you: to have told to me by brothers Walter and Henry Kissinger your family
history and your family's deep roots in Franconia.

Your brother Henry's acceptance to cooperate in the film was, as you know,
a requirement for my being able to make the project a reality at all, and
thus I was tremendously thrilled at his acceptance, and it is a great honor
for me to get to know him and be able to interview you and him together.
That you suggest I need take no consideration of you says a lot for your
generosity. But there is no reason for me to draw back from my plans, and
I am convinced that it is exciting and interesting for the television public to
also see Walter Kissinger together with his brother Henry Kissinger.

A few thoughts regarding the film:

It would be really nice and a wonderful completion of the great family
portrait if the next generation would also appear in the film – that is, your
children and those of your brother. Your children together at the NY
Marathon (3 November) and also shots with you, your sons and horses at
your ranch in Colorado would be very nice.

If your brother Henry also reacts positively to the idea of asking his children
for the historical portrait of his family, I would by all means come to the USA
for a second production section. Otherwise the days of October 7th and 8th
could certainly be used.

It is clear to us all that your brother Henry's cooperation in the film is
especially important. You advised me yesterday to talk to Jessee Incao as to
whether I could film your brother October 7th and 8th in a few short scenes at

2

a meeting or telephone conversation in the office, getting out of the car,
entering his office building or something of the sort in order to be able to
explain later in the film the very active life he still leads today. I will call
Jessee next week about that.

Beyond that, do you see a chance of filming your brother Henry in his club,
for example, or together with you in your club or - what would of course be
especially nice - on a visit to your house?

As always, I look forward to your thoughts and wish you a good and safe
return to New York. Leaving your horses is, I'm sure, difficult.

P.S. Attached a few impressions from Sardinia.

Sep 09 03 02:44p

WBK Associates

631 351-5815

p. 1

Page 1 of 1

SEP 10 2003

<table><tr><td>Subj:</td><td>Date: 9/6/2003 5:00:37 AM Eastern Standard Time</td></tr><tr><td>From:</td><td>To: Ludwigwbk@aol.com</td></tr><tr><td>File:</td><td>PICT0024.zip (2651876 bytes) DL Time (TCP/IP): &lt; 1 minute</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Sent from the Internet (Details)</td></tr></table>

Lieber Herr Kissinger,

Ein paar Gedanken zu unserem Telefongespräch und das Allerwichtigste zuerst:

Von Anfang an wollte ich nie etwas anderes als das, was ich Ihnen auch immer geschrieben habe: Ihre Familiengeschichte und die Verwurzung Ihrer Familie in Franken von den Brudern Walter und Henry Kissinger gemeinsam erzählt zu bekommen.

Die Zusage Ihres Bruders Henry im Film mitzuwirken war für mich, wie Sie wissen Voraussetzung, das Projekt überhaupt realisieren zu können und deshalb freue ich mich riesig über seine Zusage und es ist für mich eine große Ehre, ihn kennen lernen und ihn zusammen mit Ihnen interviewen zu dürfen.

Daß Sie anbieten, dass ich auf Sie keine Rücksicht nehmen brauche, spricht sehr für Ihre Großzügigkeit. Aber es gibt für mich keinen Grund, von meinen Plänen abzurücken und ich bin überzeugt, dass es auch für das Fernsehpublikum spannend und interessant ist, Walter Kissinger zusammen mit seinem Bruder Henry Kissinger zu sehen.

Ein paar Gedanken zum Film:

Es wäre wirklich sehr schön und würde eine wunderbare Abrundung des großen Familienportraits geben, wenn auch die nächste Generation im Film vorkäme, das heißt Ihre Kinder und die Kinder Ihres Bruders Henry.

Ihre Kinder gemeinsam beim New York Marathon (3. November!) und auch Aufnahmen mit Ihnen, Ihren Söhnen und Pferden auf Ihrer Ranch in Colorado wären sehr schön.

Wenn auch Ihr Bruder Henry dem Gedanken positiv gegenüber steht, seine Kinder für das historische Portrait seiner Familie zu bitten, würde ich sicher auf alle Fälle für einen zweiten Produktionsteil in die USA reisen.

Außerdem können ja auch die Tage vor dem 7. und 8. Oktober genutzt werden..

Die Mitwirkung Ihres Bruders Henry im Film ist, wie uns allen klar ist, besonders wichtig.

Sie gaben mir gestern den Rat, mit Jessee Incao zu besprechen, ob ich Ihren Bruder am 7. und 8. Oktober noch in ein paar kurzen Szenen bei einer Besprechung oder einem Telefonat im Büro, beim Aussteigen aus dem Auto, beim Hineinlaufen in sein Bürogebäude oder ...? mit der Kamera begleiten kann, um später im Film auch über sein heute noch sehr aktives Leben erzählen zu können. Dazu werde ich Jessee nächste Woche anrufen.

Sehen Sie darüber hinaus noch eine Chance, Ihren Bruder Henry z.B. in seinem Club oder zusammen mit Ihnen in Ihrem Club oder, was natürlich besonders schön wäre, bei einem Besuch in Ihrem Haus oder ...? mit der Kamera zu begleiten?

Ich freue mich wie immer auf Ihre Gedanken und wünsche Ihnen eine gute und sichere Heimkehr nach New York. Der Abschied von Ihren Pferden fällt Ihnen sicher schwer.

Herzliche Grüße, Ihre Evi Kurz

P.S. Als Dateianhang heute ein paar Impressionen aus Sardinien.

Monday, September 08, 2003 America Online: Ludwigwbk

TRANSLATION - jw

September 23, 2003

<u>e-mail to Walter Kissinger</u>

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

I just got a call from the press office of the German Embassy in Washington.

An inquiry has been received from Henry Kissinger's office from a Mrs. Theresa to German Ambassador Ischinger as to what he thinks of a documentary on the Kissinger family.

I'm now being asked to share more details on my planned film project with the German ambassador. I am of course very happy to do this, but I am a little irritated that this inquiry is coming now when everything has been arranged, discussed with you, and organized by my side.

The question was also posed as to whether I am making the documentary for Bavarian TV. To this I also replied that I already early on offered to you and Dr. Kissinger to produce the film myself since only that way can I guarantee you complete consultation and input from beginning to end, from the film's concept to its completion. As you know, I set up my own firm after your brother Henry agreed to an interview with you both. I of course would like to then offer the completed film to my home broadcaster, Bavarian TV, for the ARD. But those are matters that I assumed that we would discuss together and not the German ambassador with me.

I of course understand all of your brother's and family's security considerations. Naturally you must obtain all the information on me, but I assumed that this happened long ago. I hope you understand that the call from the Germany Embassy now - when everything has been discussed and confirmed between you, your brother Henry, and me, and when I have booked a team, flights, and hotels - very much perplexes me.

I am at my desk all day today and tomorrow - perhaps you would like to give me a quick call; I would appreciate it.

TRANSLATION - jw

September 30, 2003

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

I am sad because I know you're not doing well. And it distresses me that your brother apparently assumes that I would plan an unbalanced film – but I am not angry at him.

Harmony, a good spirit, and trust in the other's honesty are irrevocable conditions for me as well in working on your family history. It was right, therefore, to cancel the weekend.

All three of us should go into the next few days with good thoughts on our good intentions and without resentment. The relationship between you and your brother must not be tarnished by me.

Sleep well,
Evi Kurz

Oct 07 03 12:41p

WBK Associates

631 351-5815

Subj: 
Date: 9/23/2003 12:46:13 PM Eastern Standard Time
From: evi.kurz@gmx.de
To: Ludwigwbk@aol.com

Sehr geehrter Herr Kissinger,

gerade erreicht mich ein Anruf aus der Pressestelle der Deutschen Botschaft
aus Washington.

Man habe eine Anfrage aus dem Büro von Dr. Henry Kissinger von einer
Mrs. Theresa an den Deutschen Botschafter Herrn Ischinger bekommen, was dieser denn
von einer Reportage über die Familie Kissinger halte.

Man bat mich nun dem Deutschen Botschafter doch näheres über mein geplantes
Filmprojekt mitzuteilen. Dies mache ich natürlich sehr gerne, aber ich bin
ein bisschen irritiert, dass diese Anfrage zum jetzigen Zeitpunkt kommt, wo
alles arrangiert, mit Ihnen besprochen und von meiner Seite organisiert ist.

Es wurde auch gefragt, ob ich die Dokumentation für das Bayerische Fernsehen
mache. Auch hier habe ich geantwortet, daß ich Ihnen und Dr. Kissinger schon
sehr bald angeboten habe, daß ich den Film selbst produziere, weil ich Ihnen
nur so von Anfang bis Ende, vom Filmkonzept bis zum fertigen Film, völlige
Einsicht und Mitsprache gewähren kann. Diese eigene Firma habe ich wie Sie
wissen gegründet, nachdem Ihr Bruder Henry mir sein Einverständnis für ein
Interview mit Ihnen beiden gegeben hat. Selbstverständlich möchte ich den fertigen
Film dann meinem Haussender dem Bayerischen Fernsehen für die ARD anbieten.
Aber das sind Dinge, die ich annahm, daß wir sie miteinander besprechen und
nicht der Deutsche Botschafter mit mir.

Ich verstehe selbstverständlich alle Sicherheitsbedenken Ihres Bruders und
Ihrer Familie.

Natürlich müssen Sie alle Informationen über mich einholen, aber ich ging
davon aus, daß dies alles längst geschehen ist.

Ich hoffe Sie verstehen, daß der Anruf aus der Deutschen Botschaft jetzt, wo
zwischen Ihnen, Ihrem Bruder Henry und mir alles besprochen und festgelegt
wurde, wo ich Team, Flüge und Hotels gebucht habe, mich schon sehr verwirrt.

Ich bin heute und morgen den ganzen Tag am Schreibtisch, vielleicht mögen
Sie mich einmal kurz anrufen, es würde mich sehr freuen.

Herzliche Grüße
Ihre Evi Kurz

Tuesday, September 23, 2003 America Online: Ludwigwbk

SEP 26 2003

WASH POL-8 Ebel, Michael [pol-8@wash.auswaertiges-amt.de]

Friday, September 26, 2003 1:45 PM

tcimino@kmaglobal.com

Fw: Mail Bo an Kissinger

> Dear Teresa,
Ambassador Ischinger has asked me to send to Dr. Kissinger his following
answer regarding Ms. Kurz.

Dear Henry:

Dear Henry:>
> Your office has contacted the Embassy to find out about the Embassy's
> view on the German journalist Ms. Evi Kurz who is planning a reportage
about the Kissinger family.

> Ms. Kurz is not personally known to the Embassy as her work for the
> Bavarian Public Television has a regional focus. When getting in touch
> with Ms. Kurz, the Press Department learnt that she is in regular and
> close contact with Mr. Walter Kissinger about the project.

> Ms. Kurz has been working for the Bavarian Public Television for 25
> years as anchor and journalist in different programmes. Currently, she
> is one of three anchors of the Frankenschau, one of the most watched
> television programmes about the region. Ms. Kurz is native of Fürth,
> hence her interest in the Kissinger family.

> The information the Press Department could gather give therefore no
> reasons to object this project.

Please be so kind and forward to Dr Kissinger. Thanks

Michael Ebel
German Embassy
Executive Assistant, Ambassador's Office
Tel: 202-2984202
Fax: 202-4715559
Michael. Ebel@diplo.de

Sir:

I wanted to be sure you saw what Amb.
Ischinger e-mailed back about Evi Kurz

Unfortunately, it isn't terribly helpf

Noted; thank him

Prefer:

tc

TRANSLATION - jw

Fürth, 3 December 2003

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I had the opportunity last week to visit Bernd and Wendelgard von Staden at their farm in Vaihingen.

Naturally, among the things we discussed, was my film idea.

Mr. and Mrs. von Staden thought that this film on the Kissinger family history would be extremely interesting and repeatedly stressed that they also consider it very important - important right now, as Mrs. von Staden emphasized, and she said that I should also tell you this.

I am thus taking the liberty of doing so and send best regards from Fürth.

Evi Kurz

Nov 18 03 04:34p

WBK Associates

631 351-5815

p.2

Sent By: HP LaserJet 3100;

5164310431;

Nov-17-03 1:37PM;

Subj:

Date: 11/17/2003 9:14:07 AM Eastern Standard Time

From: evi.kurz@gmx.de

To: Ludwigwbk@aol.com

Page 1 of 2

Lieber Herr Kissingier,

über unser Telefongespräch habe ich lange nachgedacht.

Ich bin natürlich sehr glücklich, daß Ihr Bruder Henry weiterhin bereit ist, mir das Interview zu geben, aber ich möchte, daß er und Sie sich völlig wohl fühlen und wir das Gespräch nur in einer sehr guten, dem Thema würdigen Atmosphäre führen.

Das Unbehagen, das Ihr Bruder Henry weiterhin wegen meines Appetits' fühlt, möchte ich respektieren, indem ich meine Bitten, die Über das Interview hinausgehen, zurückstelle.

Ich denke, daß dies notwendig ist. Später können wir vielleicht entspannter Über das ein oder andere reden.

Erlauben Sie mir folgendes Vorgehen vorzuschlagen:

1. Wir suchen zunächst einen Termin für das Interview und machen es. Leider hat mein Team, das in den USA arbeiten darf, im Dezember keinen einzigen freien Tag mehr. Es würde nur zwischen dem 2.- 6. Januar 2004 gehen. Ein neues Team zusammenzustellen und die Visas noch vor Weihnachten zu bekommen, erachtet mir unrealistisch, aber ich werde es versuchen. Eine Möglichkeit wäre auch, uns für das Interview in Deutschland zu treffen, falls Ihr Bruder im Dezember sowieso noch einmal hierher kommt und ich Ihnen den Flug zumuten dürfte.

Ich kann in Deutschland natürlich schnell und problemlos ein gutes Team zusammenstellen und das Interview könnte im Dezember an jedem von Ihnen gewünschten Tag, an jedem von Ihnen gewünschten Ort stattfinden.

2. Unabhängig davon, wann und wo wir das Interview machen, würde ich mich — sehr gerne mit Ihnen nach Ihrer Karibikreise in New York treffen, um ein persönliches Vorgespräch zu führen. Bei dieser Gelegenheit könnten wir vielleicht auch die Photos anschauen, die ich für den Film verwenden darf.

3. Erst nach dem Interview, nachdem auch Ihr Bruder Henry mich kennen lernen konnte und spüren kann, ob er sich wohl fühlt und mir vertrauen mag, sollten wir über alles Weltere sprechen.

Gerne möchte ich Ihre Gedanken dazu hören. Telefonieren wir?

Herzliche Grüße aus Fürth
Ihre Evi Kurz

Monday, November 17, 2003 America Online: Guest

DATE 11/19/03

CORR. FILE KURZ, EVI

ACTION: Alan Stape Dennis

Jesse Theresa Stephanie

Don Amanda Suzanne

COMMENTS:

SUBJ. FILE

CROSS REF.

DC OFFICE:

Christie /Jody/ Tiffany

INFO COPY TO:

ROUTE CC COPY TO:

TO BE FILED

23/10 2003 20:30 FAX +49 911 9727920

Kurz

001

Evi Kurz

20768 Fürth,
Rennweg 120
Telefon (09 11) 97 27 90
Telefax (09 11) 97 27 92 0

Herrn
Dr. Henry Kissinger
Twenty-Sixth Floor
350 Park Avenue
New York, New York 10022

Fürth, 23.10.2003

Sehr verehrter Herr Dr. Kissinger,

leider mussten wir das von Ihnen zugesagte Interview, für das alles
organisiert und gebucht war, so kurzfristig verschieben. Ich hoffe aber
sehr, daß mir Ihre Sekretärin Jessee, wie von Ihnen versprochen, bald einen
neuen Termin nennen kann.

Es gab einige Irritationen, bitte erlauben Sie mir dazu eine kurze
Erklärung:

Das von mir erbetene Interview ist das Herz des Filmes und damit soll
behutsam durch Ihre Familiengeschichte geführt werden.

Nachdem im Interview und Film natürlich ein Schwerpunkt bei Ihnen liegen
wird, erwünschte ich mir von Ihrem Bruder ein paar kleine Szenen für den
Film, um auch über sein Leben erzählen zu können. Wenn man gefühlvoll
arbeitet, braucht man dafür viel Zeit und der Aufwand für später sehr kurze
Filmszenen erscheint ungebührlich hoch.

Niemals wollte ich etwas anderes, als ein ausbalanciertes Teilstück des
Filmes über das Bruderpaar.

Und niemals wollte ich auch nur eine Sekunde des Interviews oder sonstiges
Filmmaterial veröffentlichen, ohne Ihr völliges Einverständnis.

Bitte lassen Sie mich auch dieses hier noch einmal explizit sagen.

Ich bot Ihnen deshalb schon sehr früh an, daß ich den Film selbst
produziere und Sie und Ihr Bruder Walter haben schon lange mein Wort und
das durften Sie immer als Ehrenwort betrachten, daß nichts im Film sein
wird, was Sie nicht möchten.

Wenn es Ihnen schwer fällt, mir zu vertrauen, können wir jederzeit auch
eine schriftliche Vereinbarung treffen.

Ich möchte mit Ihnen zusammen arbeiten und Ihnen meine Arbeit auch zum
Geschenk für Ihre Nachfahren machen.

Es fällt Ihnen schwer, solch Denken und Handeln mit Ihren bisherigen
Erfahrungen mit Journalisten zu verbinden?

Bitte versuchen Sie doch wenigstens, mich davon losgelöst zu sehen.

Ich gehöre nicht zu den Haien auf der Suche nach Beute.

Mein Leben bestimmen in erster Linie meine Familie und unsere Familienfirma
mit weltweit mehreren Tausend Mitarbeitern.

Kurz

002

Meinen Beruf liebe ich vor allem wegen meiner finanziellen Unabhängigkeit, die es mir erlaubt, nur solche Filme zu machen, die ich möchte und sie dann so zu machen, wie ich es mit meinem Arbeitsethos verbinden kann. Dazu gehören Wahrheitsliebe, Verlässlichkeit, Verantwortungsgefühl, Achtung und Menschenliebe.

Alles sehr altmodische Werte? Ja und ich bin dankbar, daß ich diese Werte vermittelt bekam und sie kennzeichnen mein Handeln und meine Filme und öffnen mir Türen und Herzen. Die Menschen nicht zu enttäuschen, nicht zu missbrauchen, sondern sie zufrieden und zugetan zurückzulassen, das ist für mich der wahre Lohn meiner Arbeit.

Ich bitte Sie sehr herzlich, mir wie versprochen, einen neuen Termin für das Interview zu gewähren.

Ich möchte hier in Franken mit den Dreharbeiten beginnen und Ihnen Ihre Familiengeschichte bald vorlegen.

Mit den besten Grüßen aus Fürth

Evi Kurz

P.S.: Ich bat den amtierenden 1. Vorsitzenden des Nürnberger Presseclubs, in dem auch ich Mitglied bin, Herrn Dr. Manfred Boos um ein paar Zeilen, die ich Ihnen beifüge. Dr. Boos war 23 Jahre lang mein Chef beim Bayerischen Fernsehen und kennt mich und meine Arbeit.

3-OKT-2003 15:49 UON:PRESSECLUB NEG/WBG

Kurz
49 911 8004201

HIN:745 911 01/12/00 003---

PRESSE CLUB NÜRNBERG

23.10.03

Frau Evi Kurz kenne und schätze ich nicht nur als Mitglied des Presse-Club Nürnberg, sondern auch aus meiner aktiven Zeit von 1978 bis 2001 als Leiter der Fernsehabteilung des Bayerischen Rundfunks, Studio Franken in Nürnberg.

Seit 1978 wirkt Frau Kurz als Moderatorin und Filmautorin in aktuellen regionalen und landesweiten Sendungen mit und hat sich dabei hohes Ansehen bei Zuschauerinnen und Zuschauern erworben.

Darüber hinaus engagiert sich Frau Kurz in Fürth ehrenamtlich in der Planungskommission des Oberbürgermeisters für die 1000-Jahrfeier der Stadt, als 2. Vorsitzende im Fürther Krankenhaus-Förderverein und im Beirat des Ludwig-Erhard-Initiativkreises.

Bei all ihren Plänen und Aktivitäten kann Frau Kurz jederzeit mit meiner Unterstützung rechnen. Sie genießt meine volle Wertschätzung.

Dr. Manfred Boos

Geschäftsstelle
Glogauer Straße 70
90473 Nürnberg
Telefon 09 11/80 04-200
Telefax 09 11/80 04-201
Steuer-Nummer:
241/110/20341

Clubräume Marmorsaal
NÖRNBERGER Akademie
Gewerbsmuseumsplatz 2
90403 Nürnberg
Telefon 09 11/2 14 55-0
Telefax 09 11/2 14 55-32

www.presseclubs-in-bayern.de
www.presseclub-nurnberg.de
e-msj@ presse-club-nurnberg@odn.de
Benkverbindung
Sparkasse Nürnberg
Konto 1 149 049
BLZ 780 501 01

Dr. Manfred Boos, Vorsitzender
Walter Schatz · Dr. Siegfried Zeinnaier,
stalivortretende Vorsitzende
Dieter Barth, Schatzmeister/Schriftführer
Stefan Feldmann · Gabi Pfaffor
Daniela Schmid, Beisitzer