Theodore C. Sorensen

Wash
Post 3-7-74

# Bringing Dr. Kissinger Home

Henry Kissinger is succeeding once again in his Mideast shuttle diplomacy. We all wish him well but we should also wish him back. He is clearly a brilliant envoy, negotiator and mediator. But his job is Secretary of State—the first since John Foster Dulles to have undivided responsibility for our foreign affairs and the first since Charles E. Hughes to serve a President too weakened by distrust and disdain to exercise effective foreign policy leadership himself.

If this Secretary's office is to be the decisive command post needed, continuously orchestrating the diverse aims and claims besetting our global role, even Henry Kissinger cannot run it out of a suitcase for very long. Lengthy and frequent absences from Washington, as James Byrnes discovered on his way out a generation ago, can weaken any Secretary of State's hold on the reins of power.

Understandably Mr. Kissinger is tempted in this winter of our discontent to seek every escape from Potočmac miasma and Pentagon plumbers, in favor of new heroic pronouncements abroad. But he knows that modern foreign policy is more than dramatic deeds and Nobel sentiments. Neither the Indochina war nor America's responsibility for it has ended. Washington's detente with Moscow is today less enthusiastically viewed in both capitals. The open door to Peking may now be only uncertainly ajar. And 1973's "Year of Europe" produced enough disarray to cause all other countries to decline the honor this year.

These facts spell not failure on Mr. Kissinger's part but the unavoidable truth that modern foreign policy leadership is not episodic but a continuous effort, intimately involved with domestic institutions and issues and requiring a patient plugging away in Washington.

The writer, who served as special counsel to President Kennedy, practices law in New York City.

Only the personal involvement of a powerful Secretary of State can preserve the prerogatives of his department in the bureaucratic struggles over pecking order and policy that inevitably increase when White House control wanes. Before the State Department can negotiate any issue abroad, it must undertake far more difficult negotiations with other U.S. agencies. Secretary Kissinger's earlier travels to the Mideast not only delayed our government's internal deliberations on SALT—and thus the talks themselves—but also facilitated the Joint Chief's effort to win acceptance for their own views. Similarly the politics of international economics and energy confront Mr. Kissinger's department with daily pressures from other bureaucracies with far larger budgets and constituencies; and only the presence of the Secretary can prevent the renewed erosion of his department's domain.

Congressional relations in particular require constant Cabinet-level handholding. Unlike foreign ambassadors, congressional chairmen are not content to write home about meeting with the First Assistant Deputy Under Secretary. An absentee Secretary cannot get the trade bill or IDA appropriation he needs; and congressional blockage of most-favored-nation treatment and export credits for Moscow may slow down dentente far more than another Kissinger visit can speed it up.

Some absences are necessary. Latin America deserves more visits to follow up the success of Mexico City. Egypt having had Kissinger in living color, Syria naturally wanted equal time. But equal time is not possible for all who demand or even deserve it.

If Mr. Kissinger's domination of foreign policy as a presidential aide was justified on grounds that the State Department was "a bowl of jelly" (to quote an earlier White House lament), it surely will not now be transformed into meat-and-potatoes without his constant direction. Building a revitalized, less parochial department—one that provides diplomatic early warnings and encourages instead of submerging Foreign Service talent—requires a large investment of the Secretary's time in dry, routine personnel and organizational meetings not suitably held between stops in his flying bedroom. A one-man show builds nothing. How can our new ambassador to Moscow, for example, develop into another Bohlen or Thompson if the Secretary of State flies over personally for every top-level contact with the Kremlin?

Much of what is done abroad can be done easier in Washington. But much of what is done in Washington cannot be done abroad. Other foreign ministers may travel widely—they do not occupy the same unique position as does Mr. Kissinger in this Watergate season. "A Secretary," said Dean Acheson, "who is really doing his job cannot do it during the weeks and weeks which these [overseas] meetings consume." At least he should ask himself each time: Is this trip really necessary?

Syria Claims
Hussein Vetoed
Pleas to Attack

By Jim Hoagland

Washington Post Foreign Service

BEIRUT, March 6—King Hussein of Jordan turned down repeated requests from Syrian President Hafez Assad to attack Israel in October, and finally sent troops to Syria only to save face, Assad was quoted as having said today.

In the first full Syrian post-mortem of the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, Assad told Saeed Freiha, publisher of the Beirut magazine Al Sayyad, that Syrian intelligence was sure that “the road to Jerusalem was open” for Jordan’s army of 70,000.

Assad met today in Damascus with Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, who arrived in the Syrian capital from Cairo last night. A joint Egyptian-Syrian commune declared that the Soviet Union would have to participate in “all stages” of the peace-making process.

Assad confirmed in his interview with Al Sayyad that the Russians are “still trying to persuade Syria to go to the Geneva conference,” Freiha reported. The magazine said that Syria has been paying cash for all its arms and that monetary support for Syria, from other Arab states has so far been “symbolic.”

The Syrian leader asserted that Syria had been building

up for a counter-offensive on the Golan front when the Oct. 22 cease-fire was accepted by Egypt, ruining a “golden opportunity” for a new campaign.

Syria massed 2,500 tanks and thousands of soldiers along a 40-mile front to launch the attack on the occupied Golan Heights on Oct. 6. The attack was designed to destroy Israeli ground and air forces, Assad said.

The Arab forces almost achieved this objective in the opening days of the war, As-sad claimed, but then a massive American resupply effort turned the balance in Israel's favor.

"I tried to persuade those responsible in Amman of the need to open the front" across the Jordan River, Assad said, after Syrian intelligence had allegedly cracked an Israeli code and discovered that Jordan could easily take Jerusalem.

King Hussein, who has said that he entered the 1967 war only because other Arab leaders had assured him that Israel would be whipped, limited his participation in the October war to sending two armored brigades to the Syrian front, where they engaged in no serious combat.

Meanwhile, Syrian officials and media continued to react angrily to reports from Washington that Palestinian guer-

KING HUSSEIN

PRESIDENT ASSAD

... 'the road to Jerusalem was open'

rillas had planned to assassinate Henry A. Kissinger in a Damascus mosque last week. Officials in Damascus have called the story "a fabrication."

Al Sharq, the Beirut newspaper that reflects official Syrian thinking, printed a sarcastic article today saying that Kissinger had overslept that day, forcing him to cancel the visit to the mosque and giving him time to dream that Palestinians were trying to assassinate him.

Syria's all-pervasive security forces maintain tight control over the country, and especially over Palestinian groups there, even during normal times. The Washington reports of an assassination plot are for many Syrians tantamount to an American accusation of complicity or negligence.

The uniformed and plain-clothes security men who exercised tight control over the teeming Damascus bazaar that abuts the mosque seemed to show no particular signs of concern during the time of Kissinger's scheduled visit, nor were there such signs

among American and Syrian officials concerned with the Kissinger visit immediately after he left.

Arab analysts here are skeptical that the Syrians would have advised the American party of any assassination plot by Palestinians that they uncovered. Stress is being put by the Syrian news media on the fact that the Washington sources for the story refuse to say how the plot came to their knowledge.

N. G.ori

MARCH 7, 1974

"Yes, Sir, Chief — That's Good News"

For the Record

Three Views on
Congressional Pay

*(From the Senate debate on congressional salaries, March 4.)*

Mr. McGee. We ought to make sure that the office of U.S. senator or a member of the House of Representatives requires no dependence upon any outside income . . . It is important that we as legislators . . . tell our constituents, "If you want good and responsible government, you are going to have to pay for it. That is the way we brag about our private sector . . . That is how the top executives of General Motors manage to squeeze by on $300,000, $500,000, or $750,000 a year. I do not deplore that they receive that . . . But what, then, is a board of directors worth, when they have to administer a $300 billion business? What is it worth, when in all truth the fate of the world depends on the kinds of decisions that come out of this government? . . .

Mr. Church. I submit that such an argument is absurd. After all, private corporation executives are paid out of company profits. We are paid out of taxes . . . The motivation for those who enter the civil service of the United States is not to get rich. We are comparing apples with peanuts . . . It would make more sense to compare our salaries with what the average man in the street is earning . . . The present salary of congressmen [is] in the top percentile of salaries being received by the population as a whole . . .

Mr. Dole. It has been said that the difficulty with pay raises in the Senate is that one-third of its senators are millionaires, one-third are statesmen, and the other third are cowards.

314A HFR 3-10

TRIP 3-7

ADV FOR AMS SUN MARCH 10

BY WILBUR G. LANDREY

UPI FOREIGN EDITOR

NEW YORK (UPI) -- THE TROUBLE WITH BEING CHAMPION IS THAT YOU HAVE TO KEEP WINNING. SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER HAS KEPT WINNING BUT SOME OF HIS HARDEST BATTLES STILL LIE AHEAD IN BOTH THE MIDDLE EAST AND EUROPE.

THERE IS ALWAYS SOMEBODY AROUND WAITING FOR A CHAMPION TO FALL--IN KISSINGER'S CASE POSSIBLY THE RUSSIANS AND THE FRENCH.

KISSINGER RETURNED THIS WEEK FROM HIS FOURTH MISSION TO THE MIDDLE EAST IN AS MANY MONTHS, STOPPING OVER IN EUROPE ON THE WAY.

HE REPORTED TO PRESIDENT NIXON THAT HE GOT SYRIA AND ISRAEL STARTED ON THE ROAD TO NEGOTIATIONS ABOUT DISENGAGING THEIR TROOPS IN THE GOLAN HEIGHTS. HE COULD REPORT THAT THERE WAS A GOOD CHANCE OF THE ARAB OIL EMBARGO AGAINST THE UNITED STATES BEING LIFTED.

BUT ON THE ACTUAL DISENGAGEMENT, SYRIA AND ISRAEL WERE AS FAR APART AS EVER, AND ISRAEL WAS CLAIMING NEW YRIAN TROOP MOVEMENTS ON ITS NORTHERN FRONT. AND IN EUROPE, ON THE WAY HOME, KISSINGER WAS FACED WITH WHAT MAY BE A NEW ATTEMPT BY FRANCE TO THWART HIS ENERGY POLICIES.

INCREASINGLY POSSIBLE WAS AN OPEN SPLIT WITH FRANCE WHICH COULD ENDANGER BOTH THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE AND EUROPEAN UNITY.

THERE IS NO ASSURANCE THAT KISSINGER CAN REPEAT THE DIPLOMATIC SUCCESSES HE SCORED IN NEGOTIATING AN EGYPTIAN-ISRAELI DISENGAGEMENT ALONG THE SUEZ CANAL, IN EXTRACTING THE UNITED STATES FROM INDOCHINA AND OPENING THE WAY FOR A RESUMPTION OF RELATIONS WITH CHINA AS WELL AS DETENTE WITH RUSSIA.

KISSINGER WENT ON HIS FOURTH MIDDLE EAST MISSION AT THE SPECIFIC REQUEST OF THE LEADERS OF EGYPT, SYRIA, SAUDI ARABIA AND ALGERIA. ONE OF THEM WROTE HIM THAT HIS PRESENCE WAS NECESSARY TO CALM THE AREA, WHERE ISRAEL AND EGYPT HAD NEGOTIATED A DISENGAGEMENT ALONG THE SUEZ CANAL BUT ISRAEL AND SYRIA HAD NOT IN THE GOLAN HEIGHTS.

SOON AFTER HIS BLUE AND SILVER AIR FORCE JET--LETTERED "UNITED STATES OF AMERICA" AND BEARING AN AMERICAN FLAG ON ITS TAIL--LIFTED INTO THE WASHINGTON SKY ON THE MORNING OF MONDAY, FEB. 26, KISSINGER HAD DONNED HIS LIGHT BLUE TRAVELING SWEATER AND GONE TO WORK.

KISSINGER STOPPED IN LONDON OVERNIGHT TO CONFER WITH THE THEN LEADERS OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT, FACING AN ELECTION IN TWO DAYS. BUT THE MAN WHO BECAME PRIME MINISTER AS A RESULT OF THE ELECTION, LABOR PARTY LEADER HAROLD WILSON, CANCELED AN APPOINTMENT BECAUSE HIS CAMPAIGN SCHEDULE WAS RUNNING LATE.

KISSINGER'S MISSION REALLY BEGAN TUESDAY NIGHT IN DAMASCUS, THE CAPITAL OF SYRIA AND THE OLDEST CONTINUOUSLY INHABITED CITY IN THE WORLD.

THERE, KISSINGER GOT FROM SYRIAN PRESIDENT HAFEZ ASSAD AUTHORIZATION TO TURN OVER TO ISRAEL A LIST OF ISRAELI WAR PRISONERS BEING HELD FROM THE OCTOBER ARAB-ISRAELI WAR AND GRANT PERMISSION FOR THE INTERNATIONAL, RED CROSS TO VISIT THEM.

AS AMERICAN OFFICIALS TELL IT, KISSINGER ALSO CAME UP WITH A NEW IDEA ON HOW THE TALKS SHOULD CONTINUE AS HE LISTENED TO ASSAD IN THEIR SEVEN HOURS OF TALKS ON TUESDAY NIGHT AND WEDNESDAY MORNING. THE SYRIANS AND ISRAELIS WERE SO FAR APART THAT KISSINGER DECIDED THAT THE NEXT STAGE OF TALKS SHOULD GO ON THROUGH HIM, TOO, INSTEAD OF FACE TO FACE.

A HIGH AMERICAN OFFICIAL SAID KISSINGER SUGGESTED TO ASSAD THAT ISRAELI AND SYRIAN NEGOTIATORS SHOULD TRAVEL SEPARATELY TO WASHINGTON LATER THIS MONTH TO PRESENT THEIR CONCRETE PROPOSALS DIRECTLY TO HIM, LEAVING THE FACE TO FACE MEETINGS UNTIL LATER.

ASSAD AGREED TO THINK IT OVER AND WHEN KISSINGER PRESENTED THE IDEA IN JERUSALEM THE ISRAELIS QUICKLY AGREED, TOO. WHAT IT DID WAS TO KEEP THE RUSSIANS OUT. AS CO-SPONSORS OF THE CONFERENCE, THE RUSSIANS WOULD BE PRESENT IN GENEVA.

AS KISSINGER'S PLANE TOOK OFF FROM THE NEW DAMASCUS AIRPORT ON WEDNESDAY, SOVIET FOREIGN MINISTER ANDREI GROMYKO'S WAS ABOUT TO LAND. GROMYKO HAS CANCELLED HIS APPOINTMENTS IN MOSCOW AND HASTILY ARRANGED A MIDDLE EAST VISIT THAT FOLLOWED KISSINGER TO SYRIA, TO EGYPT AND THEN BACK AGAIN TO SYRIA. BUT THE TWO MEN NEVER MET.

DIPLOMATIC REPORTS FROM THE MIDDLE EAST SAID GROMYKO TRIED TO PERSUADE THE SYRIANS TO NEGOTIATE IN GENEVA RATHER THAN IN WASHINGTON, BUT THERE WAS NO INDICATION HE HAD SUFFOCEDED.

THE RUSSIANS FELT LEFT OUT OF NEGOTIATIONS THAT HAVE STEADILY BEEN CARRIED ON THROUGH KISSINGER, BUT A HIGH AMERICAN OFFICIAL SAID THERE WAS NO INDICATION THEY WERE TRYING TO HAMPER A FINAL SETTLEMENT. WHAT THEY APPARENTLY WANTED WAS TO REESTABLISH THEIR WANING INFLUENCE AND HAVE A PART.

IN JERUSALEM, MRS. MEIR HAD TEARS IN HER EYES WHEN KISSINGER GAVE HER THE LIST OF 65 ISRAELI POWS. SO DID HER CHIEF OF STAFF. WHILE THE CABINET DEBATED THE DISENGAGEMENT IDEAS KISSINGER WOULD TAKE BACK TO DMASCUS, HE FLEW TO CAIRO FOR A DAY.

UPI 03-07 10:29 PED

THE WASHINGTON POST

Friday, March 15, 1974

A3

# Kissinger Acts to Undo His Gaffe on Europe

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger denied yesterday that he intended to cast any "reflection on the legitimacy of existing European governments" in remarks he made here Monday.

While trying to disentangle himself from a gaffe that supplied ammunition to critics and confounded supporters, Kissinger reiterated that there are "fundamental problems" inside the Atlantic alliance.

A trans-Atlantic tempest broke over Kissinger's head about extemporaneous remarks to 150 wives of congressmen at the State Department Monday. Kissinger said he thought he was speaking off the record but several newsmen were present.

On Monday Kissinger said "the biggest problem" for American foreign policy is not regulating competition with "enemies," but eliminating "endless competition" among allies. Competition with France over coordinating oil policy is cited as a prime example of the difficulty.

To Europeans, however, his most wounding, rebounding, remark was that "there have been, very rarely, fully legitimate governments in any European country since World War I." That comment stung all across Europe, despite attempts on Tuesday to soften what Kissinger said.

Looking a bit sheepish, Kissinger, noted for his articulateness, tried to quell the storm yesterday with a mixture of apologies and gibes with an unusual appearance at the State Department's news briefing.

"... I have the impression," Kissinger began dryly, "that during this week I have done more for European unification than any man since Jean Monnet (French champion of post-World War II European unification)."

Kissinger drew a second burst of laughter when he said, "All of my disasters seem to have occurred when there was a combination of press and ladies."

Becoming serious, Kissinger said his remark about European legitimacy was made "in the context of explaining the imperative necessity of carrying out a policy of peaceful coexistence in the age of nuclear weapons ..."

Kissinger said, "The point I was trying to make before my exuberance carried me away was that when there was a certain scale of devastation, the distinction between victor and defeated would become meaningless and the shock to societies would be so great that no country that entered such a war would ever recover."

In that context, Kissinger said, he was trying to say

"that no government that entered World War I recovered its legitimacy as a result of those devastations."

This "was not intended as a reflection on existing governments," Kissinger said, nor as "a commentary on the present state of U.S.-European relations." To the extent that his remarks created that impression, he said, "I regret them and I feel that they made no contribution to the Atlantic dialogue."

"The fundamental difficulties" that exist in the alliance "have not been caused by my comments," said Kissinger, even though the comments created "some exacerbation of feelings."

Kissinger said that "at the heart of the discussion for nearly a year" is "whether Atlantic relations should be conceived cooperatively or competitively—whether a European identity can be developed in collaboration with the United States or must be developed inherently in opposition or separation from the United States. Those issues are important."

For the United States, he said, "the community of the West has been the cornerstone of our foreign policy" and "all our disputes will be conducted with the intention of resolving them" for that prime objective.

314A HFR 3-10

TRIP 3-7

DIPLOMATIC REPORTS FROM THE MIDDLE EAST SAID GROMYKO TRIED TO PERSUADE THE SYRIANS TO NEGOTIATE IN GENEVA RATHER THAN IN WASHINGTON, BUT THERE WAS NO INDICATION HE HAD SUFFOCEED.

UPI 03-07 10:29 PED

THE WASHINGTON POST, W

Joseph Alsop

# Our New Arms Strategy

"As now interpreted by a lot of people, the whole concept of 'assured destruction' has become a menace. The concept is that we can and must wait until the Soviets have broken the back of American strategic power, meanwhile relying on our own power of 'assured destruction' — which will simply mean the power to retaliate by killing a lot of Russian women, children and other civilians.

"Any President would have to be a criminal lunatic to go in for that kind of retaliation after the back of America's power has already been broken. The blueprint is all the crazier, since the Soviets will also retain a far greater reserve of destructive power than the United States, and they can therefore much surpass the United States in civilian homicide if they want to do so."

The speaker above quoted was the present Secretary of State, and the time was nearly four years ago. The belated quotation seems justified, even essential. This is because the impression has somehow got around that the basic strategic concept of this country is now being changed behind Dr. Henry A. Kissinger's innocent, unwitting back.

The impression is nonsensical, and not just because innocent and unwitting have never been adjectives that could be sensibly applied to any part of Dr. Kissinger. The truth of the matter is that Dr. Kissinger saw the need for junking the old strategic concept of "assured destruction" long before the actual junking was taken in hand at the Defense Department.

Because of the obvious defects in the old concept, so vividly described by Dr. Kissinger himself about four years ago, the work of defining and implement-

ing a saner strategic concept was begun by James Schlesinger, shortly after he became Secretary of Defense. This was of course about a year ago. By now, results are beginning to be visible, but they are difficult to summarize because of the mythology that anti-defense lobby has wreathed around all these problems.

Take "first strikes." Nowadays, we Americans cannot possibly hope to regain our long-lost capability to destroy all of the Soviet Union's nuclear power with one swift first strike. The Soviet nuclear strategy, meanwhile, is forthrightly based on the need to strike first, if they ever strike at all, because of the immense advantages that striking first obviously confers in war.

Americans cannot be so forthright, because of the mythology.

Thus the revised U.S. strategic concept barely requires a U.S. capability to "initiate the use of nuclear weapons in the event of a sudden, massive assault on U.S. interests." In plainer terms, we have to be able to persuade the Kremlin that we may just possibly hit Russia in this dire manner, if the Kremlin goes far enough to hit us in other ways — for example, by cutting

the oil jugular of the whole west that now runs through the Persian Gulf.

Unless surrender is preferred, it is hard to think of any logical alternative to the foregoing new concept. The steps needed to implement the new concept are also being taken—but here again we run into difficulties created by the fashionable mythology. "Counterforce" is now a dirty word, although "counterforce" merely means killing the enemies' weapons instead of killing enemy civilians.

In this latter restricted sense, the United States is now going over to a "counterforce mode." In other words, to begin with, the thoroughly nasty and unforgiveable targeting of the period of "assured destruction" is also being mercifully junked. The new aim is to cripple Soviet strategic power, rather than to destroy the Soviet urban population.

This is not an easy change of targeting systems, for practical reasons arising from the shocking upset in the overall Soviet-U.S. balance of power that is now taking place. Urgent improvements in U.S. missile accuracy and power of U.S. missile warheads are both needed in the near future. A beginning is also needed on a much more powerful U.S. missile, nearer to the Soviet's SSX-18.

All these things are now provided by the new U.S. defense budget, in a small way, but with enough time in hand to have all these things in place before the Soviets deploy their immense panoply of new more powerful missiles. Yet that rather obviously leaves some problems concerning the next round of SALT, which will be examined in a further report.

© 1974, Los Angeles Times

> "The new aim is to cripple Soviet strategic power, rather than to destroy the Soviet urban population."

Europe's Nine Offer Arabs
A Broad Cooperation Plan

NYTimes 3-5-74

By CRAIG R. WHITNEY

Special to The New York Times

BRUSSELS, March 4—The nine European Common Market countries made a joint offer of long-term economic, technical and cultural cooperation to the Arab world today.

The offer was announced as Secretary of State Kissinger arrived here from West Germany to brief representatives of the Atlantic alliance, eight members of which also also belong to the Common Market, on his peace efforts in the Middle East. He left for Washington after being informed in detail of the Common Market's offer.

[Mr. Kissinger commented, according to The Associated Press, that the United States does not "claim a veto" on the Europeans' relations with the Arabs although it does oppose separate arrangements on oil.]

The Foreign Ministers of the Common Market countries, who

made the offer to the Arab world, took pains to emphasize both to Mr. Kissinger and to the press that their initiative was not an initiative for oil.

The last Common Market declaration on the Middle East, made at the height of the oil

Text of market proposal
is printed on Page 6.

crisis last November, was taken by many here and in the United States as an attempt to curry political favor with the Arab countries, which supply three-quarters of European oil.

In November, under threat of an oil boycott unless they remained neutral, the members of the bloc called on Israel and Egypt to return to the lines they held before Israeli forces surrounded an Egyptian army on the west bank of the Suez

Continued on Page 6, Column 6

happened.

## ts in Thailand

pounds each — are stored in open-air nests surrounded by gravel banks to deaden an accidental explosion.

The crews, mostly men in their twenties and early thirties, say they work as hard on training missions as they did during the air war.

With information officers watching and listening, but not coaching, crewmen said in interviews that the B-52's, most of them 18 or 20 years old, were ready to fly in combat again. Capt. Thomas Walsh, a 31-year-old pilot who has been on 140 combat missions, was asked if he had been disturbed by antiwar protests in the United States during the American bombing raids.

THE

MAINE
THING

ABOUT OUR

LOBSTERS

IS THAT THEY'RE

DELICIOUS

Available in BEIGE, WHITE, IV
Give 2nd & 3rd choice; we may
Give 4th choice only

If ringing buzzer is r
If you order by mail add $1.50
plus sales tax. (no C.O.D.s) (You

For Other Models Send

STOP IN AT ANY O

1410-6th Ave. (57th St.)

N.Y. 10019 Tel: 753-6050

1152-6th Ave. (at 45 St.)

N.Y. 10019 Tel.: 986-5195

MÄD

Europe's Most Famous Name

EUROPEANS OFFER
AID TO THE ARABS

Continued From Page 1, Col. 3

Canal.

The decision to offer long-
term economic and other coop-
eration to the Arab countries
was made with the tentative
agreement of the British dele-
gation in view of the political
difficulties in London, where
Prime Minister Heath resigned
during the day and Harold Wil-
son took over.

The new Common Market
initiative suggests the possibil-
ity of a conference of nine Euro-
pean and 20 Arab Foreign Min-
isters—but apparently not soon.

Foreign Minister Walter
Scheel of West Germany, who
presided at the Common Mar-
ket meeting, stressed that the
proposal for long-term coopera-
tion was not intended to in-
terfere with Mr. Kissinger's cur-
rent efforts to bring about
troop-separation talks between
Israel and Syria, nor with the
follow-up to the conference of
13 major oil-consuming coun-
tries in Washington last month.

Split in the Bloc

At that conference France
split with her Common Market
partners—Britain, West Ger-
many, Italy, Belgium, the
Netherlands, Luxembourg, Den-
mark and Ireland—and refused
to join in setting up a coordi-
nating council of senior offi-
cials to plan for a meeting as
soon as possible between oil-
producing and oil-consuming
countries.

Mr. Kissinger arrived in

Bonn last night on his way
home from talks in the Middle
East and conferred with For-
eign Minister Scheel, who
briefed him on the Common
Market initiative. The Secre-
tary was reported to have res-
ervations about the plan.

After reporting to the repre-
resentatives North Atlantic
Treaty Organization here on
his Middle East trip, Mr.Kissing-
er drove to the West German
Embassy, and, according to Mr.
Scheel, got an explanation of
the "motives and intentions"
behind the European initiative.

As the American Secretary of
State headed for the airport
to fly to Washington, neither
Mr. Kissinger nor Mr. Scheel
would say what the American
reaction had been. This led to
speculation that it had been
sharp and unfriendly.

The European initiative pro-
poses "long-term cooperation in
all fields, notably the economic,
technical and cultural," — not
explicitly mentioning either po-
litical or oil questions, which
the French had apparently
wanted to do.

The plan proposes that the
Arabs begin the process by
sending delegates to Mr. School
in Bonn. Later the Europeans
and Arabs would set up work-
ing groups in the fields under
discussion. Eventually, if it
seems worthwhile, a ministerial
meeting might be organized.

The initiative to the Arabs,
in preparation for weeks, was
substantially agreed on at a
lower level even before the
energy conferenc.

Mr. Kissinger also came to
Brussels to discuss the status
of two declarations of relations
between the Europeans and the
United States — one being
worked out in NATO, the other

in the Common Market. Both
are near completion.

The Secretary said he was
quite optimistic about the NAT
paper on security considera-
tions, and Mr. Scheel said that
American representatives would
visit Bonn in the middle of
the month to look over and
possibly accept the latest Com-
mon Market draft, which he re-
ported on to the ministers to-
day.

Mr. Scheel left open the pos-
sibility that President Nixon
might visit Western Europe this
spring to sign the two docu-
ments with the appropriate
ceremony.

There was a tendency here
to interpret the Common Mar-
ket decision today as a victory
for the French, who support
the idea of building on existing
European organizations to cre-
ate a dialogue with the Arab
world.

Mr. Kissinger's unenthusi-
stic reception strengthened this
view, but Mr. Scheel was care-
ful to explain that any new
initiatives would run parallel
to and not interfere with the
follow-up to the energy confer-
ence. France is not participat-
ing in the first such follow-up
meeting, which is scheduled to
be held here next week.

End of Embargo Favored

Saudi Arabia's Oil Minister,
Sheik Ahmed Zaki Yamani, said
in Riyadh yesterday, as quoted
by Dow Jones, that the Arab
embargo against the United
States had served its purpose
and should be lifted. He said
Arab oil ministers would prob-
ably meet soon on the issue,
and he expressed belief that
Arab oil shipments to the
United States would be re-
sumed.

tensive interviews with Amer-
ican officials and on previously
unpublished documents.

It makes its strongest charges
on the basis of the discovery
of a United States Public
Health Service survey dated

The New York Times/March 5, 1974

September, 1973. That survey
said that thousands of inade-
quately fed nomadic children
faced imminent death from
measles, for which vaccine was
lacking.

The Carnegie Endowment
study asserts that the health
findings, prepared by field
teams of the Center for Disease
Control in Atlanta, had made
clear the acute malnutrition and
rampant measles epidemics
many months before relief sup-
plies were sent.

Yet the teams' reports re-
mained in the files of the Amer-
ican and international agencies
until it was too late to save
many children, Mr. Morris and
Mr. Sheets charged.

Milk, Not Sorghum

They added that emergency
food shipments often consisted
of sorghum, which they said
was fit for cattle feed but not
for starving children, who need-
ed milk. Often, they charged,
deficiencies in local transporta-
tion caused supplies to rest at

NEW YORK TIMES 5 MARCH 1974

# Kissinger and Europe

## Secretary Moves to Placate Allies That Show Mixed Feelings About Him

By FLORA LEWIS
Special to The New York Times

PARIS, March 4—Secretary Kissinger met with Europe's senior diplomats in Brussels today for a second time, a gesture to show that he has accepted long-standing

complaints about America's failure to consult with Europe in the last five turbulent

years. The first time Mr. Kissinger made a formal trip to the capital of the European Community was last December, for the annual meeting of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.

This time the ostensible purpose was to brief the NATO Council on his recent Middle East negotiations. Since the Foreign Ministers of the nine Common Market nations were also meeting, it provided another opportunity for direct talks.

Secretary Kissinger had asked United States ambassadors to report on European attitudes, grievances and intentions after the tense Washington energy conference last month. The first such report since the year of Europe" was proclaimed at the beginning of 1973, it was taken as an acknowledgment that Washington probably had not been paying enough attention to the Europeans to handle Atlantic relations smoothly.

A survey by correspondents of The New York Times on how leading officials in the major European capitals view Mr. Kissinger found, in general, a sweet-and-sour attitude. There are slight differences between capitals, and a between diplomats within Governments, but there is a consensus on key points.

### Admiration Plus Wariness

On the one hand there is a fund of admiration for the Secretary's intelligence, his energy and his ingenuity in tackling crises. On the other there is a wariness—verging on resentment—of his ment and suspicion of his confrontation tactics and his puzzling appearance of not quite grasping Europe's needs. The question is milled in every chancellery: How is it that Mr. Kissinger, with his European background and his firm knowledge of history, seems to understand how to deal with Communists and Asians and Arabs better than with Europeans?

An influential political commentator put it this way: "At times he seems to feel that he knows more than any European can tell him. Also, does he fully realize that for us Europeans, form is often more important

than substance, that we just bridle when we're handled roughshod the way Treasury Secretary Connally did?"

Prime Minister Heath said during a campaign news conference: "Mr. Kissinger would like us to speak with one voice because that's what he finds when he goes to the Soviet Union and Peking. They speak with one voice. Europe is struggling to do so, but it hasn't reached that stage."

### Less Sensitivity Noted

In Brussels a senior official said he felt that Mr. Kissinger was less sensitive to Europeans' feelings than to people he knows less intuitively. "He probably feels he knows enough about us to take us for granted, and of course, nobody responds well to that, not even a member of your own family," the official added.

Officials have said privately, that while they come away charmed and impressed after meeting with the Secretary, they discover when they get together for European meetings and exchange stories of what he told each separately that they have been given noticeably different versions.

Finding that they seem to have been told in turn what Mr. Kissinger probably thought they wanted to hear, they wonder uneasily which version, if any, accurately reflects Washington's intentions.

There is also a complaint over confrontation tactics. "Kissinger likes crises," a senior Belgian diplomat said. He wants to force things to a head and then push for a solution in the heat of urgency.

The West Germans are awed by the Secretary but irritated by what they term his "Mr. Fixit" role, flitting from country to country and refusing to delegate enough authority to subordinates so that steady work can proceed without gaps or jolts.

European diplomats tend to be lavish with praise when they have direct contact with Mr. Kissinger. It is when they feel neglected, which has been often in recent years, that they are harsh.

Mr. Kissinger is often portrayed both publicly and privately in Paris as the ruthless embodiment of an immense American bully out to whip everyone into line behind him. And yet a French participant in the angry Washington energy conference came back beaming and said: "It was tremendous fun. We had a marvelous time."

WALL STREET JOURNAL 5 MARCH 74

Benefits for disabled veterans should be raised 12% and those for survivors 14%. Nixon toid congressional leaders. He also recommended revisions in rating structures to increase payments for the worst disabilities.

NEW YORK TIMES 5 MARCH 1974

# Text of the Proposal by the Europeans

Special to The New York Times

BRUSSELS, March 4—Following, in an unofficial translation from the French, is the text of a proposal issued today by the Common Market countries on cooperation with the Arab nations.

[1]

The nine Governments of the member states of the European Community conform the importance they attach to the talks that took place in Copenhagen on Dec. 14 and 15 with the Foreign Ministers of Algeria, Sudan and Tunisia as well as the Ministers of State of the Arab emirates, who speaking in the name of all the Arab countries, expressed the wish that the countries of the Community should develop their relations with the Arab world and engage with it in long-term cooperation in all fields, notably the economic, technical and cultural.

[2]

The nine wish, on their part, to continue the dialogue thus begun and develop from it mutually beneficial cooperation including in relations, existing or developing, with the Community.

[3]

In the first analysis, the nine believe that this cooperation should be realized by concrete actions, in numerous fields like industry, agriculture, energy and raw materials, transportation, science and technology, financial cooperation and training of cadres, for example.

[4]

The first objective of the Arab and European governments would be, in the opinion of the latter, to organize among themselves as soon as possible contacts which would permit them to express their initial views on the character to be developed and on the efforts to be made to undertake it. The nine propose, as a first step, and at as soon a date as possible, a meeting between their own President, the Foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany and the representative or representatives that the Arab governments wish to designate. The foreign Minister of the Federal Republic of Germany will undertake these meetings in his double capacity, presiding over the political cooperation of the nine and over the European Economic Council.

[5]

In light of the results of the foregoing the nine are prepared to undertake afterward, at the European, and Arab expert level, for example at a working group level, a study of the ways and means of cooperation between them, to arrive at concrete recommendations as soon as possible.

[6]

If the results of their work justify it, in the opinion of the two parties, a conference of the foreign ministers of the Community and of the Arab countries can be organized to take the necessary decisions.

NATIONAL GUARDSMAN MAGAZINE
FEBRUARY 1974 (23 MARCH)

## GUARD STRENGTH NEARS MAGIC "GOAL" AS RECRUITING EFFORT GOES FULL-BORE

Both the Army and Air National Guard ended CY 1973 with a flourish by adding, collectively, more than 5,000 to overall Guard strength. The Army Guard, with a jump of 4,868 to a long-time high of 398,743, accounted for the lion's share. The smaller Air Guard, however, wasn't to be totally outdone; it added a 502 net gain for an "overstrength" figure of 92,471.

Female membership also climbed for both Components, the Army Guard rising by 140 to 1,405 and the Air Guard by 61 to a total of 1,452 (both including Nurses). The Air Guard, moreover, increased its Black membership by 78 during December for a new high of 2,437 officers and enlisted.

The Air Guard's "overstrength" of 180 comes without the benefit of counting its 500 Category I people (enlistees awaiting Basic Training). The Army Guard, on the other hand, does include its 6,282 Cat. I people in its overall total.

Another facet of the strength picture was reflected in an ARNG enlistment/reenlistment report covering August through October. It showed three-month averages for extensions (of those deemed eligible) as follows: REP 63 enlistees—21.1%; Obligated prior service—33.1%; Careerists—87.2%, and Total ARNG—61.2%. November extension percentages generally were similar to those of the preceding three months except for a slight dip in the REP 63 category which showed 15.5%.

8-F

A 18

Monday, March 4, 1974

THE WASHINGTON POST

Progress Seen
On Kissinger Trip

By Marilyn Berger

Washington Post Staff Writer

BONN, March 3—Secretary of State Henry Kissinger completed his latest swing through the Middle East today with U.S.-Arab relations perceptibly improving but the oil embargo still in effect.

Following a colorful sendoff from Amman, with an hourlong parade by the Jordanian Army Band, Kissinger arrived in Bonn to speak with West German leaders.

In the Middle East, Kissinger formalized diplomatic relations with Egypt, was told the Algerians might also resume full ties with the United States, and was assured that even Syria wants to improve its relations with Washington.

While U.S. officials appeared optimistic that the Arab oil embargo would be lifted shortly, they cautioned that the difficulty of achieving Arab unity may tend to preserve the embargo. They conceded that while total unanimity might not be necessary to lift the embargo, an overwhelming consensus is required.

Some Arabs have linked progress on disengagement at the Syrian front to ending the embargo. A go-ahead from Syrian-President Hafez Assad could be the key to an early lifting of the embargo.

The Arab oil ministers are expected to meet this month, according to Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. U.S. officials continued their studious

silence on the issue, saying that it is easier for the Arabs to solve it as an Arab problem. President Nixon's comments in his State of the Union address and Kissinger's own angry labeling of the embargo as "blackmail" were considered by the Arabs to be a setback in getting the oil flowing again.

The fact that the Syrian-Israeli disengagement discussions will begin with special envoys from the two countries in Washington underscores the U.S. role in getting a settlement. These efforts have repeatedly been pointed to by Kissinger as a demonstration of U.S. goodwill toward the Arabs, the implication being that the embargo is unjustified.

The Syrian-Israeli talks were predicted to be "murderously difficult," by a high U.S. official traveling with Kissinger. Syria still considers all of Israel as occupied Arab territory. When Kissinger arrived in Damascus from Tel Aviv the newspapers reported that he had arrived from the "occupied territories."

U.S. officials say that Syria's agreement to discuss disengagement with Israel rather than demanding an immediate and total withdrawal is in itself an emotional and intellectual giant step. They say it in itself an emotional and intellectual giant step. They say it may prove to be so difficult for Assad to explain any deal that there is still a good

chance that he could choose to leave things as they are rather than strike a bargain.

Given Israel's current domestic political situation, along with the fact that it has no pressing military need to pull back from Syria, there are fertile conditions for a stalemate.

There are nevertheless a number of factors that could encourage a disengagement. For Israel, it should mean a return of its prisoners of war. For Syria, there is the force of the Egyptian example; Assad may try to get as much for Syria as Sadat did for Egypt.

Assad is also apparently trying to balance off his current heavy dependence on the "Soviets. He felt they snubbed him after the October war. The fact that U.S. officials have been assured that Assad wants a steady improvement of relations with Washington appears to be proof of that.

U.S. officials reportedly do not yet know whether the Soviets are ready to encourage disengagement. Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko has

been to Damascus, is now in Egypt and will return to Damascus before leaving the Middle East this week.

Before leaving Amman, Kissinger announced that King Hussein would be visiting the United States March 12. This visit was postponed from early February, when President Nixon reportedly told the king he was preoccupied with preparations for the Washington energy conference. Hussein had to rush from home from London to deal with a mutiny in his army.

Kissinger said he and the Jordanians had reached complete agreement. But U.S. officials said a settlement of the tough Israeli-Jordanian problems is still some time off. The issues of the West Bank and Jerusalem raise serious domestic problems for Israel. If a minority government is formed in Israel with the National Religious Party it could be almost impossible to get any settlement involving withdrawal from regions on the West Bank that they consider to have biblical significance.

Associated Press

West German Foreign Minister Walter Scheel, right, listens to Kissinger's speech on arrival in Bonn.

THE WASHINGTON POST Monday, March 4, 1974

A 17

SAFEWAY

Serving
Suggestion

These prices effective through Tuesday, March 5, 1974, in all Safeway Super Markets in WASHINGTON, D.C.; MARYLAND: Prince George's, Montgomery, and Charles Counties; VIRGINIA: Fairfax, Arlington, Loudoun Counties, and Falls Church and Alexandria.

Exclusive At SAFEWAY!
MONTERREY STONEWARE

NOW ON SALE!
Dinner Plate

No Purchase Necessary! each

59¢

Soup/Cereal Bowls

Completer
Piece

4 for $3.99