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es!

JAMES RESTON

# Nixon Picks a Policy Expert

NEW YORK—President-elect Richard Nixon's appointment of Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard as his assistant for national security affairs is a reassuring sign that the new administration is going to make an objective reappraisal of security priorities.

Dr. Kissinger, who took his doctoral degree in Harvard under McGeorge Bundy, has been concentrating on precisely these problems for years in Cambridge and the Council on Foreign Relations in New York and it is significant that he has the respect of most of the foreign-policy experts who have served the last three Presidents.

He has had the experience of being a consultant to Presidents Kennedy and Johnson on many of the critical problems of the last decade—from Berlin to arms control.

## 'Go Slow' on Czechoslovakia

It is true that he and Gov. Nelson Rockefeller of New York helped persuade Nixon that a reasonable period of time should be allowed to go by after the soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia before going forward with new arms control negotiations with the soviet leaders.

His record as a whole, however, indicates he is a cautious and reflective man, prudent about the use of military power, and does not hesitate to change policies when they seem to be going against the national interest.

He worked closely with Jerome Wiesner, Thomas C. Schelling, and others on the formulation of "the strategy of equilibrium" for dealing with the soviet nuclear threat.

This was based on the view that the best hope for peace and arms control lay in creating a situation where, in Wiesner's words, "a surprise attack by one side cannot prevent retaliation by the other."

Also, at the time of the Berlin crisis of 1961, early in the Kennedy administration, Kissinger worked with Abram Chayes, Carl Keysen, and Arthur Schlesinger Jr. to try to bring about a diplomatic settlement. At that time, former Secretary of State Dean Acheson had argued for a bolder military strategy for bringing the crisis to a diplomatic settlement, if necessary by running a military convoy thru Helmstadt along the autobahn to Berlin.

## Oppose Test of Strength

Kissinger and the others opposed this on the ground that all other diplomatic initiatives should be tried before any such test of strength were threatened or mounted and this view finally prevailed with President Kennedy. Acheson is not one of Kissinger's most enthusiastic supporters.

There is also reason for believing that Kissinger was primarily responsible for persuading Nelson Rockefeller to moderate his policies on Viet Nam during the Presidential campaign. So Nixon has chosen, not an adviser who can be easily characterized as a hard-liner or a soft-liner, but as a careful student of power and the machinery of government for analyzing and exercising power.

It is odd, in a way, that Kissinger should have been chosen by Nixon before the secretary of state was selected, and this may lead to some friction, for Kissinger will be closer to the center of power than most top officials at state, and he is a more forceful advocate than the normal run of state department officials.

James Reston

[Copyright 1968, New York Times]

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Kissinger 'tough-minded
scholar without illusions'

By Peter Lisagor

Our Washington Bureau Chief

NEW YORK — The man President-elect Richard M. Nixon has named his White House adviser on foreign affairs is pictured here as a brilliant analyst and critic of policy who now faces the challenge of coping with hard policy decisions.

Henry A. Kissinger, a 45-year-old Harvard professor of government, is described as "a tough-minded scholar without illusions about the harsh realities of the world."

Yet his friends agree that it will take some time to test Kissinger in the pressure-cooker of policy-making. "The problems cease to be rhetorical here," one administration admirer of Kissinger

observed. "They involve making practical choices."

Kissinger has been a consultant to the government on a wide range of diplomatic and defense problems, and has written several books on foreign policy subjects, including nuclear strategy.

NIXON, in announcing his new aide's appointment in New York Monday, said Kissinger would seek to revitalize the National Security Council machinery and develop long-range and contingency plans to avoid "crisis operations."

Kissinger himself emphasized the "planning functions" of the NSC, suggesting that he would be more concerned with plans than operational tasks.

Under both McGeorge Bundy and Walt W. Rostow, the job entailed processing the flow of

action papers to the President. Both men were active participants in the creation and carrying out of policy.

Although the President-elect dismissed the possibility of conflict between Kissinger and his eventual choices as secretaries of state and defense, students of the bureaucracy believe that a strong presidential assistant inevitably intrudes between the Chief Executive and his chief Cabinet officers.

This was more true in the case of Bundy, a strong-minded and self-assured man, than in the case of Rostow, who showed a greater deference to the Cabinet role, in the judgment of those familiar with the inner workings of the Kennedy and Johnson administrations.

NEWS (e)
NEWPORT, R. I.
CIRC. 13,900

DEC 11 1968

New
England

Foreign Policy Tip

President-elect Nixon has finally tipped off his hand on his major foreign policy concerns. By appointing Prof. Henry Alfred Kissinger, 45, of Harvard as his special assistant for National Security Affairs, he has indicated that Europe and the NATO alliance are uppermost in his mind and of survival in a nuclear age his top defense priority.

It is possible to say this by studying Kissinger's background and especially his writings, by which he asked that he be judged, when someone asked him if his is not a "hard line" toward the Soviet Union. That perhaps comes from the fact that both as a professor and as director of Harvard's defense studies program, Kissinger's work has been in the field of Soviet American relations, especially with regard to nuclear weapons.

For instance, in his "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy," published in 1957 under the aegis of the Council on Foreign Relations, Kissinger argued the most effective deterrent to any substantial Communist aggression was the

knowledge that the United States would employ nuclear weapons from the very outset. Three years later, in "The Necessity for Choice," he said he had rethought the problem and decided he had been wrong. It was doubtful, he said, that the United States would know how to fight a limited nuclear war and therefore a conventional strategy should be first employed in case of Communist attack.

These books emphasized the necessity for the United States to have a clear-cut strategy doctrine. He combined this thinking with his belief in NATO and its place in the strategy of deterrence. He testified in 1966 before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the control task of United States strategy was to encourage "a European sense of responsibility."

Of course, Kissinger's views are not necessarily Nixon's. But he would not appoint his most intimate adviser on foreign policy unless they saw eye to eye on these vital matters. For the present at least, we can say foreign policy will be to prevent crises before they occur.

TRANSCRIPT-TELEGRAM (e)
HOLYOKE, MASS.
CIRC. 26.950

DEC 10 1968

New
England
Newsclip

Education by the numbers

There's such a thing as going too far in demands. In labor negotiations it's part of the technique to set goals beyond the point of reality and then lower them in the give and take of the discussions. But college campus activists don't have that professional approach. They want all and their all in some instances of which we know is excessive, unreal.

The most recent instance of this is at Brown University and its sister Pembroke College in Providence. There the activists, spearheaded by the blacks, insist on having an 11 percent undergraduate enrollment of blacks. Presumably they use the 11 percent figure because that is the ratio of the Negro population in this country to the Caucasians.

Why then stop at parceling out admissions on the basis of color? Why not ethnic background? Why not allot the openings in the fresh-

man class to youths of French, Italian, Irish, German and Anglo-Saxon descent on the percentage of their numbers in the United States? And then there is the area of religion. Should Brown University or any other institution of higher learning grant their admissions to Protestant and Catholic and Jewish, yes and theistic students on the basis of their numbers in the American population?

One could lead to the other, and it wouldn't be long before the quality of intellectual capacity of the student body would deteriorate in the same ratio as the application of the percentage rules.

The fact is that Brown University and Pembroke College are not racist institutions. They have black students. They are admitting more black students every year as more black applicants qualify under the high scholarship standards of Brown and Pembroke.

We suspect these institutions may have stretched a point or so in the beginning to provide educational opportunities for more blacks and thus may have deprived some non-black students of the opportunity to study at Brown or Pembroke.

That was for the cause and a good cause it is. The demand by the blacks for an 11 percent enrolment of blacks is divisive, could fire another separatist movement, and might undermine the scholarship standards of the institutions. And that would make a degree for the 11 percent blacks an the 89 percent non-blacks less meaningful.

If you lived in West Holyoke and your car was stolen during the night, it would have been a cold walk to the Holyoke police station this morning.

Apparently the egg-heads approve President-elect Nixon's selection of Harvard Professor Henry A. Kissinger to be his adviser on national security affairs. A poll of intellectuals by the New York Times indicates that many were going to sit out the Nixon administration for four years and go back to the political front in 1972. Now some are inclined to want to participate in the new administration.

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et

# Expanding Executive Branch

## Nixon Revamp Stresses Top-Level Special Planners

By DAVID LAWRENCE

WASHINGTON — President-elect Nixon is finding it necessary to reorganize the office of the chief executive. Somewhat similar attempts have been made by preceding administrations, and they reflect an evolution in the presidency from merely a cabinet type of government to the addition of an important echelon of advisers who deal with special topics rather than the administration of departments or agencies.

The new president will before long need to define the responsibilities of his group of special advisers, so that it will be clear just what the functions of the cabinet members are in relation to the men who sit at the elbow of the president every day.

PRESIDENTS in recent years have found that the White House requires not only an information-gathering staff, but advisers with a thorough knowledge of specific fields in public affairs. Mr. Nixon already has at work at least 14 task forces, composed of specialists in particular subjects.

Mr. Nixon has selected, as chairman of the President's Council of Economic Advisers, Dr. Paul W. McCracken, professor at the University of Michigan's graduate school of business. He is also to be the over-all chairman of the task forces.

Dr. Lee A. Durbridge, president of the California Institute of Technology, will be science

adviser to the president dealing not only with the space program but with research in all fields of science. Nearly every department of the government is in some way related directly or indirectly to what is going on in the scientific world.

Mr. Nixon has chosen Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, the head

LAWRENCE

of Harvard's international seminar and its defense studies program, as his assistant for national security affairs. He will not be issuing orders to the joint chiefs of staff or other officials in the Pentagon, but will devote himself to long-range planning. Basic policy will be made by the President, and such recommendations as come from Dr. Kissinger doubtless will be submitted to the defense department for study and comment.

Herbert G. Klein is to be di-

rector of communications for the entire executive branch of the government—a new concept.

Bryce Harlow, who used to be an aide to President Eisenhower, will be the presidential assistant on legislative and congressional affairs, and presumably will maintain contact with the chairmen of committees and other leaders in both houses.

Among the many task forces are those to deal with labor-management relations, crime and law enforcement, international economic policy, tax legislation, inflation, housing and urban renewal, public welfare, intergovernmental fiscal relations, education and health programs.

CABINET meetings were not as frequent under Presidents Kennedy and Johnson as they were in earlier years. It may be that Mr. Nixon will find it desirable to use his cabinet as an over-all counseling group, which would enable him to make decisions more objectively perhaps than might be the case. if he depended merely on the specialists alone.

Mr. Nixon's experiment in an expanded executive office is a logical outgrowth of the enlargement of the federal government. In 1940, for example, the national budget was about $10 billion, while for the year 1969-70 it is expected to be around $200 billion.

(Dist. by Publishers-Hall Synd.)

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DEC 7 1968

# 3 aides click; now for Nixon's Cabinet

By J. F. TER HORST
Chief of Our Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON — Through a trio of popular appointments to his policy staff, President-elect Nixon has set a happy stage for the promised introduction of his Cabinet officers in the coming week.

At least that's now the feeling among politicians, intellectuals and career government men regarding Nixon's choice of Dr. Paul McCracken as his chief economist, Dr. Lee DuBridge as his science adviser and Dr. Henry A. Kissinger as national security expert at the White House.

The selections have generated sufficient satisfaction, even accolades, to lessen apprehension in many quarters that the Nixon Cabinet might turn out to be a group of mediocre men.

"I was bracing myself for a string of Agnew-type appointments," observed a prominent Democrat who had worked hard for Nix-

on's defeat. "It could still happen, of course, but I'm less worried now."

SOME OTHERS, including liberal Republicans, also referred to the "Agnew thing" as the root for their concern. It reflected dismay over Nixon's choice of Spiro T. Agnew for vice-president.

But much of the apprehension seems to have evaporated since the appointments of McCracken, Kisinger and DuBridge.

All are regarded within their own professions as practical, no-nonsense men capable of original thought.

McGeorge Bundy, who was the late President Kennedy's foreign policy expert at the White House, has high prise for the 45-year-old

Kisinger's work in the related fields of defense, disarmament and foreign policy, both as a consultant to the government and as director of Harvard's defense study program.

DuBridge, 67, president of California's Institute of Technology, rates similar notices from his colleagues in science. A physicist of recognized accomplishments, he is a dedicated believer in the need for pure research as against merely research in applied fields. Dr. Jerome Weisner, the late Mr. Kennedy's science adviser, called the choice of DuBridge's "a great appointment." Others have echoed him.

MCCRACKEN, 52-year-old economics professor at the University of Michigan, first earned Washington's attention as a member of the Council of Economic Advisers during President Eisenhower's second term.

Economists who preferred Hubert H. Humphrey for president nonetheless regard Nixon's choice of McCracken for the senior

economics post in the new administration as a "good, logical choice."

McCracken is rated as a middle-road, "rational" economist with a high reputation within the business community for economic forecasting.

None of these appointees, of course, will be an administrator of a major executive department. They will primarily be what Nixon called them — advisers to him in the areas of their specialization, working out of offices attached directly to the White House.

Yet they will be in position to influence Nixon policies profoundly in all these areas.

Which means a Cabinet officer may have to "sell" one or more of the President-elect's chief advisers if he hopes to persuade Nixon to approve a major policy change within his specific department.

It suggests that Nixon's Cabinet appointees will have to be men of comparable stature in order to carry their own weight in White House councils.

The Detroit News
Analysis

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# Nixon's Team Seen Making
No Big Foreign Policy Shift

By STAN CARTER

Washington, Dec. 11 (NEWS Bureau)—Fresh faces, not associated with the mis-
takes of the past, will conduct foreign policy in the Nixon administration. But it is
any abrupt or radical changes in the country's relations

William P. Rogers, President-elect Nixon's choice for secretary of state, spent an hour with outgoing Secretary Dean Rusk today, discussing the mechanics of the transition at the State Department.

The world problems that Rogers will have to deal with after Jan. 20 were touched on only indirectly during the breakfast huddle. But Rogers gave no indication of planning any major foreign policy changes.

Similarly, Harvard Prof. Henry Kissinger, appointed by Nixon last week as his assistant for national security affairs, has talked more about reorganizing the White House security planning machinery than about any policy changes.

The fact is that, even if Nixon wished to make them, any radical changes in foreign policy would be extremely difficult.

The President-elect undoubtedly will seek to wrap up the Vietnam war, but only on conditions that the nation will accept as honorable.

Beyond that, the Vietnam experience probably will make it politically difficult for any administration to send American troops overseas for anything short of a Soviet threat to Berlin.

But it also would be difficult for the U.S. to withdraw from its commitments to more than 40 nations around the world, mostly made during the Eisenhower and Truman administrations. Even to withdraw from the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, with its implied commitment to Vietnam, would require an act of Congress.

So the outlook is for the new faces to bring changes in the manner of conducting foreign policy but not in the substance of policy.

But with his choices of Rogers, Kissinger and Defense Secretary-designate Melvin Laird as the top men of his foreign policy team, Nixon made clear that he would be calling the signals.

In picking Rogers for secretary of state, Nixon chose friendship and loyalty over expertise.

Rogers, 55, who was attorney general in President Eisenhower's cabinet, is a talented and cool-headed lawyer with much negotiating experience at home, but very little background in foreign affairs.

While attorney general, he

was involved in an acrimonious exchange with the Soviet Union. In 1958, he made a speech in Chicago in which he said the execution of Imre Nagy, leader of the 1956 Hungarian revolt, proved that Moscow did not want peaceful coexistence with the West—a view that also was Nixon's at the time.

This speech by a cabinet member caused Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko — with whom Rogers now will have to deal—to make a formal protest about the "crude, slanderous remarks about the Soviet Union and its foreign policy." The U.S. formally rejected the protest.

Even some present officials at the State Department believe that Rogers' meager background in diplomacy is more than balanced by his close relationship with the President-elect. They point out that it has been only in comparatively recent years—since President Roosevelt's appointment of Cordell Hull in 1933

—that a secretary of state has been expected to have foreign affairs experience.

Henry Kissinger
Talks about reorganizing

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Associated Press showed that the government's control topped 73% in November, the highest point since the evaluation systems began more than a year ago.

At the same time, the computer listed 13.4% of the population under Vietcong control, a drop of nearly 2% and an all-time low for the Reds.

Swiss President Ludwig von Moos, girl dressed in native costume after Von Moos was elected

Associated Press Radiophoto
reunion in Bangkok.

## Viet Reds Brawny U.S. For Hassle on Seating

Paris, Dec. 11 (Special) — North Vietnamese spokesman Nguyen Thanh Le accused the United States "and its lackeys —meaning the South Vietnamese —of having delayed the start of expanded peace talks today "through lack of good will."

At a press conference, Le said the North Vietnamese offered yesterday in a secret meeting with Cyrus Vance of the United States delegation, to compromise on the problem of seating arrangements.

Instead of one square table, he said, the Communists suggested four tables, but the proposal was rejected by the Americans, apparently because it would still give separate status to the Viet Cong.

Any hope of calling a meeting this week was virtually abandoned.

—Bernard Valery

Associated Press Wirephoto.

South Vietnam's Vice President Nguyen Cao Ky wearing a Mao jacket in Paris. Ky is on hand for peace talks.

## The Festival of Light

NEWS photo by Arthur Buckley

for Lindsay and William Goldcandles.

Mayor assisted Capt. Isacher Greisman of Israel's defense forces and William Goldfine, Greater New York Committee for the State of Israel Bonds, in lighting the eight-branched Menorah.

WESTERN
PRESS CLIPPING
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MONDAY, DECEMBER 2, 1968

Major Nixon Choice

President-elect Richard M. Nixon stands with Prof. Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard following announcement at New York City

that Kissinger would be his assistant for national security affairs.

(AP Photofax)

MPLS (MINN.) TRIBUNE M. 224,120
FRIDAY, DECEMBER 6, 1968

Associated Press

## Kissinger Visits

Nixon's assistant for
has the same job with Mr. Johnson.

President Johnson met at the White House Thursday with Harvard Prof. Henry A. Kissinger, center, who will be National security affairs. At left is Walt W. Rostow, who

emony

T
Editorial
TH—

1. Report the news.

2. Express the editor's editorial column.

3. Publish all editorials.

Letters to the Tribune

No Right to Make Demands

To the Editor: I am a senior at St. Cloud State College. On the morning of Nov. 20, at 8:30 a.m., I walked past a tool shed stationed on the front lawn of the Student Center. The shed was painted a light green with black stenciled lettering on three sides of the shed which said, "Minority Cultural Center," not "Nigger Culture Center," as reported.

The shed was removed from the lawn of the student
center before 9 a.m. It was obviously placed on the lawn
by students who were disturbed, disappointed or simply
mad at the nonstudent black people who were making
the demands on the campus. I believe this animosity was
also directed at the college president, Dr. Robert Wick,
for his swift agreement to the demands of the nonstu-
dent, Scotty Stone.

St. Cloud College has given me the opportunity for
a well-rounded education. The school is progressive and
growing, and growth and progress create problems from
time to time. These problems can and will be worked
out by the administrators at the school. The

WORTHINGTON (MINN.) GLOBE E. 12,086

MONDAY, DECEMBER 2, 1968

20
# Nixon names Kissinger as aide

NEW YORK (AP) - President-elect Richard M. Nixon announced today he is making Harvard Prof. Henry A. Kissinger his assistant for national security affairs to oversee the foreign defense policy machinery of the White House.

NIXON, at a news conference, said the 45-year-old Kissinger, a native of Germany, will revamp the entire security planning machinery at the White House with an aim to preventing global crises rather than simply dealing with them as they arise.

President-elect said he was concerned that, after inauguration day, he gets a broad spectrum of news on foreign policy problems and is "not presented with a paper that represents a consensus - the least common denominator."

He said he was calling on Kissinger, a professor of government at Harvard, to bring in new men and promote new ideas so he will have the benefit of divergent views.

Asked if Kissinger might overshadow the man Nixon eventually appoints as

secretary of state, the incoming chief executive said, "I intend to have a very strong secretary of state." But he insisted he has not decided on nominees for either the state or defense cabinet posts.

Kissinger said he foresaw no prospect that he would be in competition with the men who eventually get those cabinet jobs.

Kissinger, director of Harvard University's defense studies program and head of the Harvard International Seminar, was a federal consultant on national security matters early in the administration of the late President John F. Kennedy.

Kissinger has continued to serve as a consultant on nuclear weaponry.

Sunday's developments around the Nixon camp hinted at the possibility the President-elect might not go as far as his campaign speeches indicated in substituting tax credits - requiring congressional approval - for direct federal subsidies in some aspects of the antipoverty program.

Robert Ellsworth, a top assistant to Nixon, had lunch here Sunday with Henry Ford II, board chairman of the Ford Motor Co. and chairman of the National Alliance of Businessmen created earlier this year at the behest of President Johnson.

THE ALLIANCE has a goal of creating 500,000 jobs for the hardcore unemployed by early 1971. Businessmen train the recruits for regular jobs, with the federal government paying the difference between the normal cost of such training and - in about one-third of all cases - the higher cost of preparing the disadvantaged for similar employment. Congress appropriated 1200 million for such subsidies to business in the fiscal year ending June 30.

During the campaign, Nixon often talked about substituting tax credits for subsidies in this type of situation but, after Sunday's luncheon, Ellsworth said Nixon is "hopeful and desirous" of continuing the alliance program "aggressively and progressively."

DAVID LAWRENCE

Kissinger for Better Alliances

In the next administration, three men will make foreign policy for the United States — President Richard Nixon, Secretary of State William P. Rogers, and Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, professor of government at Harvard who will be the presidential assistant on national security affairs. Advice will be sought from Congress and elsewhere, but decisions will be made by the President primarily on the basis of the recommendations of his two assistants.

An essay on the "Central Issues of World Affairs" has been written recently by Kissinger and published by the Brookings Institution of Washington, an independent research organization supported by private foundations. The article is 30,000 words long, and while it doesn't specify concretely how the world's troubles can be solved, it does state the facts about foreign policy problems. Kissinger points out that statesmen currently face "the unprecedented problem of formulating policy for well over 100 countries" and that what used to be considered domestic events can nowadays have worldwide consequences.

As Communist philosophies have spread among various nations, the world has become "militarily bipolar," Kissinger says, and he explains it this way:

"Only two powers — the United States and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics — possess the full panoply of military might. Over the next decade, no other country or group of countries will be ca-

pable of challenging their physical preeminence. Indeed, the gap in military strength between the two giant nuclear countries and the rest of the world is likely to increase rather than diminish over that period."

But Kissinger makes it clear that a "bipolar world" is not necessarily a contented one, and that the smaller countries "are torn between a desire for protection and a wish to escape big power dominance." He says:

"Weaker allies have good reason to believe that their defense is in the overwhelming interest of their senior partner. Hence, they see no need to purchase its support by acquiescence in its policies. The new nations feel protected by the rivalry of the superpowers, and their nationalism leads to ever bolder assertions of self-will....

"The greatest need of the contemporary international system is agreed concept of order....

"Regional groupings supported by the United States will have to take over major responsibility for their immediate areas, with the United States being concerned more with the over-all framework of order than with the management of every regional enterprise."

This latter idea was also recently espoused by former Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson of Canada.

Kissinger insists that "a new international order is inconceivable without a significant American contribution." He doesn't suggest, however,

what kind of organization can be developed which will not be plagued by Communist subversion of the governments of small countries so as to influence their votes in the General Assembly of the United Nations.

Kissinger lays stress to the arms race and the importance of controlling it, and he declares that "a new look at American national security policy is essential." He believes, of course, that more emphasis should be placed on reaching agreements on arms control. He feels that some of the weaker countries have not been able to add much strength to the multi-power alliances. He doesn't think that the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization or the Central Treaty Organization or even the North Atlantic Treaty Organization have been effective. He calls attention to the fact that Europe has evaded "our entreaties to play a global role," and that Europeans do not consider their interests at stake when America becomes involved on other continents.

The impression that Kissinger's paper leaves is that Europeans must be persuaded to assume much greater responsibility, not merely through military arrangements but in what he calls "a degree of political co-operation which links the fate of each partner with the survival of all the others."

Kissinger is by no means an isolationist. He reveals rather a sincere desire to see a better system of alliances in the world which, he implies, can do more to preserve peace.

## Parallels Some of Clifford Views in Article

# Kissinger Sets Priority on Joint Pullout

By a Washington Post Staff Writer

NEW YORK, Dec. 18— Henry A. Kissinger proposes in an article published today that the United States give priority to agreement with Hanoi on a mutual troop withdrawal—avoiding a long as possible negotiations for a political settlement in Vietnam.

The article was written before Kissinger was named as President-elect Nixon's chief White House adviser on foreign policy. Nonethe- less, its publication in For- eign Affairs quarterly can

be expected to have a major impact on the Paris negotiations.

For one thing, parts— though far from all—of Kissinger's prescription backs the recent line of outgoing Defense Secretary Clark M. Clifford.

Kissinger's proposals also are at variance with President Johnson's current policy for the Paris talks. And his analysis of past American shortcomings in Vietnam, both military and diplomatic, is often biting.

Kissinger calls for a set-

tlement which bars an American surrender and also rules out an American-imposed coalition government in Saigon.

Kissinger argues that the best procedure to reach a settlement would be to establish three new forums outside the Paris negotiating sessions.

One forum would involve direct, and possibly secret, talks between the United States and North Vietnam. The second would be between Saigon and the National Liberation Front. The

third would be an international conference to work out guarantees and safeguards for agreements arrived at in the other meetings.

While Kissinger argues that neither side can risk negotiations that drag out another two years, he recognizes that the issues are infinitely complex and difficult.

Pressures are on Hanoi and Washington for an early settlement, Kissinger says. He thinks the Johnson Administration has compli- See KISSINGER, A14, Col. 1

To head the sarmament Agency.

The resignations of two other career Federal officials were announced by the White House yesterday.

They are Fulton Freeman, Ambassador to Mexico since 194, and Clarence P. Lundquist, administrator of the Age and Hours Public Contracts Division of the Department of Labor since 1958.

A White House spokesman explained that several officials are resigning under President Johnson "to show that they finally mean it about leaving."

Presidential appointees customarily submit their resignations to an incoming president, leaving him the option of accepting or rejecting him.

The actual date of Fulton's resignation has not been decided. Lundquist, with 30 years of government service, is retiring.

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6

The Boston Globe — Thursday, December 19, 1968

# Vietnam Politics Too Subtle For U.S., Kissinger Believes

★ KISSINGER

Continued from Page 1

"The result," he said, "may be the complete demonalization of Saigon, profound domestic tensions within the United States and a prolonged stalemate or a resumption of the war."

American objectives in the negotiations, Kissinger said, should be to bring about a staged withdrawal of North Vietnamese and American forces and to create a maximum incentive for the contending forces in South Vietnam to work out a political settlement.

"Paradoxical as it may seem," he wrote, "the best way to make progress where distrust is so deep and the issues so interrelated may be to seek agreement on ultimate goals first and to work back to the details to implement them."

## NOT GUARANTEED

But Kissinger said establishing a procedure for negotiating and defining objectives cannot guarantee a settlement. "If Hanoi proves intransigent and the war goes on, we should seek to achieve as many of our objectives as possible unilaterally."

An honorable end to the war, Kissinger said, is essential to world peace.

"A new administration," he said, "must be given the benefit of the doubt and a

chance to move toward a peace which grants the people of Vietnam what they have so long struggled to achieve: an opportunity to work out their own destiny in their own way."

Kissinger said a Vietnamese coalition government is undesirable, but stated:

"A mixed commission to develop and supervise a political process to reintegrate the country — including free elections — could be useful. And there must be an international presence to enforce good faith."

Kissinger was sharply critical of American conduct of the war and of the efforts toward ending the bombing of North Vietnam and getting to the Paris negotiations in the first place.

"It would be difficult to imagine two societies," he said, "less meant to understand each other than the Vietnamese and the American."

## MANY OPTIONS

Hanoi's negotiating style, he said, is one of careful planning, subtle, indirect methods, a preference for opaque communications keeping open as many options as possible.

"In this sense," he said, "many contacts with Hanoi which seemed 'abortive' to us probably served from Hanoi's point of view the function of defining the terrain.

"If this analysis is correct," Kissinger continued, "few North Vietnamese moves are accidental; even the most obtuse communication is likely to serve a purpose. On the other hand, it is not a style which easily lends itself to the sort of analysis at which we excel: the pragmatic, legal dissection of individual cases. Where Hanoi makes a fetish of planning, Washington is allergic to it."

2

The Boston Globe — Friday, December 20, 1968

# Nixon Lets Kissinger's View Stand

Associated Press

NEW YORK — President-elect Nixon let it be known yesterday that he doesn't endorse — but neither does he object to the views on the Vietnam peace talks expressed by his chief national security adviser.

Nixon's response to the publication of the Vietnam views of Dr. Henry Kissinger came from the President-elect's press spokesman, Ronald L. Ziegler, in response to a swarm of questions from newsmsn.

The furor over the Kissinger article in the quarterly Foreign Affairs was the second of the week involving public statements by top Nixon appointees, despite Nixon's effort to keep a lid on substantive public discussion until after he takes office Jan. 20.

The President-elect was forced to reassure the world monetary community Wednesday that he does not anticipate any change in the price of gold.

This statement was issued in response to the shock wave generated by the Treasury secretary - designate, David M. Kennedy when he refused to commit himself on the price of gold. This was interpreted as a signal of a coming change in Nixon fiscal policy. Kennedy conferred with Nixon yesterday.

As the Nixon camp tried to cool off the gold situation, the article by Kissinger appeared — a strong statement of the Harvard University scholar's convictions on Vietnam that was written before his appointment to the incoming administration.

Kissinger said in the article that the current Paris

talks should be a prelude to informal and perhaps even secret talks between Hanoi and Washington on the one hand and between Saigon and the National Liberation Front on the other.

Kissinger said the United States and North Vietnam should discuss a mutual withdrawal of troops and the South Vietnamese and the Viet Cong should work toward a political settlement.

Ziegler said Nixon was aware of Kissinger's views, and aware of the article, when he picked Kissinger for the sensitive White House post. But Ziegler left it unclear whether Nixon knew specifically of the suggestion for two-level talks in Paris.

The press spokesman said there should be "no suggestion" that the Kissinger article reflects the views of the Nixon administration, and said Kissinger's "position will be to present in a very objective way all points of view."

"Mr. Nixon" Ziegler said, "would not endorse, or object to, the article."

Asked if publication of the article might not complicate the job of people around the world working toward peace in Vietnam, Ziegler repeated the description of Kissinger's key responsibility and added that it is "a matter of importance to these individuals to know that this will occur."

Kissinger

FROM PAGE ONE

a prolonged stalemate or a re-
sumption of the war,” he said.

IF HANOI PROVES intransi-
gent and the war goes on,
Kissinger wrote, the United
States should adopt a strategy
to reduce casualties and con-
centrate on protecting the popu-
lation, strengthen the Vietna-
mese army to permit gradual
withdrawal of some U.S. forces,
and encourage Saigon to
broaden its political base for
an eventual contest with the
Communists.

Kissinger ended with an ap-
peal that Secretary of State
Dean Rusk could have written.

"However we got into Viet-
nam, whatever the judgment of
our actions," he wrote, "ending
the war honorably is essential
for the peace of the world.

"Any other solution may un-
loose forces that would compli-
cate prospects of international
order. A new Administration
must be given the benefit of the
doubt and a chance to move
toward a peace which grants
the people of Vietnam what
they have so long struggled to
achieve; an opportunity to work
out their own destiny in their
own way."

at Fontbonne College and Missouri University of Missouri at St. Martin Cinerama Theater, was Greek Orthodox Charities. (P

For Peace For

the establishment of the institu-
tion in Russia, he said, then it
was Wallace's wish that efforts
be made to establish it in Jeru-
salem.

Wallace viewed his bequest
as "seed money" to help estab-
lish such a university, Bam-
burg said. Wallace had traveled
to several countries trying to
interest leaders in the project,
Bamburg said.

If plans fail in establishing
the university, Bamburg said,
the will authorizes the executors

George Hayes
Dies at 74,
GOP Leader

George E. C. Hayes, 74, a leading attorney and Negro leader in Washington for half a century, died today at Washington Hospital Center after a long illness, complicated by pneumonia.

He had been hospitalized most of the time since late October, when he entered the hospital for surgery.

He lived at 1732 S St. NW.

Mr. Hayes was the first Negro to serve in a number of posts, including the chairmanship of the District Public Utilities Commission. He also served on the Board of Education and the board of the National Capital Housing Authority.

He served as a general counsel and a trustee of Howard University and taught law there.

A leader of the Republican Party here, he gained national note by fighting the nomination of Barry Goldwater to be the party's presidential candidate in 1964.

He also gained national renown by his arguments before the U.S. Supreme Court against racial segregation in District schools.

A native of Richmond, Mr. Hayes moved to the District when he was 4 years old.

He was graduated from the

HAYES, Page B-4

the holidays. The plane arrived

THE FEDERAL SP
Limit on S
For Some

By JOSEPH YOUNG

Star Staff Writer

The Social Security Adminis-
tration has proposed limiting the
amount of social security bene-
fits to retired federal employes
who draw sizable civil service
retirement benefits.

The agency made the proposal
as one of a series of suggestions
on how to relate civil service
retirement benefits with Social
Security, in a report that is
being submitted to the House
Ways and Means Committee.
The committee directed that the
report be submitted by the end
of the year.

At present many federal work-
ers, by virtue of outside work
qualifying them for Social Secu-
rity, are entitled on retirement to
receive both civil service pen-
sions and Social Security.

The Social Security Adminis-
tration acknowledged that it
would be unfair to reduce the
present amounts of Social Secu-
rity benefits available to govern-
ment retirees who qualify for
them.

Instead, it suggested that the
present minimum Social Securi-
ty benefits of $55 a month be
kept in effect for federal em-
ployes drawing "substantial"
civil servie retirement benefits
when there are general in-
creases in Social Security ben-
fits in the future. It said that
such minimum S

2-A—THE DETROIT NEWS—Tuesday, Dec. 24, 1968

# 8 GIs wounded as

From Reuters and AP Dispatches

SAIGON — Eight American soldiers were wounded in two North Vietnamese attacks during the first hour of the Christmas cease-fire today.

Within that hour, the U.S.

Command reported nine Communist violations, two significant. The 24-hour cease-fire began at 5 a.m. Detroit time,

Of the wounded Americans, seven were 25th Infantry Division soldiers hit when North Vietnamese fired 10 motar

rounds into a camp set up for the night on an infiltration route 40 miles northwest of Saigon.

THE EIGHTH GI, from the 1st Infantry Division, was hit when his unit came under rifle and rocket grenade fire 30 miles

# Ky's plan like Kissinger's

PARIS — (Reuters) — Recent conciliatory statements by South Vietnamese Vice-President Nguyen Cao Ky concerning the Viet Cong's National Liberation Front resemble sug-

gestions by President-elect Nixon's top foreign policy adviser, Henry Kissinger, diplomatic sources suggested here today.

Ky, in an American television interview Sunday, unexpectedly conceded that Saigon would talk directly to the NLF, political arm of the Viet Cong.

He talked in terms of two phases of negotiations — one between Washington and Hanoi for troop withdrawals and the other between Saigon and "opposition groups."

Diplomatic sources said they were struck by the similarity of Ky's remarks to a formula offered in an article published last week by Kissinger.

Kissinger suggested three-tier negotiations: on one level Washington and Hanoi would talk; Saigon and NLF would hold negotiations on another; and an international conference to guarantee agreements reached in those talks would be the third.

His suggestions, as well as those of U.S. Defense Secretary Clark Clifford, envisaged parallel talks on military and political matters, while Ky spoke of an arrangement first to get North Vietnamese troops out of South Vietnam.

However, the Viet Cong yesterday rejected the idea of direct talks with the South Vietnamese government.

Markets

Pages 2B and 3B

Races

Page 2

96th YEAR No. 1

Detroit News

R

NEW YORK NY 10017

D&RS 24 25NOV68 T
20 ROCKEFELLER PLAZA

RM. 5600 ORD. #1062
MISS ERNA JORENSTEIN

on 'like plaster of

"There is where it appears they (meteorites) buried in and hit some new material down below. They have a lot of fine white dust around."

Lovell reported he could plainly see the rays or grooves extending outward in star-like fashion from some craters. These also are visible from earth.

"The walls of the craters are terraced, about six or seven terraces on the way down," Lovell said, describing the appearance of the inside of the craters, from their outer lips above the moon's surface down to the bottom of the pits below the surface.

**THE DESCRIPTION** was of what the astronauts saw while circling the back side of the moon as well as the face of the moon which is turned toward earth.

The description came minutes after the astronauts emerged from the back side of the moon, where their radio contact with earth had been cut off for 35 minutes.

Their descriptions came from what they saw while they were flying in an elliptical orbit

VIRGINIA (MINN.) MESAB NEWS E. TT,131
MONDAY, DECEMBER 2, 1968

Kissinger Named by Nixon

NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Richard M. Nixon announced today he is making Harvard Prof. Henry A. Kissinger his assistant for national security affairs to oversee the foreign and defense policy machinery of the White House

Nixon, at a news conference, said the 45-year-old Kissinger, a native of Germany, will revamp the entire security planning machinery at the White House with an aim to preventing global crises rather than simply dealing with them as they arise.

President-elect said he was concerned that, after inauguration day, he gets a broad spectrum of news on foreign policy problems and is "not presented with a paper that represents a consensus—the least common denominator."

Asked if Kissinger might overshadow the man Nixon eventually appoints as secretary of state, the incoming chief executive said, "I intend to have a very strong secretary of state." But he insisted has not decided on nominees for either the state or defense cabinet posts.

Long a federal consultant, but never a full-time government official, Kissinger was asked if he had not tended to pursue a hard line on Vietnam and other top

overseas problems.

"I have tried to avoid labels like hard or soft," he replied.

Two assist Kissinger in developing the new national security apparatus at the White House, Nixon named 42-year-old Richard V. Allen, a senior staff member at the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace at Stanford University. Allen, who will be a "principal associate" of Kissinger's, served as director of foreign policy research during the Nixon campaign.

Kissinger had met with Nixon at least four times in eight days. He has asked for a leave of absence from Harvard to take the White House job.

In his new post, Kissinger will be the direct successor to Wato

W. Rostow, President Johnson's assistant for national security affairs, who succeeded McGeorge Bundy, now president of the Ford Foundation.

Nixon said Rostow has been very cooperative in planning the transition in his office, referring to Kissinger, said:

"His first assignment is to go to Washington—I hope immediately."

Sunday's developments around the Nixon camp hinted at the possibility the President-elect might not go as far as his campaign speeches indicated in substituting tax credits—requiring congressional approval—for direct federal subsidies in some aspects of the anti-poverty

program.

The alliance has a goal of creating 500,000 jobs for the hardcore unemployed by early 1971. Businessmen train the recruits for regular jobs, with the federal government paying the difference between the normal cost of such training and—in about one-third of all cases—the higher cost of preparing the disadvantaged for similar employment. Congress appropriated 1200 million for such subsidies to business in the fiscal year ending June 30.

The alliance already claims to have trained 110,000 workers at an average cost to the government of $2,000.

Ford was asked about the relative merits of subsidies and tax incentives. He termed it a "toss of the coin" proposition and said "It is not definitely clear that one way is better than the other."

RED WING (MINN.) REP. EAGLE E. 3,266
MONDAY, DECEMBER 2, 1968

Kissinger to Be
Nixon Assistant
For Security

NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Richard M. Nixon announced today he is making Harvard Prof. Henry A. Kissinger his assistant for national security affairs to oversee the foreign defense policy machinery of the White House.

He said he was calling on Kissinger, a professor of government at Harvard, to bring i new men and promote new ideas so he will have the benefits of divergent views.

In his new post, Kissinger will be the direct successor to Walt W. Rostow, President Johnson's assistant for national security affairs, who succeeded McGeorge Bundy, now president of the Ford Foundation.

Nixon said Rostow has been very cooperative in planning the transition in his office. Referring to Kissinger, he said:

Sioux Falls (SD) Argus Lender E 51,720 S 54,376

TUESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1968

# Nixon Set To Announce Personal Science Adviser

NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Richard M. Nixon apparently has chosen Mr. Lee A. DuBridge, president of the prestigious California Institute of Technology, as his personal science adviser.

Nixon told reporters he would announced his choice Tuesday. Anticipation of a DuBridge appointment was strengthened by the fact that he is the only scientist known to have conferred with the incoming chief executive in recent days.

A physicist, the 67-year-old DuBridge has been president of Cal Tech since 1946. Over the years, he has been a member of many federal advisory bodies—especially during the administrations of Harry S. Truman and Dwight D. Eisenhower.

After DuBridge met with Nixon last week, the scientist would nel' er confirm nor deny that he was in line for the full-time White House post, now occupied by Dr. Donald F. Hornig. He said it was a matter for Nixon to decide and announce.

The president-elect met late Monday with former Gov. William W. Scranton of Pennsylvana,

who left later on a six-nation Middle Eastern tour for Nixon.

Scranton told newsmen he would sound out leaders of Israel and her Arab neighbors for their views not only on the tense Middle Eastern situation but also on global problems in general.

Declaring that he would be a listener, not a talker, during the tour, Scranton told, "I don't expect or intend to propound policy."

The Pennsylvanian will be visiting Israel, Iran, Jordan, Lebanon, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Republic.

He termed that region "the most vital and certainly the most volcanic in the world today."

Scranton often has said he has no desire to return to public office. Asked whether he were wavering on this—inasmuch as he was embarking on his second overseas mission for Nixon in recent months—he said:

"I do not want to return to public life in any capacity,"

He said he never had discussed with Nixon any possible Cabinet appointment for himself.

There has been speculation that Scranton might be a possibility for secretary of state or U.S. ambassador to the United Nations.

Sitting in on Scranton's predepartement with Nixon was Sen. John Sherman Cooper, R-Ky.

In the evening, the President-elect had dinner at his Fifth Avenue apartment with the Rev. Billy Graham.

Nixon announced Monday morning his appointment of Harvard Prof. Henry A. Kissinger as his assistant for national security affairs. Kissinger will fly to Washington Thursday for meetings with Secretary of State Dean Rusk and Walt W. Rostow, the man who now fills the security adviser's post at the White House. He also expects to meet soon with Secretary of Defense Clark Clifford and director Richard Helms of the Central Intelligence Agency.

81

2

Tel. WOrth 2-3797

From DEC 8 - 1968

DAILY NEWS
New York, N. Y.

M-2,170,373 S-3,102,285

Nixon's Staff

3 Profs Join White House Faculty

President-elect Nixon is shown with University of Michigan educator Paul W. McCracken, whom he named as chief economic adviser. Nixon described McCracken as a "centrist, a man who is pragmatic in his economics."

WITH A public relations expert's sensitivity to timing and academic detail, Richard M. Nixon last week began introducing the members of his administration team-to-be. With proper fanfare, the Republican President-elect presented to the nation the men who would be his chief foreign policy, science and economic advisers. He drew all three from college campuses.

On Monday he revealed his choice as top foreign policy adviser: Harvard Prof. Henry A. Kissinger. Long an adviser to New York's Gov. Rockefeller on foreign affairs, Kissinger, scholarly looking and 45, will replace Walt W. Rostow, President Johnson's assistant for national security affairs.

Nixon's first task for the German-born government professor: A contingency plan for anticipating foreign crises. Nixon said Kissinger will overhaul the defense and diplomatic policies of the White House, but that his duties will not impinge on those of the Secretary of State.

The following day the President-elect announced the choice of his leading science adviser. He selected Lee A. Dubridge, president of the California Institute of Technology, and expressed the hope that Dubridge could "bridge the gap" between politicians and members of the intellectual community.

Dubridge, a 67-year-old physicist, immediately expressed his desire to raise the declining level of spending for basic science. The physicist, sometimes called the "senior statesman of science," said he would have misgivings over any proposal to further cut funds for the space agency, which is preparing now to land men on the moon before the end of next year.

On Wednesday, Nixon named Paul W. McCracken, University of Michigan economist, as his chief economic adviser, at the same time making known his desire to let the 10% surtax expire, if possible, by July 1. Nixon said the professor's main job as chairman of the President's Council of Economic Advisers would be to help him chart policies to bring "progress without inflation." McCracken, 52, slight, blond and bespectacled, was a council member for 2½ years during the Eisenhower administration.

Nixon also named Evele J. Younger, 50, Los Angeles County district attorney, to head the task force on crime and law enforcement, and announced that Chief Justice Earl Warren would retain his post in the early days of the Nixon administration.

movers in the demonstrations and disorders. The students consider the Communist Party another member of the country's established power structure, and won't take orders from it.

More than 30,000 high school students surged across Rome on Wednesday, shouting: "Murderers, you shall pay!", referring to the Sicilian police. Similar demonstrations rocked other cities.

While Rome was paralyzed by its 24-hour strike, Rumor broke off negotiations on the new government to give leaders of the shattered old coalition time to ponder bargaining points worked out up to that time. Rumor hoped to woo the small Republican Party into joining the coalition, in addition to having the Socialists. With the major strike ended and the country relatively calm, he called another meeting.

By then, only the students, who continued to show their contempt for the workers and for the Communist Party, remained to challenge the government.

On Saturday, Rumor reached agreement with Socialist and Republican leaders regarding the new coalition, despite the mood of alarm over the nationwide unrest, and work was to begin today or tomorrow on selection of a 23-man cabinet. Reportedly included in the agreement: a sweeping school reform.

Two other key spots on the Nixon team went to Lee Dubridge (left) of California Institute of Technology, who will be science consultant, and Harvard's Henry A. Kissinger, picked as national security assistant.

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# Nixon Security Adviser

FROM PAGE ONE

vious calculation, and that
therefore the risk is not worth
it to them."

Kissinger wrote the conclud-
ing essay in the Brookings In-
stitution's "Agenda for the Na-
tion," proposals for the new
administration, made public last
week.

Avoiding specific policy rec-
ommendations, he laid down
was some general observations
about life in a world that was
militarily "bipolar" but po-
litically "multipolar."

HE WARNED AGAINST an
American "sense of self-suf-
ficiency not far removed from
a sense of omnipotence" and
against the "undifferentiated
globalism" of the proposition
that "we must resist aggression
anywhere it occurs since peace
is indivisible."

He called for some careful
thought about American inter-
ests and goals but said the
United States no longer could
impose its preferred solutions.
Instead, it now had to try to
evoke them through interna-
tional co-operation and close at-
tention to historical trends, he
said.

Kissinger has contended for
some years that policy makers
in the modern bureaucratic
state are always so involved
with immediate problems that
they find it difficult to apply
perspective or philosophy.

HE TOLD the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee two years
ago that what America needed
most urgently was "some no-
tion of how we want to shape
history."

In taking the new job, he has
made it clear that he will keep
his advice to the President priv-
vate. He said so when asked
how he would counsel Nixon on
the Vietnam war, an issue on
which he is understood to have

shifted from hawk to dove about
two years ago.

Kissinger, who pronounces
his name "Kissing-er," was
born in Fuerth, Germany, May
23, 1923. His parents brought
him to the United States in 1938
to escape Hitler. He served in
the infantry and counterintelli-
gence in World War II and then
attended Harvard, where he re-
ceived bachelor's and master's
degrees and a doctorate.

He was divorced in 1964 after
15 years of marriage.

Kissinger plans to go to Wash-
ington tomorrow for meetings
with Secretary of State Dean
Rusk, Secretary of Defense
Clark M. Clifford, CIA Director
Richard Helms, and Walt W.
Rostow, whom he will succeed
at the White House.

Although Nixon said Kissing-
er's role would be primarily
that of long-range planner, he
will carry a variety of recom-
mendations to the new Presi-
dent as policy alternatives,
much as Bundy and Rostow
have done in the Kennedy and
Johnson administration.