# Waiting for Ian Smith

Is it conceivable that Secretary of State Kissinger has persuaded Prime Minister Ian Smith that "the game is up" in Rhodesia; and that the white minority regime in Salisbury is about to accept the principle of black rule within two years?

President Nyerere of Tanzania quotes Mr. Kissinger to the effect that, in their talks in South Africa, Mr. Smith conceded the inevitability of rapid movement toward majority rule and would indicate his Government's

acquiescence in a broadcast tomorrow. President Mobutu of Zaire says Mr. Kissinger also convinced him that a peaceful solution in Rhodesia is now in sight. Reporters of the Secretary's plane have the same strong impression.

Mr. Smith himself is more oracular: "We have still got a lot of fight but that doesn't mean that we want to be stupid; we have got to face up to realities but I think we're going to be all right." The "realities" are stark: Rhodesia's blacks outnumber the whites by about 24 to 1; guerrilla war, waged by black Rhodesian nationalists, is steadily expanding and escalating; and not even South Africa's white Government has formally recognized Mr. Smith's pariah regime.

But these facts have long been evident; and that is why anyone familiar with white Rhodesian politics and Mr. Smith's negotiating record will delay rejoicing until there is solid evidence that the dour dissembler and his party will not back away from the pact he evidently made with Mr. Kissinger. Even if Mr. Smith should resign, the path to negotiating a peaceful transition to majority rule might be blocked by colleagues.

If Mr. Kissinger can arrest the slide toward racial war in southern Africa by arranging a peaceful evolution in Rhodesia, acceptable to both blacks and whites, he will regain at a stroke his reputation as negotiator and peace-maker extraordinary. But a measured judgment as to the success of his efforts cannot be delivered for some time, whatever Mr. Smith may say in his broadcast.

THE WASHINGTON POST, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 29,

William Raspberry

Questions About the South African Proposal

Last Friday and Saturday, well be-
fore the five "front line" African presi-
dents rejected it, a group of black
American leaders were raising serious
questions about the Henry Kissinger-
Ian Smith proposal for achieving ma-
jority rule in Rhodesia.

Their early misgivings seem, espe-
cially significant for three reasons.
First, they were mostly pleased at the
amount of attention the U.S. govern-
ment is giving, belatedly, to the ques-
tion of minority rule in southern Afri-
ca, and glad that this country seems to
be scrambling to get on the right side
(for once) of righteous revolution.

Second, they fully expected that the
plan would be accepted by the "front
line" presidents, and they were pre-
pared, in that event, to support it.

Third, their perception was that
while there are important foreign pol-
icy reasons for Secretary Kissinger's
latest diplomatic foray, it was also im-
portant domestically as a way of show-
ing the Ford administration's interest
in a matter close to the hearts of the
black voters here.

Still, a two-day session that might
have produced at least tentative self-
congratulation produced instead a
"manifesto" that raised questions about
nearly every aspect of the settlement
proposal.

The group, which calls itself the
Black Leadership Conference on South-
ern Africa, includes members of the
Congressional Black Caucus (at whose
annual meeting the session took place)

and leaders of black church, civic, fra-
ternal, business and civil rights organi-
zations.

Many of the questions addressed a pervading fear that Secretary Kissinger, in an effort to rack up another diplomatic "spectacular," might have made secret concessions and long-term commitments to Rhodesia's Smith and South Africa's John Vorster.

Some of the participants had seen an
article in the Sept. 19 Sunday Press of
Dublin alleging that Mr. Kissinger had
given secret assurance that the United
States would help to create, train and
finance a black Namibian (South West
African) armed force—using black
American GIs as “advisors”—and that
there might even be U.S. guarantees of
South Africa’s borders. (The allegations
have been denied by State Department
officials.)

The article was not mentioned in the
weekend discussions, but there were
repeated suggestions that there must
have been something in it for Vorster
in order for him to bring pressure on
Smith to accept the proposal in the first
place.

It's obvious what was in it for Smith,
as was made clear by one of the Leader-
ship Conference's questions: "Why
must we wait two years for majority
rule in Zimbabwe (Rhodesia) when, by
every estimate, including one by the
Secretary of State himself, the white
minority Smith regime would fall
within 18 months even without outside
intervention?"

There were questions as to the mean-
ing of "majority rule"—50 per cent plus
one, or proportional representation in a
country where whites comprise only
about 5 per cent of the population?

But most of the misgivings of the
Leadership Conference turned out to
be the same as those of the "front line"
presidents of Angola, Botswana, Mo-
zambique, Tanzania and Zambia: cen-
tered on the nature of a proposed tran-
sitional government.

They clearly wanted no part of
Smith's proposal of an interim council,
half white and half black, but with a
white chairman, or of Smith's insis-
tence that the ministers of defense and
law enforcement under the interim
plan should be white.

The immediate effect of the rejection
by the African presidents and the deep
doubts among black American leaders
is to destroy the Ford administration's
hopes for a quick coup that could give
it an important boost in terms both of
foreign policy and domestic politics.

But that needn't be a bad thing, if the
President doesn't lose interest in the
venture now. As recently as the Repub-
lican convention, he was making an ob-
vious effort to put some distance be-
tween himself and his Secretary of
State, who is so widely disliked among
the GOP's conservative wing.

A "spectacular" in southern Africa
could have fixed that and also boosted
the President's stock among black vot-
ers. The question is how much of his
prestige Mr. Ford is prepared to invest

in an effort that may not succeed in
time to help his election campaign.

Early official reaction is that the Af-
ricans' rejection of the plan (of which
Britain's Prime Minister James Cal-
laghan is generally conceded to be the
author) is only a temporary setback,
that the rejection is based on relatively
few points that can be cleared up
quickly in negotiations.

That may be correct. It may even be
that Ian Smith never expected his
terms to be accepted but was merely
bargaining as hard as he could for the
best compromise he could obtain.

The Africans, acting from the unac-
customed position of military advan-
tage, are showing that they know some-
thing about hard bargaining, too.

And black Americans, it became
clear at at last weekend's Leadership
Conference sessions, are substantially
more sophisticated about the ins and
outs of diplomacy than they have been
in the past. They are already mapping
plans for fund-raising and publicity
campaigns to make sure that the south-
ern Africa question remains a major is-
sue, and not just for the current politi-
cal campaign.

They still harbor enough doubts
about Jimmy Carter to make it a rea-
sonable gamble for the President to try
to win some black support with his Af-
rican initiatives.

But they also are making clear that it
will take concrete results to win that
gamble. They won't be had for a ges-
ture.

A26

THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1976

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

The Opportunity in Rhodesia

THE FUSS OVER THE United States' Rhodesian settlement formula represents not the collapse of the plan's fundamentals but the onset of negotiation on its details. The plan may, of course, finally fail. For what Henry Kissinger achieved in Africa was not a settlement but an opportunity. The parties themselves will have to work out a mutually satisfactory settlement, if they can and will. But the plan has not yet failed: There is even a reasonably good chance that it will succeed. So it is inaccurate to talk about it in a way that suggests it has collapsed, or that it is suddenly and unexpectedly in need of some sort of repair. And it serves no useful purpose to talk about it that way, as well. Those who support stability and human rights in that part of the world should be pointing out to the parties the considerable common ground they have already attained, and the substantial mutual costs they will incur if they do not negotiate.

Ian Smith, the white Rhodesian leader, accepted (1) an interim or transitional black-white government under nominal British sovereignty, and (2) majority rule in a fully independent government in two years. These are the fundamentals; they are also two separate but related things. And they are embraced by the five "front-line" African presidents and by the black nationalists. Mr. Smith went on, however, to announce some of the details of how the fundamentals would be put into effect. In particular, he said that the conference called to draw a constitution for independence would have to be held inside Rhodesia. Neither the presidents nor the nationalists had accepted this detail, or some others Mr. Smith announced.

What now needs to be understood is that Mr. Smith was in effect stating his pre-conference bargaining position, notwithstanding his subsequent pained as-

sention, contested in Washington, that he had prior American approval for all he said. It needs further to be understood that the presidents were only responding in kind when they said in a statement Sunday, referring specifically to establishment of a transitional government, "any details ... should be left to the conference." The British have already begun the excruciatingly difficult task of arranging the conference at which this will be done.

The five presidents' statement on Sunday was, in fact, generally positive and moderate. They advised the still-divided nationalists to recognize that they have already won on the principle of majority rule and to set up a transitional government "immediately." Tanzania's President Nyerere was merely sharpening the point when he said on Tuesday that black majority rule would be installed "in four to six weeks"—his context made clear that he was referring to the interim government, not to the final independent government contemplated by the settlement formula within two years. Ian Smith has already agreed that the council of ministers in that interim government will have a black majority.

With Ian Smith's escape hatches all blocked, the great danger now is that one or another front-line state, perhaps under Kremlin stimuli, will adopt as its protege a nationalist faction ready to fight the faction supported by the other front-line states. That is a prescription for racial conflict, for a wasting civil war on the Angolan model, and possibly for foreign intervention. The sooner the nationalists move to the table, then, the sooner an interim government can be established and recognized, and the smaller the chance that the five will split and that the nationalists will fight on, either against the whites or among themselves.

Last Call for Registration

NOBODY KNOWS FOR SURE how many Americans will decide to vote on Nov. 2, but in a matter of days certain citizens will find that the decision has already been made for them.

By failing to register in time, they will be automatically shut out of the election.

cation forms, time is too short to risk a two-way mailing; instead, residents are being urged to contact their elections offices for information on the registration site. Here is a list of telephone numbers:

Alexandria, 750-6236; Arlington, 558-2345; District,

750-6236; 558-2345; 231- Fairfax Coun-

Other Voices

The Death of Mao

To many people outside China some aspects of the Maoist cult must have begun to seem ridiculous even before the chairman died. . . . There was something characteristically Chinese in the wordy ritual which outsiders found difficult to comprehend.

—The Statesman, New Delhi/Calcutta (independent).

The passing of Chairman Mao has deprived the leftist camp [in China] of the greatest radical of them all. It might be significant that of the 10 messages of official condolence broadcast over Radio Peking, only one contained condolences for Mao's widow, Chiang Ching, one of the foremost leaders of the radicals.

—New Straits Times, Kuala Lumpur (independent).

Mao was a legendary leader who was able to change the China of poverty, hunger and opium into the "new China"—a country that ranks among the world's contemporary powers . . . that remains a part of the Third World.

—Al Ahram, Cairo, (semi-official).

The departure of the great leader may bring a possible reassessment of China's future course in world affairs. This is what the Russians have been hoping for and the Americans have been fearing.

—Jerusalem Post, (independent).

He demonstrated that it was possible to fabricate a radical alternative society and make it work. . . . The vacuum he left cannot be filled.

—The Guardian, London (independent).

©1976, Atlas World Press Review

LETTERS TO THE EDITOR

Rough Bike Trails

Due to the rising cost of commuting to and from work by car, I have proceeded to cut my expenses by commuting everyday by bicycle, regardless of the weather. My route goes from Glen Echo Heights to Capitol Hill, approximately 11 miles. For the first eight miles I travel on the road but for the balance of the trip I use the bike trails. The purpose of writing this letter is to comment on the general condition of these bikeways and the lack of one in particular.

Having just completed the new park at Constitution and Henry Bacon Drive (right next to the reflecting pool) the trails are covered with brown gravel making biking quite unpleasant and equally dangerous. Having to bypass the park, I ride along the path next to the reflecting pool. When I get to the Lincoln Memorial end I am faced with steps right in front of me with an eroded, rock-strewn dirt hill on either side of the steps. This hill is especially bad after a rain. It would be nice if the National Park Service could provide a short bikeway up the hill even if only on one side of the reflecting pool.

License Plates and Discrimination

On May 3, 1974, The Washington Post printed my Letter to the Editor advocating a prefix of DV/DAV on D.C. license plates. Copies of the letter were sent to our D.C. delegate, mayor and director of motor vehicles, and I received the customary "courtesy replies."

This February-March, the D.C. Council enacted D.C. Law 1-49. It was "to provide for the issuance of special registration certificates and identification tags for motor vehicles operated by Disabled American Veterans resident in the District of Columbia."

Although I am a 100 per cent disabled veteran, who requires a cane for mobility, and a wheelchair intermittently, I am not entitled to the DAV license plates unless I am a "certified, bona fide member of the District of Columbia Disabled American Veterans." It was my impression that the DAV plates were to assist the disabled veteran in

parking, not to publicize the DAV organization. Compulsory membership to an organization is both unfair and undemocratic, if not discriminatory. As an example, a physician does not have to be a member of the American Medical Association to obtain M.D. prefix on his license plates.

The current law should be challenged and changed. The D.C. Motor Vehicle Department does not have jurisdiction over the Disabled American Veteran organization; nor should the DAV have the right to discriminate against disabled veterans who do not desire to become members of the DAV organization. In fairness to the 7,000 D.C. veterans who are not members of the DAV, the D.C. Motor Vehicle Department should decide who is entitled to DAV plates.

FRANK W. UHLMANN, Ph.D.

Consulting Psychologist.

Washington

On Being Punctual: From Two Who Are

THE NEW YORK TIMES, THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 30, 1976

# Kissinger Expects Geneva Meeting On a South-West African Solution

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger yesterday welcomed Britain's call for a biracial meeting on Rhodesia in two weeks and said that the United States expected a conference to be held in Geneva to settle the other pressing issue in southern Africa — independence for South-West Africa.

In New York to confer with foreign ministers and others at the 31st United Nations General Assembly, Mr. Kissinger met yesterday morning for the first time with Sam Nujoma, leader of the most prestigious nationalist group in South-West Africa.

On his recent trip to southern Africa, Mr. Kissinger reported that he had secured some concessions from Prime Minister John Vorster of South Africa on a timetable for South-West Africa's independence. South Africa administers the territory, also known as Namibia, under a League of Nations mandate that the United Nations has declared void.

The problem for the United States is to make enough visible progress toward independence before African countries force the Security Council—now studying the question—to consider voting economic sanctions against South Africa.

After his meeting with Mr. Nujoma, head of the South-West African People's Organization, Mr. Kissinger said: "I think already there has been considerable progress and we are operating on the assumption that the meeting in Geneva will eventually emerge."

## South Africa's Participation Expected

American officials have said that they expect South Africa to take part in a Geneva conference that would also include Mr. Nujoma's organization as well as members of South-West African ethnic groups who have been meeting in Windhoek, the territory's capital.

Mr. Nujoma, who has repeatedly said his group wants to negotiate directly with South Africa, refused to discuss with reporters the substance of his talks with Mr. Kissinger. The main question is whether Mr. Nujoma's group will agree to a meeting in which the Windhoek participants take part. In the past he has refused.

On Rhodesia, Mr. Kissinger was asked about the call for a conference made in London yesterday. "We welcomed it and are consulting closely with Britain," he said. "We think it's a very statesmanlike and wise decision."

Mr. Kissinger also was host at a lunch at the American mission for representa-

tives from Arab countries. In his toast, Mr. Kissinger repeated that the United States believed a comprehensive, Geneva-style meeting on the Middle East dispute was now preferable to the step-by-step approach that produced earlier accords between Israel and both Egypt and Syria.

## 'The Most Useful Approach'

"We believe conditions exist that make a comprehensive solution the most useful approach," he said. "Conditions are coming about in which the search for peace can be resumed with energy and conviction."

He said the United States hoped that "significant progress can be made in the months ahead."

American officials said the factors influencing Mr. Kissinger were the end of the elections in this country and a belief that Lebanon may soon cease preoccupying the Middle East.

Mr. Kissinger also met with the foreign ministers of Japan, Turkey, and Greece and was host last night at a dinner for the Soviet Foreign Minister, Andrei A. Gromyko. The Gromyko meeting was the first high-level Soviet-American encounter since Mr. Kissinger visited Moscow in January. Mr. Gromyko is scheduled to visit Washington to confer with President Ford tomorrow.

This afternoon Mr. Kissinger addresses the General Assembly.

The New York Times/Carl T. Gossett

Sam Nujoma and Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger at the Waldorf

## South-West African Who Uses Arms and Words

## SOUTH AFRICA SENTENCES JOURNALIST TO 10 YEARS

CAPETOWN, Sept. 29 (UPI)—A supreme court judge today sentenced a British journalist, David Rabkin, to 10 years imprisonment, for furthering the aims of banned organizations.

A South African university lecturer, Jeremy Cronin, was sentenced to seven years in jail and Mr. Rabkin's wife, Susan, who is eight months pregnant, was sentenced to 12 months, of which 11 months were conditionally suspended. Mr. Rabkin and Mr. Cronin, who are both white, gave the clenched-fist black power salute to the crowd in the courtroom gallery after sentence by Judge Marius Diemont.

They had pleaded guilty to charges under the terrorism and internal security act of promoting the aims of the African National Congress and the South African Communist Party, which are banned organizations. The court found them guilty of publishing pamphlets calling for the

overthrow of law and order in the country.

Mrs. Rabkin was found guilty of distributing the pamphlets.

After their conviction yesterday, Mr. Rabkin and Mr. Cronin read statements to the court saying they believed that the African National Council was the only South African black organization that could help the black majority and that their actions were motivated by a "patriotic" desire for an undivided and peaceful nation.

## Italian Mayor Orders Quarantine After Explosion Spreads Arsenic

MANFREDONIA, Italy Sept. 29 (AP)—The mayor of this Adriatic town has ordered nearly four square miles around a fertilizer plant quarantined after an explosion spread arsenic around the area.

No families live in the quarantined area at the Anic Spa plant, but there are farm fields and herds. Several small animals died from arsenic poisoning after the explosion Sunday and some cows showed signs of sickness.

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9-26-76
MT

[LC]

# Rhodesia—Sunrise at Last?

After nearly eleven years of going it alone in an increasingly hostile continent and world, Rhodesia's white minority Government has bowed to the inevitable. Prime Minister Ian Smith, who said as late as last March that "not in a thousand years" would he turn over power to Rhodesia's black majority, has agreed to do exactly that within two years—the maximum transfer period designated in the British-American proposals pressed on Mr. Smith in South Africa last weekend by Secretary of State Kissinger.

Unless hitches develop—and the possibilities remain enormous—the shift of power to representatives of Rhodesia's six million blacks may begin in a matter of weeks with the formation of a multiracial interim government to write a Constitution leading to legal independence. Britain and the United States are especially anxious to get the transition under way promptly in order to minimize the opportunities for meddling by other powers, particularly the Soviet Union.

Critical questions remain after Mr. Smith's acceptance of Mr. Kissinger's plan: Can he make the agreement stick with his Rhodesian Front Party and with the country's 270,000 whites, who are outnumbered by the blacks 24-to-1? Will the whites really negotiate in good faith on the two-year constitutional timetable in a multiracial Council of State, or will they stall, as in the past, hoping that divisions among the blacks will somehow enable the whites to retain actual power?

But the most crucial question of all about the Kissinger plan is whether it will be acceptable to black leaders truly representative and thus qualified to negotiate in behalf of the majority in the country the blacks call Zimbabwe. Mr. Kissinger is obviously relying heavily on Joshua Nkomo, often described as the most moderate of Rhodesia's black nationalist leaders, a longtime friend of President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia and yet a man

who has received support from the Soviet Union.

Mr. Nkomo represents only one faction, though probably the largest, in the now-defunct African National Council, however. He is bitterly opposed by a large group of blacks inside Rhodesia, and it is doubtful that he has much influence with the biggest guerrilla force now operating from bases in Mozambique. The guerrilla leaders long ago forswore further negotiations with the white regime; yet their participation will be essential if a peaceful political evolution is to have any chance.

Even Mr. Nkomo, who hopes most whites stay on to help build a multiracial Zimbabwe, sees "very serious flaws" in the Kissinger plan. He will find it hard to accept equal black-white representation and a white chairman on the interim Council of State, along with the requirement for a two-thirds majority on major decisions. Black leaders will also object to the provision that whites occupy the key ministries of defense and law and order in the interim administration.

On these matters, Mr. Kissinger will have to rely on the maximum cooperation from the African heads of the so-called "front-line" Governments in the area, especially on President Kaunda and President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania. Britain and the United States must also continue to rely on Prime Minister John Vorster of South Africa to keep the Rhodesian whites in line. Mr. Kissinger's promise that acceptance of his plan would bring an end to the United Nations sanctions against Rhodesia can be redeemed only by the Security Council; and that could be obstructed by the Soviet Union and China.

On his 10-day African shuttle, Mr. Kissinger has negotiated with all of the skill and finesse he had previously displayed in the Middle East crises. He has accomplished more on Rhodesia than most observers had expected. But, as he well recognizes, the road to a solution that would defuse the peril of a white-black conflagration in southern Africa remains long and hazardous.

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President Ford listens as Jimmy Carter answers the first question put to him during their televised debate at the Walnut Street

# Racial Violence Hits Johannesburg for First Time

[LC]

## South Africa Said Ready to Press Smith

By David B. Ottaway

Washington Post Staff Writer

DAR ES SALAAM, Tanzania, Sept. 23—President Julius Nyerere said here today that Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger had assured him that South Africa would put additional pressure on the white-minority government in Rhodesia if it fails Friday to accept clearly the principle of black-majority rule.

In an interview at his Msasani Bay seafront home outside the capital, the Tanzanian president said that Kissinger had talked the "language of power" in his meeting with the prime ministers of South Africa and Rhodesia, John Vorster and Ian Smith, and that both white leaders are now under American pressure.

Nyerere specifically confirmed a report in yesterday's Tanzanian Daily News that quoted him as saying he

had been assured by Kissinger that if Smith did not agree to majority rule immediately, "South Africa would put a 'final squeeze' on Smith."

But he made it clear that he feels that the United States is the decisive factor in the current power play against Smith. "If there is no American pressure, then there is no South African pressure."

Vorster has insisted several times that South Africa is not applying pressure on the white Rhodesian government, only "pointing out the alternatives."

Nyerere said it is his impression that Kissinger had begun his shuttle diplomacy in search of the basis of a solution to the twin southern African crises—Rhodesia and Namibia—talking the "language of persuasion." But he said Kissinger had used the lan-

See NYERERE, A19, Col. 1

## Black Students Charge Through Downtown

From News Dispatches

JOHANNESBURG, South Africa, Sept. 23—Columns of placard-waving black students stormed through the streets of downtown Johannesburg today, giving South Africa's largest city its first taste of racial violence.

Although the mounting cycle of rioting that has gripped this country for the past three months, began in Soweto, a segregated black suburb of Johannesburg, the city itself had escaped violence until now. The violence, which has claimed nearly 400 lives so far, has been mainly in black townships around Johannesburg and Cape Town and in Cape Town itself.

[In another development involving the country's racial relations, the government announced a sweeping change in sports policy, permitting multiracial sports at all levels for the first time and allowing mixed-race

teams to represent South Africa abroad. South Africa has long been banned from many international sports events, including the Olympics, because of its racial segregation policies. Details on Page C1.]

Police said about 400 blacks were arrested in today's demonstration, and Johannesburg General Hospital said six whites were admitted with stab wounds. They had been in the path of black youths who ran through the streets hurling Molotov cocktails and rocks and snouting "Black power!"

Gen. David Kriel, police riot-control chief, said a white civilian shot and wounded a black who was threatening a white man with a knife.

One elderly white woman was trampled to the ground and hospitalized with a dislocated shoulder; another woman was hit in the face by a rock and escorted from the scene, her face

See AFRICA, A18, Col. 4

Kissinger Planning to Confer in U.S.
With South-West Africa Nationalist

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN
Special to The New York Times

NAIROBI, Kenya, Sept. 22—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger plans to meet in the United States with Sam Nujoma, the head of a leading South-West African nationalist group, to work out final details for a conference that would lead to independence for Southwest Africa.

Mr. Kissinger considers it necessary to confer with Mr. Nujoma because discussions on the independence of South-West Africa, now controlled by South Africa, have reached a crucial point and Mr. Nujoma's group, the South-West Africa People's Organization, has not yet taken part in the talks.

[In Rhodesia, Prime Minister Ian D. Smith continued discussions with his Cabinet to work out a response to Mr. Kissinger's proposal for a transfer of power to the black majority. In Tanzania, differing interpretations emerged of the understanding reached by Mr. Kissinger and Mr. Smith. Page 3.]

## Formula Believed Worked Out

Reporters on Mr. Kissinger's plane flying here from Kinshasa, Zaire, were told that he believed 90 percent of the formula for South-West Africa's independence had been worked out in recent months as well as last weekend in discussions in Pretoria between the Secretary of State and Prime Minister John Vorster of South Africa.

Independence for South-West Africa, which is also called Namibia, has been one of the two major issues that Mr. Kissinger has tried to resolve during his African mediation tour. The other is the ultimate transfer of power in Rhodesia, where American officials expect a breakthrough to occur by the end of the week.

The meeting with Mr. Nujoma will take place within the next two weeks, reporters were told, in New York or in Washington. It will have the approval of three

African Presidents—Kenneth D. Kaunda of Zambia, Julius K. Nyerere of Tanzania and Mobutu Sese Seko of Zaire—with whom Mr. Kissinger has met in recent days.

South Africa has ruled South-West Africa under a League of Nations mandate granted in 1920 over the former German colony. Since the mid-1960's, the United Nations has pressed South Africa to grant independence to the predominantly black region and has decreed that the mandate is no longer legal.

South Africa established a constitutional conference of whites and blacks in Windhoek, the capital of South-West Africa, to chart the territory's future. The

Continued on Page 3, Column 2

Associated Press

Rhodesia's Prime Minister, Ian D. Smith, checks his watch as he leaves Cabinet meeting in Salisbury.

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## Smith Response Is Key, Tanzanian Says

# Nyerere: Rhodesia Talks Are Possible

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

DAR ES SALAAM, Tanzania, Sept. 21—Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere said today that the United States has presented to Rhodesia's white rulers a plan to transfer power to that nation's black majority within two years.

Nyerere said that Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith is expected to make an official affirmative reply on Friday, but that is not a certainty.

Nyerere said that on the basis of what Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger reported to him here today on

his talks with Smith, he believes that the basis will exist for negotiations to end the 11-year-old struggle over Rhodesia—provided that Smith indicates his acceptance of the plan.

However, reporters traveling with Kissinger to Zaire after his talks with Nyerere were told that there is no guarantee that Rhodesia will accept the negotiation formula this weekend.

Reversal of Rhodesia's adamant opposition to any early surrender of power to the black majority may prove too much for the ruling Rhodesian Front Party to swallow in one gulp despite Smith's reported acquies-

cense to the Kissinger formula, it was said.

But Kissinger maintains that even if the white-minority government balks initially, in a short time, perhaps three or four weeks, Rhodesia's whites will be compelled to face the fact that there is no alternative for them except escalating warfare and ultimate defeat.

[Smith outlined the proposals to his Cabinet this morning, Reuter reported from Salisbury. "You cannot accept big proposals in a rush," Smith said]

See KISSINGER, A22, Col. 1