SIKH INSURRECTIONS.

57

the Golden Temple at Amritsur with plunder from this
source.

There is much food for reflection in contemplating
the last resting-place of one who was so famed for her
personal beauty, whose lovely embroideries and artistic
talents were so renowned in her day, and who, from the
time she became the wife of Jehangir, belonged to the
most luxurious and splendid court of her time. And
now to see her tomb! Divided from that of her husband
by the prosaic railroad, and denuded of decoration both
without and within, the sarcophagus is only of white
stucco, and no inscription remains.

During the interval between the years A.D. 1628 and
1657, Lahore enjoyed a time of peace and prosperity;
but during the latter part of the reign of Shah Jehan
and the struggles between his sons, Lahore upheld the
cause of Dara-Sheko, the oldest, and, according to our
views, the rightful heir, who lived in that city, and took
much interest in its welfare. In 1658, when he was
pursued by his brother Aurungzebe, Lahore gave him
men and money, but his cause was hopeless: he fled to
Ahmedabad, and shortly after was betrayed and killed.

During the reign of Aurungzebe, Lahore was but little
mixed up with political events, as that emperor chiefly
directed his attention to obtaining possession of the
Dekhan, and subduing certain rebellious tribes in Raj-
putana. From the time of Aurungzebe's death to the
accession of Ranjit Singh, Lahore was a prey to Sikh in-
surrections, till, in 1712, Bahádur Shah, Aurungzebe's son
and successor, marched from Delhi in order to try and
crush the rebellion, but he died before gaining any very
decisive success. On his death the usual contest took
place between his two sons: the younger, being hotly pur-

58

TOMB OF ANÁRKALI.

sued, was drowned in the river Ravi whilst attempting to cross it; the other, by name Jehándár, after a reign of seven months, was ousted by Farokshir, his brother's son, and by him put to death. Their struggles encouraged the Sikhs to more excesses, and Farokshir was obliged to take strong measures against them. He appointed Abdul Samad Khan, a man of known determination, as his viceroy, who gained brilliant successes, and sent the Sikh leader to Delhi as a captive.

Lahore had twenty-one years of peace under the rule of Abdul Samad Khan, and of his son, who succeeded him in the viceroyalty—viz., from 1717 till 1738, when the Persians swept down, in the reign of their emperor, Nadir Shah, the army being led by a great Turcoman warrior, Nadir Kúli Khan. A very faint show of resistance was made at Wasirabad, and again close to Lahore, but in vain. The conquering army encamped in the Shalimar gardens, and a month later marched on to Delhi, which city, as we have already seen, they sacked, and despoiled of all the wondrous jewels and treasures which had been in a great measure collected by Shah Jehan and his immediate predecessors.

One portion of the European part of Lahore is called Anárkali; and what is now St James's, or the Station Church, is a building which contained the tomb of Anárkali, a favourite slave girl of the emperor Akbar. It is related that Jehangir being one day in his father's apartments, he smiled upon the girl, and she returned it, on which the emperor ordered her to be buried alive. This tomb was erected by Jehangir in A.D. 1660, and was originally placed beneath the central dome, but is now in a side chamber; it has a Persian inscription to the following effect: "Ah, could I behold the face of my

BUDDHIST SCULPTURES IN MUSEUM.

59

beloved once more, I would give thanks unto my God
unto the day of resurrection."

Not far from St James's Church is the Museum,
which was erected in 1864 as a temporary building only.
Opposite the entrance is a famous piece of ordnance,
called Zamzamah, one of the largest known specimens
of native casting. It was made in 1760 by Shah Wali
Khan, by whom it was used in a battle at Panniput.
It afterwards came into the possession of the Sikh
Sardárs, and was looked upon by them as a talisman of
supremacy. Eventually this cannon came into the
hands of Ranjit Singh, and was used by him at the siege
of Moultán in 1818. From the time that Moultán was
captured till the year 1860, this gun stood at the Delhi
gate of Lahore city. Many Hindús regard it as an in-
carnation of Mahádéo, and almost invariably, whenever
we have passed by, I have seen natives, to the number
of a dozen and more occasionally, standing round it,
regarding it with affectionate admiration, and rubbing
or stroking it. To such an extent has this been done,
that in one particular part the metal has a bright and
polished appearance. The museum contains specimens
of the antiquities, arts, and manufactures of the Pun-
jaub; also a collection of native musical instruments, all
in one large apartment; and a corresponding room on
the other side of the entrance is filled with specimens of
minerals, fossils, woods, timbers, grains, and raw silk;
also models of various kinds of machinery, &c., &c.
What most interested me were the old Buddhist sculp-
tures, which were most, if not all of them, discovered
and excavated by Dr Bellew, C.S.I., who is now the
sanitary commissioner for the Punjaub. They were
found in the province of Peshawar corresponding to the

60

ancient Gandhara, in two principal groups of ruins—
viz., Takht-i-Bahi, and Jumal Garhi, to the west of the
Indus. Amongst these sculptures are two semi-colossal
figures made of a dark-looking stone, which was capable
of taking a high polish. One of these, supposed to be
a king, represents a young man with long hair flowing
down over his shoulders; he has a moustache, but no
beard, and his countenance is grave and thoughtful.
Drapery falls round the figure from the waist down-
wards, and covers the left arm. The left hand is per-
fect, but the right fore-arm and hand are wanting.
Small curls cover the top of the head; part of the hair
is drawn up into a knot on the crown, and helps to sus-
tain a diadem which encircles the head. A necklace is
clasped almost tight round the throat of this statue, a
rope-like ornament hangs round the neck descending to
the chest, and a number of talismans strung on a cord
(much resembling those that many natives wear at the
present day) depend from the left shoulder and rest upon
the right hip. Another statue near this, and about the
same size, is represented with a plaited muslin robe fall-
ing in graceful folds, and descending nearly to the feet.
The left hand holds up the bottom of this robe; the
right fore-arm and hand are missing. The hair is
arranged in tight little curls, and a knot of hair covers
the crown of the head. The statue of the king looks as
if it were a portrait from life, the expression of the coun-
tenance is so animated; while the other has the peculiar
Buddhist type of contemplation and repose, and is with-
out ornaments of any kind. In another place there is
the seated figure of a king, which was found at Takht;
this is about one-third the size of life. This, I think,
may also have been a portrait, and General Cunningham

PUBLIC GARDENS IN ANÁRKALI.

61

says of it, "I infer, with confidence, that this must have
been a royal portrait from the description of Hiouen
Thsang, the Chinese traveller, who says that an Indian
king had no step to his throne, but used a footstool,
which served the same purpose." There are four small
figures belonging to this group, two on either side of the
central one; three of these are in an attitude of supplica-
tion, the fourth holds a *chauri* (or fan made of a yak's
tail) to fan away the flies.

There is also another statue about the same size as
the last named, which may, too, be a king's portrait.
The attitude is different: the left hand rests upon the
hip in an easy and graceful manner, the right fore-arm
is wanting, but from the position of the upper part of
the arm, it would appear to have been raised, as if
giving some command. Besides these, there are many
small fragments of minute Buddhist sculpture, which
have been considerably defaced and mutilated. In
some of these the figures are very numerous, each being
not more than four or five inches high. A long ex-
amination and study would be necessary to make out
the subjects of them, were it even possible, for much
must be left to conjecture only. On one fragment, two
friends appear to be having a joyful meeting; on another,
there was a seated figure in the midst, and other persons
advancing on either side as petitioners for some favour;
some stones also had on them processions of men with
grotesque masks.

In the corridor which divides the two apartments there
is an ancient Sikh gun, supposed to be of the time of
Govind Singh, the last of their *gurus*, or teachers, who died
A.D. 1708. In the centre of this gun are two lions, each
bestridden by a warrior with a drawn sword in his hand.

62

LAHORE GOVERNMENT COLLEGE.

In Anárkali there are small public gardens, where a band plays occasionally; these are very well kept, and at the time we were there the roses were in high beauty. The kinds which seem to succeed best in India are the tea varieties. The Maréchal Niel grows everywhere in great perfection, and all kinds of white and yellow roses appear to do much better than the pink or red ones: as a rule, these last seldom seem to produce what in England we should call completely perfect flowers; either the centres are defective, or the petals have not the entire regularity which is so much desired.

The Laurence gardens, containing the Laurence and Montgomerie halls, are situated not far from the residence of the Lieut.-Governor. These halls are used as places of public recreation, and a covered corridor unites them. The gardens, which cover an area of more than 100 acres, are very tastefully laid out on ground which, till 1860, was nothing but a wild jungle. Part of the land belongs to the Agri Horticultural Society of the Punjaub, and is under the superintendence of a gardener sent out from Kew; the remainder belongs to the Municipality.

To Nur-Mehal is given the credit of inventing the manufacture of attar of roses. This industry is now prosecuted both at Lahore and Amritsar. The common country rose—the rosa centifolia—is used, as being found to yield a stronger essential oil than any foreign or hybrid variety. A very pretty kind of striped washing silk is also made in Lahore, chiefly in three colours only—blue and white, black and white, and violet and white—in longitudinal stripes of various widths. Ivory carving and turning is also carried on there. In the educational department for natives, Lahore has also

JUMMA MUSJID.

63

made great advances. There is a Lahore Government College, where Arabic, Persian, and Sanscrit, the classical languages of the East, are compulsory subjects, but where English, which is in India the only door to European civilisation, is optional.

In Anárkali there is a high school for the children of Europeans and Eurasians, a clergyman of the Church of England being the headmaster. Besides these, there are also missionary establishments and a divinity school for training and preparing native Christians for ordination. Mission schools for girls, and zenana mission work, is also conducted by English ladies sent out for this purpose by some of our societies at home.

In the Hazuri Bagh, or garden, near the fort, there is a pretty kind of summer-house, standing on a platform about four feet high, the whole being of white marble. Much of the material is said to have been pilfered from older buildings in the neighbourhood of Lahore. The pavement of the platform is richly inlaid, and the building itself has flowers, butterflies, and peacocks, also water vessels carved in relief upon it. The roof is flat, and has a balcony all round projecting from it, which is supported on brackets. There is an open colonnade all round the building, and a square space in the centre, supported on pillars. The ceilings are composed of delicate tracery in stucco, with small convex mirrors in the intervening spaces. From the centre of the roof rises a small open pavilion, supported on slender pillars. From this garden a flight of steps, and an archway known as the Roshnai gateway, leads to the Jumma Musjid, which is a fair example of the latest style of Moghul work: Humaion's tomb at Delhi may be called a specimen of their earliest style. This gate-

64

TOMB OF RANJIT SINGH.

way is of red sandstone; its recessed archways and
windows are of stucco, painted in the brightest colours.
A tall minar is built into it at either corner; and the
courtyard of the mosque, which is of a large size, has
minars at each of the four corners. The mosque, also
of red sandstone, is carved, but not richly so, and has
a certain amount of white marble inlaying, which is
more elaborate in the central entrance than in any other
part of the edifice. The three domes, made of white
marble with gilt pinnacles, are all nearly of the same
size, the centre one being considerably raised above the
others in order to give it height. The inscription on the
front of the mosque shows that it was built A.D. 1674,
during the reign of Aurungzebe, by Fidæ Khan Khokah,
who was the emperor's master of ordnance. Its general
style and architectural details struck us as very inferior
to many specimens of the Moghul work of that period
which we had seen elsewhere: the minars no doubt have
lost much of their original effect from the absence of
their cupolas, which were so much shaken in 1840 by
an earthquake that they had to be removed.

The tomb of Ranjit Singh, surnamed the Lion of the
Punjaub, who belonged to the sect of warlike Sikhs, is
situated at one side of the Hazuri Bāgh, and close to the
entrance of the fort. This building is raised on a double
platform; the exterior is of white stucco, painted with
graceful designs in bright colours; it has sloping eaves
all round, and several small projecting balconies. There
is one large dome in the centre, and numerous small
kiosks and cupolas surrounding this. In the interior
a corridor runs all round an open gallery, forming a
second storey; the space in the centre is supported on
marble pillars, and open up to the roof; in the midst is

MOSQUE OF WAZIR ALI KHAN.

65

a small marble canopy, inlaid with the finest work in semi-precious stones. This may be about 14 feet in height. Above this there is a clear space to the ceiling, which is coved, and painted in bright colours, red and gold being the prevailing ones, and small pieces of looking-glass let in. The ceilings in the corridor are decorated in the same manner, only that, in some parts, red and green foil has been introduced beneath the pieces of glass, which has a pretty effect. In small recesses in the walls of the corridor there are statues of Ram Chund, or Rama (one of the incarnations of Vishnu), his wife Sita, and Lakhsman, his brother; also of Vishnu and his son, and of Kali, the goddess of cruelty.

In one of the smaller buildings near Ranjit Singh's tomb was a large statue of Kali, and small figures of other Hindu gods, and in another the tombs of Ranjit's son and grandson; and there we found an old Sikh engaged in reading the Granth, their sacred book. The presence of all these idols shows how much the Sikh religion must have changed since it was first founded, and how much of the debased form of Hindúism has crept in amongst this sect, of whose original form of worship I purpose giving an account later on.

Wazir Ali Khan's mosque was built A.D. 1634, by Hakím Ali-ud-dín, a Patán of Chiniot, who rose to the position of wazir in the reign of Shah Jehan. It is situated in a small open space, just within one of the gates of the native city of Lahore, and is approached by a short flight of steps leading to a square entrance gateway, domed within, though this is scarcely visible from the outside. There are small domed cupolas at each corner of the entrance gateway, and at each corner of the courtyard of the mosque is an octagonal minar. The interior

E

66

MOSQUE OF WAZIR ALI KHAN.

of this quadrangle has small chambers all round it, all of
which appeared to be inhabited. There are two small
gateways on the north and south sides of the mosque,
which, as is always the case in India, occupies the whole
of the western side. The four minars, and the walls of
the courtyard, are ornamented with medallions of the
kashi work, and the exterior of the mosque is decorated
in the same manner. The central doorway is entirely
covered with this work: the designs have a decided
Indo-Mohammedan character. Near the top of the
minars are represented cypresses, of a very blue colour,
and on other portions of the building there are vases of
flowers, and Arabic writing, all in the same material.
The interior exhibits a totally distinct type of work,
and the designs are of a Persian character, both in
colouring and form; so that one could well imagine
that they had been copied from some Persian carpet.
This work also differs entirely from the kashi, in that it
has not been made of small pieces, which were after-
wards cemented together; but the whole surface would
appear to have had the designs painted upon it like
fresco, and a sort of porcelain glaze put on afterwards.
It seemed to us a great pity that these arts should now
be lost, as, were the artists of our day able to execute
such work, both the inside of our houses and their ex-
terior walls might be adorned with the most exquisite
designs, as, in all probability, a glaze of this kind would
resist even our northern climate.

67

CHAPTER V.

PREPARING FOR CAMP LIFE IN KASHMIR, SRINAGAR—BOATS USED IN NAVIGATING THE RIVER JELUM—THE RACES WHICH PEOPLE KASHMIR—LIDDAR VALLEY—SNOWSTORM IN MAY—LOVELY VEGETATION—ANCIENT TEMPLES AT MARTUND AND AVANTIPORE—GULMURG—OUR LOG HUTS—RETURN TO SRINAGAR—DAL LAKE, ITS FLOATING ISLANDS—GARDENS AND PALACES ON ITS SHORES.

OUR chief business in Lahore was to engage servants and to buy tents and other camp furniture for our projected visit to Kashmir. Bedsteads, chairs, and tables are all made either to take to pieces or to fold up for the convenience of transport. At that time, the railroad being open only as far as Wazirabad, we had to take a carriage from thence to Rawal Pindi, 110 miles. This is a very pretty little station, within view of the Himalayas. It is very important that travellers intending to go into Kashmir should remember that it is advisable to engage as few servants as possible belonging to Southern or Central India; they should be chosen from the Punjaub in preference, as men from lower down country are quite unfit for the necessary roughing it in that colder climate.

We left Rawal Pindi about 7th April 1876, and as it was an unusually late season it was not possible to drive up to Murree (38 miles), nor could our baggage be sent up in carts, as is generally done. We had to

68

ENTRANCE INTO KASHMIR TERRITORY.

ride the greater part of the way, and hire coolies to
carry our tents, &c., which is the usual mode of con-
veyance all through Kashmir, where there are no roads
for wheeled carriages. We arrived at Murree thoroughly
drenched, having been caught in a storm of rain and
hail. After remaining there one day, on 10th April we
began our onward way. There are twelve marches
between Murree and Srinagar, the capital of Kashmir,
varying in length from 10 to 16 miles. The first two,
each about 10 miles, being downhill, can easily be ac-
complished in one day, thereby reaching Kohala. On
the next march, and soon after leaving the bungalow,
the river Jelum is crossed by a suspension-bridge, and
there we first entered Kashmirian territory. The next
six marches took us through fine scenery, the valley
contracting a good deal in parts, our paths sometimes
running along the bank of the river, and sometimes
many hundred feet above it.

Between Chata-Kalas and Rara, the river Nainsúk
(a tributary of the Jelum) joins it. We were detained
there some hours, being unable to cross this stream,
for a mountain thunderstorm had caused such a rush
of water as to render it impossible to gain the other
side. Towards the afternoon, however, it was resolved
to attempt it; and sending for a band of men from
the village accustomed to such work, a rope was taken
across by an expert swimmer, and made fast on the
opposite side, the object of this rope being that a man
might hold on to it and thus save himself from losing
his footing, owing to the violence of the current. Even
with this assistance the ordinary coolies utterly re-
fused to carry our baggage over, but as soon as it was
at all feasible these same villagers carried it, each

CROSSING A SWOLLEN RIVER.

69

man being supported by another, who held the rope with his other hand. When it came to our turn, it was rather nervous work; we were each carried across separately in a piece of carpeting fixed in a frame in shape somewhat like a boat, and having long poles at each end, which rested on the shoulders of the bearers. Four men carried this machine, two at either end; other four clung on to and assisted these. Our horses were forced into the water, and thus we all reached the other side in safety. On our seventh march from Murree, shortly before reaching Uri, we saw on our left hand a rope-bridge such as are seen in many parts of the Himalayas, and are in general use amongst the natives, though our road never led us where we had occasion to cross one. One, or sometimes two, ropes form the pathway; on either side there is a rope (held in position by forked sticks placed at intervals) which the passenger holds to steady himself, though once we saw a man pass over with a small burden, when this, of course, could not be done, as he had only one hand at liberty.

On the following march, near the village of Banniyar, and about three miles from Naoshera, there is one of the best preserved temples in the valley. Its dimensions are not large, being only 145 feet by 120, taking the measurement of the whole area, which is surrounded on all sides by a pillared colonnade. Between each pillar is a trefoiled arch, with a detached architrave, behind which is a niche, which, I suppose, may at some period have contained a statue. The space between this colonnade and the central temple has, in former times, as is the case of most, if not all, old temples in Kashmir, at least been capable of being flooded with water. The course of ages in this instance had brought down suffi-

70

LARGE BOATS ON THE RIVER JELUM.

cient mud and silt to bury the temple itself in a great
degree, but it was excavated a few years ago by the
order of the Maharajah, and is now in an almost perfect
state. The roof of the central building is of shingles,
but it is doubtful whether this was always the case.
The whole of this and the following march our road led
us through a highly wooded district, the chief feature
in which were the enormous deodaras. One, roughly
measured by us, was seventeen feet in girth at six feet
from the ground, and from thence grew up to a great
height, gradually diminishing in size, and straight as
the mast of a ship.

From the moment we got into Kashmir territory, after
crossing the bridge at Kohala, the whole country at that
season appeared one vast orchard, as it abounds in wild
pomegranate, apricot, apple, and pear trees, which were
then all in full blossom. Between Naoshera and Bara-
mula the view is certainly most striking, as the course of
the Jelum can thence be traced for a considerable dis-
tance; and the Woolar Lake is also visible. The last
two marches being usually made in boats on the Jelum,
at Baramula we embarked on board a so-called *doongah*.
These boats are flat-bottomed, and about fifty feet long
by eight feet wide in the centre, tapering to a point at
each end. They form all the year through the permanent
abode of the boatmen and his family, who occupy about
one-third of the length of the boat: their cooking is
carried on in two receptacles made of baked clay. The
fire is placed in these, and huge jars of metal and pot-
tery rest upon them—the former containing the family
meal of rice, whilst the vegetables of the season are pre-
pared in the latter. Mattings, formed of a kind of reed
which grows plentifully on the lakes in Kashmir, separ-

MODE OF LIFE ON BOARD THE DOONGAH.

71

ate the boat-people from the traveller, who has also a thick awning overhead formed of layers of the same, the space allotted to him being about twenty feet in length by eight in width. The front part of the boat must be kept clear for the boat-people to punt when occasion requires, though the more usual mode of progression is by towing the boat from the bank, the whole family joining in this except the mother, who, armed with a small paddle resembling in form the ace of spades, acts as the steerer. The planks of these boats are all made of the deodara; but as saws can hardly be said to exist, or to be used in Kashmir, they are formed by cutting away with an adze the whole of the exterior of the tree, till a plank of the required size is left in the centre.

Our party had by this time been enlarged—a young friend, Mr H., having joined us—so that when we left Baramula our flotilla consisted of five boats: my husband and I in one, J. and his young friend in another; a third was used as a cooking boat for the whole party; and the two remaining ones held our united baggage and the rest of our servants—the saïs's (or grooms) marching the ponies up by land. At stated hours the cooking boat is brought alongside that of the master, and the two are temporarily joined, the dinner, or whatever meal is required, passed over the side, the boats going on all the time, though perhaps their progress is slightly retarded.

The term "valley" is rather a misnomer as regards Kashmir, taken as a whole. The Jelum flows from south-east to north-west, through a plain, which tradition says was once a lake, and which must have been about eighty miles long by fifteen in width; but the greater part of the so-called valley consists of mountains,

72

EARLY HISTORY OF KASHMIR.

of raised terraces, and of glens, descending from the
Himalayan ranges which surround it.

The seasons are divided into summer and winter, and
are of nearly equal duration. Many of the mountains
are clothed with rich forests, and at their base is a fine
alluvial soil, which is very productive. The whole of the
land is now the absolute property of the ruler, though
this was not the case before it came into the hands of
the Sikhs, as under former sovereigns grants of land had
been made to many persons for various periods, but
Ranjit Singh made a general resumption, thus reducing
thousands to penury.

Under the present system, when the grain has been
trodden out, a division takes place between the farmer
and the Government: formerly this was an equal one,
but the Government had advanced in its demands till
it now requires seven-eighths of the produce of the
land near the city, and three-fourths of the more remote
crops. The *straw* belongs to the cultivator, and he con-
trives to bribe the watchman or overseer to let him steal
his own produce. He is allowed to keep cattle on the
mountains during the summer, may cut wood, and bring
it into the city for sale, and may also sell wild-greens,
butter, and milk. It would appear from this alone that
the farmer is not too well off; but the case is aggravated
by the method employed in disposing of the govern-
mental share. This is sent into the market, a high price
put upon it, no one is permitted to offer his produce at
a lower rate, or sometimes even to dispose of it at all,
until all the public corn has been sold.

The early chronology of Kashmir is much involved in
obscurity. The first religion is supposed to have been
the Naga or Snake worship. Hinduism, Buddhism, and,

NATIVE CITY OF SRINAGAR.

73

again, Naga worship, are said to have successively pre-
vailed in the valley. According to Ferishta, the Persian
historian, the line of Mussulman kings began A.D. 1326.
General Cunningham gives 1334 as the date. Their
rule lasted till 1558, when Akbar annexed it to the
Moghul empire. After the death of Aurungzebe a state
of anarchy prevailed in Kashmir for about a hundred
years, when it was acquired by the Sikhs, who retained
possession of the country till after the first Sikh war,
when, in 1846, the British Government made it over to
the present dynasty, who are of Rajput race, and were
at that time rajahs of Jamu.

The native city of Srinagar is built on both sides of
the river Jelum, and extends about four miles, or nearly
so, following the windings of the river, though the right
bank appears to be the most populous. There are seven
wooden bridges connecting the two sides of the city:
these bridges are formed of huge trunks of firs, or deo-
daras, laid in rows one above the other, each row being
at right angles to the preceding one; the piers thus
formed gradually widening as they increase in height,
and approaching one another, till, when they are suffici-
ently close, they are connected by beams thrown across
from pier to pier, and the roadway is formed. This
same principle has been carried out in regard to all the
smaller bridges in the interior of the country, and also
in Ladakh—though where the streams are small no piers
are necessary, and the beams are laid from either bank,
each projecting beyond the former one, till they finally
meet in the centre. Near the banks of the river are
innumerable Hindú temples, the exterior of which dazzles
the eye with their bright metal roofs. Though accus-
tomed as we are to our grand Gothic cathedrals, and

74

NATIVE POPULATION OF KASHMIR.

viewed by the side of Mohammedan mosques, the smallness of their size is very disappointing, yet the religion of the Hindús is not one of united public worship like that of the Christian or the Moslem.

The Maharajah's palace is on the left bank of the river—one of the largest of the Hindú temples almost joins it. Still higher up on the same side, and above the limits of the city proper, is a *baradurrie*—a large summer palace in which dinners or entertainments to Europeans are given. On one occasion when the Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjaub went up for the summer, it was given over to him as his residence. The Maharajah is himself a Hindú, as are also most of the principal officials who come up with him each summer from Jamu, his other capital.

The resident population consists of the Pundits—also Hindús, who are an educated class, inasmuch as they can read and write, and become bankers, merchants, &c. These are said to be descendants of the ancient inhabitants of Kashmir. Their Mussulman conquerors probably came from Afghanistan; and these last, though forming an immense majority of the population, are now in their turn oppressed by the Hindús. The Pundits are much fairer in complexion than the Mohammedans; have, many or most of them, a decided Jewish type of features; and some of their women belonging to the higher classes, who keep much in the house, are almost as fair as Europeans, though their skins are of a dead white; and they rarely have the red tinge underneath, though I have seen it occasionally. The dress of the Pundits is a long woollen robe, in form like a dressing-gown, made with very wide sleeves, and confined at the waist with a broad sash of

THE EUROPEAN PART OF SRINAGAR.

75

cotton cloth. On the head they wear a turban folded in a peculiar manner. Their women wear a dress of the same form as that of the men, only the material is of a lighter texture, and is dyed a dark-red colour. A large white handkerchief is bound tightly round the head, so that not a particle of the hair is seen; over this again they throw a long piece of white calico, scarfwise, which envelops the figure down to the knees. Some of the Punditanas possess beautiful jewellery of a style which they alone wear.

The tailors, jewellers, workers in papier-maché, shawl-weavers and embroiderers, and also the servant class, are all Mohammedans. The boat-people, I believe, are likewise of this faith, though they seem to form quite a distinct class, and have a totally different type of features. The boat-people, both men and women, never appeared to wear anything but a long white calico dress buttoned close round the throat, and sometimes, though not always, a sash of the same material round the waist. The boatmen also arrange their turbans in a different manner to either the Pundits or the other Mussulmans. The boatmen's wives have usually a scarf of white calico thrown over the head.

Arrived in the European part of Srinagar, we stopped at the house of the officer on special duty, to whom we had been particularly recommended, and he caused one of the bungalows set apart for visitors to be opened for us. Those allotted to married strangers and their families are situated in the munshí bagh, or garden. The view from thence is one which must ever remain with pleasure upon the memory. Our bungalow was not more than fifty paces from the smoothly-flowing river Jelum, being only separated from it by a wide pathway

76

METHOD OF TAKING HONEY IN KASHMIR.

and a sloping bank. On the opposite side of the river were richly-cultivated fields, which then were green, but later on took a golden hue; and in the extreme distance were to be seen the snowy heights of the Pir Panjal, which is the highest pass into Kashmir; and on the right hand, looking down the river, was a nearer and lower range of hills, on which on clear days a part of the mountain resort called Gulmurg can be distinguished. Hearing that cholera had broken out in the native city, and threatened to be serious, after two or three days' rest we left Srinagar, and moved on, with our servants, tents, and baggage, to the Liddar valley, going by water as far as Islamabad, whence two marches took us to Palgaum, about sixty miles from the capital.

In the Liddar valley we first saw how the Kashmirians supply their want of sugar, as the sugar-cane does not grow in their country. They use honey as a substitute, and have a rather singular method of obtaining it. A round hole is made in one wall of the house (their dwellings are for the most part, if not entirely, of wood), and in this hole they insert a tube of baked clay, lined with a plastering of clay mortar, which is worked up with the husk of rice, or with thistle-down. This tube is about 14 inches in diameter and 22 inches in length. Outside the house the orifice is closed by a platter of red pottery-ware, which has a small hole in the centre for the bees to enter. A dish of similar ware closes the tube within the house, and is also kept in its place by a plastering of clay mortar. When the comb is fit to be taken, the master of the house removes the plate within with some ceremony, and lays some burning grass near the entrance of the hive, which causes the bees to come out and stupefies them for a time only; after which they

A SNOWSTORM IN THE MIDDLE OF MAY.

77

again return to the same place, though our Kashmiri servant, from whom I got much of this information, told me that an unskilful hand will often kill the bees outright. We remained altogether about five weeks in that valley—the gentlemen going away occasionally for a few days' shooting, taking only the small tents with them.

On 15th May we were overtaken by a snowstorm—such a thing at that season never having occurred before in the recollection of the *lumbadar*, or head-man, of the village, who was an old man. In the space of two hours the snow lay four inches deep on the roof of our tent. Had this happened in the night, or, as it was, had much more snow fallen before we could get efficient assistance to remove it, our tent might have collapsed and the consequences been serious. We were first aroused to our danger by the bending of the bamboo poles, and the strange appearance of the interior canvass on one side. As much as possible was at once removed; long poles to aid in knocking it off sent for from the village, together with several men, who were appointed to watch by turns all night for fear of another storm coming on, which, happily, was not the case. Before we left the Liddar valley I made two excursions with my husband, one being to Tannin—one march up the valley leading to Ambernath, where there are some caves which are much resorted to as a place of pilgrimage; our other expedition was to Aro, up the other branch of the fork which the Liddar valley makes at this point. The scenery on both these marches was very striking, and thoroughly repaid us for the fatigue and scrambling which was necessary,—for in neither case was it possible to ride the whole way. Whilst we were staying at Aro, where we remained two nights, we came upon some

78

ANCIENT TEMPLE AT MARTUND.

lovely wild-flowers: amongst others the wild peony, with
large, white, single flowers, covered considerable patches
of land; and we also saw one or two bulbous plants
quite new to us.

One night a good number of *bara-singh* (a species of
red deer), with immense horns, came down to our tents
and much disturbed the equanimity of little Jip—a dog
belonging to one of our servants who had attached him-
self to us; and had my husband brought his rifle with
him, it being bright moonlight, no doubt he might have
bagged one or more, so close did they seem to be,
judging from the sounds we heard.

We left Palgaum finally the first days of June, and
at that season found the whole road down to Islamabad,
but more especially the last march from Eishmakán, one
garden of wild-flowers. The sweet jasmine of our gardens
was growing as a large bush in wild profusion; also a
climbing rose, with large cream-coloured flowers, grew in
a most luxuriant manner. Besides these, we saw what
I believed to be two varieties of acacia, a dwarf and
a tree species: both had magenta-coloured blossoms.
There were also four or more other varieties of the wild
rose, and numerous smaller flowering-plants carpeted
the ground.

On this march we made a slight *détour* in order to
visit the temple at Martund, the largest in Kashmir,
whose position alone would render it worthy of a visit.
Fergusson, in his volume on 'Indian Architecture,' states
that the enclosure of this building was built by Lalita-
ditya, who reigned A.D. 725 to 751; that all authorities
are agreed with him on this point; and adds it as his
opinion that the same ruler also erected the temple
itself, though there are no inscriptions which can enable

EARTHQUAKES NOT UNUSUAL IN KASHMIR. 79

its date to be fixed with certainty. General Cunningham,
however, ascribes the building of this temple to Ranaditya,
who reigned A.D. 578 to 594. The temple itself is situated
about 500 feet above the plain, on a plateau of some
miles in extent, directly behind which rises a mountain
of considerable height. The view from the temple forms
a perfect panorama on three sides. On one side can be
seen Islamabad and the plain beyond leading to Vernag;
and from this plateau can also be seen the mountains
dividing the Liddar and the Sind valleys, a con-
siderable portion of the course of the Jelum, and the
mountains beyond it. The proportions of this temple,
though infinitely smaller, are said to resemble more
nearly than any other known building the temple at
Jerusalem. It has evidently been much adorned with
sculptures, though, from the friable nature of the stone,
the subjects of these are for the most part hardly dis-
cernible. According to Fergusson, the building measures
60 feet in length by 38 feet in width; but this is sup-
plemented by two wings which, singularly enough, are
detached from the main building—a space of 18 inches
or 2 feet existing between—and it is difficult to see the
use of these side erections, which no one hitherto ap-
pears to have attempted to explain. Like the temple
at Banniyar, already described, this also stands in the
centre of a courtyard, and is surrounded by a colonnade.
From the present state of the ruins one might quite
fancy that this temple had been destroyed by an earth-
quake. Earthquakes are not uncommon in Kashmir.
One was felt at Srinagar whilst we were in the Liddar
valley, where we seem to have been beyond its influence.

Arrived at Islamabad we again took a boat, and on
our return journey to Srinagar we stopped at Avanti-

80

GULMURG.

pore, where we saw the ruins of two temples which were excavated a few years ago at the suggestion of Bishop Cotton. One of these appears to have possessed a much greater richness of detail than the temple at Martund, for we noticed many stones which had evidently been sculptured on both sides, showing that the building had been richly adorned without as well as within.

On again reaching Srinagar, we found that the rains were shortly expected. These are there nothing compared to what is experienced in India; but they arrive about the same period, and usually last with more or less violence for six weeks or longer. We were told that Srinagar is not considered healthy during that time, and therefore we went up to Gulmurg (signifying "flower-meadow"), about thirty miles distant. It certainly deserves this name, for the quantity and variety of wild-flowers in the neighbourhood is quite extraordinary. Gulmurg lies at a height of more than 7000 feet above the sea (Srinagar is 2000 feet lower), and consists of a cup or hollow in the mountains of an irregular form. Surrounding this basin are several hills on which visitors build temporary huts or pitch their tents. In this hollow a small native bazaar rises every year, occupied by Parsees and other dealers, who bring up supplies and stores of provisions for the English visitors. A portion of the lending library is brought up, and the building where the books are kept forms a point of assembly where all congregate in the afternoons to read the papers, &c., or play at badminton on the meadow below. A small wooden church has been erected, and the chaplain at Srinagar for the time being goes up to Gulmurg for a few weeks each year. We fixed ourselves on the hill known as the Resident's, from the circumstance that

THE YARKUND ENVOY.

81

the officer on special duty has a bungalow there—the
only one in the place which is looked after and kept in
permanent repair. J. discovered the remains of two
rooms near this spot, and also a building of one room
only, for himself. To the ruined edifice he added a
dining-room and dressing-room, also a small verandah.
To build these, put the rest into habitable repair, and
mend our nephew's own habitation, cost somewhat less
than £4. These houses, or rather huts, properly speak-
ing, are built of rough planks, fashioned without a saw,
like the boats before described. The coolies are allowed,
under certain restrictions, to cut down trees for this
purpose; into the interstices of these planks is put moss,
&c. The roof is made in the same manner, and the
whole dwelling is plastered outside with wet mud, which
requires renewing to a certain extent every few days,
especially the roof, after a hard storm of rain. With
matting on the floors, these abodes are anything but
uncomfortable; and we remained at least a month in
ours, after which we returned to Srinagar, where the
Yarkund Envoy, Yakoob Khan, had arrived with his
suite. He was attended by an English officer, and
passed through Kashmir on his way to visit the Viceroy
at Simla, and to take part in the proclamation at Delhi,
*en route* for England.

Yakoob Khan was a fine-looking intelligent man, of
perhaps forty-five years of age; his face bore the impress
of thought to a much greater extent than is usually
seen in the countenances of natives of Eastern countries.
He speaking nothing but Persian, we could only con-
verse with him through an English interpreter. He
was anxious to know if we intended visiting Yarkund,
and said he would give us every facility in his power

F

82

THE SHALIMAR AND NISHAT GARDENS.

for doing so, &c., &c. From this conversation, I think,
began to date our desire to go part of the way thither
at least, and finally led to our going to Ladakh.

The envoy, during his stay in Srinagar, gave an enter-
tainment at the Naseeb Bagh, an old garden dating from
the time of the Emperor Jehangir, and situated on the
Dal, or city lake. On going thither on the appointed
day we found awnings and tents prepared; the ground
beneath these covered with the richest Persian carpets,
and a feast provided which, alas! none of us Europeans
could partake of, as far as the meats were concerned,
for want of knives and forks. There were kids and
lambs roasted whole, and no doubt stuffed with pistachio
nuts in the orthodox manner, had we only possessed
the means of ascertaining it.

There is a river flowing out of the Dal which con-
nects it with the Jelum; but this communication is
capable of being completely shut off by means of large
flood-gates, which are closed when the lake sinks below
a certain level. The lake is fed by streams flowing into
it from the mountain on its eastern side; and possibly
it may also have springs in its midst, for a very con-
siderable body of water usually flows out of it. The
Shalimar and the Nishat gardens, on its eastern shore,
are of large extent; they both contain pavilions and
fountains still in working order. These gardens were
also laid out by Jehangir, who, together with his wife
Nur-Mehal, used constantly to visit Kashmir.

The lake now brings in a considerable revenue to
the state, chiefly derived from the Singhara, a species
of sweet nut growing in the water, which, when first
boiled, and then roasted, is not unlike the Spanish
chestnut in flavour, and forms an important item in

FLOATING GARDENS ON THE LAKE.

83

the food of the people, who also eat the stems of an-
other water-plant, the Nymphaea lotus, when boiled
till tender. The floating gardens which have been
formed on this lake are also very curious. A long kind
of rush, which grows in great abundance, is cut off just
below the surface of the water. On these stalks, when
laid flat and pressed somewhat closer together, reeds
and sedges are put, and mud piled, which sinks into
the mass of matted roots; long stakes are then driven
into the ground beneath to keep the whole in place.
Floating gardens are thus made which vary in size:
some (possibly by being afterwards added to) are of
considerable extent. On these islands are grown sweet
and water melons, cucumbers, vegetable marrows, and
gourds, in great quantities. One inconvenience attends
them, which is, that a man's neighbour will occasionally
remove the stakes and transport the whole island bodily,
in the course of a night, to a distant spot, rendering it
impossible for him to swear to his own property.

84

CHAPTER VI.

STARTING FOR LADAKH—SONAMURG—ASCENT OF THE ZOJI-LA PASS—DRAS
—NATIVE POLO PLAYING—NAMYIKA AND FOT-LA PASSES—LAMA YURU
—CHINESE ACCOUNT OF THE ORIGIN OF THE THIBETANS—THEIR RE-
LIGION—EXCLUSION OF EUROPEANS FROM CHINESE THIBET—VISIT TO
LAMA SERAI, OR MONASTERY AT LAMA YURU—DESCRIPTION OF A RE-
LIGIOUS SERVICE HEARD THERE—NATURE OF COUNTRY BETWEEN
LAMA YURU AND LEH.

ABOUT the 4th or 5th of September we left Srinagar
for Ladakh, starting in the evening, going in a boat as
far as Ganderbal, at the entrance of the Sind valley,
and the next morning riding on to Kangan. In this
valley there are some fine walnut-trees, and also very
large planes: these last are one of the trees most
commonly seen in Kashmir, and yet they are not in-
digenous, for we were told they do not ripen their seed,
but are always multiplied by cuttings; in fact, I believe
they are known to have been introduced by the Moghuls.
From Kangan it is three marches to Sonamurg, or the
"Golden Meadow," which lies at a height of 9000 feet
above the sea. Several valleys converge at this spot.
Some native huts are situated in a hollow or cup, which
may have anciently been the bed of a lake; and here
is also a small wooden church, and four or five wooden
houses, in the style of those at Gulmurg. A large glacier,
at the upper end of a narrow valley, faced the bungalow
in which we were. Pouring rain detained us there one

THE ZOJI-LA PASS.

85

day, but the following one we were able to march on to Baltal, before reaching which cultivation almost ceases. The scenery is, however, very grand, and the mountains on either side of the valley are clothed with dense pine forests: the lower slopes are used as grazing grounds, to which the sheep are taken in great numbers during the summer. At Baltal the Sind valley ends. There being no accommodation but a large log-hut used by natives, we pitched our tents almost at the foot of the Zoji-la Pass (11,500 feet), which leads into the Dras valley. Two streams here unite to form the Sind river: one comes down a lovely wooded ravine to the south; but we went northwards, and parallel with the stream, which rises beyond the top of the pass. The ascent is very steep and trying; during the winter and early spring it is only practicable by following up the gorge of the river, which at those periods is filled with snow to the depth of fifty feet. The view in ascending this pass becomes very striking after a certain distance. Behind is the richly wooded Sind valley; and in front, the sterile though grand mountains of Ladakh. After the steepest part of the ascent has been overcome, there is a difficult and steep descent, and a snow-bridge has to be crossed; after which a gradual ascent leads to the water-shed—whence an easy descent brought us down to Mataiyan, where we halted for the night, and the next day reached Dras. There the valley becomes wide and undulating, with good pasturage. There is a small fort, and the people began to have the Tartar type of features; though they said they were not Buddhists, but Hindus or Mohammedans.

At Dras we first saw the native game of polo played, which is said to have had its origin in Thibet. Music

86

CHARACTER OF THE KASHMIR GOVERNMENT.

is with them an indispensable accompaniment when they are playing: the instruments were drums, and a rude kind of clarionet. On the next march to Tashgam we still saw grass, but beyond that the vegetation becomes very scanty. During the whole of this march we followed the Dras river till it joins the Kargil river, which is again followed till Kargil itself is reached. This place is the headquarters of a district, and, like Dras, has a fort, garrisoned by about twenty soldiers. At Shergol, the next stopping place, we saw the first Buddhist monastery, and there also we first saw the men with pig-tails in the Chinese fashion. Just where the two races meet can be contrasted the great difference between the Kashmiri proper and the Thibetan, or Bôt. The former is invariably melancholy looking, as if he were living under a harsh and oppressive rule, and rarely or ever laughs or smiles; whereas the Bôt, though now living under the same government, is always merry and gay, and spends his spare time in laughing and joking with his associates.

Religion and race may both have something to do, perhaps, with this difference of temperament, but it must be remembered that the Mohammedans of Kashmir have been much longer under foreign rule, having been terribly ill-used by the Sikhs. Ladakh was only conquered by the father of the present ruler of Kashmir, and had up to that time been independent, and governed by its own rajahs. We must also take into account that the present Government treats the Bôts much more leniently than its Mussulman subjects: perhaps the country being thinly populated, and much of the land sterile and mountainous, it is impossible to make any heavy demands upon them.

COLOSSAL RELIEF OF BUDDHA.

37

I will illustrate the manner in which the people are ground down in Kashmir by the heads of villages or others invested with a little authority, and relate here an anecdote told us by a friend who was in that country a year or two before our visit. He wished to give new puggrees (or turbans) of a particular colour to the boat-people who were regularly in his employ, in order that he might recognise them at a distance. But these men all prayed him not to insist upon this, but if he was satisfied with them, give them a little money instead, as after he had left, the officials seeing them with any good new clothes would say, "Oh, the sahib has been very good to them, and no doubt has given them lots of presents," insist on obtaining from them all they could of their hard-earned summer wages on the strength of this, and thus squeeze them more than they would otherwise have done.

On the next march, about three miles beyond Shergol, we saw a colossal image of Buddha, in alto-rilievo, about twenty feet high, carved on a huge isolated rock; and shortly afterwards began to ascend the Namyika Pass (12,000 feet). The ascent is about five miles long, and a very gradual one. At Karbu there are the remains of a large fort, on an inaccessible-looking rock. The following day we had to cross the Fot-la Pass (about 14,500 feet). Lama Yuru, our next stopping-place, was about 2000 feet lower, and is just visible from the top of the pass. When we reached the summit, I observed a Bôt, who accompanied us, on reaching this point, look towards that place, place his hands together in the attitude of supplication, and apparently repeat a prayer.

At Lama Yuru the scenery is of the most rugged description; and, as a rule, the soil is very barren. Much

88

CHINESE ACCOUNT OF THE THIBETAN RACE.

of the land around it is a mass of lacustrine deposit, which sometimes rises to 15,000 feet above the sea level, which would seem to show that at one time a large inland sea had existed there, or probably large detached sheets of water, with the higher peaks projecting out of them.

We there first saw some of the walls called "Mānés," which are formed of stones placed one upon the other without any mortar, and are usually about four feet high, and four feet wide. Some of these walls are as much as a quarter of a mile in length, and are made, we were informed, with the following object: When a Buddhist undertakes a journey, or makes a vow, he chooses a flat stone, takes it to a monastery, and gets a lama (or monk) to engrave some rude characters upon it, which are said to be usually, "Om mani padme Om," which has been translated to mean, "All hail to the jewel in the flower of the lotus!" though some give other interpretations to these words. When his stone is thus prepared, the individual places it on the top of one of these walls, which on their upper surface are almost covered with such engraved stones. Thibetans, when passing these walls, always keep them on their right hand, and frequently go out of their direct road in order to do this.

Chinese historians say that the Thibetans are descendants of the aborigines of China, and are therefore one and the same race as those who still people the mountainous districts of Kweichow and Kwangse; and add, that some of these aborigines wandered westward and southward, and eventually settled in large numbers in Thibet, leading a nomadic life, and living on the produce of their flocks and herds. History does not say when they first had a supreme ruler; but it is stated

THE RISE OF BUDDHISM IN THIBET,

89

that, about A.D. 627-650, Lung-tsan, King of Thibet,
married a Chinese princess of the blood-royal. The
queen, accustomed to the luxuries of the Chinese Court,
did not relish the simplicity of her new home, and was
especially disgusted with the custom of painting the
face red, which prevailed there. The king built her a
palace, forbade the use of the disfiguring red paint, and
also introduced Chinese silks instead of the woollen
materials which, up to that period, had been worn by
all classes. The queen converted her lord to Buddhism,
and induced him to send to India for copies of the
Buddhist writings for the instruction of himself and his
subjects. His envoys brought back an alphabet, framed
on the Devanagari, which was adopted as the national
written character, instead of the Chinese form. The
king's nephew and successor also prayed to have a
Chinese wife sent him; and from that time Buddhism
of a certain kind took a firm hold in Thibet, though its
people did not enter into the subtle beliefs and ritual-
istic practices of Sakya Muni. Thus a species of Bud-
dhism sprang up, which was engrafted upon their
original wild magic worship.

Towards the middle of the fifteenth century a sect
of reformers arose amongst them, under a leader called
Tsungk'aba: these adopted a yellow cap, to distinguish
themselves from the older sect, who wear a red head-
dress. On the death of Tsungk'aba, in 1478, two of
his chief disciples agreed to divide the power, it having
been told them by their master that they should be born
again, generation after generation, Tsungk'aba promising
that his spirit should be always with them. These two
men took respectively the titles of Dalai Lama and the
Panshen Lama. The first Dalai Lama reigned as king

90

ELECTION OF A DALAI LAMA.

of Thibet, and occupied himself with political affairs; and the Panshen Lama would appear to have concerned himself only with spiritual matters.

The exclusion of Europeans from Chinese Thibet dates from the early part of the present century. In 1792 the cupidity of the Gorkha Rajah of Nepaul was aroused by the stories which were related to him by a refugee Thibetan monk respecting the great treasures contained in the Panshen Lama's palace at Tashilumbo. He at once sent an army into the field, and marched to Thibet, at the head of 18,000 men. The palace at Tashilumbo fell a prey to the invaders; but the then Panshen Lama (an infant) was carried to Lhassa for safety, and an appeal for help sent to the Chinese Government. That country, always ready to tighten its hold upon Thibet, sent an army, and, after some hard fighting, the Gorkhas were driven back into Nepaul, and gladly accepted humiliating terms of peace in order to save their own capital. After the conclusion of this campaign, the Dalai Lama wrote to Lord Cornwallis, the then Governor and Commander-in-Chief in India, to tell him of the defeat of the Gorkhas, and warn him against giving them any support should they attempt aggressive measures in future. The Chinese Government at that time had taken up the idea that the British Government had aided and abetted the Gorkhas in their invasion; and the authorities at Pekin, therefore, decided to stop all intercommunication with India, and for this purpose closed all the Himalayan passes leading thither; and this order is still in force.

The Dalai Lama is assisted by four ministers, nominated by and under the control of two Chinese officials called Ambas, who thus are, in reality, the real rulers in Chinese Thibet. In the 'Journal of the Royal Asiatic

MONASTERY AT LAMA YURU.

91

Society,' vol. iv., part 1, there is a description of the ceremonies which took place in 1841, on the election of a Dalai Lama. On that occasion the candidates for this office were four in number. They are commonly, if not invariably, infants under the age of two years, at whose birth miraculous signs have appeared. These four children were all taken to the Sangha monastery, near Lhassa, and on a fixed day the Chinese Ambas, the Chancellor, and the superior orders of clergy, all went thither to put these infants to the proof. The image of Buddha, and various other articles which had belonged to the late Dalai Lama, were placed before them, together with exact duplicates of them. All the children at once picked out the ones which had been the property of the late Dalai Lama, thus proving their pretensions to miraculous powers. The name of each child was then written on a slip of paper, and placed in a golden urn before the effigy of the Emperor Kien-lung, who finally subdued Thibet in 1746, and still posthumously receives homage as sovereign of the country. The senior Amba then inserted his hand into the urn, drew out one of the slips of paper, opened it, and read out the name of the successful candidate. The new Dalai Lama was afterwards enthroned by virtue of an imperial mandate. Money and other gifts, to the value of more than £3000, were sent to him from China. The chief Amba read out the imperial mandate, to which the newly-made Dalai Lama listened on his knees, and made three genuflections and nine prostrations in the direction of the imperial abode. The father of the fortunate infant, who was a scavenger, was raised to the rank of a noble.

When at Lama Yuru we visited its monastery, which, like all such buildings, is situated at some height above

92

INTERIOR OF BUDDHIST MONASTERY.

the village. This one, we were told, was the third in
importance and size in all Ladakh. It consisted of vari-
ous buildings on different levels or platforms, some con-
taining grain, &c.; one had within it three very highly
decorated *dungtens*, or tombs of a peculiar form. We
were told that those particular ones contained the ashes
and relics of defunct lamas of high degree. These
tomb-like buildings are called both *chodtens* or *dungtens*,
the former being dedicated simply as an offering to the
deity, and the latter word signifying bone or relic re-
ceptacle. Within this monastery was also a *chaitya*, or
place of worship, about 30 feet square, supported on
wooden pillars. Along the wall facing the entrance
there were three or four tiers of shelves, on the lowest
of which was a seated figure of Buddha; on either side
of him were smaller statues, representing, as they told
us, his prime minister, physician, &c.; and the upper
shelves were crowded with old and discarded statues of
the same personages, arranged in the same order. There
were small lamps burning in front of the favourite
Buddha; and offerings of grain, rice, and flowers had
also been deposited there. Against both the lateral
walls were wooden shelves, on which were laid an enor-
mous number of manuscripts in the Thibetan language.

We were fortunate enough to arrive there at the hour
of one of their services, which I believe take place at 9
A.M. and 3 P.M. It was conducted in the following
manner by six or eight lamas, who are all seated on
the ground. Three or four of these recite together some
prayers out of a book in a sing-song sort of chant, in-
clining their bodies backwards and forwards all the time;
as many more monks, perhaps, place themselves at a
short distance from these, with singular-looking musical

PRAYING WHEELS.

93

instruments before them, comprising four brass tubes, widening out in their whole length something like a clarionet (two of these instruments were at least six feet in length, the other two each about a yard long); a fifth man struck at intervals a sort of gong, which was suspended from a pole placed on a stand. When the reading party were exhausted, the musicians set up the most unearthly din. Their praying wheels are not the least curious part of their worship: every man on entering or leaving a monastery gives the wheel a twirl. It is usually placed in a niche near the entrance doorway, but woe be to him who turns it the wrong way! These wheels are cylinders of wood or copper, having round them a roll of paper or parchment on which a prayer is inscribed; each time this is turned round is considered equivalent to repeating a prayer. Most of them are turned by hand, but in some places the larger ones, we were told, are turned by water. There are also small prayer wheels which can be carried in the hand, and used at home or on a journey: one of these last is in my possession.

Women, as well as men, can be lamas: all are such from their infancy,—the eldest, or even more sons (if no son, their daughter or daughters), being dedicated to the monastic life. They always wear a distinctive dress. Those we saw wore a long loose robe of a dark red colour, confined by a sash at the waist, shaved their heads, and had a yellow cap of a peculiar form. The number of lamas is consequently considerable, but, of course, only a certain number can reside in a monastery at one time, and the rest live with their families till they are wanted, employing themselves in the cultivation of the ground, and in other ways.

94

LADAKH NOW ALMOST RAINLESS.

Lama Yuru is four marches distant from Leh, the capital. Before reaching the valley of the Indus, our road led us for some miles through a very narrow and rocky ravine with high precipices on either side. At the termination of this gorge the Indus valley comes in sight, and that river is crossed near the fort at Kulsi. It is not very wide at this point, but is very rapid and apparently deep, as a large body of water rushes by. There are orchards of pear, apple, and apricot trees near Kulsi, and a good deal of cultivation exists for a couple of miles beyond that place. Several villages are passed along this part of the route; these lie for the most part at a high level above the river, being placed on spots where the land can be irrigated by side streams coming down from the great snowy Kailas range, which divides the Indus and the Shayok valleys. Each such spot of fertility reminded us of an oasis in the Sahara which we had visited some years previously, though with this difference—both countries being rainless—that in the African desert cultivation, only possible, of course, by means of irrigation, is *there* limited by the amount of water, whilst in Thibet it is restricted by the quantity of flat land available for the purpose.

At each of the next stopping-places there is an oasis of cultivation. Near Snimo, about twenty miles from Leh, we passed some extraordinary mud-pillars, some of which must have been more than fifty feet high, each having a large stone on the top. These mud-pillars look as if the least push would topple them over. The origin of them is supposed to be, that the whole valley having been originally filled up with clay, these large stones happening to be on the surface, the clay beneath them was thus protected from the rain, which in course

NOT ALWAYS SO.

95

of ages washed away all the surrounding parts, so that
the pillars remained. These singular columns would
appear to indicate that at some very remote period the
climate of Ladakh was totally different to what it is at
present. Beyond Shimo the valley becomes from six to
eight miles in width, and there are villages and fields
near the river; but between the cultivated ground and
the foot of the hills is a waste of sand, gravel, and
large boulders.

96

CHAPTER VII.

LEH, THE DRESS OF THE INHABITANTS—FESTIVAL OF THE DASERA—REVIEW
OF TROOPS—NATIVE DANCES—LAMA RELIGIOUS DANCES—VISIT TO THE
RANEES—HOW TEA IS MADE IN THIBET—FUNERAL RITES—BUDDHA AND
HIS EARLY HISTORY—RETURN TO SRINAGAR—DÉTOUR TO THE TEMPLES
AT WANGAT IN THE SIND VALLEY—TEMPLE AT PANDRETHAN, NEAR
SRINAGAR—LEAVE KASHMIR BY BANIHAL PASS—SIALKOTE—PROCLAMA-
TION CEREMONIES AT DELHI.

ABOUT 25th September we reached Leh. The road on
the last march keeps close to the river, till when within
four miles of it Leh is seen on the left hand, situated
on a plain of some extent between two ranges of hills,
and backed up by the snowy peaks of the Kardung
pass, which is 18,000 feet above the sea, and begins
to rise almost immediately behind the city. On the
furthermost of the two lateral lower ranges which bound
the city of Leh on either side is placed the lama serai
(or monastery), and below that again is seen the old
palace belonging to the rajah: this building is large, and
has an imposing appearance from a distance. Its owner,
together with other small rajahs of the upper valley of
the Indus, was deprived of his sovereign rights by
Goolab Singh, the father of the present ruler of Kashmir.
They all still bear the title of rajah, and a considerable
amount of respect is shown them by the people. The
present owner of the palace at Leh was a boy of twelve,

NATIVE BAZAAR AT LEH.

97

who possesses a certain quantity of land at Stok, a village on the other side of the valley about ten miles distant. He spends the greater part of the year there with his mother and another of his father's widows. We rode through the bazaar at Leh—this is walled round, and can be closed at either extremity by large gates—and going on about half a mile further, we came upon an enclosed open space overlooking the town and the plain beyond. Inside these walls there was ample ground for pitching tents; and there was also a small building containing four distinct sets of rooms, each giving sufficient accommodation for a married couple.

It was a daily amusement to go down to the bazaar and see the natives of Yarkund, Turkestán, and Iskardo, as well as those of the country itself, all in their peculiar and distinctive costumes. The men of Ladakh wear the choga, a kind of dressing-gown with wide sleeves, confined round the waist by a wide sash; their robe is woven from white sheep's wool. Some wear a cap of brown wool, made somewhat in the form of a pudding-basin; others have as their head-gear a long bag made of black sheep's wool,—part of it covers the head, the rest hangs down behind, and is moved from side to side at the pleasure of the wearer when the sun incommodes him.

All the men wear the pig-tail, which with some attains a respectable size, though in most cases this is formed of only a small wisp of hair tightly plaited. The women wear the same shaped dress as the men, but theirs is invariably made of cloth woven from the wool of the black sheep. Over their shoulders, both in summer and winter, the women hang a sheepskin, with the wool inside, and tied together on the chest by a string. Those

G

98

THE WOMEN'S DRESS.

who are better off dress precisely in the same manner,
only in their case the outside of the sheepskin is covered
with pieces of red and green cloth arranged in a symmet-
rical pattern. The women plait their hair in seven or
more small tails, with which is mixed false hair of black
wool to lengthen the plaits. All the tails of hair are
united some way below the waist, and there tied to-
gether, a large tassel of black wool forming a finish at
the bottom. An ornament called a *parak*, made of
leather, or sometimes covered with silk, and in shape
somewhat resembling a cobra, is fastened to the parting
of the hair in the centre of the forehead, and gradually
increases in width till it reaches down to the waist be-
hind. On this head-dress are sown numbers of large
rough turquoises and quaint cornelian brooches, with
characters engraved upon them. In the case of rich
ladies, like the rajah's mother, these brooches are of gold,
set with fine pearls and well-cut turquoises. Amongst
the men, also, the more wealthy wear a brooch of this
kind on the pig-tail at the nape of the neck; the poorer
ones entirely dispense with this ornament. In Thibet
no woman is supposed to marry until she is provided
with a *parak*, it being considered absolutely indispens-
able to a lady's dower. One thing struck me very much
in regard to the people of Ladak, and I should much
like to know if other travellers have observed the same
—viz., that the men seem to have invariably a Tartar-
Chinese cast of features, and that I only saw one woman
(a lama) of a similar type; the women generally all
having long oval faces, straight and longish noses, and
large, dark, straight, almond-shaped eyes.

In Leh, lying as it does at a height of 11,500 feet
above the sea, the cold is very severe during the winter

FESTIVAL OF THE DASERA.

99

months, therefore the women all protect their ears with small flaps of fur, the furry side being placed next the skin, and kept in position by being tied round the head beneath the plaits of hair. In the case of the ranees, these flaps were of the finest sable, and their value about £5 sterling, I was told. The Hindú festival of the Dasera happened to fall whilst we were at Leh, and in consequence we were able to witness some purely national scenes and sports, which only take place at such times.

The Dasera is supposed to relate to the autumnal equinox. On the last day of the feast, the image of Durga (the wife of Shiva) is thrown into the water, in memory of her victory over the buffalo-headed demon Mahashasur, after having been worshipped for nine days, and the Hindús decorated their houses with flowers. We did not see any part of the religious observances, but in the afternoon Mr Johnson, the Maharajah's representative in Ladakh, sent to invite us to go down with him to an open space, and there witness a review of the troops. Some of the army were styled *irregulars*, and were certainly very much so. The so-called *regulars* had very little in common with each other except their caps, which were all of one pattern. There was also a small battery of artillery, consisting of six or eight guns, and the gunners showed more precision in firing than one could have expected from seeing them. The officer who acted as commander-in-chief was resplendent with gold-lace and a coat of a spinach-green colour. After certain evolutions had been performed, and so many rounds fired, all the troops passed in single file before the place where Mr Johnson and ourselves were seated. The little rajah headed the procession; each man in his turn offered

100

RELIGIOUS DANCES BY THE LAMAS.

us, in the hollow of his two hands, a sum of money in the current coin. This is called offering the "Nuzzur," and, we were told, ought to amount to as much as the daily income or pay of each man. We all had simply to touch each man's offering, and then remit it; but had the Maharajah himself been there, it must have been laid down in a heap before him, and he would have appropriated the money.

This ceremony over, we all adjourned to the bazaar, where from the balcony of a house we could look down upon the natives playing the game of polo. It was played somewhat differently to our English mode, and we could not rightly understand it: the most curious part was to see the man who began a game take the ball in his left hand and the stick in his right, then, arrived at the middle of the course, and the horse galloping at its utmost speed, the player would throw the ball up in the air, and hit it as it descended. After this came *nautching*, or native dancing, which there was executed by men and women together. When we had thrown down small coins for a general scramble, we moved on to a large house standing by itself in an enclosed courtyard, and from an upper room we witnessed what was to us the most singular part of the whole entertainment — viz., three or four different lama religious dances, which were executed by them before us. The dresses were varied in all of them, and we wished much to have ascertained their respective meanings, but were unable to obtain any explanation. The lamas were all dressed up in the most magnificent Chinese stuffs, embroidered with silks of various colours: each wore a sort of *papier-maché* mask, with grotesque features of a gigantic size. Some of these masks were ornamented

VISIT TO THE RANEES.

101

on the top with fruits or flowers modelled four times the natural size. I have called these *masks*, but they were not so, properly speaking, as they covered the whole head of the actor. In one of these dances two men were dressed up to represent a Chinese mandarin and his wife; and in another, the two last figures which came on the scene had masks representing very ferocious-looking dogs. The whole dance consisted of a slow undulating movement performed in a large circle. Then came sword-dances, and mock fights between two combatants, which ended the day's performance.

The day after the Dasera, Mrs Johnson wrote to ask us to go down to her house to see the three ranees, who had come to visit her. These ladies were two of them widows of the Rajah of Stok, the younger one being the mother of the younger rajah already alluded to, and the third was the wife of a rajah of another district. All three were dressed in the national costume, as was also the widow of the former treasurer, which office is hereditary; and the holder of it being a lad about the age of the little rajah, a deputy acts for him, but the boy went daily to the office to learn the business. The rajah's wife was by far the best-looking woman we saw in Thibet, and, indeed, would have been thought pretty in any country. All three ranees sat down near us on cushions placed on the ground; the little rajah was also seated on one at his mother's feet. These ladies laughed and joked with their male and female attendants in a manner not usual with royal personages; but, at the same time, a considerable amount of state was kept up, and much respect shown to them—as, for instance, when any of their female attendants had to pass near them, they rolled their petticoats tightly round them, lest these

102

THIBETAN METHOD OF MAKING TEA.

should by accident touch the ranee's dress. Also, when the little treasurer's mother, who was standing behind them, was called upon to exhibit her jewels to us, she showed much hesitation in coming forward, which arose from the circumstance that it was not etiquette for her to pass in front of the young rajah. His mother, however, seeing her difficulty, cut the gordian knot, by making her son rise, on which she shoved him outside a window which opened down to the ground on to a small enclosed court; and the little fellow appeared again, a few minutes later, through another door with his hands full of sweeties, which he had bagged in passing through the kitchen !

The Thibetans are all passionately fond of tea, which comes to them from China, in the form called *brick* tea, and their method of preparing it is so singular that the process merits a description. It is as follows: A tea-cupful of tea is put into three pints of water, a large spoonful of carbonate of soda is strewn over it, and the whole is boiled. A milling-churn is then taken, such as is used for making chocolate in Spain and in the south of France; a pound of fresh butter and some salt are placed in this, a part of the boiling contents poured upon these, and milled like chocolate; some cream or milk is then added to what is left in the saucepan, the milled tea is poured on this and boiled again, once more put into the churn, and so on till all is properly milled. It is then strained through a cloth, and when well made resembles chocolate in colour. This quantity would suffice for five or six persons. An Englishman who had often tried it on his march to Yarkund, told me that it was far from being unpalatable, and that he found it most refreshing and nourishing after a long and cold march.

USE OF DOGS IN THEIR FUNERAL RITES.

103

The Abbé Hue, in his work written some years ago, states that the Thibetans use dogs in their funeral rites. He speaks of the great number of gaunt and famishing dogs he saw wandering about, and adds that four different modes of disposing of their dead are practised by them: 1stly, burning; 2dly, immersion in rivers or lakes; 3dly, exposure on the top of a mountain; 4thly, they cut the corpse into small pieces, giving these to be eaten by dogs. The ownerless wandering dogs devour the poorer classes, whilst the rich are eaten by the more distinguished animals, which are kept in all the *lama serais* for that purpose. Ancient authors say that burial inside dogs was esteemed by Scythians and others. We ourselves saw some most fierce-looking dogs in the monastery at Lama Yuru, and the lamas with much difficulty prevented them from attacking us. They were a very large and powerful breed. We were informed that their masters can very rarely trust them, as they seldom become attached to man, which would seem to bear out in some degree the Abbé Hue's statement. In cases where a body is burned, after cremation water is poured on the ashes, out of which a figure or medallion is made, which is first worshipped and then thrown into a sacred river, and a *chodten*, or *dungten*, erected on the spot where the body was burned.

Buddhism, in its commencement, partook much more of a social than of a religious character. Its founder, Sakya Muni, the last and only historical Buddha, was the son of Suddhodana, Rajah of Kapila, and his wife Maya. Kapila was a petty principality near the modern Gorakpore. Sakya Muni first began by undermining the Brahminical system of caste, and renouncing the

104 BUDDHISM FIRST RECOGNISED IN CHINA.

splendours of his royal position, he travelled about as a
beggar. He did not shrink from contact with any one,
and, unlike the Brahmins, did not require his followers
to undergo severe penances, or excommunicate those
who had sinned, but simply required a public confession
of sin and a promise of future amendment. Buddha
(or the Enlightened, as he afterwards called himself)
was by birth of the Kshatriya or warrior caste. He
derived the name of Sakya from his family, and that of
Gautama from his clan. The rapid rise of Buddhism
excited much opposition from the followers of Confucius
and Lao-tse. The latter declared that Sakya Muni, or
rather Sakya Buddha, was but an incarnation of their
own master, who had died soon after the date of
Buddha's birth. This was resented by the Buddhists,
who, in consequence, put back the date of their founder's
birth to 687 B.C., and afterwards fixed still earlier
periods as the date of that event.

It was not till 65 A.D. that Buddhism was officially
recognised in China as a third state religion, side by side
with the doctrines of Confucius and Lao-tse. After
taking leave of his father (his mother had died shortly
after his birth), Sakya Muni first went to Vaisali and
put himself under a famous Brahmin who had 300
disciples. Having heard all that this man could teach
him, Sakya Muni went away disappointed; he had not
found the true way of salvation. He then tried another
Brahmin teacher, but with no better success—left him,
taking five of his disciples with him. Together with
these, he retired into solitude, where they all remained
six years. At the end of that time he was still dis-
satisfied, and believed he had not yet found the right
way. On this the five disciples left him. After some

ADVENTURE ON RETURN JOURNEY.

105

time had elapsed, he felt he had attained true wisdom,
gave himself the name of Buddha, and thus became the
founder of a religion which, after the lapse of 2400 years,
is still professed by a very large part of the population
of Asia. Buddha then proceeded to Benares, where his
first converts are said to have been the five disciples
who before deserted him.

The Buddhists are bound by their rule not to eat
after mid-day, except when sick or travelling. At one
time the Buddhist religion was persecuted in China.
In A.D. 423, in the reign of Shaou-ti, the second emperor
of the Sung dynasty, it was made a capital crime to
make idols of earth or of brass, or to worship foreign
divinities. In A.D. 451 there was a relaxation of this
severe rule: one Buddhist temple was allowed in each
city, and forty or fifty of its inhabitants were allowed
to become priests; but in A.D. 458, after the discovery
of a conspiracy, headed by a Buddhist priest, stringent
rules were again enforced, one of which was, that no
nuns were to be permitted to enter the royal palace or
to converse with the emperor's wives.

Having started for Ladakh so late in the season, we
were unable to remain at Leh as long as we could have
wished; so, after little more than ten days' stay, we
started on our return journey, and met with no ad-
ventures worth recording, till, on reaching Sonamurg
again, after a double march of twenty-eight miles, which
also included the crossing the Zoji-la Pass, we found
ourselves at 8 P.M. at Sonamurg without provisions,
nor were any to be obtained. Our beds, too, had not
turned up, so at about 11 P.M. we were just resign-
ing ourselves to lying on the floor, wrapped up in the
folds of a tent, when we heard cries below us: this was

106

ANCIENT TEMPLES AT WANGAT.

our baggage arriving. We had then something to lie upon, though it was out of the question to have food prepared at that hour.

On the way down to Srinagar we stopped a couple of nights at Kangan, in order to visit the old temples at Wangat, about twelve miles off, up a valley on the right bank of the Sind river. We rode there and back in the day, which did not allow us as much time as we could have wished to spend on the examination of the ruins. They are situated about three miles beyond the village of Wangat, which lies on the right bank of the river Kanknai, a tributary of the Sind. The temples consist of two groups of buildings of various sizes, all more or less in a ruined condition. In the first group are six temples enclosed by a wall with a gateway. There do not appear to have been colonnaded courts as in the former examples I have cited, nor do the temples seem to have been symmetrically arranged. One of the largest of this group is 32 feet by 30 in outside measurement; the smaller ones are 10 or 12 feet square. The date of the erection of these temples has never yet been fixed with any certainty, though they appear to be of a later period than the other principal temples in Kashmir. On returning to Srinagar we also visited a small temple at Pandrethan, an hour's walk up the river: it can be approached in an hour and a half by boat, when a few minutes' walk takes the traveller to the spot. This temple is supposed to have belonged to the *Nagas*, or snake-worshippers, and now stands, as it has always done, in the middle of a tank; but owing probably to the decay of a causeway or bridge, it can now only be approached by swimming, or in a boat. The roof of this building is of stone, and in an almost perfect state, the apex of its double pyramidal roof being only wanting.

SAACRED FISH AT VERNAG.

107

We did not finally leave Srinagar till the middle of
November. My husband and J. employed this inter-
val in going to the Lolab valley, and also to Nagmurg,
a mountain situated beyond and overlooking the Woolar
lake. As the weather was by this time becoming too
cold for tent life, I did not accompany them on this ex-
pedition, but remained in Srinagar during their absence.
Nearly all the visitors having left the country, I could at
times almost realise what would be the feelings of the
oft-quoted New Zealander, though till the last day or so
of our stay there were still one or two European strag-
glers left in the place. Intending to leave Kashmir by
the Bannihal Pass, we all embarked, on 15th November,
for Islamabad, and marched on from thence to Vernag,
where we remained a few days that the gentlemen might
have some bear shooting. At Vernag, and also in other
parts of the Kashmir valley, we found mistletoe, identi-
cal with our English species, growing on the walnut-
trees, the fruit of which is an important article in the
food of the people, who also express oil from the nuts.
At Vernag there is a rest-house, which we found very
cold at that season, as it is built more in the style of a
summer-house, having open staircases and corridors.
Close to the bungalow there is a tank about 18 feet
deep, whence rises a very large spring of clear bluish-
looking water: this tank was literally swarming with
fish, which are so tame as almost to eat out of the hand.
This spring is said to be one of the sources of the river
Jelum; the fish are considered sacred, the natives con-
sequently will not eat them. On my asking if they were
good eating, a Hindú pundit replied no, they were poi-
sonous, though, as far as the eye could see, they were
identical with some we had constantly eaten out of that

108

THE BANNIHAL PASS.

river. The day we left Vernag we crossed the Bannihal Pass (9000 feet). It is ordinarily an easy pass to go over, but at that time it was difficult, for, owing to the lateness of the season, snow had fallen, then melted, and again become frozen, which rendered it almost impossible for our horses to keep their footing up the steepest parts of the ascent,—so much so, that the one I rode that day, being the stoutest animal of the three, was the only one that could manage at all with a rider on its back, my husband and J. being forced to get off and walk. The summit of the pass is carpeted with short green sward, and there is a small lake near the top. After this seven more marches brought us to Jamu, the winter capital of the Maharajah, and the place where he mostly resides. We had a special permission to take this route, which without this is not open to European travellers, and therefore is not kept in such good repair as the others: coolies, and provisions also, are not abundant.

Jamu is a town of considerable size overlooking the river Toui, a tributary of the Chenab: this city is situated on the first range of low hills which rise from the plains of the Punjaub. It is about 25 miles from Sialkote, and 14 from the English frontier. After remaining a couple of days at Jamu, and seeing its bazaars and the Maharajah's palace, we rode down to Sialkote, making one halt by the way. This place is situated nearer to the Himalayas than most other European stations; from one part of it we obtained a fine view of the snowy ranges of Kashmir. It is much liked, too, for the reason that its climate is very superior to that of most places in India. At a village about six miles from Sialkote are made various articles of steel, inlaid with gold. The pattern intended to be worked out is first engraved by hand on the steel

FORM OF assertion of supremacy in india. 109

with a fine-pointed tool. The gold being beaten out to
a very thin wire, is laid into the design so engraved,
and the surface scraped level. The article is rubbed and
polished with a smooth stone, and is afterwards subjected
to a moderate heat, till the steel acquires a blue colour.
The same kind of work is also made at Goojerat, in the
Punjaub; but that manufactured near Sialkote is much
more highly finished. Such things as armour, complete
suits of chain-mail, inkstands, pen-trays, candlesticks,
brooches, and ear-rings, &c., are made in this style.
Sialkote is distant barely 30 miles from the railway at
Wazirabad.

On once more reaching English territory, we found
the principal subject in the newspapers and in every
one's thoughts was the assemblage about to be held at
Delhi, and that a very large proportion of the native
princes were intending to be present at the proclama-
tion of her Majesty the Queen as Empress of India. This
ceremony was practically a return to the usage of an-
cient times, when the rulers of Hindostan asserted their
supremacy in a peculiar manner, and held similar gather-
ings which the feudatory rajahs were expected to at-
tend. A horse played an important part in this cere-
monial, of which there are very few recorded instances.

A horse was sent round to all the rajahs of India by
the prince who claimed universal sovereignty, as a chal-
lenge to any one who disputed his right, and afterwards
sacrificed. This sacrifice was consequently equivalent to
claiming sovereignty over the whole of India. I have
a fine gold coin in my possession, belonging to the
Gupta series, which has on one side a very spirited horse
standing near a fire altar; and on the other, a female
figure holding a chашу̑r, or fan, to keep the flies from

110

THE PROCLAMATION AT DELHI.

the animal. This sacrifice was performed by Rama,
the hero of the Ramayana, or earliest epic poem in San-
scrit; and the Pandoor brothers also demanded the right
of performing it. The unwillingness to allow this latter
claim led to the great war which formed the subject
of the Mahabarata, the other great Hindu poem. These
two poems occupy to this day much the same position
in India as did the ' Iliad' and the 'Odyssey' in ancient
Greece.

We were detained in Lahore nearly a fortnight, wait-
ing for our heavy luggage from Sialkote, which, in the
end, did not arrive in time for us to reach Delhi to see
the Viceroy's entrance as we had intended, so we spent
Christmas-day at Lahore, and went on the day after.
All the newspapers at that time were full of accounts
and representations of the great spectacle, so it is useless
here to enlarge upon it, except in so far as personal impres-
sions are concerned respecting the general *comp-d'ail*.

Our destination in Delhi was the Punjaub civil
camp, where a tent had been promised us. J. left us
at this time to join his father, who, with his regiment,
was encamped about six miles from us. Our camp was
placed just outside the Kashmir gate, and consisted of
upwards of 30 tents, a very large mess-tent being at the
upper end. The mess-tent was of an enormous size; it
had been lent for the purpose by some rajah. From 120
to 150 persons used to sit down to dinner in it; and as
nearly every one had his own servant, and besides these
there were attendants belonging to the camp, some idea
may be formed of its size.

On the great day — 1st January 1877 — every one
flocked to the vast domed daïs which had been erected
about three miles from the city of Delhi. A large
turfed oval space surrounded this, and on either side of

MARCH PAST OF THE TROOPS.

111

the daïs semicircular stagings had been put up, fitted
with rows of raised seats arranged in blocks, each block
being duly numbered with a letter. One of these semi-
circles was appropriated to the native princes and their
suites, and the other was set apart for the European
visitors, where we took our places in virtue of the
tickets with which we had been provided. During the
ceremony we were too far off to get more than a general
view of the whole pageant, but the sight was a most
striking one, from the gay assortment of colours, the
flashing of the jewels worn by the Eastern princes, and
the dazzling effect of the emblazoned and richly em-
roidered banners which floated behind the chair of
each. As soon as the Proclamation had been read, we
all descended to the open space below, and there saw
all these splendours more closely. The little Nizam of
Hyderabad in the Dekhan, the young Gaekwar of Baroda,
and other notabilities, were pointed out to us.

The same day, as soon as it was dusk, we went out
to see the fireworks and illuminations. The principal
bazaar, called the Chandni Chowk, was one running
blaze of little oil-lamps; the fireworks were set off from
a staging placed in front of the Jumma Musjid, or large
mosque. We were fortunate enough to find seats in a
small balcony high up in the façade of this building,
and though we had seen finer displays of the same kind
in Europe, these were very good; and it was amusing
to watch the purely childlike enjoyment of the whole
scene by the lower class of natives, who crowded every
available spot below us.

On 3d January the whole business was concluded by
a grand march past of all the troops. First and fore-
most came the elephants and mounted attendants of all
the native princes, the elephants having trappings of

112

ELEPHANTS MAKING OBEISANCE.

cloth-of-gold reaching down to the ground on either side; upon their backs were placed *howlahs* of gold or of silver; and each chief's retinue made obeisance as they passed in front of the Viceroy, the most splendid train being that of the Gaekwar of Baroda, whose silver guns were drawn by milk-white oxen with magnificent trappings. The dresses of all the mounted guards of the different princes would be a perfect study—the Maharajah of Duttia's people, for instance, wore helmets and suits of armour made of chain-mail. Some of the elephants had been trained to make obeisance, which they performed when arrived opposite to the Viceroy, by facing round, putting up their trunks, and making a peculiar noise. Some of the horses too, performed likewise, stopping in one spot, raising the two fore-legs, and dancing up and down for a minute or so, like a child's rocking-horse. When these had all gone by, came the turn of the European troops, who went past—horse-artillery, artillery, and infantry regiments, as well as both the native cavalry and infantry in the Queen's service—at slow march, quick march, gallop, or run.

All things must come to an end—this was the finale. After this all the multitude who had been brought together began to disperse north, south, east, and west, we ourselves amongst the number, our destination being Benares, where we stayed nearly ten days, and, of course, saw its temples, &c.; but being myself very unwell at the time with an attack of influenza, which complaint was very prevalent at Delhi, I saw everything almost as in a dream. As we spent some time there a few months later, when I could carefully go over the ground again, I shall reserve my impressions of it till after our second visit.

113

CHAPTER VIII.

BELGAUM—SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF THE DEKHAN, AND RISE OF THE MAHRATTA EMPIRE—SEVAMI, HIS BOLD INCURSIONS—COUNTRY ROUND BELGAUM—ITS CLIMATE—OLD JAINA TEMPLES IN FORT—'IDGAH AT KURAR—OLD FORT AT SATTARA—BUDDHIST CAVE TEMPLES AT CARLEE.

FROM Benares we went to Bombay, and then by steamer down the coast to Vingorla, whence a two days' journey in a small carriage brought us to Belgaum, which is almost the most south-westerly point of the Dekhan.

In the reign of Mahommed Toghlak, the empire of Delhi extended from the Himalayas of Assam on the east to the Indus on the west; towards the south it may be said to have comprehended the whole peninsula, with the exception of a long narrow tract along the western coast and the extreme south. Owing to the misgovern- ment of this sovereign, two of the rajahs of the Dekhan revolted, and the territories of Telingana and Carnata again came under Hindú rule. The former of these pro- vinces comprised what is now known as the Coromandel coast, and the latter included what is now styled the Carnatic, and also the district for some distance inland.

The Mussulman frontier was still further altered by these princes bringing also other parts into dependence upon them, thus forming several states, which were soon powerful enough to contend with their Mohammedan neighbours. This re-conquest took place about A.D.

H

114

THE KINGDOMS OF THE DEKHAN.

1344, and was succeeded in 1347 by the grand rebel-
lion in the Dekhan, whereby the power of Delhi was
driven beyond the Nerbudda. Some time elapsed before
a further dismemberment took place; Guzerat, Malwa,
and Jounpore freed themselves during the minority of
Mahmoud (the last king of the Toghlak dynasty).

In 1398, on Tamerlane's invasion, the remaining provinces threw off the yoke, and nothing remained to Delhi but a few miles of country round the capital. In 1347 A'lá ud-din Hasan Shah, a Brahmin's servant at Mahommed Toghlak's court, had headed a successful revolt against that ruler, and founded the kingdom of the Dekhan, which throne was occupied by his descendants for several generations during a space of 178 years. This is known as the Bahmani dynasty, and had for its allies the rajahs of Bijyanagar and Warangol. Their struggle with the Mohammedans was a long one, though these last were the conquerors in the end. The Hindús, immediately before their fall, had gained territory in Orissa, and also extended their conquests as far as Masulipatam on the east, and to Goa on the west.

The curious part of these early wars seems to be, that
men of both faiths entered freely into each other's ser-
vice: the King of Malwa's army, during his invasion of
the Bahmani territories, is said to have consisted of
Afghans and Rajputs; whilst the Hindú Rajah of Bij-
yanagar had Mohammedans serving under his standard,
and built a mosque especially for them. His state long
maintained its position amongst the powers of the De-
khan.

The Bahmani possessions were split up to a certain
extent about the year 1437, when Yúsuf Adil retired
to his government of Bijapur, subsequently took the

EXTENT OF THE MAHRATTA COUNTRY.

115

title of king, and became the founder of the dynasty of Adil Shah. Yúsuf Adil was a son of the Ottoman sultan. On the accession of his brother Mahomet II. to the throne of Constantinople, he alone escaped being put to death with the remainder of his brothers, his mother secretly conveying him to Persia whilst yet an infant. At the age of sixteen he was obliged to fly from thence on account of some suspicion of his birth,—was then induced to go to the Bahmani court, and there sold as a slave.

In 1565 the Mohammedans formed a league against Ram Rajah; a great battle was fought on the Kashna, near Talicot; after a fierce conflict the Hindús were defeated, and the monarchy of Bijyanagar was at an end, though, owing to the jealous spirit which prevailed amongst the victors, their territories were not much extended, and a great deal fell into the hands of certain petty princes. The Mohammedans had still not recovered a great deal of what had been possessed by them in the time of Mahommed Toghlak, but this was all that they re-acquired up to the time of Aurungzebe.

That part of the Dekhan in which Belgaum is situated is inhabited by a Mahratta people, who occupy a large tract of country reaching from the southern watershed of the Nerbudda on the north to a little below Belgaum on the south, its western boundary being the Indian Ocean, and its eastern limit extending inland about 300 miles from the coast,—its extreme length from north to south being about 350 miles. Its great feature is the line of Ghâts, which vary in height from 3000 to 5000 feet, and run along its western side at a distance of thirty or forty miles from the sea. Native legends say that the sea once washed the foot of these Ghâts, and

116

SEVAJI.

that the Concan was rescued by a miracle of one of their
gods.

The Mahrattas are hardly mentioned by Mussulman
writers till the beginning of the seventeenth century.
They differ essentially from the Rajputs in character as
well as in appearance, being small sturdy men, well
made, though not handsome. They are wanting in the
dignity of manner and the pride which the Rajputs pos-
sess, and think any means justifiable by which they can
accomplish their ends; whereas a Rajput warrior, as
long as he does nothing to dishonour his race, is almost
indifferent to the result of his arms.

Sevaji, the founder of the Mahratta empire, could lay
claim to Rajput blood on his mother's side. His paternal
grandfather, named Maloji, was an officer in the service
of Malik Amber, a relation of the Rajah of Orissa. On
one occasion Maloji and his little son Shahji, a child of
five years old, attended a great Hindú festival which was
held under the roof of Lukji Jadu Rao, who had attained
to the command of 10,000 men under the same prince.
During the festivities, Jadu took the little Shahji on his
knee, together with his own little girl, who was only
three years of age, and laughingly said they made such
a fine couple that they ought to be man and wife. On
this Maloji jumped up, and called the assembled com-
pany to witness that the daughter of Jadu was affianced
to his son. Jadu was naturally indignant at the mean
advantage which had been taken of what he had said in
a mirthful spirit. As time progressed, Maloji's fortunes
prospered, and he became the commander of 5000 horse,
and the possessor of a large estate, of which Poona was
the chief place. Still maintaining his claim to the hand
of Jadu's daughter for his son, this was acceded to, as

SEVAJI.

117

in his then state of prosperity their relative positions
were no longer so unequal. Sevaji was the second son
of this union.

The Mahrattas being as a rule illiterate, their affairs
were generally managed by Brahmins. Sevaji, like the
rest, employed himself in horsemanship and military
exercises. His chief companions were the soldiers of
his father's horse regiments, or the inhabitants of the
neighbouring Ghats: these last seem to have been for
the most part plunderers, who went about in gangs. It
was these people whom Sevaji afterwards employed in
going after higher game, such as taking possession of
some of the remote and ill-garrisoned hill-forts belong-
ing to Bijapur, by means of surprise or stratagem. His
father in vain remonstrated with him; and grown more
bold with success, we find him seizing two forts belong-
ing to Shahji, and about this time also bribing its
Mohammedan governor to surrender to him Singhar, a
very strong fort about twelve miles from Poona. All
this was done without bloodshed or disturbance. The
possession of these points of vantage enabled Sevaji to
intercept and plunder a convoy of royal treasure in the
Concan on its way to Bijapur; after which he took five
other hill-forts. One of his leaders surprised and took
Callian, and occupied the whole province. The Court of
Bijapur, firmly believing that these encroachments had
been made at his father's instigation, seized an oppor-
tunity of taking Shahji prisoner, and threatened to wall
him up in his dungeon if Sevaji did not give in his
submission within a given period. He, of course, was
greatly alarmed at this threat, but still held out, and
endeavoured to gain Shah Jehan over to his cause.

The emperor listened to him favourably; and it was

118

TREACHEROUSLY KILLS AFZUL KHAN.

probably owing to his intercession that Shahji was released from captivity, though he was detained four years longer at Bijapur. Sevaji remained tolerably quiet during this interval, but after that he again began to form ambitious plans, took possession of some of the hill country to the south of Poona, procuring the assassination of its rajah, and then profiting by the consequent disorders to seize his territory. He went on much in the same manner till the year 1655, when, on Prince Aurungzebe's being sent down to the Dekhan, Sevaji made as though he wished to hold what he had acquired under imperial authority, but he soon threw off the mask, thinking that troublous times were in store for Aurungzebe, and for the first time invaded Moghul territories; but the prince made rapid conquests; and when he was going against Bijapur, Sevaji tried to obtain from him forgiveness for this act of disaffection.

Aurungzebe, on being recalled to Delhi in 1658, pardoned him, on condition of his furnishing a body of horse to the Imperial armies; but Sevaji contented himself with promises alone, and renewed his attacks upon Bijapur. A large force was sent against him by the regent of that state, the king having died, and his successor being a minor. Sevaji sent humble letters of submission to Afzul Khan, the commander of this force, by a Brahmin in his employ, who persuaded the khan that Sevaji was really in a state of great alarm; and the general allowed himself to be drawn on through intricate valleys to the fort of Partabghar, where Sevaji was then residing, in order to grant him a personal interview, and thereby assure him of forgiveness.

Afzul Khan started with a small escort only, and during the latter part of the way had only a single

HIS SUCCESSES AND REVERSES.

119

attendant with him. He was dressed in a thin muslin
robe, and carried a straight sword, more fitted for show
than use. Sevaji descended from the fort to meet him,
being to all appearance unarmed; but beneath his white
dress he wore a suit of chain-armour, and had a con-
cealed dagger. Besides this protection, he had also
sharp steel hooks fastened on to his fingers, which could
not be seen when the hand was closed; these are known
by the name of tiger's claws. Sevaji came along humbly
crouching to the place of meeting, and at the moment
of their embrace he stuck these claws into the unsus-
pecting general, and before he had time to recover from
his amazement despatched him with his dagger. Sevaji
had previously disposed his troops so as to surround
Afzul's army on all sides, and the Mussulmans were
driven back with great slaughter. Those who were
made prisoners were all well treated; many who were
Mahrattas entered Sevaji's service.

Another army was then sent from Bijapur, and he was
besieged in the almost inaccessible fort of Panala; but
at the end of four months he contrived to escape under
the cover of night. The king then took the field in
person, at the head of an immemsely strong force, and
in 1661, at the end of one year, Sevaji found himself
stripped of nearly all he had acquired; but the king's
attention being at that moment called off elsewhere
during the two years following, Sevaji was able to
recover his former possessions, and even make additions
to them. At the expiration of this time peace was made
by his father's mediation : Sevaji, by the agreement
then concluded, was to retain a district comprising a
part of the Concan, and also some of the land above
the Ghâts.

120

FURTHER EXPLOITS.

He kept a standing army of 7000 horse and 50,000 foot, on a territory about 400 miles in length by 100 in width at the widest point. Sevaji was still animated with a restless spirit, and in a very short time came to an open rupture with the Moghuls, though it does not appear what led to this. His horsemen began to ravage the country almost to Aurungabad; but Shaista Khan, the maternal uncle of Aurungzebe, whom he had made Viceroy of the Dekhan, marched against him, drove his forces out of the field, and took up a position at Poona, where he considered himself secure. Singhar, whither Sevaji had retreated, was only twelve miles off. This latter, knowing all that was passing, and how secure the Mohammedans considered themselves, left his fort one evening after dark, and posting small bodies of infantry along the road to support him, he went on to Poona, accompanied by only 25 followers, entered it by joining a marriage procession, and proceeded direct to the house of Shaista Khan, who had barely time to escape from his bed-chamber, two of his fingers being cut off as he was letting himself down from an upper storey to the court below. His son and most of his followers were cut to pieces. Sevaji then retreated to Singhar as rapidly as he had come. His next exploit was to plunder the rich town of Surat during the space of six days, and to carry off large booty. Soon after this he heard of the death of his father, Shahji, who, though very old, was killed by a fall when out hunting. Sevaji then once more went to war with Bijapur. Establishing a fleet, he took several Moghul ships, and sacked Barcelóür, a wealthy port, situated in the province of Canara, which belonged to Bijapur, and also plundered the adjoining districts; nor did he leave the country above the Ghâts in peace.

ASSUMES THE TITLE OF RAJAH.

121

What enraged Aurungzebe the most was his capturing some vessels which were conveying pilgrims to Mecca, and also his plunder of Surat—which city has a kind of sanctity, from being the place where these devotees em-bark.

About the year 1665, soon after his father's death, Sevaji assumed the title of rajah, and began to coin money, one of the principal marks of the assertion of independent sovereignty. Rajah Jei Sing, with whom Dilir Khan was associated on equal terms, was therefore sent against him. Jei Sing undertook the siege of Sin-ghar, and the other chief that of Purandar. Both places held out for a time; but Sevaji, apparently despairing of making a successful resistance, negotiated for peace, and made the humblest professions of future obedience. By the arrangement then concluded, Sevaji was only to retain twelve out of the thirty-two forts he then pos-sessed, and these he was to hold in fief under the Moghul emperor. A high military command was given him, and he joined the imperial forces in an invasion of Bijapur. He seems to have acquitted himself to the emperor's satisfaction in this campaign, and after it was over was invited to go to Delhi. Sevaji might have become a warm adherent of Aurungzebe's had he been well treated at this time; but the Moghul emperor, either from reli-gious intolerance or jealousy, put a number of small slights upon him. After his arrival at Delhi, he found himself on one occasion placed with officers of the third rank, and no notice taken of him; his haughty spirit was unable to brook such treatment, he changed colour, and fell down in a swoon. On coming to himself again, he said they had better take his life since he had been deprived of his honour, and then retired without waiting

122

ESCAPES IN DISGUISE FROM DELHI.

to take leave or receive the usual gifts. From this mo-
ment he was virtually a prisoner, and guards were posted
round his dwelling; but feigning sickness, he gained
over some of the Hindú physicians who attended him,
and also sent presents of sweetmeats to be distributed
amongst fakirs and other holy men, both of the Hindú
and Mohammedan faiths. In this manner his guards
became accustomed to seeing hampers and baskets pass
in and out. At length, when all his measures were
arranged with those outside, one evening he concealed
himself in one hamper, his little son was placed in an-
other, and they were thus carried out through the midst
of his guards. Sevaji mounted a horse, which had been
placed at a certain lonely spot for this purpose, and
taking his boy up behind him, rode to Muttra, where he
put on the disguise of a Hindú mendicant. Leaving his
child in trusty hands at Muttra, he made his way back
to the Dekhan by unfrequented paths, and reached the
fort at Raighar nine months after leaving Delhi.

This was about the most prosperous period of Aurung-
zebe's reign, the only exception being the ill success of
his army in the Dekhan. Jei Sing was consequently re-
moved from his command, and died on his way back to
Delhi. The new leader of the Moghul armies was more
favourable to Sevaji, and was even suspected of having
received bribes from him. Anyhow, in 1667, he obtained
peace for him on very easy terms, and the acknowledg-
ment of his title of rajah. Sevaji then once more turns
his attention towards Bijapur, and forces its ruler and
the king of Golconda to pay him an annual tribute.

A long period of tranquillity then ensued, which
Sevaji employed in properly organising his government
and army, placing both these departments upon a

DEFEATS THE MOGHULS IN THE FIELD.

123

system which was perhaps even more strict and regular
than that of the Moghuls. Aurungzebe was the first to
break the compact which had been made between them,
and gave orders for an open attempt to seize Sevaji's
person. This last retaliated by endeavouing to seize
the fort of Singhar, near Poona, where, knowing its im-
portance, the Moghuls kept a strong force of Rajputs
under a tried officer; yet its capture was accomplished
by 1000 men, who, led by Sevaji's great friend Tanaji
Malusri, contrived to scale the rock at night, and
escalade the walls before they were discovered. They
were met by an obstinate resistance; their leader and
several of their number were killed, but they at length
overpowered the garrison. Sevaji again plundered
Surat about this time, also ravaged Kandeish, and for
the first time levied what is known as the Chout, after-
wards so celebrated in Mahratta history. This was a
permanent tax, amounting to about one-fourth of the
revenue of a district, and if regularly paid exempted it
from plunder.

In A.D. 1672 Sevaji for the first time defeated the
Moghuls in open action in the field; after this the
vanquished party seems to have concentrated its forces
at Aurungabad. The King of Bijapur dying shortly
after this, and that province falling into disorder,
Sevaji once more turned his forces in that direction,
and in the course of the two following years made
himself master of the whole of the southern Concan,
except certain parts held by the English and Portu-
guese, and also a tract above the Ghats. Though
Sevaji had long enjoyed the privileges of sovereignty,
he now thought it necessary to be crowned: this cer-
emony was accordingly performed at Raighar in the

124

HIS DEATH.

same manner as a Moghul coronation, including his
being weighed against gold, and distributing rich pres-
ents to all. Not long after this, the Moghuls made an
incursion into his territory, but had reason to repent of
this, for Sevaji sent detachments into the Imperial pos-
sessions, and for the first time crossed the Nerbudda,
penetrating as far as Guzerat. His next plan was to
try and recover his father's jagir (or landed estate) in
Mysore and in the present Madras Presidency, which
had fallen into his younger brother's hands. He was
successful in this undertaking; but in the end the two
brothers came to a compromise, by which Sevaji was
to receive half the revenues. About the year 1679
Sevaji's son, Sambaji, went over to the Moghuls, who
received him with open arms, hoping to make use of
him against his father. Aurungzebe did not endorse
his general's views respecting this youth (who seems to
have been given up to pleasure, and to have possessed
none of his father's traits except his courage), and
ordered Sambaji to be sent a prisoner to his camp, but
Dilir Khan connived at his escape.

Sevaji's eventful career was at length cut short by
an illness which carried him off in 1680 at the age of
fifty-two. His early career was almost that of a bandit
chief, or of one of the German robber barons of the
olden time, who were in the habit of descending from
their mountain fastnesses to plunder and take toll of
travellers and merchants; but as Sevaji's opportunities
were greater than theirs, so he aimed higher, till by
degrees he and his followers did not even hesitate to
attack the imperial forces, though their earlier style
of warfare had much of the guerilla element in it, and
was conducted chiefly by surprises and stratagems.

CLIMATE OF BELGAUM.

125

After this unavoidable historical digression, we must return to the description of the journey from Vingorla to Belgaum. The first day's drive brought us to the top of the Ghâts, and we had some very pretty views; but on the second day the scenery was very uninteresting and the country bare. I believe this was more especially the case that particular year, owing to the drought of the previous one, though the whole of that district can at no time have a very green appearance, for, except just in the station of Belgaum itself, there are few if any trees, and the deep red colour of the soil of the whole surrounding country gives it an arid look. Belgaum has been cited as being quite one of the choicest stations in India; but I think its climate rather a treacherous one, for in the month of February it was intensely hot after 8 A.M., and each day regularly at 4 P.M. a cold wind sprung up which came from the sea, so that within half an hour the extremes of heat and cold were felt. Up to the latter hour the thinnest clothing was desirable, and all in a moment a winter dress was required. The friends whom we went to visit lived inside the fort, which is surrounded with high walls, and contains several houses with well-kept gardens.

Within the fort at Belgaum there are three old Jaina temples. Mr Burgess, the archaeological surveyor for the Bombay district, gives A.D. 1200 as their probable date, and says that in the Museum at Bombay there is an inscription which is said to have been brought from a temple at Belgaum (the ancient name of this place was Venigrâma). This writing is in the Hala Kânadâ language, and is to the effect that a rajah, called Sena, after first enumerating his own virtues and

126

OLD JAINA TEMPLES.

those of his sons and his daughters-in-law, goes on to state that he caused a temple to be erected, in which were installed Sir Santinâtha Deva. . . . And that for the expenses of the said temple he gave, A.D. 1205, the village of Ambarvami, &c. One of the three temples I have spoken of is inside the commissariat compound; another is just outside this; the third has been so much added to that its original outward form is no longer distinguishable, though the pillars in the interior do not seem to have been disturbed. Other temples, however, must have existed at one time in that neighbourhood, for one often sees old Jaina pillars used as gateposts, and fragments of sculpture scattered about. The shrine of the temple outside the commissariat is wanting: it was probably destroyed in order that the road might be carried that way. There now remains a porch which goes the whole width of the building: a screen separates this from a hall which is supported on sixteen pillars and the same number of pilasters. The four central columns stand on a platform about three inches high. It was customary for the worshippers to pass round this in order to perform their devotions, it not being considered reverential to approach the god direct. A latticed screen of pierced stone-work originally divided the side aisles from the centre part of the temple, but of this only a small portion now remains. A narrow ledge runs all round the interior of the building: this has been made a little wider at one part, as if to admit of an image being placed upon it. Above this, and at a height of about five feet six inches from the ground, there is a stone shelf about eighteen inches wide, and rather more than six feet long.

The only representations of living objects within this

NATIVE THEATRICALS.

127

building are cobras on the capitals of the pillars, and
dancing satyrs on the door of the shrine, which is now
blocked up; but over the entrance to the hall, or ante-
temple, which I have just been describing, numerous
figures are carved. Those represented on the screen are
almost all dancing, or have musical instruments in their
hands. The shafts of the pillars are formed of a single
stone. Some of the slabs used in the walls are of a very
large size. Mr Burgess is of opinion that the temple
inside the commissariat compound has also been origi-
nally Jaina-work, but adds that it is often very difficult
to determine this point, for sometimes these buildings
have been appropriated by other sects, and their distinc-
tive images destroyed. The one I am now speaking of
has four distinct chambers: an open hall surmounted by
a carved dome, an inner temple, a small ante-chamber,
and also a shrine. The image is no longer there, but in
the shrine there is the throne for the idol, on the back
of which is carved the cushion, such as is usually placed
behind Jaina images; and above this there are sculptured
numerous circular or wheel-shaped flowers. The ante-
chamber has a carved roof, and the domed hall possesses,
I think, almost the most beautiful carved pendentive roof
which I have yet seen in India. It is slightly damaged
at the point, and hangs from a circle nearly eight feet in
diameter. There is also a mosque within the fort, which
we were informed has been closed by order of the
Government ever since the Mutiny, for at that time,
under pretence of holding religious services in it, the
Mussulmans made it a place for secret meetings.

Whilst we were at Belgaum we went one evening to
see some native theatricals. The actors were all Brah-
mins, except one, who was a Parsí, and the women's

128

JOURNEY TO POONA.

parts were taken by young boys. The piece was founded on an incident which occurred in the time of the old kings of Delhi. Each act began with prayers, which were recited in the Sanscrit language; but the dialogue of the play was in Hindostani. Not the least curious part of the entertainment was a dance in which the whole of the performers joined. A pole was set up on the stage, to the top of which were attached many long streamers, alternate red and white. Each man took hold of one of these, and, by describing certain figures, the dancers caused them to entwine and form different patterns. After this the dance was slightly varied by their taking also a small club in each hand, with which, whilst rapidly threading their way in and out, they struck their neighbours' sticks, and thus beat time with most astonishing regularity.

Leaving Belgaum towards the end of March, we drove to Poona, a four or five days' journey, stopping one day at Kholapore, the capital of the native state of that name. Its rajah was still a minor. The revenues seemed to be judiciously employed in erecting schools and other buildings. One of the improvements was that of bringing water from a considerable distance for the supply of the city. The new waterworks were to be opened a few days after we passed through. In every street of the town there were to be several drinking-fountains, and larger ones at intervals for the use of animals, and for washing purposes.

At Kurar, another halting-place, there is the finest 'Idgah I know in India. This building is composed of a long high wall, very solidly built and having several buttresses, which forms one side of a large square, which on the other three sides is enclosed by a low parapet.

ARRIVAL AT POONA.

129

The 'Idgah is used by the Mohammedans for special
services on three principal occasions in the course of the
year. These are the Bakri 'Id, or Id'-i-Kurban, when
they commemorate Abraham's sacrifice of Ishmael, as
they have it; the Mulad-i-Nabi, or 'Id Mulad, which is
kept by the Shiah Mussulmans only; and the 'Id-ul-
Fitr, which terminates the fast of the Ramazan, and
varies its date each year. In 1877 it fell early in
November. On that day all Mohammedans are required
to bathe, to put on new clothes, and give food to the
poor. All then proceed to the 'Idgah (every place which
has a Mohammedan population seems to possess an
'Idgah of some kind), repeating, "God is great," "There
is no God but God." The moollah then ascends the
*nimbar*, or pulpit, and, after repeating a short prayer,
reads the Kutbah, or Friday sermon. He then descends
to the lowest step, recounts the virtues of the ruler, and
prays for him. General prayer being ended, all rise and
shout, "Din" (Faith), and fire off muskets; after which
they return to their homes, and in every house feasting
and merriment go on.

We made one day's halt also at Sattara in order to see
its fort, which occupies an immensely strong and com-
manding position, being placed on an isolated table-land
of basalt, whose perpendicular cliffs rise 500 feet above
the plain. Even with the present missiles of war, it
could hardly be reached from any of the heights around
it. From the top we could also see many other old dis-
used Mahratta forts on various distant summits. We
then drove on to Poona, an important station on the top
of the Ghats, the summer capital of the Bombay presi-
dency, and the favourite resort of Europeans from Bom-
bay during the rainy season.

1

130

CHAPTER IX.

A HINDÚ WOMEN'S FESTIVAL AT SAUGOR—FAMINE IMMIGRANTS—FOOD OF PEOPLE IN THAT DISTRICT—GHAZIPORE—OPIUM FACTORY—TOBACCO CULTIVATION AND MANUFACTURE—AFGHAN POPULATION AT LUMANEAH—BUDDHIST REMAINS AT SYDPORE—LÂT AT BITHRI.

On 1st May 1877 my husband sailed for Europe, family affairs obliging him to return to England for a few months. I went up country again to stay with some relations, and spent the period of his absence partly in Jubbulpore, but mainly at Saugor. All who know life in an Indian station will understand the sort of stagnation which comes over every one during the hot season, and also the difficulty there is in writing, even should there be anything to write about. Saugor boasts of no architectural buildings or remains, and during the summer the natives even seem more than commonly apathetic.

Early in September I witnessed a native festival, which is purely Hindú, and, as I was informed, is observed only in the Central Provinces. It is called the *Jowaree*, and is conducted entirely by women and children. There is a lake at Saugor, near the native city. This piece of water is some miles in circumference, and we witnessed the gay scene from a large boat. It was a very pretty and animated sight to see the crowds of women, in their new and bright-coloured

ARRIVAL OF EMIGRANTS FROM CENTRAL INDIA.

131

sarees (a large piece of muslin enveloping nearly the whole person), come flocking to the lake from every direction — the poorer ones themselves carrying, the richer having carried after them, trays covered with pots made of leaves fastened together with the thorns of some tree, and filled with earth, in which were growing young plants of wheat, or of jowaree, the leaves of these being of a pale yellow colour from having been raised inside their dwellings. Arrived at the lake, the burdens were deposited on the ground. Numbers of women formed themselves into circles, and, joining hands, walked round and round these plants, singing all the while. After a time all the pots of grain were taken down the steps of the Ghât to the water’s edge, where the women washed the grain till it was free from the earth in which it had grown, and distributed the plants amongst their friends. This festival takes place just before the sowing of the wheat crops. Crowds of men were present, but as lookers-on only.

Although Saugor itself was not in a famine district, yet during the early autumn the prices of grain were seriously affected by the distress which prevailed in Gwalior, Bhopul, and other parts of Central India. At first a few families came, who did not look very ill-fed or very badly off—some even had brought a few half-starved looking cattle with them; but in a very few days the number of these emigrants increased so enormously that certain sanitary regulations were enforced respecting them, and special camping-grounds set apart for them.

It was at that time resolved by those in authority that their numbers should be counted; and I heard from a reliable source that 160,000 passed through Saugor

132 FOOD OF THE PEOPLE IN THE CENTRAL PROVINCES.

in less than a fortnight; and when questioned, their reply was, that they came where they could get water. Scarcely any of these people cared to remain there to work; the general idea amongst them seemed to be, that if they could only reach the railway, all would be well with them. Whether owing to want of food or, as many believed, from damaged grain sold to them by the merchants, a sort of famine-cholera broke out in several of their camps, which afterwards turned to true cholera in the case of some of the soldiers of the native infantry; and though it was of the form which medical men call sporadic, and the cases were isolated ones, yet for precaution's sake the European soldiers were for a time forbidden to frequent the native bazaars; and in order that they might not think this restriction unjust, no one who was not actually obliged to do so went near the native lines or bazaars for more than three weeks, so that our morning rides were considerably curtailed. These regulations, and the lateness of the season, probably contributed to make the visitation a mild one.

In the district near and round Saugor, where I had opportunities of making inquiries, I was told that the natives seem to subsist almost entirely on grain food for the greater part of the year, with little or no admixture of vegetables, and none of meat; and it was the opinion of some who had means of observation, that this system could only be pursued (consistently with the maintenance of health) by constantly changing the species of grain. Almost every month in the year a different kind is eaten—maize and wheat, which are the most heating, the natives use during the cold weather only. Indian famines would seem not to be a purely

JOURNEY TO GHAZIPORE.

133

unmixed evil, for, owing to the fact of the Hindús being forbidden to eat beef, the number of oxen is greater than the land can possibly support, so that in years of scarcity the weaker animals die off, which would otherwise contrive to drag on a miserable existence.

I remained at Saugor till 15th November, and, travelling *via* Damoh, where I stayed a day and a half with a friend, reached Jubbulpore on the evening of the 18th. This journey was rather a wearisome one, as it had to be made partly in a bullock-tonga and partly in a palanquin over roads which were not of the best. My husband rejoined me on the 20th, and after resting a day or two, we proceeded to Allahabad, where we were most hospitably received by a friend; and then we went on to Ghazipore to stay with other friends, travelling partly by railway and partly by *dák gharrie*. This conveyance could only take us to the banks of the river, there being no bridge over the Ganges at that point: we were therefore conveyed across in a boat with paddles, worked by men on the principle of the tread-mill—our course being a very roundabout one, owing to a large sandbank which has there formed in the river within recent times, and is said to be increasing yearly in size.

The house in which we stayed was built in former days for the English Resident, and now belongs to the Rajah of Benares. It is raised upon a high terrace overlooking the river, and at no great distance from it, and consists of two buildings connected by a vaulted stone passage, and divided by a small garden. One would appear to have been built as a dwelling-house; the other, the larger one, contained the reception-rooms. If report be true, the fashion of living in a double house was suited to Anglo-Indians of former times, who are said

134

MANUFACTURE OF OPIUM.

to have very frequently adopted the domestic arrangements of the natives of India.

Ghazipore and Patna are the two places where the British Government has agents to receive the opium produce. Opium is only allowed to be cultivated under certain restrictions. Every cultivator must possess a Government licence; at the proper time of year each man brings in his produce, which is carefully weighed and tested by the officials, and paid for according to its percentage of solid matter, which ought to be 70 per cent. The opium, when found to be pure, is made up into balls about the size of cannon-balls; these are covered with layers of the dried leaves of the poppy flowers instead of paper, and are stored up each in a small earthen saucer on wooden stagings, in buildings holding, each of them, upwards of 9000 of these balls. When dry enough, they are packed up and sent to Calcutta, whence their destination is China—that prepared for the Indian market being treated rather differently, and made up into square bricks.

If a cultivator's opium is found to be adulterated (and I was told that about a dozen different substances are employed for this purpose) it is confiscated, after being subjected to various tests in a laboratory attached to the premises. The confiscated opium afterwards goes through a process, by means of which morphine and nicotine are extracted from it. Opium is also produced in the native states of Malwa in Central India; this pays a customs duty to the Government. The total net revenue derived from opium is about six millions sterling annually.

At Ghazipore there is a monument, designed and executed by Flaxman, to the late Marquis Cornwallis, Governor-General and Commander-in-Chief in India,

A TOBACCO MANUFACTORY.

135

who died in that place on his march from Calcutta in the early part of the present century. A tobacco manufactory was at that time just being started by an English company, under the management of an ex-Confederate officer from Virginia, assisted by two Englishmen. They had leased about 1700 acres of land from the Government, which was formerly a stud farm, and on this the firm was growing tobacco: some of the land they have underlet to cultivators for the same purpose.

The whole process of its manufacture was shown to us. The leaf is hung up till it has become dry to a certain extent; it is afterwards dipped in a mixture of boiling sugar and other ingredients, hung up to drain, then given over to women's hands, in order that the mid-rib of each leaf may be removed; after which men are employed to make up the leaves into small bundles, the dipped leaves being placed in the centre and dry ones wrapped round them. The bundles are then transferred to the pressing-room, and after passing through three machines they come out as flat, dark-looking, oblong cakes, about eight inches long by four wide. This establishment probably has in it the germs of what may in time become a very important industry in that district. It was the opinion of the manager that they would be able to produce a larger quantity of tobacco per acre than in America, and equally good in quality. Labour, too, is much less expensive: in India the women employed each receive about three halfpence, the men threepence daily. Enterprise of this kind has hitherto been much retarded by want of capital and means of communication.

Whilst at Ghazipore an accidental circumstance led me to a research into the history of that district, and I found that at two different periods—viz., about the year A.D.

136

AFGHAN COLONIES NEAR GHAZIPORE.

1685, and again about A.D. 1750, certain Afghans had taken possession of lands there, and that their descendants still exist. Mirza Sultan, a prince of the royal family, and the tenth in descent from Timur, or Tamerlane, was the Viceroy of Ghazipore in A.D. 1615. After him succeeded two other rulers; under the second of these, and during the reign of Aurungzebe, four brothers (Neance Patáns) were soldiers in the viceroy's army. On one occasion the viceroy's wife was making a tour with him in the provinces, when, in the hurry of a sudden march, she and her palanquin were left behind in a forest. These brothers, finding her thus, took up her palanquin and conveyed her with the greatest courtesy to the viceroy's camp, in return for which service permission was given them to settle down in the Ghazipore district. One of the brothers, named Ghous, built the village of Ghazipore; his descendants in the fifth generation are still living there, and though in great poverty, are still the nominal owners of the village, which is so heavily mortgaged that they cannot redeem it.

Again, about the year 1750, the Rohilla Afghans, having wounded and defeated the Viceroy of Oudh, sent a force to occupy Ghazipore, Fuzl-Ali being the then ruler of that province. This same Fuzl-Ali seems to have been a fair specimen of the Indian ruler of the old school: having seen men put to death by every means except that of drowning, he caused a boat to be filled full of people, and then scuttled in the Ganges before his eyes. The history of these Afghans who settled at Zumāneah illustrates how the Mohammedans have gradually encroached upon the Hindús. The present colony at that place was formed by a regiment of these Rohilla Afghans; their descendants are, even at

BUDDHIST REMAINS AT SYDPORE.

137

the present day, quite unlike any of the Mohammedans of the district, whom they are said to despise, and never to intermarry with. Some Pushtoo words still linger amongst them, and are used at their marriages and other important ceremonies. Some of them have acquired land, but for the most part the men become soldiers or travelling merchants.

On 17th December we started for Benares with the friends with whom we had been staying at Ghazipore: it was a four days' march with tents and camp equipage. The first march brought us to Nungunj, where there was nothing of interest; but the following day we reached Sydpore, where there are some interesting remains, which good authorities consider to be Buddhist. They owe their preservation to the circumstance that a Mohammedan fakir named Sheikh Summan made one of them his dwelling, and was buried there after his death. In the same enclosure there is now also a mosque. Of the two Buddhist buildings, which may have been chaityas, or places of worship, the larger one is 26 feet in length by 23 in width: it is open on all sides, and supported on pillars, of which four placed in the centre support a roof covering the tomb. The shafts of the pillars are all square; the bracket capitals are cruciform, each limb being nearly two feet in length, and bearing the usual Buddhist bell ornamentation. The roof generally is composed of long stone slabs; the centre part of it, however, which rests upon the four pillars, has a primitive Buddhist ceiling, consisting of four triangular stones placed upon the architraves. A square slab of stone, which is ornamented with a lotus blossom, rests upon these, and forms the centre of the whole. Each of the four triangular stones has also this

138

LÂT AT BITHRI.

flower carved in relief upon it. The smaller building is
in the same style.

From Sydpore we made an excursion to Bithri, about
four miles distant from it. Shortly before reaching
that place we crossed a small river, and there saw the
remains of an old bridge of Mussulman workmanship,
and made of carefully-hewn stones, which would seem to
have been taken from the ruins of the ancient city.
With a small outlay this bridge might again be made
passable for wheeled vehicles. After passing over the
river we saw, on either hand, irregular mounds, which
looked as though they concealed the ruins of a street of
houses; and a little further on was a so-called 'Idgah,
which is a building used by the Mohammedans in their
worship on certain occasions during the year.

About half a mile beyond the 'Idgah stands what is
styled a lât, or stone pillar. The inscription on this lât
has been deciphered, and it has thus been ascertained that
it was erected and inscribed by the orders of Chandra
Gupta II., who is supposed to have lived between the
third and fifth centuries A.D., but the dates of the kings
of India at that period are very uncertain. The inscription
is on the base of the pillar, which is square; the
shaft is round, and rather more than 15 feet in height.
The stone has been smoothed in order to engrave the
inscription, but part of the base below this still bears
the mark of the chisel. The capital of this pillar is 3
feet 2 inches in height, and reeded like the capitals of
the Asoka pillars, or what Fergusson calls a Persian
capital. A portion of it is broken off on the western
side, thus exposing a narrow socket, which would
appear to have held a metal spike. Near this pillar
there are several mounds, consisting of brick-work ruins,

ARRIVAL AT BENARES.

139

some of which, the head of the village said, had been
already excavated.

The kings of the Gupta dynasty would most of them
appear to have been Hindús; but the greatest of all,
Chandra Gupta II., and his son Kumara Gupta, were
Buddhists; and Sitaditya, the great king of Oojene, or
Ujain, who overthrew this dynasty, was a Buddhist
also. Our road led us again through Sydpore, and
at a distance of about two miles beyond it, on the
Benares road, and overlooking the Ganges, we came
upon some fine old trees, underneath one of which was
a stone platform about four feet high, where were
placed two figures, one said to represent the Boar
incarnation of Vishnu, and the other Krishna with
his milk-maids. Both are old, and in good preservation.
Around the base of another tree were also numerous
ancient fragments of sculpture. Amongst these were
two small stone elephants, one of which had the
mahout, or elephant-driver, sculptured upon it, as if
he were lying flat upon the animal: another fragment,
we conjectured, may have formed the capital of a
column. On it was the complete figure of a man,
doubled up, as it were, the legs being bent back, so that
the back of the heel touched the back of the elbow.
After resting that night at Chumbulpore, one more
march took us to Benares.

140

CHAPTER X.

BENARES — HIONEN THSANG, THE CHINESE PILGRIM, VISITED SARNATH—
STUPA THERE—REMAINS OF SUPPOSED BUDDHIST BUILDINGS NEAR THE
BAKARIYA KUND AT BENARES.

BENARES is situated on the banks of the Ganges, and is
considered by the majority of Hindús *the* sacred city of
all India. The date of its foundation is unknown, but
it is regarded by them as being coeval with the birth
of their religion. The Hindú longs to visit it as much
as the Mussulman does to go to Mecca, or the Christian
to see Jerusalem. All that is known of its origin is,
that Sakya Muni, the only historical Buddha, who, as
I have before stated, was the founder of the Buddhist
religion, proceeded to the Vihara, or monastery of Sarnath
(which is about four miles distant from the modern
Benares), in the sixth century B.C. Sarnath at that
period was a celebrated city. It was famous amongst
the Buddhists, not so much for its religious buildings, as
because there Sakya Muni first turned the “Wheel of
the Law” (or preached). According to an article by
Mr Edward Thomas, the celebrated archæologist, which
appeared in the ‘Athenæum’ of 2d November 1878, the
Jains have a fixed date for the Nirvana, or absorption of
Mahavira their great saint, in which both their sects,
the Svetambaras and the Digambaras, agree, and arrive

VISIT OF CHINESE PILGRIMS TO INDIA.

141

at the year 526 B.C. as the time of the death of Maha-
vira. But Buddha's date varies immensely, according
to different authorities, and it is not improbable that
the Chinese are correct, when they state that this
period was ante-dated from time to time in order to give
Buddha priority over Confucius and others. General
Cunningham seems latterly to have come to the con-
clusion that Jainism was the more ancient of the two
faiths: he adopts Colebrooke's view, and now reasserts
that the Nirvana of Buddha must be placed at 478 B.C.,
a result which he arrived at in 1854 by original figure-
calculations. In a passage from the Bhagvati, trans-
lated by Professor Weber, it is related "that the holy
Gautama [Buddha] in whom faith, doubt, and curiosity
arose and increased, rose up, and having arisen he went
to the place where the sacred Cramana Mahavira was."
The doctrines of Buddhism, by the energy of its mission-
aries, became spread over a large section of the globe.
It has many traditions in common with Jainism, which
some good authorities now believe to be the parent
creed, and possibly owes these to the meeting of the
founder of the one faith with the representative of the
other. Buddhism has now become extinct in India
proper, though Jainism still survives.

Two Chinese pilgrims, Fa Hian and Hionen Thsang,
the former of whom visited India about the middle of
the fifth, and the latter in the seventh, century A.D.,
have both of them left us accounts of the state of Sar-
nath during the later days of Buddhism. Hionen
Thsang was born in a provincial town in China. His
father had retired from public employ, and devoted
himself to the education of his four children. The
afterwards celebrated pilgrim was sent to school at a

142 DIFFICULTIES ENCOUNTERED BY HIONEN THSANG.

Buddhist monastery, and became a monk at the age of
thirteen, but still continued his education, and travelled
about with his elder brother, in order to follow the lect-
tures of distinguished professors. At the age of twenty
he become a priest—and even then his great book-know-
ledge had already rendered him famous. After this he
travelled about for six years longer seeking information;
and when at length he found he could obtain no more
in his own country, he resolved on going to India, and
applied to the emperor for permission to leave his coun-
try. This was refused to him, and to several other
priests also who had wished to accompany him.

At length he set off secretly. People were despatched
to capture him; but the governor of the province before
whom he was taken, and who had had strict orders not
to allow any one to cross the frontier, was so much
struck with his resolution and determination, that he
permitted him to proceed on his way. He started quite
alone, without a friend or a guide; but the next morn-
ing a man joined him, who acted as his guide as far as
the confines of a desert, and there left him. He had
still to pass five watch-towers; no road was to be seen
except that indicated by the hoof-marks of horses and
the skeletons of men and animals. On his arrival at
the first watch-tower, the officer in command, who was
a zealous Buddhist, allowed him to proceed, and gave
him letters to the officers in charge of the four other
towers. He had then to cross another desert; and his
skin of water having burst, he stopped and began to
retrace his steps, when he thus communed with himself:
“I took an oath,” he said, “never to make a step back-
wards till I had reached India: it is better that I should
die when proceeding to the West than return to the East

EARLY CIVILISATION IN WESTERN ASIA.

143

and live." He then marched on for four days and five
nights without water; but, comforted by his prayers,
continued his road, and reached a small lake, in the
country of the Oigour Tartars, who received him only
too well; for one of the Tartar khans, who was a Bud-
dhist, insisted on his remaining with him to instruct his
people. Hionen Thsang's remonstrances were for some
time of no avail: he would not give in; and at last he
said, "The khan, in spite of his great authority, has no
power over my mind and my will," and refused all nour-
ishment, persevering in this course for three days, at the
expiration of which the khan yielded, and allowed him
to depart, making him promise, however, to visit him
on his return to China.

Thus this adventurous pilgrim once more set forth on
his journey. On reaching the mountains he had to tra-
verse glaciers, and encounter heavy snowstorms and
violent tornadoes of wind, so that fourteen of his com-
panions perished during the seven days that were re-
quired to fight their way over those Alpine passes.

Hionen Thsang says that he found a high state of
civilisation then existing in the part of Asia which bor-
ders on the western frontier of China. Agriculture had
made great progress; and he enumerates many of our
English fruits amongst its productions. The inhabitants
were silk and woollen stuffs, and the chief cities sup-
ported musicians. Buddhism was at that time the prin-
cipal religion of that district; but he found traces of
the Bactrian fire-worship. Entering India by way of
Cabul, he passed through Peshawur, and relates that, at
no great distance from the modern city, he visited a
mountain cavern, within which both he and Fa Hian
assert that they saw the miraculous shadow of Buddha.

144

HIS TRIUMPHAL RETURN TO CHINA.

In the case of Hionen Thsang, the shadow did not appear to him till after many prayers and much time spent in devotion at that spot. According to his own account, as many as one hundred prayers and confessions of sinfulness did he make before the vision was vouchsafed to him. To-Yung (a Chinese historian) relates that, on a mountain not far from this cave, Buddha with his own hands made a pagoda 115 feet high; and he adds: "They say that when this tower sinks down and enters the earth, then the law of Buddha will perish."

After visiting Kashmir, the Chinese pilgrim reached Magadha, or the holy land of the Buddhists, and remained there five years, studying Sanscrit and Buddhist literature. He then traversed Hindostán, hoping to reach Ceylon, the chief seat of Buddhism; but baffled in this, he visited Benares and some of the principal cities of Northern India, and returned to Magadha again, spending some years there. At length he was obliged to return to China; and going through the Punjaub, Kabulistán and Bactria — passing also through Turkestán, Kashgar, Yarkund, and Koten — he made his way to his own country after an absence of sixteen years. By this time his fame had spread far and wide; and the poor pilgrim, who had been obliged to leave his home by stealth, on his return was received with public honours by the emperor himself, and made a triumphal entry, all the streets being covered with carpets, banners displayed, and flowers scattered around. The emperor received him in the Phoenix Palace, gave him many costly gifts, and wished him to accept a high post under Government; but Hionen Thsang declined this, saying he would dedicate the rest of his life to the law of Buddha. The emperor then requested him to write an account of

HIS DEATH.

145

his travels, and assigned him a monastery in which to prosecute his literary labours. He spent the rest of his life in translating Sanscrit manuscripts; and when he felt his death approaching, he divided all his property amongst the poor, and invited all his friends to go and see him, and take, as he expressed it, "a cheerful leave of the impure body of Hionen Thsang;" adding, "I desire that whatever rewards I have merited by good works may fall upon other people. May I be born again with them in the heaven of the blessed, be admitted to the family of Mi-le, and serve the Buddha of the future, who is full of kindness and affection. When I descend again upon earth, to pass through other forms of existence, I desire, at every new birth, to fulfil my duties towards Buddha, and to arrive at last at the highest and most perfect intelligence." He died about A.D. 664.

For these details of Hionen Thsang's life we are indebted to a French Orientalist, M. Stanislas Jullien, who by twenty years of hard labour prepared himself for the task of translating this book from the Chinese. It was necessary that he should first master the Sanscrit, Pali, Thibetan, Mongolian, and Chinese languages. In 1838 he succeeded in procuring an entire copy of Hionen Thsang's travels; and nearly twenty years later his work was completed. M. Stanislas Jullien is, I believe, acknowledged to be the only man in Europe capable of doing it.

According to Hionen Thsang's account, in his time Sarnath, and the country round it, contained a mixed population of Hindus and Buddhists. The people were partly Aryans and partly aborigines: Aryans, because he mentions the Brahmins; and aborigines, because it is

K

146

SARNATH.

known that some centuries later these last were numerous, and masters of the country. The ruins of Sarnath are in an enclosure which had an area of about half a mile, and was called the deer park, and also the park of the *rishis* (saints or devotees), because a *rishi*, or holy man, dwelt a short distance to the east of it. Concerning this deer park the following curious legend is related :—

The Rajah of Sarnath, who was very fond of sport, had slaughtered so many deer, that the king of the deer re-monstrated with him, and offered to furnish him with one deer daily throughout the year if he would abstain from killing them. The rajah consented. At last it came to the turn of a hind to be sacrificed : she objected, saying that this would involve the sacrifice of more than one life ; on which the king of the deer, who was really Bôdhisatwa, the future Buddha Sakya, offered himself instead. The rajah would not allow this, and gave up the park for ever to the deer.

In Hionen Thsang's time many towers were existing at Sarnath, but only two now exist. One of them is a mound of solid brick-work, 74 feet in height; the date of this is uncertain. On this mound is an octagonal building, which was erected to commemorate the visit of Humaion, son of the famous Emperor Baber. This mound has been excavated, but no relic-chamber was found in it.

The other building is a Buddhist *stupa*, or *tope*, called Damek, about a quarter of a mile distant from the first-mentioned tower. General Cunningham fixes its date in the sixth century, but Fergusson inclines to the opinion that this stupa was of a much later date, and thinks, with Captain Wilford, that it was probably

I FIND A STATUE OF BUDDHA.

147

erected by the sons of Mohi Pala, but injured, and
the work interrupted by the Mohammedans in 1017,
before its completion. Damek is a solid round tower,
93 feet in diameter at the base, and 110 feet in height.
The whole is built entirely of large hewn stones, clamped
together with iron, the upper five courses excepted,
where only brick-work is now visible : this part may have
been faced with stone, or perhaps plastered. The lower
part of this monument has eight projecting faces; in
each of these, at a height of about 20 feet from the
ground, is a semicircular-headed niche, and in each of
these niches is a pedestal nearly a foot in height, where
a statue has evidently been placed. General Cunningham,
in an account of this stupa, printed in the 'Journal
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,' says "that none of these
statues have hitherto been discovered, but that there can
be little doubt that all the eight statues represented
Buddha the Preacher in the usual attitude, with his
hands raised before his breast, and the thumb and fore-
finger of the right hand placed on the little finger of the
left hand, for the purpose of enforcing his argument."

On our second visit to Sarnath, in December 1877, I
was fortunate enough to discover a mutilated statue of
Buddha in sandstone. The base of this statue measured
two feet eight inches in width; it was headless, and
would, when perfect, have been a little more than three
feet in height. The god is seated cross-legged, with
the soles of the feet uppermost. In the centre of the
sole of each foot is sculptured a lotus flower, and a large
flower of the same kind is carved in the centre of the
small pedestal at the base. The arms are wanting; but
carved in the centre of the breast is a thumb, and the
way in which this is attached to the body of the statue

148

RICH CARVING ROUND THE STupa.

would give the hands the exact position of Buddha the Preacher as described by General Cunningham. On the throat is a necklace of pretty design, which first attracted my attention to it, and in seeking to make a drawing of this I saw the thumb. The whole of the statue, except the shoulders and a portion of the neck-lace, were fast embedded in soil mixed with large stones, and had evidently lain undisturbed for a considerable time. The statue was in a recumbent position, about three feet below the surface; and there it had probably been ever since it was thrown down and mutilated by the fanatic Moslems. Some years ago General Cunningham opened a tunnel right through the stupa close to the spot where I discovered the statue, and the rains which have since fallen have no doubt washed away the earth and stones which then hid it. The small size of this statue renders it possible that it was not one of those which filled the niches, for they are five feet and a half in width, and the same in height; though, on the other hand, the place in which it was found (almost immediately beneath one of these niches) makes one imagine that may have been its position.

A triple band of ornament still exists on parts of this stupa. One of these bands is composed of various geometrical figures, the main lines of which are deeply cut; above and below this is a band composed of lotus flowers. Over the upper part of one of these bands is carved a garland, with small bosses at intervals; and above this, again, some smaller ornamentation. On the lower side the decoration is much more rich and varied. Near the centre of the now existing ornamental portion is a human figure seated on a lotus flower, and holding a branch of lotus in each hand. On either side of this figure is a lotus

OTHER BUDDHIST REMAINS NEAR BENARES. 149

scroll, very graceful in design, formed of lotus flowers
and buds. Below, and on each side of the seated figure,
are two full-blown lotus flowers, shown in a side view;
each of these supports a Brahmini goose. Above the
goose, on the right-hand of the figure, is sculptured a
frog. Below this lower ornamental border are three
plain projecting bands, with carving between each.
Near the top of the stupa, on its north-west face, is a
stone pierced with a round hole, which was apparently
meant to hold a flag-staff. Flags and streamers are at
this day very commonly placed outside Buddhist re-
ligious buildings in Ladakh. All around this tope, in
places where the outer stone casing had fallen away, we
found a great many so-called "mason's marks" in the
row of masonry next behind.

William Oldham, Esq., in his historical and statistical
memoir of the Ghazipore district, gives drawings of cer-
tain of the Gupta coins. Singularly enough, some of the
same symbols may be distinguished on them as we
found at Damek amongst the mason's marks. This
would seem to open out a wide field for investigation,
unless the resemblance be purely accidental, which can
hardly be the case, as they occur in several instances.

Not far from the great stupa, and to the west of it,
are the ruins of an old Buddhist vihara, or chapel mon-
astery, and also other extensive remains. There are
also other Buddhist buildings in the neighbourhood of
Benares—viz., those at the Bakariya Kund (or tank) at
the north-west corner of the city. On its western bank
is a massive breast-work of hewn stones; and a flight of
steps in the centre leads down to the tank. In this wall
are some richly carved stones, many of which have evi-
dently been taken from older buildings; and I also dis-

150

ANCIENT BUILDINGS NEAR THE GANGES.

covered a few mason's marks where the facing had fallen away. Ascending this terrace, and passing other ruins (some of which have been partitioned off with mud walls, and used as zenanas by the Mohammedans, so that their original form is hardly discernible), a small mosque is seen, which appears to have been originally a small Buddhist temple. Near this is what formerly may have been a monastery: the foundations are extensive, though four columns only now remain. Beyond this again is a platform faced with stone: it is 130 feet long by 90 in width, and about 5 feet high. It sustains what is now used as a Mohammedan burial-ground.

The most remarkable and interesting ruins are the remains of a Buddhist temple on which the Mohammedans have placed a dome, and erected a tomb beneath this. It is impossible to say what the exterior form of this building was originally, for it has evident marks of having been continued in every direction. It now consists of a square building which has been supported by double pillars: these pillars, which are square, are in groups of four at each corner, and are surmounted with the Buddhist bell ornament. To this central building were attached four porches, one of which is wanting—at least, it seemed so to us when on the spot, though, on afterwards looking at Mr Sherring's work, entitled 'The Sacred City of the Hindús,' I saw he was of opinion that there was no porch on the western side, but simply a sort of projecting buttress, on which the chief idol stood.

There are also some interesting ancient remains near what is called the Raj Ghât, leading to the bridge of boats over the Ganges. Just before beginning the descent, a bad road on the left hand leads to the fort, before reaching which, at a short distance on the right,

CONVERTED INTO A MOSQUE—THEN INTO BARRACKS. 151

is a building which is said to have been converted into
a mosque about eighty years ago, and was used as such
till 1857, and regarded by the Mohammedans as peculi-
arly sacred; but during the Mutiny it was turned into
barracks. At present it consists of two cloisters,—the
larger one 84 feet in length, the smaller 66 feet. They are
of uniform breadth, but differ considerably in height, the
pillars in the larger cloister being at least a foot higher
than in the other. As the pillars now stand, they form
three colonnades, which extend the whole length of the
two buildings. One row of pillars is built into the back
wall, and there are three detached rows of columns in
front of these. Some of the pillars are covered with very
deeply-cut carving, and represent the lotus in a scroll
form, and a Brahmini goose is sculptured at the base
of each; others have a kind of geometrical pattern upon
them; and some pillars, again, have no ornamentation
whatever. These pillars have a genuine Buddhist char-
acter, are interesting in an archaeological point of view,
and some, in addition, are of great beauty. The ceiling,
as is common in most Hindú temples, is divided into
squares, and richly decorated in some parts.

152

CHAPTER XI.

MODERN BENARES—PARTICULARS OF A CONVERSATION WITH A LEARNED HINDÚ PUNDIT—POOJA, OR CERTAIN FORMS OF HINDÚ WORSHIP AS PRACTISED AT BENARES — DESCRIPTIONS OF VARIOUS TEMPLES IN THAT CITY — CURIOUS STATEMENTS TAKEN DOWN FROM THE MOUTH OF A HIGH-CASTE BRAHMIN.

THE modern city of Benares is situated on the left bank of the Ganges. At distances along the river are ghats, or flights of steps leading down to it. Some of these, as well as some of the temples, are in a ruined state, standing quite in the water, or being very much out of the perpendicular, owing to the banks of the Ganges having given way. The city is believed to contain about 1400 Hindú temples, and of Mohammadan mosques a considerable number. On the other side of the river is the suburb of Ramnagur, in which is the palace of the Maharajah. A pilgrimage to Ramnagur is performed during the cold weather, the Hindús having the idea that should they chance to die there they will become donkeys in the future state, but that by making this pilgrimage such danger will be averted. The Maharajah, whenever he feels ill, causes himself to be conveyed across to Benares. The origin of this idea is said to be as follows: There are two great sects amongst the Hindús—the worshippers of Shiva and those of Vishnu, these being the two principal gods of

INTERVIEW WITH A LEARNED PUNDIT.

153

the Hindú pantheon. The Vishnuvite Brahmins, jealous of the influence of their Shivite rivals, wished to establish another sacred city on the opposite bank of the river, but were foiled in this by their adversaries persuading the people that all who should die there would inevitably, in their next transmigration, take the asinine form.

It will not be inopportune in this place to give some account of the respective differences in belief and worship between the followers of Shiva and of Vishnu. Whilst we were at Benares, my husband had a conversation with a learned pundit, which I will insert in the colloquial form as it occurred. This pundit, when asked whether he were a Vishnuvite or a follower of Shiva said, "I am a worshipper of Vishnu; only bad men worship Shiva and Brahma. Vishnu is the only god, the great god, the almighty, the all-powerful, the all-wise." C. said, "Who then is Shiva?" "He is the spirit of darkness, or of destruction, and all evil," the pundit replied. C. again asked, "Do you believe in the incarnations of Vishnu, — that he was Krishna, for instance?" The pundit answered, "Yes; Vishnu appeared on earth in the form of Krishna." "How then was it that all the children of this almighty god were killed by one of his enemies? that he was defeated in battle, and at length himself was killed? are these and the stories of Krishna's immaterialities allegorical?" The pundit replied, "No, they are not; they are strictly true: they happened exactly as they have been related. Krishna did no harm; no person was hurt by his immoralities." He added that the Brahmin worshippers of Shiva drink wine, and eat meat, and that there are great numbers of such in Bengal. Two or three days later I was present when a Mahratta

154 CONVERSATION WITH A MAHRATTA BRAHMIN.

Brahmin from Poona, one of the Chitpawn caste, came to see us. According to his account, the *Chitpawn* form one of the three great divisions or castes amongst the Brahmins. Pershám, some say—a warrior god, one of the incarnations of Vishnu—made these divisions. The word Chitpawn signifies dead bodies. The second division are the *Kuradhay*, who are bound by their religion to kill some man, therefore our friend the Chitpawn said he would not dine with one of the Kuradhay without considerable hesitation. The third division are called *Dashust*, or the people living on the ghâts. There are many subdivisions of these.

The visit of this Brahmin, Eknath Kanáré by name, was most opportune, as he being a Shivite we were able to hear his views on religion, and compare them with those of the Vishnuvite pundit. Eknath Kanáré told us that all over the Dekhan there are Vishnuvites and Shivites; the former place Vishnu, and the latter Shiva, in the middle, or place of honour, when their principal gods are represented; that these are five in number—viz., Shiva, Vishnu, Gunputi (otherwise Ganesha, the elephant-headed god), Surajkanth, and Sonamuki (or gold stone). Even Shivites, he added, somewhat inconsistently, acknowledge Vishnu to be the head; Brahma is not a god, is not worshipped by any one; he was simply made by Vishnu that he might create the world. Shiva is their Saviour, but Vishnu the Creator and supreme god of all. At Gya, near Patna, they believe that they see the imprint of one of Vishnu's feet, and have a tradition that the other is to be seen at Mecca. According to this Brahmin, certain Brahmins have been to Mecca, and some still occasionally go thither, and offer balls of rice, as at Gya. He also said that at Mecca a bell sometimes rings of

STORY OF HINDÚ CONNECTION WITH MECCA. 155

itself, and if a Hindú be there at that moment, and he
answers the summons, saying, "I am here," the Moham-
medans then allow him to go within the holy place.
He added that formerly it was strictly prohibited to all
Hindús to go beyond the Indus, but that this rule is
relaxed, and they may do so if, on their return, they
worship the *agui*, or fire, say certain prayers to it, give
charity, and make a feast to the Brahmins. Eknath
Kanáré, who is in the receipt of £20 a-month, told us
that were he to go it would cost him £100 on his return
to be readmitted into his caste. He also added that,
after Benares, Poona was formerly the most learned city
in India, and that Shivites worship the sun daily, and
the serpent once a year only, on a day which falls within
our months of July and August.

When we were at Benares in January 1877, just after
the Delhi assemblage, a great number of the native
princes were there, desirous before returning home to
perform certain rites required by their religion from all
Hindús, in order that they may wash away their own sins
and also purify the souls of their ancestors. I will here
describe this ceremony, which is called doing "Pooja,"
as I took it down from the mouth of an intelligent
Brahmin who is *babu* (or clerk) to a friend of ours.

The pilgrims are required first to bathe in the Mani-
karnika Kund (or tank) near the ghât of that name,
taking with them flowers and uncooked rice. After
dipping themselves several times in this tank (the
water in which is anything but clean looking or inviting
either to sight or smell), they must make presents to
the *pandas*, who are certain privileged hereditary Brah-
mins. Whilst the pilgrim is in the water, the pandas
repeat some Sanscrit verses; the former meanwhile

156 HINDÚ MODE OF REDEMPTION FROM PURGATORY.

takes up some water in the hollow of his two hands,
and, inclining his body, pours a libation to the four
quarters of the compass: this they believe cleanses away
their own sins and those of their forefathers who have
died before them, and also those of their friends and
relations who have no sons of their own, all of whom
they mention by name. This part of the ceremony is
called "Turpan," and can only be performed by males:
the women also do pooja, but omit this. The pilgrim
then goes to the temple of Bishesharnath (one of the
numerous names of Shiva), which signifies "Lord of the
World," and is better known under the name of the
"Golden Temple." Arrived there, offerings of flowers,
rice, and also money are made, the pandas repeating
more Sanskrit verses; and from thence the temple of
Anya-purna must be visited. This is one of the many
names by which Shiva's wife is known, and there simi-
lar rites must be observed. In his different aspects,
Shiva is called Maháléo, Bishéswar, Kedáreswar, San-
gaméswar, &c.; and Durga in the same manner has the
names of Sati, Parvati, Parbuti, Kali, Gauri, &c. The
pilgrim must next feast, at least, twelve unmarried Brah-
min girls, and worship at the feet of one of these, with
the same worship as he gives to his gods, and present
her with good clothes and ornaments. Such girls are
considered equal in rank to Durga, and are called "Bhag-
vati," or mistresses of the world. He must then give
food to at least twelve Brahmins, after which these all
receive presents according to the means of the pilgrim,
and then feed twelve married women of the Brahmin
caste, who need not necessarily receive any presents.
Then comes the turn of twelve pundits, who are each pre-
sented with a basket of sweetmeats and a gift of money.

THE NESTS OF THE WHITE ANT.

257

of the road there were fields of roses, grown for the
purpose of making the attar. After a time the land
seemed mostly to be used for grazing purposes, though
a certain amount of wheat cultivation was carried on.
Babool-trees (the wood of which is used in dyeing)
formed an avenue through which we passed. These
were succeeded by mulberry-trees of two or three
different varieties: the fruit being ripe, men, women,
children, and *dogs* had all turned out to take their fill.
The whole country was fairly well wooded. In one or
two places we passed through thick copses; and though
here and there I saw old trees, yet the majority were
not more than twenty or thirty years old. The sheshum-
tree was the most common; the Bombay black-wood
furniture is made from its timber. During the latter
half of the road white ants' nests were numerous. They
were very curious, the little animals building their nest
(which is of earth) round the stem of a species of cactus,
or round the stalks of a tall kind of grass, not unlike
the pampas-grass. These nests are broad at the base,
and taper to a point at the top; they vary from three to
four feet in height, and are deeply furrowed all round.
As soon as it began to get dusk the fireflies surrounded
us in myriads.

We did not see anything of Patánkote itself, as we
only arrived there after dark, and left it at 7 A. M.
the next morning. The carriage-road ceasing at Patán-
kote, I started for our march of eighteen miles, mounted
on a Yarkundi pony, which we had bought at Amritsar
some time before; and my husband walked, as he had
been unable to procure a second animal. The first part
of the road was a gentle rise; but after going about five
or six miles we came to a low range of hills, and the

R

258

VEGETATION IN THE JUNGLE.

remainder of the distance was a continual ascent and descent, winding round the spurs of these hills, which were intersected with numerous ravines, rendering the road a very tortuous one. The whole of this march was through a well-wooded district; flowering shrubs covered the ground, and large trees rise at intervals in the midst of these. The branches of one tree—I do not know its name, but it is a very common tree in the jungles—looked like gigantic masses of coral; for its flowers, which are of a bright red colour, come out before the leaves, and encircle the branches. The oleander also grew in great profusion, and was in full bloom. The last two or three miles of the road up to the bungalow at Dhar was through a wood of the *Pimus longifolia*. The march from Dhar to Dunera was only eleven miles. The road wound round the hills much in the same manner as before, but the ravines were less steep and abrupt; and on approaching Dunera some cultivation is possible in them.

The following day we marched to Mamúl, starting at 6 A.M. On leaving Dunera the road enters upon the higher mountains. This day I saw very lovely trees of *Spiræa*—many of them at least 20 feet high, and white with bloom. Also a species of cactus, growing to a height of 12 or 14 feet, with stems 6 or 8 inches in diameter, whence issued stiff branches, giving it a resemblance to a candelabrum. About two miles before reaching Dunera a road turns off on the right, leading to the military depot of Bukloh, where a regiment of Goorkas is always stationed. The *dák* bungalow is on the spur of a mountain and in the midst of a pine-wood. Bukloh is on another summit, which perhaps may be a mile or more distant as the crow flies, yet I could, from

RHODODENDRON TREES.

259

where we were, distinctly hear the tunes played by the
military band when they were practising, soon after our
arrival.

The mountain-slopes round Mamúl are of great depth,
and have most of them been very skilfully terraced with
stones: that, and the general aspect of the scenery, re-
minded us very much of some of the southern slopes of
the Alps. The following morning we left for Dalhousie,
a distance of thirteen miles, our road again taking a
course round the sides and over the shoulders of some
mountains, and necessarily winding to such an extent to
avoid descending into the ravines below, that we saw
some of the houses at Dalhousie two hours before we
reached the place. We here first saw rhododendron
trees (I use this word advisedly, for not a few specimens
were between 30 and 40 feet in height, with trunks of
proportionately large diameter). Though it was too late
in the season to see the grand effect of the whole mass in
full bloom, yet individual trees had still many bunches
of flowers upon them, all of the dark crimson variety;
but I heard that, at a still higher elevation, those
with white blossoms are not uncommon. Amongst other
trees we saw gigantic ilex (the evergreen oak), and a
species of horse-chestnut, differing slightly in the form
of its leaf from our own well-known kind, but exactly
the same as a variety we had met with in Kashmir.
Of smaller shrubs and flowers I observed the two kinds
of berberis which are common at home; also kalmias,
and a tiny mauve auricula which I have often found
in the higher Swiss mountains, and the modest violet.

On the previous march we had caught glimpses of
snow-tipped mountains in front of us, but it was not
till we had climbed up to the top of what appeared from

260

DALHOUSIE.

below to be a small level ridge between two hills, had
turned round a corner, and were fairly in Dalhousie on
that part of it called Teera, where the friend resided whom
we were going to stay with, that a most glorious pan-
orama burst upon our view—a chain of snowy summits
forming the background of the picture. The selection
of a site for a sanitarium, which was afterwards called
Dalhousie, was made by Lord Napier of Magdala in
1851, and five plateaux at different elevations on the
mountain were chosen on which to build, and were
finally marked out in 1854. These are now called re-
spectively Kuttullaugh, Potrain, Teera, Bukrota, and
Bhungora. In 1866 a plateau called Baloon was
selected, instead of the first named of these, as a site
whereon to build barracks for convalescent soldiers;
and on Bukrota there is a military cantonment. Since
this last date a number of detached villas have been
built by private persons and others on the various
plateaux. Some of these are built in the Swiss châlet
style, with high-pitched roofs, projecting eaves, and
casement windows. Teera, the hill on which we lived,
is 6820 feet above the sea; Upper Bukrota, the highest
part of the whole station, is 7687 feet. Potrain and
the other sites named are at a lower level.

We left Dalhousie for Chumba on the 16th of May,
taking the upper road, which is a rather difficult one,
but was considered far more beautiful than the lower
one. On leaving Dalhousie we had to mount Bukrota
hill and reach a still higher point, whence there was a
descent mostly through thick woods to Kejeár, where
there is a pretty little bungalow situated on a grassy
meadow of some extent, having a tiny lake with a
floating island in its midst. The following morning

CHUMBA.

261

we went on to Chumba, the principal town in the native state of that name. This was a rather fatiguing though a very lovely march. After accomplishing about half the distance, we came to a high ridge or gap between two mountains; from this point we had a view of the town of Chumba and the course of the river Ravi at its foot. During the first day's march the vegetation was much the same as at Dalhousie; but on the second, in addition to the rhododendrons, &c., there were more deciduous trees, a greater variety of ferns, and a small species of bamboo, which was very graceful, and grew from three to four feet high. I also noticed some of the same flowering shrubs which we had seen in Kashmir, and a clematis, with large star-like white flowers, which is very common in parts of Algeria.

On approaching Chumba we crossed the Ravi by a suspension-bridge, and then had to mount some 500 feet to reach the plateau on which the town is built, and where is also the house of the Political Agent, whose guests we were going to be. Two rivers meet near Chumba—the Ravi is joined by its tributary the Sao. The valley is surrounded on all sides by grand mountains; at the southern end a lofty snowy cone bounds the view. The *mailán*, or plateau, where the town is situated, is about 500 paces in length by 80 in breadth: it lies about 3000 feet above the sea.

The state of Chumba extends about fifty miles in a straight line from north to south, and somewhat less from east to west. The natives' houses are all built of wood, with roofs of the same material (even the rajah's palace was no exception to this rule, except that its foundations are of stone); many of them much resemble Tyrolese or Swiss *chálets*. The houses of the Political

262

A VISIT TO SOME NATIVE LADIES.

Agent, and those occupied by the medical missionary, engineer, &c., are more solidly built, and have slate roofs. The rajah abdicated about three years before our visit in favour of his son, who, when we saw him, was a lad of about twelve, but very small of his age. From all I could gather, the old rajah, who lives somewhere in the state, though not in the Chumba capital, was a good riddance; for, amongst other peccadillos, he terribly ill-treated his wives, the two ranees, who are twin sisters. I paid them a visit; for, unlike many native ladies, these, I was told, are always pleased to see Europeans. One sister has no children, but the other is the mother of the young rajah and his little brother. Of course they pass what would be to us a most terribly secluded life, rarely leaving the house; if they do go out, it is only in a closed palanquin: but there is a fine view from some of the latticed windows, behind which these ladies can sit and see without being seen. On one side is a mountain gorge and pass; and on the other they have a view of all that is going on in the green meadow below, whether the little prince and his brother constantly resort to play at cricket. The elder boy is not at all a bad performer at this game, or at badminton, which he seemed thoroughly to enjoy. A European gentleman who, a few years ago, temporarily filled the post of Political Agent, gave the queen-mother a binocular glass, which is a great delight to her. That lady could not be more than twenty-six or twenty-seven years of age when I saw her: she had a sweet but very sad expression of countenance. Her movements were graceful, and she had remarkably pleasing manners.

The royal family of Chumba are Rajputs of the highest caste. They and other mountain rajahs are known

ALSO TO THE FIVE WIDOWS OF A RAJAH.

263

and distinguished by some appellation which either has
reference to their state or to the founder of their family.
Those of Mundi are called Mundial, and of Chumba,
Chumyal, from a distinguished Rajput. The boy-rajah
of Chumba has an English tutor, and a Hindú pundit
(all the people in Chumba are Hindús) teaches him
Sanscrit and other native languages. His small brother,
and three other boys, sons of his officials, are educated
with him, and are his constant companions. One of
these last is extraordinarily stout, and seemed to be the
butt of the whole party, being known as the fat boy, and
the muff, because he could not run, or bowl, or catch a
ball like the rest; but he appeared to take all the chaff
in good part.

During our stay in Chumba I also visited five other
ranees who live in another palace in the higher part of
the town. They are all the widows of a former rajah
who had died about eight years before. He was the
brother of the man who had abdicated, and consequently
the uncle of the present boy-ruler. The ages of these
widows vary from twenty-two to perhaps twenty-six
years, the youngest was thus a widow at the age of four-
teen. Since their widowhood, custom has obliged them
to leave off wearing jewels, to dress entirely in white, and
to abstain from eating either meat or fish. Two of these
ladies were rather short, plain, and uninteresting-looking;
the other three appeared very intelligent, especially the
youngest, who was the chief spokeswoman. These last
all said they could read Hindí. The youngest exhibited
some very beautiful embroidery she had been working
with floss silks. She told me she was a Kashmiri, and, as
a child, had been educated by a pundit who lived in her
father's house. It made me very sad to think of the

264

DHARMSALA.

life of perpetual seclusion to which such an intelligent
young lady is condemned by Hindú prejudices; as, from
what I saw of her, I could well imagine she might be-
come a useful and happy member of society if only it
were possible to emancipate her.

On 22d May we left Chumba for Dharmsala in the
Kangra district. It is four marches—the first, to Cho-
hari, 17½ miles over the pass of that name. For the
first nine miles the road was a continual steep ascent;
we had to mount nearly 6000 feet to reach the top of
the pass. When about half-way down on the further
side, to our great surprise, we had a view over the lower
ranges below us, down to the plains of India. Between
Chohari and Sihanti (16 miles) we had to descend and
ascend three steep ravines, which made the march a
fatiguing one. The following day, from Sihanti to
Shapore (14 miles), our road was a very undulating one,
though at the latter place the aneroid marked only
2000 feet. As soon as we got into British territory,
which was about a couple of miles before reaching Shah-
pore, we saw the first tea-plantations. The next morn-
ing, soon after we started, we could distinguish some of
the houses at Dharmsala, dotted about on the slopes of
the mountains some distance above us. It was a good
pull of 14 miles up to the house of the friend we were
going to visit.

At that point we were at a height of about 6200 feet
above the sea; from thence we had a grand and exten-
sive view of the lower hills and the plains beyond. As
at Dalhousie, rhododendrons abounded on the sides of
the hills. The church is a well built stone one:
its enclosure has a special interest, in that it contains
the grave and monument of the late Lord Elgin, who

ENTER TERRITORY OF THE RAJAH OF MUNDI. 265

died at Dharmsala in 1863. On 28th May we again
started off on our travels, in order to go to Simla, the
distance being 161 miles, or fourteen marches. We had
of course to descend considerably, and reached Palum-
pore the second day: that place is the great centre of
the Kangra valley tea-plantations. At Bijnath, our
next stopping-place, there are two old temples: both of
them have much ornamentation, and are dedicated to
Shiva. The larger and more highly decorated one is in
the middle of the village, and consists of a square walled
enclosure, in the centre of which is the ante-temple,
with a Hindú ceiling supported on four columns. There
are window-like openings on either side, having small
projecting balconies at a height of about seven feet from
the ground. The roof of the shrine is of the usual curvi-
linear pyramidal form, such as is almost universally
found in the old Hindú temples of northern India.
In the courtyard is a Brahmini bull carved in stone,
all worn into holes by the oil which has been burnt
upon it by devout pilgrims and others.

At Dailoo we entered upon the territory of the Rajah
of Mundi, who keeps up several bungalows for the use
of travellers passing through his state, and supplies these
houses with servants, crockery, and furniture on the dāk
bungalow principle; but, unlike those establishments,
the rajah's accommodation is free. About three or four
miles beyond Dailoo, in the middle of a large wood of
Pinus longijolia, and a few hundred yards below the
road, is the little village of Harra-bagh, where there is
a curious and interesting old Hindú temple, which is
richly decorated both within and without, and had
recently been restored without any unnecessary injury
to the original character of the building. A spring of

266

DESCRIPTION OF NATIVE COSTUME.

water rises from under it and forms a small tank. On mounting a few steps a platform is reached, which is surrounded by a wall about 12 feet high. The temple in the middle of this courtyard consists of a square hall of about the same dimensions as the ante-temple at Bijnath, and constructed in a similar manner. In the centre of the space between the pillars is a Brahmini bull carved in stone. A female figure is holding the tail of the animal, and the bell which hangs from its neck rests upon the head of a cobra. On slabs of stone resting against the walls of this chamber are carved representations of Hanuman, Gunputi, &c.; and also on either side of the door-posts leading to the inner shrine is a male figure. One of these bears a club, no doubt to show his authority in civil matters, and is most probably intended to represent Shiva as Baironath; the other, a military official, is armed with a sword, and has a couple of fierce-looking dogs at his feet. Inside the shrine is a dark-coloured female goddess—a life-sized figure dressed in a white robe, and carrying a still blacker infant on her left arm. On inquiry, we were told that she was Bhavani—the name for Durga, as the goddess of nature and fecundity.

The men and women, in the part of Mundi we passed through, wear a sort of loose dress of white woollen stuff, with a band or rope round the waist. The former wear a high cap of the same material, shaped like a bag. The women's head-dress is of the same form as that of the men, but made of a dark-red cloth: they roll up the lower part, so that it looks like a kind of turban. The young and pretty ones stick this cap coquettishly on one side of the head, and occasionally adorn it with a bunch of wild flowers. The women's hair is all gathered

NOVEL USE FOR A BASKET.

267

into a single plait, left hanging down the back: the natural growth is added to and lengthened by having black sheep's wool plaited in with it, so that the tail of hair almost touches the ground. Both men and women carry loads of salt and other things in a basket resting against the back, and supported by ropes round the chest or arms. These baskets were very similar in shape to those in use in some parts of Switzerland. I often could not help smiling to see the use to which the women put them: they seemed to find them a convenient receptacle for their long tails, which sometimes lie coiled up like a snake within their baskets.

About half-way between Dailoo and Jitingri there is a salt-mine on the left hand. Shortly after passing this we entered a forest of deodaras, which seemed to contain very few old trees; but the contrast of colour between their foliage and the wild climbing white rose-trees, which reached the summit of many of them, and hung down a mass of white blossoms, was very striking. The vegetation changed the latter part of the way, and we went through a wood of ilex and rhododendron. The bungalow at Jitingri is placed on the crest of a spur of a mountain-range: the aneroid indicated a height of 6200 feet.

The following march, to Drang, was a hot and fatiguing one of fourteen miles: it was necessary to ascend some 500 or 600 feet, and ride for ten miles up and down steep pitches. The last four miles was a stony descent, steeper than the roof of an ordinary house, and a mass of rolling stones. At Drang, also, there is a salt-mine—or, rather, the salt seemed to be quarried, like so much stone, out of the side of a mountain.

Our next halting-place was Mundi itself, the capital

268 NO SIKH FORMERLY ENTERED THE TOWN OF MUNDI.

of the state. The celebrated traveller Vigne, who passed through Mundi nearly fifty years ago, states that the then rajah told him that this name was taken from that of a holy man, one of his ancestors; and added, that Guru Govind Singh, disguised as a fakir, arrived at Sultanpore, in Kulu, whose rajah, a pious Hindú, asked him to perform a miracle. The pretended fakir took hold of his own beard, and drew it out to a great length; but the rajah showed him a miracle in return: he breathed forth a flame which consumed the fakir's beard; and then, still further to show his power, imprisoned the *guru* in a cage—upon which this last caused himself to be borne through the air to Mundi, cage and all. Its ruler treated him with much kindness, and in return begged the *guru* to decree that no stranger should ever invade his country. The *guru* replied that the rajahs of Mundi must give tribute to the Sikhs, but that these should never enter their capital. This rule was still in force in the time of Ranjit Singh —no servant or official of his having ever entered Mundi, the officer appointed to receive the revenue always residing outside the town.

The rajah had received a private letter beforehand to tell him that we were coming through his territories; and as soon as we arrived he sent down an official to ask my husband to pay him a visit. C., on his return, said he found him very pleasant and agreeable, and that he spoke English remarkably well. On taking leave, my husband was presented with a small case of particularly delicious orange pekoe, grown and manufactured in the state of Mundi. The Beas has become a considerable river by the time it reaches this point, and is crossed by a good suspension-bridge.

SINGULAR COLLECTION OF SCULPTURED STONES. 269

The following day, after having left Mundi about a
mile behind us, we saw, by the roadside, a singular col-
lection of upright stones, which must have been upwards
of one hundred in number. There were, perhaps, about
four or five large ones about 12 feet high, on which
were sculptured a man on horseback, with a sword in
his hand, his steed being fully caparisoned; also figures
holding *chauris* (or fans of yaks' tails) to drive away the
flies. The smaller stones, which varied perhaps from 4
feet in height down to 12 inches, had all of them female
figures sculptured upon them. We were at the time
much puzzled to understand the meaning of this singu-
lar collection of stones; but on afterwards turning to
one of the Government records compiled by Major Har-
court, who was for some time Assistant Commissioner in
Kulu, I saw that he mentioned having observed similar
rows of stones at Nuggur, in that valley, and that there
the report was that such stones were placed in position
at the death of every sovereign, and that the female
figures were the effigies of such of his wives as had per-
formed *suttee* at their lord's death. If this was the
case, what a fearful number of victims must have per-
ished on each such occasion!

Our next march was to Sukét, the capital of a small
native state. Its rajahs are believed to be one of the
oldest, if not the oldest, of the Rajput hill-families. On
approaching the town we were met by some of the
officials of the state, the Rajah of Mundi having sent on
a messenger to apprise them of our coming. These
officials escorted us to the bungalow, near which, stand-
ing beneath an umbrella of state, was a young nephew
of the deposed rajah, who bade us welcome. His uncle
had been deposed about a couple of months previously.

270

A HINDÚ DINNER.

he having, by his oppressions and misgovernment,
brought his people into almost open revolt; upon which
the English Government sent an officer to remain there
for a period and arrange matters; and accordingly the
rajah's eldest son, a lad of fourteen, was made rajah, and
his uncle appointed regent during his minority. Later
on in the day the regent also came to see us, and made
us all manner of civil speeches; and in the afternoon, at
his invitation, we went to his durbar-room, and there
saw several of the old rajah's younger children: the
little rajah himself was ill, and unable to see us. Since
then we have heard of his death, in a deep decline, and
the brother next in age will succeed him: the younger
ones being half-brothers only, and not by a Rajput
mother, are not strictly legitimate, and are incapable of
succeeding.

From Sukét we went on to Bilaspore, another native
state. This was a long and fatiguing march of twenty-
two miles. Having to cross the river Sutlej by a ferry,
our servants and baggage were so much delayed that
some of them did not arrive till the next day. My
Yarkundi pony was very resolute in his determination
not to enter the ferry-boat, and for half an hour resisted
all the efforts of four or five men to persuade him to
change his mind; but at length, a rope being fastened
to one of his fore-legs, that foot was dragged by main
force into the boat, and the rest of him was then forced
to follow. Our cook and his provision-baskets did not
arrive at Bilaspore till 10 P.M., so that we should have
had to go dinnerless to bed had not the rajah sent us
in a native dinner, consisting of two kinds of meat, one
vegetable, rice, sweet cakes, sugar, butter, sweetmeats,
and *chupatties*—which last are the native substitute for

VISIT TO THE RAJAH OF BILASPORE.

271

bread. Each *plat* was in a separate little dish, made of the leaves of some tree, pinned together with the thorns of a plant. So artfully are these dishes constructed, that not a drop of the gravy seems to escape. The Hindús adopt these leaf-dishes, because by their religion they may not eat out of any vessel which cannot afterwards be cleaned by scrubbing it with sand; and therefore they either use brass utensils, or else such dishes as I have described made of leaves, which, after being once used, are thrown away.

The following morning the rajah sent word to say that he hoped we would pay him a visit towards evening, when the heat of the day was a little past. So accordingly, about 6 P.M., we went to a garden near the bungalow, where preparations had been made for our reception; and we sat some time conversing with him. We had hardly returned to the bungalow again before that prince sent us some very pretty boxes made of leather; the sides ornamented with medallions of the same material, in various colours; and the top embroidered in a kind of satin stitch, worked with finely-split porcupine-quills, and having a very silvery effect. I had before seen some specimens of this work in private houses, and have since heard that it is made at Jutogh, near Simla. In India, each town, each state, each little district almost, seems to have its different manufactures, and special varieties in the styles of its jewellery and ornaments, which it is frequently impossible to procure except in their own particular locality. The ornaments worn by the native women, as well as the style and material of their dress, vary immensely in design and shape in different districts, so that the eye has to be perpetually on the watch to grasp the new

272

RAJAH OF ERKI—HIS FINE EMERALDS.

forms which sometimes are met with at short distances
from each other.

From Bilaspore we took the upper road to Simla,
which had two advantages, in that it was shorter than
the other, and also kept along a higher level, which at
that time of year was a great point gained. Since leav-
ing Dalhousie we had already been obliged to descend
twice almost down to the plains of India, and found it
no joke to be out in the heat of the day during the
month of June. The mountain road which we followed
from this point had been described to us as a bad and
stony one, with steep ascents and descents, but we found
it no worse than much we had traversed before. We
had to pass through another small native state—that of
Erki—where, as before, we were met at the frontier by
an official, and, on entering the town, by a near relation
of the rajah's. We only remained one night there; and
soon after our arrival we went up to the palace at the
rajah's request, to pay him a visit. The palace at Erki
is much larger and more solidly built than those of any
of the small states which I have just been describing.
This rajah, who only succeeded his uncle about ten
months before our visit, keeps up more parade and
show than the other chiefs whose territories we had
passed through, though his estates are smaller in extent
than those of the rajahs of Mundi and Bilaspore. The
ruler of Erki is a fine-looking man, of about thirty years
of age, with dignified manners. He received us in a
very pretty painted chamber, closed on three sides, and
supported by pillars on the fourth. From this apart-
ment we had a view of Subathu, and the hills near and
round Simla. The rajah had a very magnificent orna-
ment in his turban: the central emerald was consider-

ARRIVAL AT SIMLA.

273

ably larger than a five-shilling piece, and was surrounded
with diamonds. Round his throat were two strings of
large pearls; from one of those depended a jewel com-
posed of a fine emerald.

Not far from Erki we witnessed a singular custom,
which is peculiar, I believe, to the natives of that part
of the hills,—in fact, visitors to Simla, I was afterwards
told, are in the habit of going to a certain village not
far off, where it is improvised for their amusement.
Whilst on the march, on seeing a likely spot near a
spring where we could eat our luncheon, we dismounted.
Hearing the sound of an infant's voice under a tree,
I went round it, and discovered a young child lying
in a sort of natural bower, formed by the roots of a large
tree, over which branches had been placed so as to screen
it effectually from the sun. Its sleeping-place had been
so arranged that a half-tube of bamboo caused a small
streamlet of water to flow perpetually against the crown
of the infant's head without wetting its clothes or any
other part of its body. Two or three other children
were reposing with a similar apparatus over them: one
little fellow of four or five years old came and laid
himself down in the proper position to receive the full
benefit of another runlet.

We reached Simla on 11th June, and were very thank-
ful to find ourselves at the house of our kind friends
there, after having had a most trying march of nearly
twenty-five miles. There was so much delay, owing to
the change of coolies on passing from native to British
territory, that our baggage did not arrive till the follow-
ing morning. Our friend's house was situated on a hill
called "Jacko," and there was a splendid view from it.
In the foreground were steep ravines, formed by the

8

274 LARGE EUROPEAN POPULATION IN SUMMER.

lateral spurs of the hills; beyond these a well-wooded
range of high hills, on one of which is Mashobra, where
the Viceroy has a summer residence; and in the ex-
treme distance there was a grand snowy chain of moun-
tains bounding the view on the north. Simla is best
seen on approaching it from Jutogh, whence the whole
has the form of an arc, with houses dotted all along it.
In some parts the hillsides are thickly covered with
bungalows. Peterhoff, the Viceroy's residence, may be
called the north-western, and Chor View the south-
western, point of the semicircle. The church is almost
in the centre of the bow. The different parts of the
station have various names, such as West End, Chota
Simla, Burra Simla, &c.

During the summer season the place is very crowded,
for all the Government offices, with their staff of em-
ployés and clerks, come up from Calcutta; the Com-
mander-in-Chief and his staff are there likewise. The
Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjaub was also at Simla
at the time of our visit; it was said that he would for
the future make that place his summer headquarters
instead of Murree, as heretofore.

275

CHAPTER XIX.

MARCH FROM SIMLA TOWARDS KULU — JALOURI PASS — OLD TEMPLE AT BAJOURA—SULTANPORE—VISIT TO RANEE—TEA-CULTIVATION IN KULU — NUGGER, THE OLD CAPITAL—MANĀLI, AND CURIOUS WOODEN TEMPLE NEAR ROTANG PASS — LAHOUL — SHEEP AND GOATS USED AS BEASTS OF BURDEN — GERMAN MISSIONARY ESTABLISHMENT — PROPHECY IN THIBET RESPECTING QUEEN VICTORIA—SNOWED UP IN TENTS AT NEARLY 15,000 FEET ABOVE THE SEA — PASSES INTO KASHMIR AGAIN CLOSED — RETURN TO KULU.

WE did not quit Simla till 12th July. A good fortnight was taken up in repairing the damages consequent on our twenty-four previous marches, for the Indian workman is slow in his movements; then an attack of fever delayed our departure for some days; after which the monsoon set in, so that all advised us to wait for a break, which came at last.

The first march of eleven miles to Fagoo is a very
lovely one. About two miles out of Simla the road
passes through a short tunnel, and then continues wind-
ing up and round the spurs of the mountains, so that
some of the houses on "Jacko" were visible for a long
time. The following day we made a double march of
eighteen miles to Mattiana: the scenery in itself was
not so striking as on the preceding one, but there was
a greater abundance of wild flowers. The next march,
from Mattiana to Nagkunda (or the shoulder of the
snake), was a very beautiful ride of eleven miles. When

276

A VERY FATIGUING MARCH.

close to the bungalow at Nagkunda, on turning round a corner, there is a glorious panorama of snowy mountains—the same range that we saw from Simla and Fagoo, only that we were much nearer to them.

We remained a day at Nagkunda in order to ascend Hattoo, 10,646 feet above sea-level. This mountain was about six miles distant. From its summit a splendid view is at times to be obtained; but alas! we were not in luck, for when we got there clouds obscured the distant mountains. It is impossible to ride the whole way either up or down Hattoo, as, for a considerable distance, the road is very steep and stony.

From Nagkunda we went to Dularsh, seventeen miles: this I thought the most fatiguing march, both for man and beast, which we had ever experienced. For the first nine or ten miles the road was a continual descent—the last five of these were much too steep and rough to ride down; so, shortly after passing through the little capital of the native state of Komarsen, I had to dismount, and walk down to the river Sutlej—and a terribly hot and trying walk it was. The Sutlej is there crossed by a fragile-looking wooden bridge; and after passing this we commenced to ascend a mountain very steeply zigzagged in some places. As the Sutlej valley is a mere deep ravine, we had to climb up to the very top of the mountain, whence we had a view into a different valley, and a mile and a half's skirting along the ridge at the top brought us to the rest-house, which was truly properly so-called in our case: we were so tired as absolutely to need a day of repose. The march in the heat, down to so low a level, and the absence of shade made it most trying.

On 18th July we went from Dularsh to Choi, a

A HINDÚ WHO HAS TURNED MUSSULMAN. 277

distance of only eight miles. It was necessary first to ascend a small pass called the Kanda Ghae: the descent on the other side was through a pine-wood. We then ascended considerably and skirted round the spurs of some mountains. On the following march, from Choi to Kot (eleven miles), the scenery partook of much the same character, but the flora was more varied. I observed a species of *Canna* growing wild, also some common holly, and many ferns which I had never before seen in India. Amongst these were the *Osmunda regalis*, and a very diminutive variety of the holly fern.

At Kot a small excitement was produced by the *lumbadar* (or head-man of the village) applying to us to punish a fakir who had, as he said, been insulting some of the villagers. They were all Hindús, he added; and this fakir, a Mohammedan, had made his way into several of their houses. According to their notions this was a most unwarrantable proceeding. I think our servants were partly to blame, as they had encouraged this man to hang about our encampment at Choi, and he had followed us from thence. The greater part of the population of the village then led or drove the fakir up the hill, and they all disappeared round a corner, he calling out all the time, "Do not whip me! do not whip me!" In a few minutes, however, the matter seemed to have been settled in some manner, for the fakir came in sight again, collected his small bundles of food, and started on his way. On further questioning our servants, I learnt that this fakir was originally a Hindú, who had turned Mohammedan, which, I conclude, made our people (who were chiefly Mussulmans) favour him.

The following day, between Kot and Jibhi, we crossed

278

A FOREST OF DEODARAS.

the Jalouri Pass (10,500 feet): and this we both considered the most beautiful march we had so far made since leaving Simla. The first part of the road was a long but not excessively steep ascent, partly through woods of spruce-fir. On reaching the summit of the pass we had a view of one grand snowy mountain (clouds, I think, must have obscured others). A short way down the northern face of the pass a considerable extent of ground was covered with low bushes of rhododendron, about the size to which they grow in England, and no longer trees, like those at Dalhousie. The descent was tedious, and in some places steep. We had to go down to the level of the valley below before reaching the bungalow at Jibhi, which was very pictur esquely situated in a forest of gigantic deodaras.

The road from Jibhi to Manglaor was a rapid descent, the valley becoming narrower as we advanced. Between Manglaor and Larji the valley became still more contract ed, and was a mere gorge, with the river flowing through it. Our path, cut out of the side of the mountains, was sometimes high above the stream, and occasionally de scended down to its level, and thus was a series of per petual steep pitches and ascents. On leaving Manglaor there was a steep ascent for about three miles, after which, descending gradually, we found ourselves in the valley of the Beas. As we advanced this valley enlarged, till it was perhaps over a mile in width. At about nine or ten miles from Manglaor we crossed the Beas by a wooden bridge; and from thence the road to Bajoura, five miles further, was good level cantering ground.

Not far from the *ddk* bungalow at this latter place there is an interesting old temple of the pyramidal form, which has a good deal of carving on the exterior. There

SULTANPORE, THE PRESENT CAPITAL OF KULU. 279

is only one entrance to the temple, which is merely a
small cell, and contains the usual emblems of the wor-
ship of Māhādćo. On the other three sides are recesses
within which are carved bas-reliefs in stone. Ganesha,
the elephant-headed god, occupies one of these; in an-
other, a mutilated statue, which I believed to be a female
figure (probably Durga), has eight arms. One hand holds
the trident of Shiva, and is in the act of transfixing a
male figure which has fallen on one knee at her feet;
another hand grasps the same warrior by the hair of his
head; the other hands hold respectively a sword, a bow,
an arrow, and a cup; the eighth hand also held some-
thing, but I could not clearly make out what. In the
third recess is a male four-handed figure.

At Bajoura there is a tea-plantation belonging to the
Kulu Tea Company, who possess four or five other gar-
dens. This particular one, though small, is said to pro-
duce the best tea in the whole of the Kulu valley. From
Bajoura our next move was to Sultanpore, now the capi-
tal of the district,—Nugger, a place about twelve miles
further up the valley, was the old capital. The last
regnant chief of Kulu, Jeet Sing, was driven from his
throne by the Sikhs in 1840. At his death, Shere
Sing gave his jaghir (or estate held on a species
of feudal tenure) to Thakoor Sing, his distant cousin.
It is now held by Rae Duleep Sing, the grandson of
the last named, who, when we saw him, was a boy
of sixteen, and had been married a few months previ-
ously to a daughter of the Rajah of Nadaon—a petty
state on one of the roads between Dhurmsala and Simla.
The province of Kulu fell into the hands of the British
Government in 1846.

Whilst we were in Sultanpore I was asked if I would

280 A VISIT TO THE RAJAH'S STEP-MOTHER.

care to go and see the rance, a widow of the late rajah,
but step-mother to the present one, whose own mother
died some years ago. The customs in Kulu as regards
widows differ slightly from those I have already alluded
to as existing at Chumba; for at Sultanpore the wi-
dowed lady was dressed in bright colours, and wore
jewels—though the prohibition regarding eating meat
and fish applies equally in both cases. The Kulu rance
made great demonstrations of delight on seeing me, and
I believe she really felt much pleasure, as my visit was
an event which would beguile the ordinary monotony
and tediousness of her secluded life. She told me she
had never seen a European lady's face since she married
twenty-six years previously, and kept hold of one or
both of my hands all the time our interview lasted.

After a time, as the rance had business matters to talk
over with the Deputy Commissioner, she and I moved
into another room, which was almost dark. In a corri-
dor outside this were seated my husband and the British
official; a sort of screen was between us and them: we
being in the dark, the gentlemen could not see us, though
we could see them perfectly. In Kulu, as in Chumba
state, the rance had female attendants, and in both
instances the term "slaves" was applied to them,—and
such they really are. Though they are women of low
caste, who ordinarily would walk about freely unveiled,
yet when once they enter a rance's service—which they
very often do when they are quite children—they are
quite as much secluded from the public gaze as that
lady herself.

After staying a couple of days at Sultanpore we went
on to Raesun, eight miles further, where we stayed two
nights with Mr M., the only tea-planter in Kulu, who

NUGGER, THE ANCIENT CAPITAL OF KULU. 281

is manager and part owner of plantations there, and at Bajoura. On leaving Raesun, which is situated on the right bank of the Beas, instead of going direct to Dwara, our next halting-place, we crossed the river in order to see Nugger, the ancient capital of the district. The old castle there is a prominent object, for it is a large building standing rather apart from the village. Its construction is singular, the walls being made of large slabs of deodar-wood, alternating with courses of stones of various sizes neatly fitted together without mortar, except in one small portion, which is composed entirely of stones. A short distance below the castle there is a collection of upright stones similar to those I have already described near Mundi, but in a very inferior state of preservation. No doubt in both cases they were erected with the same object—that of commemorating the death of a rajah, and the number of his wives who committed suttee at the time of his obsequies.

On leaving Nugger we recrossed the river, and passed the night in the bungalow at Dwara. The following morning we rode on to Manāli, about fourteen miles, where we were the guests of Colonel S., a forest official, who had pitched tents for us near his house, his own accommodation being too limited to admit of his giving us rooms in his bungalow. Our friend's house, standing in the midst of a forest of deodaras, was situated on a natural terrace on the side of a mountain about 500 feet above the level of the river Beas, and from this position we had peeps of snowy mountains. The valley, which is very wide at Sultanpore, begins to contract at Raesun, and became very narrow before we reached Manāli. The scenery between Sultanpore and Manāli has, much of it, the character of an English park, the

282

CURIOUS WOODEN TEMPLE AT MANĀLI.

greater part of the road being carried through woods composed chiefly of deciduous trees,—clumps of alder fringing the banks of the river in many places.

Not far from Colonel S.'s house, and buried in the deodar forest, there is a most curious wooden temple, in form resembling those I have seen pictured as existing in Nepaul and Burmah. It is square in form, with overhanging eaves, surmounted by an ornament like a large umbrella. The temple occupied an area of perhaps 60 feet square, but more than half this space was filled up with a huge rock which reached to the roof, and formed the back wall of the inner chamber. A priest came and unlocked the building. Within it was a large horizontal slab of stone about 10 feet by 8, evidently a piece of rock in statu quo. Beneath this slab there was a large hollow, and in one corner of this was placed a small brass four-armed idol, which the attendant priest named Hurimba. He also told us that, in another hole close by, the blood of a hundred sheep was sometimes poured, on certain occasions when a rajah or some rich man came and offered sacrifices. The principal front of the temple was covered with rich carvings in wood. On one of the door-posts was a short inscription, which, we were informed, had never been deciphered.

We were detained at Manāli by bad weather, so that we did not leave our friend's house till 5th August, when we marched to Rahla (eleven miles). Between Manāli and Rahla we saw some enormous alder-trees; one of these measured 12 feet round at a height of 5 feet from the ground. Near Rahla there were also sycamores. On this march we deviated somewhat from our road in order to see the hot sulphur-spring at Beshist, which the natives are said not to prize for its healing properties, but simply

THE ROTANG PASS.

283

regard it as a sacred spot. The water flows into a
small enclosed tank, which has various gods sculptured
in *basso-rilievo* upon its walls.

The Rotang Pass, 13,500 feet, which we had now to
cross, is ordinarily free from snow early in June; but so
great had been the fall the previous winter, that, on 6th
August, it was not yet free from it. We went over at
least eight snow-slopes before reaching the summit, and
found there a snow-field which must have been upwards
of a mile in length. When we had traversed about two-
thirds of the distance, partly on horseback and partly
walking, being obliged to pick each step with the greatest
care, a dense mist came on, and we were obliged to make
a coolie walk a yard or two in advance to show us the
way. The beauty of the Rotang consists mainly in the
number of jagged snowy peaks which tower around and
above it on all sides. From Rahla up to the summit there
was a perfect garden of wild flowers, which even there
were beginning to spring up wherever the snow had
melted; and likewise, on descending to Koksir, 10,800
feet, I observed many wild flowers common to both
England and Switzerland.

These became still more varied and abundant on the
next march from Koksir to Sisu, though several snow-
slopes had to be passed that day also. Just before
reaching the rest-house at Koksir we had crossed the
Chundra river, which, about twenty-seven miles further
on, half-way between Gondla and Kyelang, joins the
Bhaga river, and the two thenceforward are called the
Chenab, one of the largest of the five great rivers of the
Punjaub. The moment we crossed the Chundra we were
in Lahoul, and from this point came amongst a Bud-
dhist population, and saw the first *mancs* and *chodtens*

284 SHEEP AND GOATS USED AS BEASTS OF BURDEN.

or dungtens, such as are common at the approach to each village in Thibet; but as I have already described these in my account of our visit to Ladakh in 1876, it is unnecessary to enlarge upon them in this place.

During the ascent of the Rotang we first saw sheep and goats used as beasts of burden, and afterwards met large flocks of these animals, each with two small bags slung over its back, and kept in position by ropes, which passed across the chest and beneath the tail, and were attached to the bags on either side. They are chiefly employed in the transport of salt. Each animal carries a weight of about 24 lb. In Lahoul the women not unfrequently act as coolies: they were often employed in carrying our baggage, and seemed to be able to take almost, if not quite, as heavy a load as the men.

The fair sex in Lahoul have a curious mode of dressing their hair. They arrange it in a great number of small plaits, which all (with the exception of three on each side) hang down the back, their length being supplemented with black wool. They are united at the waist, and confined with an ornament made of a piece of some large shell, fashioned somewhat in the form of a tortoise. These ornaments are sometimes plain, but more often engraved. The three plaits remaining on either side are brought forward close to the face, and fastened together on the top of the head with a large silver ornament. The villages in the Chundra valley are very singular: they are built of stones roughly squared and mortared together. Each village resembles a fort, the whole forming to the eye but one building—for every house is joined on to some other one. All have flat roofs and square walls, with loop-holes in them here and

STRIKING SCENERY IN THE CHUNDRA VALLEY. 285

there. These villages seemed to be as populous as an
ant's nest, judging from the numbers that came out to
have a peep at us as we rode by.

On the march from Sisu to Gondla (eight miles) we
also followed the valley of the Chundra, still remaining
at a height of about 10,000 feet above the sea; yet
there were mountains on either hand which towered
10,000 or 12,000 feet above us, on which were glaciers,
whence mountain torrents descended, forming innumer-
able waterfalls. The scenery of that part of the valley
was extremely grand and beautiful. At no part did it
appear to be more than half a mile in width; conse-
quently the mountains rose almost immediately from
where we stood. Their sides were so precipitous as to be
almost perpendicular, and their summits very serried in
their outline. It was a view which, in singularity and
wild sublimity, I have never seen equalled.

From Gondla we went up the Bhaga valley to Kyclang,
where there is a settlement of Moravian missionaries.
We found two of these pastors there, with their wives
and families, living quite in the German style, as far
as their household arrangements were concerned. One
of these clergymen had been there twenty-five, and the
other six, years. They seem to have gained considerable
influence over the Lahoulees, who come to consult them
in differences amongst themselves, and also to obtain
medical advice in cases of sickness: thus, to a certain
extent, they have obtained a degree of moral influence
over the natives, though not a single convert to Chris-
tianity has been made in the valley.

The Lahoulees practise polyandry. This custom would
appear, from all we heard, to have a most debasing effect
upon the morals of a people. The missionaries have

286 DEMON-WORSHIP STILL EXISTS IN LAHOU'L.

gathered round them a small colony of Ladakhis and Thibetans, whom, together with their families, they have converted to Christianity. One of these men had formerly been a lama. Considering that for many reasons it would be advisable to remove the mission-house to Leh, they have more than once applied to the Maharajah of Kashmir for the necessary permission; but this has been strenuously withheld, his Highness being, according to all accounts, a Hindú bigot, who would like to force the Buddhists of Ladakh to conform to his own faith.

As a rule, the British Government in India hold a neutral position in respect to religious matters; but in Lahoul the representative of the English Government (who is a native) exerts all his influence to excite the people against the Christian missionaries; and as, for a period of four months in the year, that district is entirely shut off from the outer world, owing to the Rotang Pass being utterly impassable in winter, during that time this individual's power is unrestrained by European influence. Amongst other things he is seeking to introduce easte, which had hitherto been unknown in Lahoul.

In many of the villages are buildings still in use, dedicated to demon-worship, which was the aboriginal religion of that people before Buddhism was introduced, and has now become mixed up with it. On the roof of such buildings is an erection much resembling an ordinary chimney in form, but made of singular materials—viz., ibex-horns, laid one upon the other; these being a good deal curved, a tolerably round form is thus obtained. It is said that the people not uncommonly find the remains of those animals in the spring, which have been killed and their bodies brought down

QUEEN VICTORIA, THE INCARNATION OF DURGA. 287

by avalanches at the time of the melting of the snows
of winter.

We were much interested in the useful work going on
at Kyelang. The two missionaries have made themselves
masters of the Tibetan language, and have translated
certain prayers and hymns into that tongue. They hold
regular services for their converts twice every Sunday,
and each morning have short daily prayers. Their con-
gregation consisted of about twenty grown-up persons.
These clergymen, who are both of them highly educated
and intelligent men, seemed to have entirely devoted their
lives to the work in that spot,—indeed, unless in a case
of utterly broken-down health, they never return home
again. Their children, when of an age to require more
education than they can give them, are sent to Europe
at the expense of their society, and there trained to
become missionaries, or missionaries' wives; so that these
parents, when once they part with a son or daughter,
have little or no chance of ever seeing them again.

Kyelang lies at a height of at least 10,000 feet above
the sea, yet we were told that wheat ripens upon a por-
tion of the mission farm, which is 2000 feet higher.
One or other of the missionaries visits Ladakh every
year. They related to us a curious fact which they had
heard from the people there, not once but several times,
that they believe Queen Victoria to be an incarnation
of Durga, the wife of Shiva, and that Buddhism is soon
to be at an end, when she will be their patron and
protector.

On lately reading Lieutenant-Colonel Prejevalsky's
tour in Mongolia during the years 1870, 1871, and 1872,
which has been translated from the original Russian, I
was much struck by seeing that a somewhat similar

288 THE THIBETAN SACRED ISLAND OF THE WEST.

idea prevails amongst the Mongols in the province of Ala-shan, which lies to the north-west of China. In a conversation Lieutenant-Colonel P. had with a lama named Sordji, who was the confidential adviser of the prince of that district, the lama related a prophecy respecting Shambaling, the promised land of the Buddhists.

Shambaling was, according to him, an island lying far away in the northern sea. Gold is plentiful there; and corn grows to an enormous height. Poverty is unknown,—in fact, Shambaling is a second land of Canaan. The Buddhists' migration thither should take place 2500 years after the date of the prophecy—450 years of this term are unexpired. Its accomplishment will be as follows: In Western Thibet there is a living Buddha who never dies, but only passes from one body to another. Not long before the time appointed for the fulfilment of this prophecy, this saint will be born in the person of the son of the King of Shambaling. In the meantime the Dungans (Chinese-Mohammedan insurgents, who mostly live by plunder, and are the terror of passing caravans) will have become more troublesome than ever, and have laid waste all Thibet. Its inhabitants, under the leadership of the Dalai Lama, will then abandon their country and start for Shambaling, where they will be received by their saint, who will have succeeded his father on the throne, and have lands given to them. The Dungans, grown still bolder by their successes, will subjugate the whole of Asia and Europe, and invade Shambaling. The saint-monarch will then assemble his forces, defeat the Dungans, drive them back whence they came, and make the Buddhist faith supreme in all countries under his rule.

DIFFICULTIES OF HIMALAYAN TRAVELLING. 289

On being asked if he knew where Shambaling was,
Sordji replied that in that country there was an enor-
mous city wherein lives a queen, who, since the death
of her husband, has ruled her subjects. Lieutenant-
Colonel P., on this, suggested England; when the lama
exclaimed, " That must be Shambaling," and begged to be
shown that country on the map.

On leaving Kylang we went on to Kholang (eleven
miles), and thence to Darcha, a distance of only eight
miles under ordinary circumstances; but a bridge having
broken down, we were forced to make a *détour* of four
or five miles, which, from the nature of the ground we
had to go over, took us upwards of six hours to accom-
plish. The missionaries had most fortunately lent me a
*dandi* (which is a small boat-shaped machine lined with
carpeting, in which a lady can be carried), thinking
I might require it to cross the Bara Lacha Pass. Not
anticipating that we should want it so soon, it was
carried empty by two men only. Most fortunately, on
reaching the broken bridge we found the civil engineer
who was about to restore it already at the spot, and he
lent us additional men to assist, so that there were six-
teen in all; four to carry me—others to relieve these, and
to help the bearers along the more dangerous places.
The men scrambled like cats almost (thanks to their
shoes made of twisted grass) along ledges where there
hardly seemed to be a safe foothold, and where a single
false step might have precipitated me down a sheer
precipice of 200 or 300 feet to the roaring river beneath.
A short time previously the *détour* was not so difficult,
for it was not then necessary to go so high up the stream
to traverse it. Two snow-bridges had existed much
lower down till a very short time before we came; but

T

TENT-LIFE IN A SNOWSTORM.

290

these having melted, and been carried away by the stream,
we had to use a third, which, when we crossed it, looked
as if it could not last many days, for it had already two
large fissures running through it, one of which had been
bridged by means of planks and stones, and the other we
managed to avoid by making a slight round.

The march from Darcha to Patzio (eight miles) was
plain easy work. From the former place we had con-
siderably to increase the number of our coolies in order
to carry grain for our horses, and wood for fuel. At
Manāli we had already bought a supply of grain and
rice for our servants, as we were told that they would
be unable to procure any for themselves after a certain
point; and at Kyelang we purchased five live sheep to
be marched along with us, and killed as occasion re-
quired. At Patzio we also came upon a broken bridge,
and were forced to make a long round in order to ford
the main stream and its large tributary, and to follow
for the most part of the way a track only, which was
covered with large loose boulders, instead of using the
ordinary path.

Zingzingbar, which lies at a height of nearly 15,000
feet, and is at the foot of the Bara Lacha Pass, was our
next camping-place. Our tent was scarcely pitched at
this spot before it began to pour with rain, which, at
the end of twenty-four hours, turned to snow; and in a
short space of time this covered the ground to the depth
of six inches, and our tent was in some danger of falling
from its weight, so that one night we were obliged to
have men constantly at work knocking off the snow
with long poles. On the fifth day of our imprisonment
it began to clear, but our tents being too wet to move,
we could not make a start till the following day.

KASHMIR AGAIN CLOSED TO TRAVELLERS. 291

During the interval of our forced detention at Zing-
zingbar, we had been compelled to renounce our intended
journey into Ladakh—this route would necessarily have
entailed our returning to India *viá* Kashmir; but, from
some newspapers which had followed us, we learnt that
the British Government had issued orders closing all the
passes into that country, on account of the famine then
raging there, and that all the English who were then in
Kashmir were to be required to leave it. We decided
to retrace our steps, as it was impossible to proceed under
those circumstances.

That the famine was a veritable one there is no doubt.
But it was originally caused by, and its continuance
may be attributed to, the conduct of a certain number
of corrupt and grasping Hindú officials, who succeeded
in making large purses for themselves in the following
manner :—

The great cold which set in in Kashmir so early in the
autumn of 1877 *did* destroy to a considerable extent the
crops then ripening. The people, however, would still
have had enough grain to have enabled them to get on
till such time as they had sown and gathered in the spring
crops of the following year; but the Hindú officials, or
their emissaries, made a house to house visitation, and,
ascertaining how much grain each man possessed, they
seized it, paying the normal price,—the people having
afterwards to buy back from them as much grain as
they could afford to take (which was barely enough to
support life), at the rate of 20 seers or 40 lb. to the
rupee—a rate which would probably average nearly three
times the price which these poor people had been paid
for the grain thus forcibly taken from them.

It would seem that such tyrannical and barbarous

292 SLAVERY EXISTS UNDER BRITISH SUPREMACY.

practices were once possible in Europe—as, for instance,
in Italy, when its free cities had been deprived of their
ancient liberties; for I recently came across an extract
from an old book on geography, written by one Peter
Heylyn in the early part of the reign of Charles I., or
about 250 years ago, in which, speaking of Florence, he
says: "The Duke useth here to buy up almost all the
corne in the country at his own price, and sel it againe
as deere as he list, forbidding any corne to be sold till
his all be vented." Though by treaty the Maharajah of
Kashmir acknowledges British supremacy, yet he has
hitherto kept his subjects virtually in a state of slavery.
If their means of subsistence fail them, they are not
allowed to emigrate to India. Some few do escape—
witness a small colony established at Nurpur not far
from Dharmsala at the time of a famine which prevailed
in Kashmir some forty years ago; and a few are also
settled in Lahore; but, as a rule, I have been told it is
the men alone who contrive to elude the strict watch
which is kept over their movements, and that the wives
and families remain behind.

During the summer of 1878 the famine seemed al-
most daily to increase; and a newspaper of 13th August
states that "the skeletons of all the inhabitants of a
pretty little village nestling at the foot of Gulmurg
(twenty - eight miles from Srinagar and a favourite
resort for summer visitors) had lately been discovered
in a gorge above, where they had retreated in their
endeavour to escape the Maharajah's *chuprassies* (or
policemen), whose business it was to prevent emigra-
tion;" and also adds "that the Lolab valley was de-
populated, and a large extent of the district beyond
that become a desert." Such is the lamentable result

SUFFERINGS OF MOHAMMEDANS UNDER HINDÚ RULER. 293

of our having handled over this splendid and fertile
country to the tender mercies of a Hindú bigot, with
officials of the same faith as himself, the inhabitants of
the country being Mohammedan. History shows us, in
the case of our own Queen Mary, and also in that of
Philip of Spain with regard to the Netherlands, that no
rule is so cruel as that of a bigot over people of a faith
differing from his own.¹

We then returned to Kyelang, and remained some
days, the weather being still very unsettled, and the idea
of being caught in a snowstorm on the top of the Rotang
seeming anything but agreeable. We left it on 7th Sep-
tember, and on the 11th went over the pass, having a
glorious view of snowy peaks on the Koksir side of the
mountain. The snow-field which it had taken us two
hours to cross five weeks previously had entirely disap-
peared, so that we accomplished the same distance in a
quarter of an hour. The wild flowers on both sides of
the pass were still more numerous and varied than be-
fore, but, much to our regret, were not sufficiently ad-
vanced for us to procure their seed.

¹ Since the above was in the press, accounts of even worse atrocities in
Kashmir have appeared in the newspapers. Whole boat-loads of starving
people have been conveyed by the Maharajah's officials to the Woolar Lake,
and there drowned. One man had strength to swim to shore, and informed
an Englishman. This man, soon afterwards, died by poison. How long!
how long! when will the supreme power rouse itself, which from the
Himalayan Olympus dispassionately surveys the continent of India balanc-
ing in equal scales the legal privileges of the few and the natural rights of
millions ?

294

CHAPTER XX.

THE SOLANG VALLEY—ANNUAL FAIR AT SULTANPORE—MEETING OF THE GODS OF THE VARIOUS VILLAGES IN KULU—PARBUTI VALLEY—NOVEL MODE OF CROSSING A RIVER—HOT SPRINGS AT MANIKERN—BUDU PASS—RETURN TO KANGRA VALLEY—FORT AT KANGRA—JUWALA MUKI—ITS SACRED FIRES—SINGULAR ASPECT OF COUNTRY NEAR HOSHIARPORE—NATIVE CHRISTIAN MISSIONARY—JULLUNDER—RETURN TO LAHORE.

OUR friends at Manāli, hearing that we were about to return to the Kulu valley, wrote to invite us to visit them again, and we together made an excursion to the Solang valley, going up the right bank of the Beas. The entrance to this valley was about five miles from Manāli, at which distance we branched off to the left. The road to Rahla, and the Rotang Pass, on the top of which the Beas has its source, ascends steeply to the right on the opposite bank of the river. A large tract of ground at the mouth of the Solang valley is a mass of débris formed of enormous stones. Here and there are rugged-looking old deodaras, which look as if they had been buffeted and torn by the elements. As far as I could learn from those who had been to the upper end of this valley, there are no traces of there ever having been a lake which might have burst, and so spread devastation around; but this species of chaos has possibly owed its origin to an avalanche which may have dammed up the river for a time; and its waters,

THE HOMAGE PAID TO RUGONATH.

295

when released, would naturally rush down with resist-
less force.

On leaving Manāli we again stayed a few days at
Raesun with our friend Mr M. ; and on 11th October
rode over with him to Sultanpore to see the last day of
the fair, which had been carried on for a week, and takes
place annually at that season. Each village in Kulu
possesses its own particular god. The names of these
deities appear to be local ones, as I have not seen them
in any list of the Hindú Pantheon. The one belonging
to Sultanpore is called Rugonath, and is said to have
been stolen from Oudh more than 200 years ago. Rajah
Juggut Sing, the then ruler of Kulu, had heard reports
of the great wealth possessed by a Brahmin in the valley,
and sent to demand money of him. The Brahmin re-
fused to obey the rajah's command; and on a second
messenger being sent to him he set fire to his house,
whereby he and all his family were burnt to death. On
this the rajah suddenly found himself attacked with
leprosy; but in a dream he was informed that if he
could only procure the idol Rugonath he would be cured.
A messenger was accordingly sent to Oudh : he stole the
god, was pursued, and overtaken; but Rugonath showed
such a decided wish to go to Kulu, that the messenger
was finally allowed to take him away, and as soon as he
appeared in the valley the rajah became perfectly cured
of his terrible disease.

At the time of this fair all the other gods in the
valley are brought to Sultanpore to pay Rugonath a
visit. Each temple has had certain lands granted
to it rent free on condition that its god should be
yearly taken to this fair. The funds arising from these
lands are applied to the support of its attendants,

296

A HINDU RELIGIOUS FESTIVAL.

and also supply food during their week's stay at Subtanpore to the people of the respective villages who have accompanied their idol thither.

The inferior gods are carried about in a species of palanquin, decorated with gay-coloured cloths and streamers, and adorned with flowers, which is borne on men's shoulders. Some are so small that they are carried by one man, who holds the shrine like a baby on his left arm. Rugonath, however, possesses a large car on wheels, which is dragged about by means of an enormous rope by two hundred or three hundred men.

The fair takes place on a raised plateau of some extent, which is situated to the south of the town. We were all seated near the young rajah, under an awning erected for the occasion in a commanding position, so that we could overlook all that was passing below. The ground formed a natural semicircle beneath and on either side of us, and there the women were seated, who were present as spectators only, dressed in all their silver ornaments and gayest clothes. Both men and women had wreaths of double marigolds round their heads. The former took an active part in the ceremonies, which commenced by their placing the palanquins containing the inferior gods on the ground, when they began dancing round them in a slow and regular measure, each with his left hand round his neighbour's waist, to the accompaniment of tom-toms and horns. After a time certain solo-dancers came forward, who moved in a rapid and animated manner. When the excitement was at its height, the attendants danced the gods up and down likewise, and made certain of them salaam to each other. Finally, the rajah himself went down and headed a procession of all the gods, taking hold of the rope

A PRIMITIVE FERRY.

297

attached to the car of Rugonath, and helping to drag it a considerable distance. When the car reached a certain point a large bonfire was lit, which seemed to be the conclusion of the festivities, for after that there was a general dispersion of the gods and their attendants to their respective homes.

On quitting our friend at Raesun we made an expe-
dition to the Parbuti valley, the entrance to which is
on the left bank of the Beas. About six miles below
Sultanpore we had to cross the main stream on mus-
socks, as the inflated skins of oxen or sheep are called in
the vernacular. For our convenience two of the larger
skins were lashed together, and a charpoy (or native
bedstead) fixed between them, on which we reclined.
Two men on mussocks pulled and guided our little craft;
whilst a third, also on this primitive contrivance, went
in front of us and paddled. These skins are inflated
with air, and then securely tied. When in the water
the back of the animal is undermost, three legs stand
upright, and the fourth is the place where the air is
introduced. When about to enter the river the native
pushes the skin a short distance away from him, and
then throws himself upon it, holding a small paddle in
his hands, with which he steers; and his legs, which hang
in the water, assist him in advancing by means of the
ordinary swimming motion.

That evening we encamped at the entrance of the
Parbuti valley only, as it took a long time to get our
tents and baggage across the river. The following day
we made a double march, said to be only twelve miles,
but over a very bad road, so that, although we started
pretty early in the day, some of our servants who kept
behind with the baggage did not come in till nearly

298

A GRAND VIEW IN THE HIMALAYAS.

midnight. Fortunately we were independent of our
tents, there being a small forest officer's bungalow at
Jerri, which was our halting-place. When about half-
way thither we had a fine view before us of a mountain-
chain averaging 20,000 feet above the sea, with many
small glaciers on its summits.

In the Parbuti valley we found the *Pinus longifolia*
in the lower part, and higher up the *P. excelsa* and
deodaras; there were also wild olive, fig, and pear trees.
Both in the Kulu and Parbuti valleys English fruit-trees
seem to succeed wonderfully well; and it is not impos-
sible that in time a great industry may spring up, and
that district supply a great part of India with preserved
fruits—for the climate is one that Europeans could live
in all the year round—and, by proper management, the
tinned fruits of Europe might be rivalled. Between Jerri
and Manikern, twelve miles higher up the valley, there
were a few tree rhododendrons.

About a mile before reaching the latter place there
is a mountain view of singular grandeur and beauty.
Seemingly towering to the sky, about 15,000 feet above
where we were standing, and perhaps somewhere about
fifteen miles distant from us as the crow flies, we saw,
through an opening in the mountains, a great wall or
chain of huge precipices terminating at their summits
in finials and spires like a cathedral; and except that
the colour of these rocks was mostly grey, with here
and there a patch of glacier or snow, these points (to
compare small things with great) had, to my mind, a
great resemblance to Milan Cathedral, with its num-
berless tapering pinnacles. It struck us both that
this peculiar effect might be due to the strata being
perpendicular.

At Manikern there are hot springs bubbling up from

DEODARAS AT HOME.

299

the earth in several spots. It is much visited by the
Hindús as a place of pilgrimage. They also prize these
springs on account of their great efficacy in rheumatic
affections. This water is extremely hot—being nearly,
if not quite, at boiling-point—so that the pilgrims and
the inhabitants of the village are in the habit of boiling
their rice and cakes of flour in it.

From Manikern we made an excursion to Phulga,
the head of the Parbuti valley, and pitched our tents
about 500 feet above the river. The road ascended con-
siderably the whole way: much of the vegetation was
of a deciduous character. Amongst other trees, there
were some splendid specimens of the same variety of
horse-chestnut as we had seen in Kashmir. I was in-
formed by the head-man of the district that their fruit
is used by the people as food. When fresh and uncooked,
they are quite as bitter and hard as our English kind;
but the natives, before using them, steep them seven
days in water, and then, after pounding them, make the
meal into cakes.

Our object in going to Phulga was to see a forest of
deodaras, which, in the opinion of the chief forest official
of the district, contains the finest grove of deodaras now
remaining in the Himalayas. We were informed that
the largest tree is 26 feet in circumference at five feet
from the base, and 235 feet in height. A very large
proportion were over 16 feet in girth, with a height
hardly less than that of the colossus of the forest, which
would, no doubt, have been considerably higher had it
not, comparatively early in life, lost its leader and formed
a double one.

After returning down the Parbuti valley, and spending
one day at Sultanpore, on 4th November we started
on our march into the Kangra valley. The first day

300

THE BUBU PASS.

was good and easy riding, the road being nowhere steep,
but winding round the spurs of the mountains, which
were clothed with jungle almost to their summits; but
yet it was a continual ascent, so that we must have that
day considerably diminished the height we had to reach
in order to cross the Bubu Pass (10,000 feet) the following
day. The road up to the summit was very fairly good,
but is composed of steep zigzags. We had to ascend
about 4000 feet in a distance of five miles. Near the
top we saw only spruce-fir or *Abies Smithiana*, and silver
firs or *Picea Webbiana*; but on descending on the other
side there was an immediate and rapid change in the
vegetation: tree rhododendrons and the evergreen oak
were very abundant. The level space on the top of this
pass is not larger than an ordinary dining-table. Behind
us were the grand mountain-peaks to which I have al-
luded in describing the Parbuti valley; and the view in
front of us was of almost unbounded extent, even down
to the plains of India. In order to reach our halting-
place at Budwani, we must have descended nearly as
much as we had mounted on the other side: the gradient
was even steeper. At the top of the pass we left English
territory, and entered the native state of Mundi. The
road from this point, though well made in the first in-
stance, is now shamefully neglected.

From Budwani we rode to Jitingri, and from thence,
for the next three marches, we followed the road we
had passed over six months previously. At Palampore,
however, we took a different line, and went to Kangra,
the old capital of the district, which has a strong fort,
and some interesting remains of temples, in its neigh-
bourhood. This place was attacked by Mahmoud of
Ghusnee, in the commencement of the eleventh century,

MIRACULOUS FLAME AT JUWALA MUKI.

301

but he did not take it. The present outer walls of the fort, and its inner gate, were built by Jehangir, who placed over the entrance a marble tablet of a very ancient date, on which was recorded that Alexander of Macedon married the daughter of the Rajah of Kangra. This tablet has been removed, nor could I ascertain where it now is (it is believed to be in some museum), but a very old native priest told a friend of ours that he well remembered it. About two hundred years ago Kangra was ruled by the rajahs of Chumba. After a time it was seized by another Rajput family, which in its turn was dispossessed by the Sikhs, from whom we took it at the end of the second Sikh war.

From Kangra our destination was Jullunder, about eight marches. We made a détour, which involved an extra march, in order to see Juwala Muki, which the Hindús esteem the most holy place in the Punjaub. Juwala Muki nestles close to a range of hills, about eight miles distant from the right bank of the river Beas. This town, as compared with others in India, had a medieval look. It is a mass of old buildings and temples, which, for the most part, are of hewn stone. The sanctity of the place is owing to the carburetted hydrogen gas which oozes out of the ground in many places, and is perpetually burning in more than one spot. There was no perceptible odour from it, nor any trace of smoke, and the flame had rather a bluish colour. The principal outlets for the gas were inside an ancient Hindú temple, which seemed in its pristine state within; but the exterior had been covered with modern designs in painted stucco in the time of Ranjit Singh, who also overlaid the roof with plates of gilt copper.

We were riding to Dhera, our next stopping-place,

302 MEDICAL EFFICACY OF THE SACRED FIRE.

when we saw a native running after us, gesticulating wildly, and at the same time saying something which we were too far off to hear. We waited for him to come up, and then saw that in one hand he held a *hookah*, or native pipe, and in the other the half of a large earthenware vessel, in which he carried some live embers. He began a long story, to the effect that he was just returning from Juwala Muki, whether he had gone very ill—had been quite cured there, and the embers he carried had been lit at the sacred fires. He was most pressing that we should accept some of them, even offering to take them to the bungalow for us. We declined, with thanks, when he begged us at least to take a pull at his *hookah*. The goddess Kali, and Baironath (another name for Shiva), seemed to be the favourite deities in that part. Under a sacred fig-tree, between Juwala Muki and Dhera, we saw his statue. From the branches of this tree were hung a number of small staves, no doubt native offerings to their spiritual police magistrate, as they consider him.

There was nothing particularly interesting on the next two marches, either in the way of scenery or of old monuments. But before reaching Bhurwein our road led through and round a succession of low hills of singular form, entirely composed of water-worn stones like a sea-beach, and very barren. Between Bhurwein and Gugrát these features were even more marked. On the north side of the hills there were a few *Pinus longifolia*. What soil there was seemed to be almost pure sand, except that in one or two spots there was a little cultivation where a tiny stream of water rendered a certain amount of irrigation possible, and a small village had consequently sprung up.

NATIVE CHRISTIAN MISSIONARY AND HIS FAMILY.

303

Our next march was to Hoshiarpore (eighteen miles), the first ten of which took us through the same style of scenery, after which we descended to the plains. The hills which I have just described occupy a considerable tract of country, and are not only barren in themselves, but the present state of things is doing much harm to the level country below, which, for some distance from them, is becoming unproductive from the gradual accumulation of sand on the surface, deposited upon it from above by the monsoon torrents. Possibly if wine-cultivation were attempted, or some trees planted on these barren hill-tracts—which, no doubt, were formerly covered with forests—the vegetation might in time form soil, and in the meantime their roots help to hold the sand together.

Hoshiarpore is a pretty little civil station, adjoining a native town of 13,000 souls, who are mostly Hindús. We called upon a native Christian missionary, who took a more hopeful view of the progress of Christianity as regarding Bengal (his native province) and the Punjaub, where he has lived seventeen years, than one commonly hears. He became a Christian at sixteen years of age. His mother, who is still alive, remains a Hindú. This missionary's wife has always been a Christian, her parents having been converted many years ago. They were, both of them, most simple and unaffected, but, at the same time, very intelligent people, and I regretted much that we had not more opportunities of conversing with them. They speak of themselves as natives; and Mrs C., a young woman with a large family, has the good sense to adopt the native chuddar, or thin veil, over the head and figure, though in their house and surroundings they live as Europeans.

304 NATIVE APPRECIATION OF EUROPEAN CIVILISATION.

Besides Hoshiarpore there are three other small Christian communities within a distance of twenty miles. Mr C.'s opinion was, that the uprising of the Sikh religion had, in some degree, unsettled people's minds in the Punjaub, and this more readily disposed them to listen to other teaching. He told us that he numbered more Mohammedans than Hindús amongst his converts, his congregations being composed principally of the zemindari, or land-holding class. We also gathered from him that in Bengal the educated natives, both Hindú and Mussulman, have a high opinion of the advantages of European civilisation; and, in particular, often lament the evil results of their system of early marriages. But the difficulties in the way of a reform in this respect are very great; for the custom of early engagements is so universal, that any youth who is not married at the age of sixteen is supposed to have something against him, and finds it very difficult to obtain a wife. From Hoshiarpore we drove to Jullunder, and went thence by rail to Lahore.

305

CHAPTER XXI.

LUCKNOW—ITS SAD ASSOCIATIONS—RESIDENCY—SKETCH OF THE HISTORY
OF OUDH AND ITS RULERS—BUILDINGS AT LUCKNOW—CLAUDE MARTIN,
THE FRENCH ADVENTURER—FYZABAD—TWO LARGE TOMBS—AJUDHYA
—CAWNPORE.

AFTER staying a short time at Lahore we went direct to
Lucknow, the present capital of Oudh—an intensely in-
teresting place, from the stirring events which happened
there in 1857 during the Mutiny. Before describing it,
I will give a brief account of the colonisation of Oudh in
Mohammedan times by both Rajputs and Mussulmans.

In the year A.D. 1193, Shahab-ud-din Ghori conquered
and slew Rajah Prithora of Delhi. In the following
year he also overthrew his great rival Rajah Jeichund
of Kanouj, and made at different times vigorous attacks
upon Mount Aboo, Gwalior, Benares, Gaya, and Ajmere,
which were some of the centres of Rajput power and
Hindú devotion. The Brahmin was contented to fold
his hands and curse the barbarian. The Rajput, whose
tradition it was that his race should be lords of the
land in which they dwelt, could not bear to see his
rajah bow beneath the Mohammedan yoke; but, only
roused to a sense of his danger when too late for action,
his resource was flight. Thus the Rajputs wandered
southwards, northwards, and eastwards. This last

U

306 AJoudhya, the ancient capital of Oudh.

direction led them to Oudh, their old seat of empire,
from whence they had been driven out by the Bhurs.
The second great class which helped to colonise that
province comprises those who settled there after the
Mohammedan power was firmly established, and had
either had grants of land given them, or a special per-
mission from the Moghul Court to emigrate thither.
Some of these were Rajputs who had taken service with
the conqueror. The Mohammedan armies contained
numbers of such, especially during the reigns of Jehangir
and Shah Jehan, who had both of them Rajput mothers.
The earliest date of such grants of land was in 1527, in
the time of the Emperor Baber, who conferred an estate
in Oudh on Sheikh Bayazeed, an Afghan leader who
had come and given in his submission to that prince.
From that period till the end of the seventeenth century
their numbers slowly increased; but since that time no
new colonies have been planted.

Ajoudhya, the ancient capital of Oudh, is said to have
covered an area of 48 kos (the kos varies from a mile
and a quarter to a mile and a half in length). The
origin of this city is connected with the mythic history
of Oudh. Tradition says that for security's sake it was
founded, not on the transitory earth, but on the chariot-
wheel of the great Creator himself. The first rulers
were of the so-called Solar race. On the fall or death of
Rama, the last of these, Ajoudhya became a wilderness,
the royal race was dispersed; and from its different
members, who were thus scattered, the present rajahs
of Jeypore, Oodypore, and others claim to descend.
Little or nothing is really known of the history of
Ajoudhya until it came under Mohammedan rule, except
that we may gather, from the height and size of the

FREE FIGHT BETWEEN HINDUS AND MOHAMMEDANS. 307

mounds which still exist, that it must have for a long period been the site of an important city.

To Bīkramajit, a strong supporter of the Brahminical revival, is attributed the rediscovery of Ajoudhya, after it had long been concealed by the growth of the jungle. Tradition enumerates more: that one dynasty ruled that province, some members of which were Bud-dhists or Jains, who are supposed to have built some old *deoharas*, or places of worship, belonging to those religions, which are still to be seen, but with modern restorations. Ajoudhya after this fell under the power of the rajahs of Kanouj, and at the time of the Mo-hammedan conquest contained three important Hindú shrines, which had, however, very few attendants at-tached to them.

In A.D. 1528 the Emperor Baber built a mosque on the site of one of these, Aurungzebe utilised another; and between the years 1658 and 1707, either he or one of his predecessors did the same with a third.

In the year 1855 there was a collision between the Hindús and Mussulmans. These last charged up the steps of one of the Hindú temples, but were driven back with considerable loss. The Hindús followed up their success and took the Jamamasthan—the enclosure where Baber had erected his mosque. Several of the king's regiments were looking on at the struggle, but they had strict orders not to interfere. It is said that up to that time both Hindús and Mohammedans used to worship in this mosque-temple, but now, since it came under British rule, a railing has been put up. The Moham-medans pray within the mosque; and in the outer court the Hindús have made a shrine where they bring their offerings.

308 THE RULE OF THE NAWABS IN OUDH.

Sadut Khan was the first of the Nawabs, or rulers in Oudh, who were originally viziers appointed by the King of Delhi, but gradually threw off even the semblance of allegiance. His successor was Safdar Jung, whose tomb I have already mentioned when describing the monuments near Delhi.

The period of the Nawab rule begins in 1723, and ends in 1856 with the deposition of Wajid Ali Shah, the ninth in succession from Sadut Khan. The title of king was conferred on the Nawabs by the British Government in 1819, because the then ruler, Gheis-ud-din Hyder, had complained of feeling himself aggrieved on more than one occasion when, on meeting in the street some descendants of the old kings of Delhi, the elephant on which he was riding had been compelled to kneel till they had passed by. The bestowal of this title upon him enabled him to dispense with what he considered a lowering of his dignity in the eyes of his people, though the province in general did not approve of this change of appellation, partly because it was done at the recommendation of the East India Company, and also because they considered it (the Mussulman portion of the population at least) an insult to the Delhi throne, in that they make no distinction between the words king and emperor, having only one word for the two; and so held that the Nawab, by being styled king, was putting himself on an equality with the great head of the Mohammedans in India.

The British Government deposed Wajid Ali Shah in 1856, on his refusal to sign the treaty which was to provide for the better government of his kingdom—whose rulers had latterly been given up to avarice, intemper-

THE GRAVE OF SIR HENRY LAWRENCE.

309

ance, and effeminate indulgences—and annexed the province that same year.

Lucknow, which had become the capital of Oudh only from the time of Ausuf-ud-dowla, A.D. 1775, is situated on the river Goomtee, which is navigable for some miles above the town, and also down to where it flows into the Ganges. Many of the buildings at Lucknow are pretty as seen in a photograph, but are extremely dis appointing in reality; for, as contrasted with the Moghul architecture, there is as much inferiority as between a genuine old Gothic cathedral and a building of the time of the Georges.

The architectural unities have been totally disregarded. All is plaster and stucco, with great incongruities of design; and yet, with all this, the style is preferable to that of any ordinary modern English house, for there is at least some individuality about it.

The chief interest of the place for us English people must always centre in the Residency, which was built about the year 1800 by the Nawab Sadut Ali Khan for the use of the British Resident at his court. It is situated on a piece of ground which is slightly elevated above the plain; and up to the year 1857 was quite in the midst of a part of the native city, which has since that time been razed to the ground.

The history of the siege of Lucknow is too well known to need recapitulation here. The little cemetery in the grounds of the Residency tells a sad tale of officers and men who were killed under fire, and of helpless women and children who sank under the privations of a siege. I was much struck with the inscription over Sir Henry Lawrence's grave—it is so terse, and expresses

310

A FRENCH SOLDIER OF FORTUNE.

so well what a good soldier of God and of his country
should feel: "Here lies Henry Lawrence, who tried to do
his duty;" the date; and below this, the words, "The
Lord have mercy on his soul."

The siege began the end of June, and may be said to
have been at an end the 25th of September. Many of
the women and children had to remain in the *tykhana*,
or underground rooms, during the whole of that period.

During the time of the earlier rulers of Oudh, who
were only styled Soubadars and Nawabs, European
architecture had crept in, modified, however, to a cer-
tain extent, with fantastic native additions, giving the
buildings a quaintness of design. The foreign element
was introduced by Claude Martin, a French soldier of
fortune, who was born at Lyons in 1735, and died in
Lucknow in 1800. He arrived in India in 1758, and
served under Count Lally, who came in command of an
armament which had been fitted out with the intention
of extinguishing British commerce in India.

It is said that Martin deserted from Lally's force at
the siege of Pondicherry, in consequence of his com-
mander's severity; but it is more probable that he came
over as a prisoner of war on the surrender of that garri-
son in 1761. He afterwards entered the English army,
and rose to the rank of captain. Later on, he was em-
ployed to survey the estates of the Nawab of Oudh, and
then became an adventurer in his service, having given
up his pay in the East India Company's army, though
still retaining his military rank. Martin then settled
down in Lucknow, turned banker, and speculated large-
ly and with great success. Between the years 1775 and
1797 he built houses, planted parks, and introduced a
certain amount of Western civilisation. He made gun-

BUILDINGS AT LUCKNOW.

311

powder, coined money, and imported European goods for his patron. In a short time he amassed an immense fortune, the greater part of which he devoted to founding educational institutions at Lyons, Calcutta, and Lucknow, where the Martinière College still perpetuates his name, and has separate departments for Europeans and natives; and a school for girls is also supported out of its funds. Claude Martin became a general before his death, which took place in the Turrad Buksh, which was the royal palace from the time of Sadut Ali Khan to that of Wajid Ali. According to the instructions which he had given some time previously, Martin's body was taken to the Martinière and buried there, as he feared that, at some time or other, that building might be confiscated by a native ruler, who would be deterred from doing so by the fact of its being a tomb.

The great Imambara, called the House of the Prophet, is by far the finest building in Lucknow, though a considerable portion of the European element has been introduced into the mosque, and various gateways near it. The large hall was built during the time of Ausuf-ud-dowla: its date has been variously given as 1783 and 1797. This building consists of a large central hall, 162 feet long by 53 feet 6 inches wide; it has verandahs on two sides of it, and at each end there is an octagonal chamber. The roof is made of a coarse kind of concrete, some feet in thickness, which has been formed upon a centring of bricks and mud, and then allowed to stand to dry. At the end of a year or two the centring could be removed, and the roofing was complete, being all in one piece. This building is now used as an arsenal. The mosque, which has been turned into barracks, has a deep cornice of acanthus-leaves the whole length of its

312

FYZABAD.

frontage. This group of building is said to have been
begun during a year of famine, in order to give employ-
ment to the starving population.

The Hoseinabad Imambara was erected by Mahomed
Ali Shah, the third king of Oudh. The principal build-
ing contains his tomb and that of his mother. The in-
terior is filled with chandeliers and globes of coloured
glass. A general cleaning and renovation was going on
when we saw it, in preparation for the Mohammedan
festival of the Moharrum, when the gardens attached to
it, as well as the principal chambers, would be illum-
nated with myriads of lamps. Its endowment, which
is a very wealthy one, the British Government has set
apart for the maintenance of the ex-royal family, who
are living in Calcutta.

From Lucknow we went to Fyzabad, which was the
capital up to rather more than a century ago. The only
buildings worthy of notice which we could discover
there were one or two gateways, ornamented with raised
stucco-work, and two tombs, each within a garden. One
of these was said to be the tomb of Ausuf-ud-dowla, and
the other that of his mother or his wife, for there seemed
to be different opinions upon this point. There was also
one quaint house in the native bazaar, evidently of Hindú
work: it was covered with numbers of raised plaster
figures and other designs along its whole frontage.
The tombs must possess rich foundations. There are
numbers of small houses within the walls of the en-
closures, which all appeared to be occupied. The Be-
gum's tomb is by far the finer building of the two. It is
175 feet square, and stands on a platform about 20 feet
in height. The greater part, if not all, of this structure
is of a greyish-coloured stone, which has been covered

AJoudhya.

313

over with whitewash. There is a large dome in the
centre, and a smaller one on each of the chambers, which
project at the four corners, whilst the sides are orna-
mented at intervals with tiny pinnacles. There is a
good deal of raised carving on the exterior of this build-
ing. The designs have somewhat of the renaissance
style about them, though this tomb must have been
erected at too early a date to have been affected by the
Claude Martin school of Lucknow; and therefore the
European element is not altogether offensive; for much
of the Indian taste mixed with Western ideas prevails
in the decorations. The Begum's tomb is in the large
central hall; the enclosed colonnade surrounding this is
divided into several vaulted chambers, all opening out
of one another. The interior walls, tinted of a deep
French grey colour, are very highly ornamented with
raised stucco-work, in white, which has been dusted
over with minute fragments of mica, and give them
a silvery appearance. The general character of this
ornamental work reminded me much of the wall-
decorations in some of the apartments at Versailles
or in the Louvre.

From Fyzabad we drove over to Ajoudhya, about four
miles distant. The present city covers a very large ex-
tent of ground, and contains a great number of Hindú
temples, which appeared to be all more or less connected
with the worship of Vishnu. Of the ancient city nothing
remains; but in all directions there are enormous mounds,
upon many of which modern buildings have been erected.
It is most probable that the original city was built before
the age of stone or fire-burnt bricks, and that all its
temples and palaces were of sun-dried bricks or wood,
else they could hardly have so completely vanished.

314

CAWNPORE.

On first entering the modern Ajoudhya there is a large mass of masonry on the left hand, which resembles a fort. After mounting to the top of this by a long flight of steps, we reached a temple of comparatively modern date, placed in the centre of a courtyard, with chambers all round it for the attendants. The temple itself is on a raised platform, about three feet in height. The verandah which encircles it is supported on columns, and painted in bright colours. In the interior there is a statue of Hanuman, or the monkey-god. The lintel and side-posts of the principal doorway of the temple are of silver, in rich raised Arabesque work, about four inches in width.

Monkeys seem to be especially venerated in Ajoudhya. Nowhere else have I ever seen those animals so bold or in such numbers: they would come and steal from the store of a grain merchant even when the owner was seated there, though they appeared to distrust white people, and kept at a more respectful distance from us.

We also visited Cawnpore, which has sadder reminiscences than any other place in India. It possesses no fine buildings, either native or European, but is becoming a great centre of commerce. Two large cottonmills are in full operation, and the Government have a large leather manufactory. The chief interest for strangers in that place is the tragic well, where so many bodies of dead and dying European women and children were thrown. Over this well has been placed a marble statue by Baron Marochetti; the inscription round the base of this was supplied by Lord Canning, and runs thus: "Sacred to the perpetual memory of a great company of Christian people, chiefly women and children, who, near this spot, were cruelly massacred by the fol-

ITS TRAGIC MEMORIES.

315

lowers of the rebel Nana Dhoodopunt of Bithoor, and
east—the dying with the dead—into the well below, on
the 15th day of July 1857." The whole is surrounded
by a high railing, within which no native is allowed to
pass. This well is in the middle of a large, well-kept
garden, in which are two or three enclosures full of the
graves of those whose bodies were cast into the well,
and of others who perished at that time. The Memorial
Church, erected by the English Government, is a large
building, which has, externally, not much architectural
beauty. The effect of the interior is pleasing to the eye,
and its proportions are good.

316

CHAPTER XXII.

CAWNPORE TO POONA—ROCK-Hewn TEMPLES AT POONA—HYDERABAD IN THE DEKHAN—SHORT HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE PRESENT REIGNING FAMILY—THE NATIVE CITY—ITS VARIED AND TUBELENT POPULATION —A BREAKFAST AT SIR SALÁR JUNG’S—CONCLUSION.

FROM Cawnpore we made a rapid journey to Poona. On this our second visit we heard that within a couple of miles of that place there are two very ancient stone temples, or rather, a temple and a rock-hewn temple, excavated in a similar manner to the one at Karlee, only much smaller. Both of them are below the level of the ground, and are therefore effectually concealed till you are close upon them, which would account for their appearing to be known to few of the European residents of Poona. The rock is of a basaltic character. The entrance to these temples is through an archway cut in the rock; an area has been formed by removing the stone to the depth of perhaps fourteen feet, and in the centre of this enclosed space is a temple open on all sides, and supported on many pillars formed by the intervening stone having been removed: the roof has simply been formed by that portion of the rock being left in statu quo. Apparently the superincumbent weight was too great for its supports, consequently the roof has split in half, owing to the giving way of the pillars beneath that portion.

HYDERABAD IN THE DEKHAN.

317

On the side of the enclosure facing the entrance there
is another temple, made on the plan of that at Karlee,
being on the reverse principle to the one I have just
described; for the rock in this case is only cut away
sufficiently to leave the necessary space for the wor-
shippers—the walls, pillars, and roof being of the living
rock; and, as at Karlee, the temple is only lighted from
the entrance. The day we visited it was a gala-day.
Numbers of natives—chiefly Brahmins and their wives
and families—were performing their devotions there.
We were not allowed to enter the innermost shrine.
On the walls were some very spirited figures of nearly
life-size; and also some sketches in black and white,
which had a great deal of character in them. Both
these temples are now dedicated to the worship of
Shiva. From their form one would judge that they
could never have been Buddhist.

On quitting Poona we went on a visit to the British
Resident at Hyderabad, in the Dekhan. From the time
of the Persian invasion of India under Nadir Shah, in
1738-39, the Moghul provinces became more and more
independent of Delhi. The Nizam of the Dekhan began
to rule as a sovereign prince, and treated the Nawab
of Arcot as his feudatory. The Nizam of Hyderabad
(under which name he is better known) had served in
the army of Aurungzebe, and filled important posts at
the Court of Delhi, which had appointed him governor
of all its possessions in the Dekhan: he had been en-
gaged in frequent wars with the Mahrattas of the
Dekhan and those of Berar. The Nawab of Arcot was
originally his deputy, but by degrees that appointment
was becoming hereditary, though it was in the gift of
the Nizam, who received a yearly tribute.

318

ANARCHY IN THE DEKHAN.

About the year 1740 there were troubles in the Carnatic. A kinsman of the Nawab, named Chunda Sahib, got possession of Trichinopoly, which enraged him; and the Nizam also was much displeased because the Nawab would not pay his accustomed tribute. The Nawab being killed in a battle against the Mahrattas, he was succeeded by his son, who took possession of the province without any reference to the Nizam, who was more indignant than ever at being thus defied, and demanded that the arrears of tribute should be immediately paid up, and threatened to oust him in case of refusal. On this the Nawab moved into the fort at Velore, where he was murdered at the instigation of a kinsman, who was himself proclaimed Nawab; but on finding that the treasures of the murdered man would not be given up to him, and his troops being clamorous for pay, he made his escape disguised as a woman, and Sayid Muhummed, the son of the former Nawab, was proclaimed in his stead. In 1743, the whole Carnatic being in a state of anarchy, the Nizam marched to Arcot, with an army of 80,000 horse and 200,000 foot, and named one of his own generals governor. This man being poisoned, he sent another; but the people insisted upon having some member of the old ruling family over them. The Nizam yielded, and gave out that Sayid Muhummed was the real Nawab, and the general, Anwar-ud-din, his guardian only. The following year the young Nawab was murdered on the occasion of a wedding, and being the last of his dynasty, Anwar-ud-din was then appointed Nawab. The Nizam dying in 1748, a war of succession ensued between three candidates. These were, the eldest and the second sons of the late Nizam, and one of his grandsons, named Musafir Jung.

THE FRENCH IN THE DEKHAN.

319

Duplaix, the French governor of Pondicherry, espoused the cause of this last, and hoped to place rulers both at Hyderabad and at Arcot. He succeeded in establishing Chunda Sahib at Arcot; but when Anwar-ud-din was slain in battle, his son Muhammad Ali escaped to the south, and became known as the English Nawab of Arcot, Chunda Sahib being styled the French Nawab. Duplaix then wanted to create a French Nizam also, but the British Government had taken up the cause of Muhammad Ali, who was holding out at Trichinopoly.

The French urged Chunda Sahib to attack Trichinopoly, the possession of which, by their own nominee, was a matter of great importance to them, as it would enable their combined forces to march into the Dekhan, and place a French Nizam on the throne of Hyderabad. The want of money was a great obstacle to this scheme. Neither of the French candidates possessed any, so operations had to be delayed till they could try and squeeze some out of the Hindú rajahs; but in the meantime news came that Nazir Jung, the second son of the old Nizam, and uncle to the French candidate, had established himself on the throne of Hyderabad, and was marching into the Carnatic at the head of a large army, after having gained over to his cause all the so-called rajahs and Nawabs of that province. Both the English and the French Nawab supported him, though he is best known as the English Nizam.

The French took the field with their allies, but their cause was hopeless. Some of the French officers broke out into open mutiny, and the French Nizam was forced to surrender, his uncle promising, on the Koran, not to hurt him; but he nevertheless placed him in irons. In this manner it came about that an English Nizam was

320 ROBERT CLIVE, HIS BOLD AND SUCCESSFUL POLICY.

placed at Hyderabad, and an English Nawab at Arcot,
the French Nizam being a prisoner in the ruler's hands,
and the French Nawab being obliged to fly to Pondi-
cherry. Very shortly after this, three Afghan chieftains
who belonged to the Nizam's camp rebelled against him.
He galloped to the spot, and was shot dead, when the
French Nizam, being released from prison, was placed
on the throne. He confirmed Chunda Sahib in his gov-
ernment at Arcot, but gave Duplaix the charge of the
Carnatic country south of the Kistna.

Another revolution occurred in 1751, on the Nizam's
return from a short visit he had paid to Pondicherry.
This, like the former disturbance, was headed by some
turbulent Afghans, and in the uproar which ensued this
Nizam was also killed. Bussy, the French general who
had accompanied him on his return to his own states,
then selected his successor from amongst several state
prisoners who were detained at Hyderabad, set him free,
and proclaimed him Nizam under the name of Salabat
Jung. This man was of course devoted to the French
interests.

At this period the fortunes of the French in India had
reached their culminating point. The English had lost
their footing in the Dekhan, and our power was also
much shaken in the rest of the peninsula. Our nominee
still held Trichinopoly; but that place was closely be-
sieged by the French and their Nawab. At this critical
moment Robert Clive, a young captain, came forward.
He saw that the only chance for us was to relieve Trich-
inopoly, and thought the only way to accomplish this
was to draw the enemy elsewhere. With this end in
view he marched upon Arcot, when its garrison became
alarmed and fled. He entered it, and occupied the fort.

PEACE BETWEEN THE FRENCH AND THE ENGLISH.

321

The enemy did exactly what he had calculated upon, and sent an army of 10,000 men to try and recover Arcot. Clive held out for fifty days with only 120 Europeans and 200 sepoys, resisting all assaults, filling up each breach as soon as made, and sallying out at night to attack the besiegers. The Mahrattas, struck with admiration at his brave defence, marched to his assistance. The commander of the opposing force tried threats and bribes, but in vain; he was obliged to leave Arcot in Clive's possession. This was the turning-point of the war. Though the French were still all-powerful in the Dekhan, and their Nizam was on the throne of Hyderabad, yet their cause was on the decline. They were compelled to raise the siege of Trichinopoly; their Nawab at Arcot surrendered to a Hindú rajah, was put to death, and Muhammad Ali, the English nominee, was placed there.

In 1754 peace was made between the English and French in India, and it was agreed that the then state of things should continue—that the French should keep their Nizam at Hyderabad, and we our Nawab at Arcot. Salabut Jung reigned as Nizam till 1761, when he was imprisoned and put to death two years later by his brother Ali, who ascended the throne. Ali was involved in wars with the Mahrattas during the greater part of his reign. In 1795 he took the field against Scindia, who had brought a large force, and obliged the Nizam to retreat to Kurdah, where, when his supplies fell short, he had to sign a convention, by which he resigned the fort and district of Dowlatabad to the Mahrattas; agreed also to pay three crores of rupees (equal at par to three millions of our money), and to deliver over his Prime Minister as a hostage.

At that time it was customary for the Nizams to

X

322 THE NIZAM'S BATTALION OF FEMALE SOLDIERS.

maintain two battalions of female sepoys, who were
regularly trained to military exercises, mounted guard
in the interior of the palace, and when the Nizam went
out they carried him on their shoulders on a kind of
palanquin. They were present at the battle of Kurdistan,
and were called *zuffer pultáns*, or victorious battal-
ions. The pay of each individual was equal to about
ten shillings per month of our money. I was told that
the present Nizam no longer maintains such female
warriors, but that the Emir-i-Kebir (whose wife is the
only surviving daughter of Secunder Jah, he himself
being a relation of the young Nizam, and, during his
minority, co-regent with Sir Salár Jung) has a small
body of them. Nizam Ali dying in 1803, he was suc-
ceeded by his son Secunder Jah, who at first maintained
amicable relations with the British Government; but he
soon fell into the hands of some low designing persons,
who endeavoured to persuade him to resist all proposals
of whatever nature which might come from the British
Government. This state of things could not long con-
tinue: either the provisions of our treaty must be upheld,
or we must leave the province; for any troops which
might be left there would have virtually remained in an
enemy's country without means of communicating with
British territory.

The Nizam, on being remonstrated with, speedily be-
came alarmed, and came to terms, of which the chief
conditions were, that he should dismiss his two principal
ill advisers, make some provision for Asim-ul-Omrah, the
former Prime Minister, separate the civil and military
administrations in Berar from each other, and intrust
such offices to persons in whom the English Govern-
ment had confidence; and also that the English Resident

PRESENT NIZAM COMES TO THE THRONE.

323

should be admitted to an audience with him whenever he required it. These terms were ratified by the Nizam, subject to some slight modifications; but the reconciliation was a short-lived one, for, on the death in 1808 of Meer Allum, his Prime Minister, new difficulties sprang up, arising from the choice of a successor to his office. After much discussion this appointment was given to the late Minister's son, who would appear to have been most unfitted for the post, for he was a great intriguer, though not wanting in ability. He was a firm believer in signs and omens, and was much influenced by them in the concerns of his daily life.

About this time the Nizam began to show symptoms of insanity. In 1811 this had reached to such a pitch that he distrusted every one, and would eat no food except what he had prepared with his own hands; and also ceased to appear in public. His feelings, too, towards the English Government seemed to experience a change. In 1815 his sons collected round them a host of the vagabonds who at that time swarmed in the city, and committed the greatest excesses, ending by seizing an attendant belonging to the Residency in order to extort money. The young princes were finally taken captive and removed to the fortress of Golconda, though not without bloodshed and the death of a British officer who was with the escort. In 1818 the Nizam emerged from his voluntary seclusion for a few weeks only, and then seems to have again relapsed into his former apathy. Secunder Jah died in 1828, and was succeeded by Nazir-ud-dowlah. He was followed in 1857 by Afzul-ud-dowlah, who, dying in 1869, Nuboob Ali Khan, the present Nizam, came to the throne, being at that time a child of barely three years of age. During his minority

324 AURUNGABAD FORMERLY THE CAPITAL.

the government is administered by two co-regents—Sir Salár Jung (who is also Prime Minister), and the Emir-i-Kebir, who is a near connection of the royal family.

The aspect of the country is very singular for some time before reaching Hyderabad from the Bombay side. Shortly before arriving at the railway station of Lingumphalli the whole ground is covered with colossal boulders of a species of granite, which in some instances are accurately poised three or four of them one above the other. They would seem much too large to have been ever placed in that position by the hand of man, and yet most of them are arranged with a certain regularity of line and disposition which staggers one at first sight.

The city of Hyderabad stands on the south side of the Musah river, which becomes a rapid stream during the rainy season, but is very shallow at other times. The city proper, which is about four miles in length by three in breadth, is enclosed by high walls, and is approached by an arched bridge over the river. The streets are narrow, crooked, and badly paved. The Nizam is a Mohammedan of the Sunni sect; Sir Salár Jung, being of Persian descent, belongs to the Shias; the general population of the country round is Hindú. The city of Hyderabad, formerly called Baugnugger, was founded about 1685 by Mahomed Cooly Cuttub Shah. In 1687 it was taken and plundered by the Moghul forces of Aurungzebe: its inhabitants had previously retired to the fortress of Golconda.

Aurungabad was at one time the capital of the Nizam's dominions, but it was abandoned as being too near the Mahratta frontier. The city of Hyderabad contains a great mixture of races and types: there are seen Arabs,

NO ONE ALLOWED TO ENTER FORTRESS AT GOLCONDA.

325

Afghans, Sikhs, Pathans, and also people from Oudh. Many of these originally entered the country in the character of mercenary levies. The Arabs are most turbulent and unruly members of the community, as are also the mixed race descended from the original settlers of that nation; so that an order has of late been issued that no more Arabs are to be allowed to enter the state —and should any one leave it, he will in future not be permitted to return to it.

In the Nizam's dominions there are numbers of petty chiefs who possess country estates, which they manage by deputy, as they themselves prefer to live in the city: each of these chiefs has his quota of armed attendants. In driving through the city, almost every other man one meets bears arms, and carries a sword, a matchlock, or a dagger, occasionally even all three. On the smallest cause of offence weapons are drawn. Beyond the city is a lake of considerable size, which has been formed by a dam. This piece of water is of such extent that a small steamer is kept upon it, on board of which we steamed about for some time. There is also another lake between Hyderabad and Secunderabad, which last is the British military station, and about seven miles distant from the former place.

We also drove to Golconda, about six miles to the west of Hyderabad, where there are numerous domed tombs clustered together. These have a fine effect when seen at a little distance; but a nearer view of them is very disappointing when one has seen monuments of a like nature far superior in the more northern parts of India. No one—not even the Prime Minister—is permitted to enter the fortress at Golconda unless the Nizam be residing there. The reason

326

A BREAKFAST AT SIR SALÁR JUNG'S.

for this prohibition does not clearly appear; but I heard
of cases in which persons who had ventured to approach
too near had been fired upon by the guard.

During our stay we were invited to breakfast with
Sir Salár Jung. The meat was served in the regular
European manner, with the addition of two or three
native dishes. After breakfast the minister showed us
over his house, which contains a great many suites of
rooms fitted up in European style; and he afterwards
took us to see his own private apartments—his busi-
ness room, with only a writing-table and a couple of
chairs in it. Opening out of this is a tiny ante-room,
where he sits on cushions on the ground during his hours
of relaxation, and takes his meals in regular native
fashion. His palace covers an enormous extent of
ground. We did not see the ladies' apartments, which
are quite at the back; but we were shown one room,
fitted up, as far as I can remember, by Sir Salár's father,
the walls of which are decorated in a singular manner,
being entirely covered with cups, saucers, and plates of
china, mortared into their places. Some of these are
good specimens of porcelain, but the majority are very
poor examples of inferior English ware.

I must here conclude our tour in Central and Northern
India; but we hope, at no distant date, to visit its
southern part, where many fine temples and other ob-
jects of interest are to be found, which I may write about
at some future time, if I have not already exhausted the
patience of my readers.

PRINTED BY WILLIAM BLACKWOOD AND SONS, EDINBURGH.