INTERNATIONAL PRESS
BUREAU

argus
Seit 1887

Ausschnitt aus:

Pforzheimer Zeitung, Pforzheim

8. Nov. 1968

vom

Aus Amerika kam Professor Henry Kissinger von der Harvard-Universität, der militärispolitische Berater des ermordeten Präsidenten John F. Kennedy, zu Aufnahmen für die nächste „Report"-Sendung des Südwestfunks nach Baden-Baden. In einer Analyse untersucht Kissinger in der Sendung am 11. November — drei Tage vor der NATO-Ministerkonferenz in Paris — die politische und strategische Situation der NATO vor dem Hintergrund der CSSR-Besetzung durch die fünf Warschauer-Paktstaaten und der Flottenmassierung Sowjetrußlands im Mittelmeer. Dabei bringt der Autor des bekannten Buches „Was wird aus der westlichen Allianz" unter anderem zum Ausdruck, daß er die amerikanische Truppen-Rotation — die Stationierung von US-NATO-Truppen in ihrer Heimat mit der Möglichkeit des Rücktransportes im Spannungsfall — nie für einen Ersatz von Truppenpräsenz in Europa gehalten habe. Unser Bild zeigt bei der Aufnahmearbeit im Südwestfunk-studio Baden-Baden v. l. Dr. Dieter Göbel (Leiter des Sendung), Kissinger, Günter Gaus und Studioredakteur Gustav Adolf Bähr.

Divergent views help

President-elect Richard M. Nixon has announced the appointment of Harvard Prof. Henry A. Kissinger as his assistant for national security affairs—the same post held at present by Walt W. Rostow and earlier by McGeorge Bundy, now president of the Ford Foundation.

The announcement will inevitably be followed by attempts to categorize Prof. Kissinger as a "hardliner" in foreign policy, and indeed some of his record warrants such a description. But such catchwords can be deceptive. Prof. Kissinger himself says he has "tried to avoid labels like hard or soft."

The 45-year-old professor has been an adviser to Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy and Johnson, and in that role has become committed to pressing on with the war in Vietnam. Yet if McGeorge Bundy could change his mind about a bombing halt even before President Johnson did, perhaps one should not rule out a change of direction on Prof. Kissinger's part.

His writings, however, cannot be termed "soft." In "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy," published in 1957, he wrote: "We cannot aim for peace directly. In order to have peace, we must be ready to fight a war."

In the same book he said that besides being prepared for all-out counter-attack, we must be ready "to meet limited aggression with limited warfare, using whatever weapons are appropriate, including perhaps tacti-

cal nuclear weapons." Dr. Edward Teller, father of the H-bomb, thought his book remarkable.

In another book, "The Necessity for Choice," Prof. Kissinger argued that with a nuclear stand-off, very strong limited war forces were necessary, and a nuclear defense could become "the last and not the only recourse." Thus, he wrote, Western Europe and the U.S. should "create local forces capable of arresting almost any scale of Soviet aggression."

But Prof. Kissinger sees the other side of the picture, too. Besides military strength, he favors arms control, and besides military security, he favors negotiations.

His harder views were held at a time when almost all in his position were hardliners. "I think he has learned and changed," says Jerome Wiesner, provost of Massachusetts Institute of Technology and a leading authority on disarmament. "He is a sensible, knowledgeable fellow and I view his appointment as very encouraging."

Another encouraging note came from President-elect Nixon himself when he said Prof. Kissinger would bring in new men and promote new ideas to have the benefit of divergent views. This would be wholly in line with what Prof. Kissinger has been doing with his panel discussions at Harvard. And it is only from having divergent views that the best decisions can be made where they must be made—by the President himself.

Red hot $10,000 bills

## Best of both sought

# Kissinger: 'neither hawk nor dove'

By Saville R. Davis

Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Washington

The new American attitude toward the outside world should be neither that of the hawk nor the dove. Both have valid arguments. But each has an element of excess and unrealism.

The next administration plans, as of now, to draw on the best elements of both and to reject the flaws on both sides.

In broad outlines, President-Elect Richard M. Nixon took this position during the campaign. It now is spelled out by his newly appointed Assistant for National Security Affairs, Henry A. Kissinger.

"The American mood oscillates dangerously between being ashamed of power and expecting too much of it," he says. The danger of rejecting power is an attitude that is perfectionist and utopian and will not take part in a gradual effort to construct a stable world.

"Soft liners" and "left-wing critics of American foreign policy," Dr. Kissinger argues, "seem incapable of attacking U.S. actions without elevating our opponent [whether it happens to be Mao or Castro or Ho] to a pedestal. If they discern some stupidity or self-interest on our side, they assume that the other side must be vir-

tuous. They then criticize the United States for opposing the other side."

Then Mr. Kissinger takes on the hard liners.

### Danger of 'overconcern'

"The danger of an overconcern with force," he contends, is that it is "overly receptive to the possibilities of absolute [military] action and overly indifferent to the likely consequences."

The result, he says, is that "policymakers may respond to clamor by a series of spasmodic gestures and stylistic maneuvers, and then recoil before their implications."

As for the hawks' attitude toward the United States and the Soviet Union, Mr. Kissinger says, "The (political) right follow the same logic (as the left) in reverse. They presuppose our good intentions and conclude that the other side must be verse in opposing us."

He continues:

"Both the left and the right judge largely in terms of intentions. . . . More attention is paid to whether to get to the conference room than what to do, once we arrive there. . . . The dispute over Communist intentions has diverted attention from elaborating our own purposes."

These statements follow Dr. Kissinger's latest comment, on being appointed to a key position in the White House staff, that he is neither a hawk nor a dove. They are from his most recent publication: the concluding article in "Agenda for the Nation" to be issued later this week by the Brookings Institution.

### 'Negotiating from strength'

Dr. Kissinger then goes on to explain what he, and in effect what Mr. Nixon, means by "negotiating from strength." He asks why, in the past, "every period of détente with the Soviet Union has proved stillborn. There have been at least five periods of peaceful conexistence since the Bolshevik seizure of power, one in each decade of the Soviet state. Each was hailed in the West as usher-

ing in a new era of reconciliation and as signifying the long-awaited final change in Soviet purposes.

"Each ended abruptly with a new period of intransigence, which was generally ascribed to a victory of Soviet hard liners rather than to the dynamics of the [Soviet] system." He continues:

"The tendency of many in the West to be content with changes of Soviet tone and to confuse atmosphere with substance surely did not help matters. It has enabled the Communist leaders to postpone the choice which they must make sooner or later: whether to use détente as a device to lull the West or whether to move toward a resolution of the outstanding differences.

"As long as this choice is postponed, the possibility exists that latent crises may run away with the principal protagonists, as happened in the Middle East and perhaps in Czechoslovakia."

### Cold-war problem defined

Dr. Kissinger sums up this point by saying: "The risk is great that if there is no penalty for intransigence, there is no incentive for conciliation."

He defines the problem of combining the better elements in the hard- and soft-line positions by saying:

"In the Soviet Union, we confront an opponent whose public pronouncements are insistently hostile. Yet the nuclear age imposes a degree of cooperation and an absolute limit to conflicts."

The obsession with the intentions of the Soviet leaders "causes the West to be smug during periods of détente and panicky during crises. A benign Soviet tone is equated with the achievement of peace; Soviet hostility is considered to be the signal for a new period of tension and usually evokes purely military countermeasures."

The way out, according to Dr. Kissinger, is to construct an American policy, based on carefully thought-out national and world interests, that would fit any shift in Soviet policy. His outline for such a policy will be the subject of a subsequent dispatch.

## Rostows to teach

By the Associated Press

Austin, Texas

Walt W. Rostow, special assistant to President Johnson, and Mrs. Rostow both will join the University of Texas faculty Feb. 1, university officials have announced, Mr. Rostow will hold a joint appointment as professor of economic and history. His wife will be an associate professor of government and also is expected to be active in the university's American studies program.

CAMBRIDGE COFFEE

TEA & SPICE HOUSE

Incentive for Settlement

Brief, uneasy and violated as it has been, the Vietnam Christmas truce has turned minds toward the more prolonged ceasefire that is being sought in the Paris talks and the procedural roadblocks that hold up progress toward peace. Even after Vice President Ky's recent hints of a more flexible attitude on talking to the Vietcong, the fact is that Saigon and the National Liberation Front remain reluctant to negotiate a true accommodation with each other. The critical question is how long Washington and Hanoi, which have been doing most of the fighting and taking much of the casualties, will let the maneuvers of their allies set the pace.

This maneuvering is natural and it could go on indefinitely. As long as Saigon and the Vietcong are both receiving massive external assistance, each is in effect fighting a war by proxy, and will be tempted to continue the struggle rather than face the political risks of peace.

The answer to this dilemma has been pointed out by Defense Secretary Clifford and—even more sharply —by President-elect Nixon's national security aide, Henry Kissinger. Mr. Kissinger, in his Foreign Affairs article, urges that the United States seek to bring about a staged withdrawal of the outside forces, North Vietnamese and American, in order to maximize the incentive for the contending forces in South Vietnam to work out a political agreement.

Mr. Kissinger suggests that Washington should encourage the Saigon Government "to broaden its base so that it is stronger for the political contest with the Communists which sooner or later it must undertake." He favors further strengthening of the Vietnamese Army to permit a gradual withdrawal of "some" American forces even if Hanoi proveslá intransigent and the war goes on. He urges a military strategy "which reduces casualties and concentrates on protecting the population."

All the measures suggested by Mr. Kissinger can improve the American posture and that of the Saigon Government. But the pivotal element is his proposal, favored by Secretary Clifford, of secret bilateral talks between Washington and Hanoi to set in motion a mutual phased troop withdrawal. When the two major military powers in the conflict have begun to disengage under an agreed timetable, a crucial deadline will be established for the two South Vietnamese adversaries. The task of negotiating a political settlement will remain difficult; but there will be no alternative to setting about that task seriously.

IZVESTIA, Wednesday, 4 Dec. 1968,

(lower right hand corner)

FOREIGN NEWS
"THE APPOINTMENT OF KISSINGER"

NEW YORK, 3 December. (By telephone from our own correspondent). Yesterday at a press conference at the Hotel Pierre, the new President of the USA, Nixon, announced the appointment of Harvard University professor, Dr. Henry Alfred Kissinger, as his assistant for national security affairs.

The post of presidential assistant for national security affairs is one of the key positions in the White House. The men who occupy it usually become foreign-policy "grey eminences," whose role and influence concede nothing to the position of the Secretary of State or the Secretary of Defense.

Kissinger was born in Germany in May, 1923. Even now, he speaks with a noticeable German accent. In 1938, his parents emigrated to the United States and settled in New York. In 1941, he graduated from George Washington High School. During the war, Kissinger served in counterintelligence. After the war, he entered Harvard University, where he received a doctorate in 1954. Renown came to the young doctor after the publication of his first book, *Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy*. This book rests on two pillars. The first is the false premise of the "Soviet atomic threat" which supposedly looms over America; the second is a call for what boils down to an unlimited armaments drive.

In 1957 began Kissinger's long-standing collaboration with the billionaires Rockefeller.

It is curious that in the pre-election campaign, up to the Republican Convention at Miami Beach, Kissinger was the principal foreign policy advisor to Nelson Rockefeller, and worked actively against Nixon.

In local, usually well-informed circles, it is figured that, after a secret Nixon-Rockefeller meeting did not lead to tangible results (Rockefeller pretended to the post of Secretary of State or Secretary of Defense), the appointment of Kissinger was a certain form of compromise. It is hard to say how well-founded these conjectures are. But the fact of Kissinger's close links with the Rockefeller clan admits of no doubt.

Kissinger, appearing at the press conference together with Nixon, refused to answer reporters' questions about his views on various contemporary international problems, in particular one the war in Vietnam.

M. STURUA.

Dear Leader

Those great American institutions, the mailing list and the form letter, are usually employed to sell goods, advocate causes and solicit funds. Now they are being used to help populate high eldons of the Nixon Administration.

As one means of obtaining nominations for approximately 2,000 jobs—posts above the civil service ranks but below the Cabinet and White House staff—Nixon talent scouts have sent out 81,000 requests for suggestions. The recipients are the 66,000 people listed in *Who's Who in America* and 15,000 others whose names appear on rosters of trade and professional associations and the like.

"You, as a leader, are in a position to know and recommend exceptional individuals," says the letter signed "Sincerely, Richard M. Nixon." The assumption that anyone listed in *Who's Who* is necessarily a leader is of course fallacious; the reference work contains thousands of followers. But the letter added to the flattery by requesting that the recipient take "time from your busy schedule to participate in this all-important program." All that has to be done is to pass an application form along to the nominee for bureaucrat and then return it to Washington with the sponsor's comments.

Nearly 2,000 recommendations had been received by last week, although many of the requests for nominations were still in the mails.

Baltimore City Comptroller Hyman A. Pressman was one of those who did receive his letter, and is giving "serious thought" to individuals he might suggest. But Pressman announced he was "flabbergasted" at being asked. He need not have been so surprised. A loyal Democrat, he worked for Hubert Humphrey's election. Recently, he received another form letter from Nixon—a thank-you note for service to this year's Republican campaign.

## Learning to Live with Congress

Lyndon Johnson had trouble enough with the 90th Congress, even though his own party controlled both houses. Richard Nixon, facing a Capitol Hill controlled by the opposition, will have to be a consummate politician if he is to get anything but misery from the 91st. Wisconsin's Melvin Laird, chairman of the House Republican Conference, concedes that the next President "will have to be the greatest salesman of the century" to get his programs across. While the real test of his powers of persuasion will not come for months, Nixon's moves so far have been calculated to make the best of a very tough situation.

His choice of Bryce Harlow as chief congressional liaison man was one shrewd step. A former congressional staff member, White House aide in the Eisenhower Administration and lobbyist for Procter & Gamble, Harlow is wide-

ly known and respected by legislators of both parties. But more important than any staff appointment to date has been Nixon's determined effort to establish rapport with Chairman Wilbur Mills of the House Ways and Means Committee. With his almost total power over taxes, social security policy and related issues, Mills will be the single most important legislator in determining the success or failure of Nixon's domestic programs.

**Small Triumph.** Several times since the election, Nixon has telephoned Mills for "friendly" chats. Last week he had the Arkansas Democrat in for an hour's conversation. If the courtship so far has not produced any grand entente, it has at least created a promising air of cooperation and potential compromise. "We'll try to work out

some degree of compatibility," said the Congressman, "that will make it possible for us to legislate."

What Mills decided not to say was of greater significance. After his meeting with Nixon, he addressed a meeting of the National Association of Manufacturers. The advance text of his speech contained sharp criticism of Nixon's proposals to use tax incentives for private enterprise as a principal means of curing social and physical blight in the slums. Mills dropped this portion of his talk. Instead, he said he would consider specific measures along the lines Nixon proposes—if Nixon can persuade him that they are the most efficient way of handling particular problems.

Mills, naturally, made no commitments; Nixon has yet to make concrete legislative requests. But in view of Mills' previous opposition to the concept of using tax breaks instead of direct spending for social purposes, the fact that he announced himself as now open to the

idea was something of a triumph for the incoming Administration. Throughout the campaign Nixon had stressed his reliance on the private sector in coping with domestic problems as the principal difference between his approach and the Democrats'. Mills himself is no big spercer. His insistence on economies as the price for enacting the income tax surcharge last June caused a lengthy deadlock with Lyndon Johnson. But Mills opposes tax remission as "backdoor spending," a bookkeeping gambit that can reduce the tax base and make the federal budget even more misleading than it already is.

**No Grand Schemes.** One factor that helped to mollify Mills was Nixon's apparent agreement that any tax breaks allowed to private industry—to subsidize job training for the unemployed, for in-

stance—be listed in the budget as expenditures. Also, when Mills preached to Nixon on the virtues of an austere spending program and the vices of cooking the books, he found a receptive audience.

Of course, one comfortable talk does not necessarily ensure protracted harmony between a Republican President and a Democratic Congress. Mills, for instance, still opposes Nixon's proposal to gear increases in social security benefits to rises in the cost of living. At least three other areas of dispute are already discernible:

* DEFENSE SPENDING. If Nixon insists on a large-scale buildup of military strength to close what he has called the security gap, he will likely run into heavy opposition, particularly in the Senate.

* THE SPACE PROGRAM. Nixon has been a vigorous advocate of space exploration. Congress is likely to pick

space as a target for retrenchment rather than expansion.

* THE INCOME TAX SURCHARGE. Scheduled to expire June 30, the 10% surcharge worth more than $10 billion a year, will be crucial in budgetary considerations. Nixon would like to see it ended, but on the other hand he is pledged to check inflation. Mills and other fiscal conservatives who initially opposed the tax now argue that it may be necessary to keep it unless Government spending is reduced.

Other issues will emerge as Nixon presents his detailed proposals and as Democratic leaders more liberal than Mills seek to produce their own alternatives. So far, the Democrats have unveiled no grand schemes for the 91st Congress. Their main effort may well be to preserve and finance Great Society programs. Nixon is now in the process of determining how much he can safely demand—and how he can get the opposition to meet him halfway.

NIXON & MILLS AT PIERRE
No fan of cooked books.

20

TIME, DECEMBER 13, 1968

but his influence waned after he argued that it was anomalous to send 16,000 "advisers" to Viet Nam just when the decision was being made to neutralize Laos. Since 1965, he has made three trips to Viet Nam for the Johnson Administration.

**First Priority.** In the Brookings Institution study, Kissinger maintained that a "comprehensive, bipartisan, high-level re-evaluation of all aspects of national security" should be one of the first orders of business for the new Administration. The primary requirement is for "a definition of the national interest and national security over the next decade," since in his view the ultra-empirical U.S. too often handles developments on an *ad hoc* basis, without any clearly defined purpose or overall view. In his five books and a raft of magazine articles, Kissinger has set forth his viewpoints on how the U.S. should handle some of the major geopolitical issues of the day:

*   **FLEXIBLE RESPONSE:** "The Romans stampeded the first time they confronted Hannibal's elephants, not because the elephants were particularly effective but because the Romans had never considered a mode for dealing with such a contingency," Kissinger wrote in *Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy*. Consequently, the U.S. needs "a doctrine [whose] task will be to prevent us from being continually surprised." Kissinger argued that weaponry and personnel should be set up to cope with any contingency, so that force could be resisted without inevitable resort to nuclear weapons (though he envisioned the use of tactical nuclear weapons without incinerating the world).

*   **THE ATLANTIC ALLIANCE:** "The most constructive American foreign policy since the end of World War II has been the development of Atlantic relationships," he wrote in *The Troubled Partnership* (1965). Arguing that the Allies want leadership—not hegemony—from the U.S., he strongly defended De Gaulle for his efforts "to teach his people and perhaps his Continent attitudes of independence and self-reliance." He also paid tribute to the French President as a man who, like himself, recognizes that peace is not a natural condition but the result of a carefully maintained balance of power.

*   **VIET NAM:** Kissinger dates the beginning of U.S. error to 1961, when the number of American advisers was expanded twentyfold. He argues that a U.S.-style political structure cannot be superimposed on Viet Nam. He also maintains that doing battle with the North has only complicated matters. Thus, he privately called for a bombing halt over the North in early 1967. In mid-1968, he was instrumental in preparing a peace proposal offered by Nelson Rockefeller. It called for a phased troop pullback, the end of guerrilla warfare by the Viet Cong, internationally supervised elections, and finally Saigon-Hanoi negotiations on reunification.

## Brainpower

Believing as he does that too little federal money has been put into scientific research in recent years, Dr. Lee A. DuBridge, 67, is sure to be popular among his professional colleagues. Named last week as Science Adviser to the Nixon Administration, the articulate president of the California Institute of Technology will need all the teaching and administrative experience he has gained at five universities. His responsibilities will include keeping the President abreast of scientific developments at home and abroad, selling the Administration's policies to the academic community, and intensifying the nation's federal and private research effort.

DuBridge enjoys immense respect among his fellow scientists, and his appointment was viewed by them as an excellent one. Though a physicist deeply devoted to the intricacies of basic science, DuBridge has built his reputation primarily as a thoughtful and creative administrator. He is also a social activist in Los Angeles, where he is chairman of the local Urban Coalition. Speaking at Notre Dame last year, Dr. DuBridge decried the use of university facilities for secret research into such things as weaponry.

While Nixon was evaluating and announcing appointments, his 18 temporary task forces were hard at work preparing studies on priorities that face the new President. The reports are due by the end of the year. Among the impressive list of task-force chiefs:

*   **ALAN PIFER**, 47, an educator and head of the Carnegie Foundation, is preparing a report on all areas of education, with particular emphasis on methods of federal financing.

*   **RICHARD C. CORNUELLE**, 41, is a rare combination of social activist and political conservative. Hired by the National Association of Manufacturers to head up the Center for Independent Action, he has been deeply concerned with the role of private enterprise in helping the poor. He is putting this experience to work as head of the task force on voluntary action.

*   **DR. CHARLES TOWNES**, 53, of the University of California at Berkeley, is the inventor of the laser. His area of study is to determine what should come after the Apollo program. His ideas will be coordinated with those of DR. HORTON GUYFORD STEVER, 52, president of the Carnegie-Mellon University in Pittsburgh, who will look at the whole field of science policy.

*   **CHARLES L. MILLER**, 39, head of M.I.T.'s civil-engineering department, is working with 20 other experts on the foreseeable tangles in transportation.

*   **JOHN T. DUNLOP**, 54, a Harvard economics professor, has applied his academic specialty to the problems of the workingman. His task force will suggest improvements in public-health practices ranging from Medicaid to drug control.

J. R. EYERMAN

LEE DuBRIDGE

KEN REGAN—CAMERA B

ALAN PIFER

AP

RICHARD CORNUELLE

JOHN DUNLOP
Popular in the trade.

TIME, DECEMBER 13, 1968

19

the foreign field on a crisis-to-crisis basis without sufficient advance planning. Talking of the Eisenhower years, Nixon said that the NSC had been "the controlling element in our success in keeping the peace." He attributed "most of our serious reverses abroad since 1960 to the inability or disinclination of President Eisenhower's successors to make effective use of the council."

Whatever the system employed, there can be no argument that a world power must constantly seek to anticipate major problems and to be prepared with fresh ideas to cope with them. Kissinger said that his major assignment would be to "make certain that the planning mechanism of the Government functions more effectively and presents to the President all of the relevant contingencies and choices." This implies liberating Kissinger from much of the hour-to-hour drudgery—the monitoring of cables from abroad and memorandums from agencies in Washington—that kept Bundy and Rostow tied to the "situation room" beneath the White House. It also means that greater freedom of action in routine matters will be entrusted to the operating departments, particularly State. Nixon, said Kissinger, "urged me to make sure that his staff and his advisers free themselves for long-range thinking to prevent crises from happening, rather than spend all of their energies on managing crises that might have been avoided."

**Under No Gun.** Like most proposed reforms, Nixon's looked fine on paper. Whether in fact they will prove more efficacious than the present system is uncertain. Much will depend on the quality of the brainpower assembled under Kissinger, the ability of the State Department and the Pentagon to function more independently than at present while still satisfying the President, and whether the pace and press of developments abroad permit the top echelon of Government the luxury of deep thought.

While still President-elect, contemplating both foreign and domestic affairs and the shape of his Administration, Nixon is enjoying the exertion of power without the pressure of urgent responsibility. "He's not under the gun," says one aide, "not in his own mind. He's going to be damned sure it's put together right, and with the right people." The announcement of Cabinet officers was due this week, but Nixon was not rushing matters. He was not even in a hurry to nominate a new Chief Justice, although he has frequently criticized the Supreme Court's decisions on police practices and criminal law. Earl Warren's resignation, originally submitted to Johnson last June, now will not take effect until the end of the current court term, probably in six months. Thus the work of the court will not be disrupted.

Nixon's decisions were shaped behind

*continued on next page*

## Secretary for Domestic Problems

**A**S Richard Nixon intimates put it: "When there's trouble, the Boss wants Bob." Nixon all but announced last week that he had chosen his old friend Robert Hutchison Finch for Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare. In a jocular speech, Finch, 43, remarked, "I've worked with the President-elect a long time and I can tell you there hasn't been much health in it, there hasn't been much welfare in it, but it's been a damn good education." In the process, he has matured as a consummate politician who is likely to be the next President's No. 1 domestic problem solver and technician.

**Help Needed.** Few public figures in recent times have been so closely linked as Finch and Nixon. They first met in Washington in 1947 when the President-elect was a freshman Congressman and Finch was a congressional aide. It was the start of a political career for which Finch had long prepared.

He had earned a political science degree from Occidental College and received a law degree from U.S.C. in 1951. Shortly thereafter, he entered and lost two congressional races. But between these beatings, Finch developed a lucrative law practice and a solid grounding in California politics. In 1956 he was named chairman of the Republican Central Committee of Los Angeles County. He did well for two years, but after the G.O.P.'s debacle in the 1958 congressional elections, he needed help. At Nixon's request, Finch came to Washington, where he showed his gratitude by running a magnificently organized convention drive to head off Rockefeller in 1960. After Nixon's nomination, Finch served as campaign manager.

**Blocked at Home.** Finch helped organize Nixon's 1962 gubernatorial campaign, but even as Nixon lost, Finch started to get the political fever again. The political winds at the time were blowing hard toward Ronald Reagan, and a wiser Finch decided to skip the big contest and content himself with the lieutenant-governorship. In a surprisingly large victory, Finch succeeded in outpelling Reagan by about 100,000 votes. All through this period, Finch remained close to Nixon. When Nixon decided to run for the presidency in 1968, Finch was one of the first to start the wheels rolling.

After the election, there was little doubt that Finch, if he wished, could become a member of the Cabinet. The question that remained was one of his own political ambitions. What he really wanted was to return to California and succeed the ailing Senator George Murphy in 1970. But Murphy told Finch that he intended to run for a second term. Blocked at home, Finch decided to cast his lot once more with Nixon.

While the formidable responsibilities of HEW are more than enough, the job may be made even more onerous if

Nixon carries out his reported plan to combine HEW with the Housing and Urban Development Agency to create a new Human Resources Agency.

Thus Finch may be confronting the entire spectrum of problems spawned by urban blight, racial tension and social decay. It will be the new Secretary's task to integrate Great Society programs already in being with the innovations that Nixon hopes to achieve.

Facing Finch is a vast bureaucracy comprising 107,000 employees and a budget of $44 billion. Some of the problems and programs are:

*   **Welfare.** Presently a disastrous $4 billion program, surrounded by problems and proposals for change (see TIME ESSAY, p. 25).

*   **Education.** HEW now dispenses about a billion dollars a year in various educational programs in the ghetto. HEW

ROBERT ISAACS

ROBERT FINCH

also has the responsibility for ensuring that desegregation deadlines are met, a hot issue in the South and one yet to come in the North.

*   **Poverty.** In this area, the new Secretary will face a rising chorus of liberal demands for more involvement in antipoverty areas.

Finch's political credentials far outweigh his experience in directing social-welfare programs. During his tenure in Sacramento, he chaired an intergovernmental relations committee to bring all the resources of state government to bear on solving minority problems, especially jobs and housing. He worked with the legislature to broaden the power of the state to guarantee bank loans to black entrepreneurs, and mobilized other state agencies to help black business. But these programs, puny by federal standards, were slow to bring change. As Finch complained, "Nobody can move fast enough on this problem."

TIME, DECEMBER 13, 1968

17

an extraordinarily effective screen of secrecy. Of the few news leaks that occurred, the principal one—Finch's selection—came as a result of a crack by Nixon himself. At a Los Angeles philanthropic dinner, Nixon referred to the Lieutenant Governor as "Secretary Finch." Then Finch hinted which Cabinet post it would be. Other appointees' names were being quietly relayed to the FBI for security clearance. With Ramsey Clark's permission, the pipeline circumvented the Attorney General's office to keep the names safe from Washington's gossip merchants.

Despite such precautions, some of Nixon's personnel plans—and problems—did seep out. His latest choice for Defense Secretary was Democratic Senator Henry Jackson of Washington. A senior member of both the Senate Armed Services and the Joint Atomic Energy Committees, Jackson has been a steady advocate of developing new weapons systems and modern equipment for the military. Despite his interest in the field, however, Jackson was expected to turn down the bid to join a Republican Administration. John Kenneth Galbraith declined the Moscow embassy. Hubert Humphrey turned down the United Nations ambassadorship. J. Edgar Hoover, who will be 74 on New Year's Day and has continued, by presidential dispensation, to serve for four years past the normal mandatory retirement age, was told by Nixon that he could remain as FBI director if he wishes. The general assumption is that Hoover will so choose.

Jottings. But the overriding characteristic of the Nixon operation in the first postelection month was a mood of calm unusual for such periods. Those who witnessed the frenetic settling-in process of John Kennedy eight years ago remember crowds and bustle at New York's Hotel Carlyle, rush trips to Palm Beach, announcements on the doorstep of Kennedy's Georgetown home. This is not Nixon's nature. His travels are announced in advance. His entourage remains relatively small, his work habits orderly. On a typical Saturday, he will work in an easy chair, his feet on an ottoman, his eye occasionally wandering from the yellow legal pad on his lap to the college football game on television.

In the midst of the play-by-play, he takes a call from Hubert Humphrey or Robert Murphy, his liaison man with the Administration on foreign affairs. There are other calls—scores of them—and a constant round of conferences. Nearly 20 separate study groups have been set to work preparing recommendations on education, health, crime, fiscal policy, and all the other concerns Nixon must soon cope with. The CIA intelligence summary comes in daily, just as it does to Lyndon Johnson. Nixon makes notes in black ink with an old-fashioned fountain pen, and from those jottings his Administration was gradually taking shape.

## NEW MAN FOR THE SITUATION ROOM

His title is a jawbreaker, his functions well masked from the general public. Yet when Harvard Political Scientist Henry Alfred Kissinger assumes the role of Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, operating out of the Situation Room in the White House basement, he will automatically become one of the most important men in the U.S.

Kissinger's appointment, the first one Nixon has made to a major policymaking position, won wide praise from academe. Harvard Law Professor Adam Yarmolinsky, who spent six years at the Pentagon under John F. Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson, declared: "We'll all sleep a little better each night knowing that

as a hard- or soft-liner. He replied: "I have tried to avoid labels like 'hard' or 'soft.'" Moreover, he has vigorously criticized those who wear such labels. "Soft-liners [and] left-wing critics of American foreign policy seem incapable of attacking U.S. actions without elevating our opponent to a pedestal," he wrote in the Brookings Institution's recently published Agenda for the Nation. "If they discern some stupidity or self-interest on our side, they assume that the other side must be virtuous." As for hard-liners, he continued, they "follow the same logic in reverse."

Riposte Removed. In his first published book, the widely hailed Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy (1957), Kissinger emphasized the dangers of overreliance on the concept of massive retaliation and called for the adoption of a more flexible response—three years before General Maxwell Taylor made headlines with the same argument. There are those, however, who insist that the flexible-response approach has, in fact, made the U.S. more vulnerable to limited, "brush-fire" actions since the threat of a nuclear riposte has been all but removed. Kissinger has also deplored the notion that the U.S. should seek to establish overwhelming military superiority over the Soviet Union on the grounds that this would destroy the balance of power that is needed in a nuclear world. In A World Restored (also 1957), on Metternich and post-Napoleonic Europe, Kissinger wrote, "The desire of one power for absolute security means absolute insecurity for all the others."

That position places him squarely at odds with Nixon's campaign argument that the U.S. should abandon the concept of nuclear parity. He has disagreed with Nixon on other issues. Through the campaign, Kissinger served as New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller's principal foreign policy adviser, and on more than one occasion implied that he regarded Nixon as the least qualified of all the presidential candidates, and even as a dangerous man. But Kissinger, who first met Nixon last year at a Christmas party in Clare Boothe Luce's Manhattan apartment, discovered during his recent talks with the President-elect that they shared a number of views—most notably on the need to shore up NATO, establish closer relations with France and West Germany and keep the U.S. militarily strong.

Born in Fuerth, Germany, in 1923, Kissinger came to the U.S. in 1938, when his family fled from Hitler, still speaks with a noticeable accent. After four years as a World War II enlisted man, including a year and a half in Army counter-intelligence in Europe, he received his bachelor's (summa cum laude), master's and doctoral degrees from Harvard. He served as a White House consultant during the first 18 months of the Kennedy Administration,

KISSINGER & JOHNSON

Absolute is not the word for security.

Henry is down there." One who viewed Nixon's choice with outright misgiving, however, was Nuclear Physicist Ralph Lapp, who has often been at odds with the nation's scientific Establishment for its overinvolvement with the military. He argued that Kissinger is an unreconstructed hard-liner.

Hard or Soft? Lapp is not the only American with that view of Kissinger. Herman Kahn, head of the Hudson Institute "think tank" and long an influential consultant to the Pentagon, once noted that the creator of the film character Dr. Strangelove used "part Henry Kissinger, part myself, with a touch of Wernher von Braun" for a model. In fact, claims Yarmolinsky, "the resemblance is entirely superficial. He is no war lover, period." Rather, Kissinger is acknowledged by most of his colleagues as a thoroughgoing "realist" among the often dogmatic band of thinkers known as "defense intellectuals."

When a reporter asked Kissinger last week if he would characterize himself

18

TIME, DECEMBER 13, 1968

sweepstakes were turning up the names of some startlingly unfamiliar contenders, including Rocco C. Siciliano of San Francisco, president of the Pacific Maritime Association, touted as finalist for Secretary of Labor. And Nixon's promise of a coalition Cabinet including Democrats and a Negro was proving hard to fill—although urbanist Daniel Patrick Moynihan still seemed to be in the running for some post. Word also got out that HBert Humphrey had turned down the United Nations ambassadorship a few days after the election, despite Nixon's offer to find extra money from private sources to supplement the expense account that goes with the job.

But these were minor distractions in a week which, by common consent at the Pierre, had been "The Boss's" best since the election. "He's relaxed," beamed one top aide. "He's developing a confidence and a sureness." In keeping with the week's gusto, he jetted out to Palm Springs, Calif., where the Republican governors had been cavorting in the sand, sage and saunas. He listened non-committally to the governors' Cabinet suggestions (one recurrent theme: a top job for Gov. Tim Babcock of Montana, who was defeated in November), then hurried back to New York to make the final decisions on his starting line-up.

## I Shot an Arrow...

Leaving no bush unbeaten in its quest for talent, the Nixon Administration-to-be began last week sending letters to 66,000 persons listed in Who's Who in America asking them to recommend "exceptional individuals" for government jobs. Some of the addressees are pretty exceptional themselves. Assuming that the secretarial pool dutifully sent a form letter to everyone in the 8-pound book, the President-elect may or may not get suggestions from:

Spiro T. Agnew, gov. of Maryland; Vince Lombardi, profl. football coach; Guy Lombardo, bandleader; Allen Ginsberg, poet; Andrian Nikolayev, cosmonaut; Bing Crosby, actor; Bob Hope, radio, film, TV comedian; Ramsey Clark, govt. ofcl.; Henry Anatole Grunwald, editor-writer; Phyllis Diller, actress; Ralph David Abernathy, clergyman; HBert H. Humphrey, Vice President of U.S.; Mantovani, conductor; Chet Huntley, news broadcaster and David Brinkley, news commentator; not to mention Walter Cronkite, radio-TV news correspondent; Aleksei Kosygin, Premier of U.S.S.R.; Mao Tse-tung, Chinese Communist polit. leader; George Wallace, ex-gov., Ala.; Adam Clayton Powell Jr., congressman, clergyman, author; George Jessel, actor; Norman Mailer, author; Kwame Nkrumah, ex-pres., Republic Ghana, Africa; Arlo Guthrie, folk singer, composer; Emmett Kelly, pantomime clown; Truman Capote, author; Lyndon B. Johnson, President of U.S.—and, if the secretaries don't keep a sharp eye, Richard M. Nixon, former v.p., U.S.

## A TENDER HAWK, A VIGILANT DOVE

As Harvard professor and U.S. policy pundit, Dr. Henry A. Kissinger was plainly among his peers when he addressed the 100-odd intellectuals gathered under sponsorship of the International Association for Cultural Freedom at the Princeton Inn in New Jersey last week (page 32). But it was not solely as a noted scholar that he spoke; it was also as Richard Nixon's newly appointed Assistant for National Security Affairs—and the message he delivered in this dual role, it was hoped, would help to bridge the gap between the President-elect and the halls of academe. "The doors to the White House will always be open to your ideas," Kissinger declared. Then he urged the assembly to ponder two immensely important questions: "What can the new Administration do to win the confidence of other countries ...? What should be the purposes of the Administration ...?"

If his questions had a rhetorical ring, they underscored nonetheless one of the major tasks the 45-year-old strategic analyst will be undertaking. Charged with supervising a complete overhaul of the White House's security-planning ma-

Kissinger: Nixon's brain-picker

UPI

chinery to allow for creative, long-range formulation of foreign policy, Kissinger, in his own words, "is to draw in the best talent in the country, whatever the point of view, and bring their thinking to bear on the issues confronting the United States." In short, Nixon explained, he is "to pick the brains of the best people in the world."

Kissinger brings impressive talents to his new assignment. A summa cum laude graduate from Harvard in 1950, he gained his master's and Ph.D. there, and stayed on to gather in just about all the foreign-policy plums he could find in the Yard: director of the International Semi-

## A LICKETY-SPLIT TECHNICIAN

Richard M. Nixon has been President-elect a scant five weeks, but his Administration-in-waiting has already produced its first éminence grise—or so it seemed last week to hear people talk about H.R. (Bob) Haldeman. Sporting an unfashionable crew cut, a near-genius IQ and the requisite passion for anonymity, Haldeman, a 42-year-old West Coast adman, has managed to thrust himself into the innermost recesses of Nixon's inner circle. And his proximity to the seat of power has prompted the inevitable question: who is Haldeman, anyway?

More than anything, Haldeman is the keeper of the President-elect's body and caretaker of his executive soul. Operating from an office next to Nixon's on the 39th floor of Manhattan's Hotel Pierre, he is, quite simply, the man to see if you want to capture the attention of the 37th President of the United States. Haldeman supervises the arrangement of Nixon's appointments, screens most of his telephone calls, decides which memos the boss's eyes will see—in short, he fulfills those chief-of-staff functions that Sherman Adams made his own during the Eisenhower years.

Temperamentally, Haldeman is no Adams. Ike's aide-de-camp was a wintry-eyed New Hampshireman who made explicit his supremacy in the White House's

West Wing. Haldeman is a modest-talking product of the new America—a third-generation Californian with an impressive suntan, a taste for gardening and body-surfing, the Beatles and the Tiiauna Brass and a commitment to understated pragmatism. His frame of reference is the world of advertising, with its emphasis on merchandising rather than ideology. In his twenty years in the ad game—mostly as an account executive and West Coast manager for J. Walter Thompson—Haldeman has peddled products as disparate as Aerowax and Aero Shave, Diaper Sweet and Black Flag insecticide. He thinks of himself as a "coordinator" rather than an innovator, a technician rather than a policy man.

**Nixonism:** Haldeman does, of course, have politics of sorts. "I've always been a Republican," he told NEWSWEEK's Jayne Brumley, "even before Nixon. I think in the over-all spectrum I'd be classified as a conservative, but not an archconservative. I'm a moderate Republican really." In truth, Haldeman's real commitment seems to be to Richard Nixon. His main involvement in politics over the years has been in Nixon campaigns. But he really came into his own in 1968 as the man closest to the candidate's elbow.

He worked so intimately with "RN" during the campaign—and still does today

30

Newsweek

a top aide to Kissinger: 32-year-old Richard Allen, senior staff member at Stanford's traditionally hard-lining Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace. As for Kissinger himself, others insisted that Nixon's new man was neither adamently hawkish nor dovish (page 30). Kennedy-era Defense Department aide Adam Yarmolinsky, a professor of law at Harvard, praised Kissinger's "judgment, stature, integrity and brains" without reserve. "We'll all sleep a little better each night," Yarmolinsky added only half-facetiously, "knowing that Henry is down there."

Most of the scientific world was also sleeping better on account of Lee Du-Bridge, knowing that he was not Willard F. Libby, a politically conservative UCLA chemist and former Atomic Energy Commission member whose appointment to the science advisership had been widely feared.

And Paul McCracken seemed an acceptable compromise between the "new economists" and the old. Conservatives exulted that under McCracken, the CEA would probably no longer be so eager to "fine tune" the economy by government tinkering such as tax cuts or hikes. Liberals were relieved that the 52-year-old professor of business administration, if not an exuberant Keynesian, was certainly not a laissez-faire economist of the Chicago School.

**Good Feelings:** It was at least a week, if not an era, of good feelings. The President-elect had a friendly telephone chat with his supposed enemy Earl Warren, who agreed to stay on as Chief Justice until the Court term ends in June and volunteered that he "looked forward" to swearing Nixon in on Inauguration Day (a task which some gossip had once suggested he would relegate to an Associate Justice). Paris negotiator Averell Harriman dropped by for a talk, and though Nixon did not take his advice and send an observer to Paris, Harriman did not voice any grave worries about the problems of transition between the outgoing and incoming negotiating teams. Even prickly Wilbur Mills, chairman of the House Ways and Means Committee and virtual dictator of Congressional tax policy, seemed to mellow in the beneficent glow. After a session with Nixon at the Pierre, he tore up a speech that contained a searing blast at a favorite Nixon scheme, tax benefits to induce private industry to help solve social problems. Though he was still leery of any tax credits, Mills said his committee would consider the new President's program and "we'll try to work out some degree of compatibility that will make it possible for us to legislate."

There were, of course, a few ripples in the week's otherwise placid stream. No one had yet been found to take on the crucial job of Budget Director, and Nixon had to send an interim observer down to Washington to examine the government's ledgers over the incumbent's shoulder. In other cases, the Cabinet

Associated Press

At home on the range: GOP governors fan out behind trail-boss Rocky

UPI

Top guns: Rockefeller chuckles with Reagan and Romney hits the saddle in Palm Springs

Associated Press

End of the trail: Govs. LeVander (Minn.), Babcock (Mont.), Gov.-elect Peterson (Del.), Gov. Shafer (Pa.) and a Babcock aide loosen up in hotel sauna

UPI

December 16, 1968

29

NATIONAL AFFAIRS

nar, associate director of the Center for International Affairs, editor of the diplomatic quarterly Confluence and, finally, head of the prestigious Defense Studies Program. In 1957, following a study for the Council of Foreign Relations, he wrote "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy," a magnum opus that made Kissinger, at 34, a world-regarded foreign-policy expert and gave him a reputation for toughness in U.S.-Soviet affairs that stays with him today. The same year he took on the directorship of the Special Studies Project for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund—and with it went an association with Nelson Rockefeller that led to his appointment as Rocky's chief foreign-policy adviser in this year's bid for the Republican Presidential nomination. That job placed Kissinger in a position, despite his hard-line reputation, to help push the dovish Vietnam plank in the party platform.

At some times a sort of compassionate hawk, Kissinger appears at other times in the role of a vigilant dove. While some critics charge he is not above trimming to fit the presumed wishes of his boss, others credit him with an intellectual honesty that transcends arrogance. During Rockefeller's campaign once, when a Kissinger position paper was sent to other advisers for discussion, the bespectacled scholar grumped to Rocky, "Do you ask a housepainter to touch up a Picasso?" The fact seems to be that Kissinger de-

fies pigeonholing—and is circumspect enough to continue doing so. "I believe very strongly," he stated at Nixon's introductory conference, "that the position of a White House assistant is inconsistent with making public statements on substantive issues."

As foreign-policy adviser to the President-to-be, he must cope now with a problem he explored in 1961 in his book "The Necessity for Choice": how the intellectual may contribute to national policy. "He must steer between the Scylla of letting the bureaucracy prescribe what is relevant or useful," Kissinger wrote, "and the Charybdis of defining these criteria too abstractly. If he inclines too much toward the former he will turn into a promoter of technical remedies; if he chooses the latter he will run the risk of confusing dogmatism with morality and of courting martyrdom."

**Overview:** In dozens of lengthy papers over the years and in two other volumes on foreign affairs, Kissinger has made clear his position on a host of ongoing issues. And as few men before him, he brings to his new post a broad philosophical overview in which his future decisions are likely to be framed.

In that overview, Kissinger deplores the fragmented, crisis-by-crisis approach he feels the nation has taken—an approach that has left such problems as national defense, NATO, arms control, the new emerging nations, and even the

role of the intellectual in government not only unresolved but, in his view, undefined. He excoriates the U.S.'s traditional faith in an essentially harmonious pattern of international relations, its assurance that all problems have permanent solutions. "The contemporary dilemma," he writes in a detailed study prepared by the Brookings Institution and delivered to Richard Nixon a fortnight ago, "is that there are no total solutions; we live in a world gripped by revolutions in technology, values and institutions. We are immersed in an unending process, not a quest for a final destination . . . The shape of the future will depend ultimately on convictions which far transcend the physical balance of power."

That very balance, Kissinger says, now augurs the end of the age of superpowers, for it has left the world's two giants, the U.S. and U.S.S.R., largely incapable of translating military strength into political influence against each other, the uncommitted nations or even against their own allies. As a result, old alliances have been seriously shaken and nationalism impels new nations toward ever bolder assertions of self-will—with concomitant increases in global instability. "In the years ahead," Kissinger concludes, "the most profound challenge to American policy will be philosophical: to develop some concept of order in a world which is bipolar militarily but multipolar politically."

—that Nixon rarely even bothers with a greeting when he gets Haldeman on the phone; it's strictly business from the first word to the last. In the Presidential presence, Haldeman is a master of the yellow legal pad, Nixon's own pet organizing tool. When working "verbally" with Nixon, Haldeman's habit is to list the business at hand on the pad, leaving a wide margin on the left for progress notes and, finally, a check mark indicating mission accomplished. "It's my role to see that whatever is decided at meetings is followed up," he explains. "His mind goes lickety-split. I channel the stuff and keep things going."

**Alumni:** Much of the staff that Haldeman directs is of his own creation—and its caliber has left Mr. Inside open to criticism. Into the Nixon operation, Haldeman has brought press spokesman Ron Ziegler, 29 (NEWSWEEK, Dec. 9), and appointments assistant Dwight Chapin, 27, both slickly turned out J. Walter Thompson alumni and both completely inexperienced in the complexities of Washington. Haldeman, however, is so pleased with the performance of his boys that he says he plans to recruit a few more members of his old agency for the new Administration.

Except for a stint (as a Ronald Reagan appointee) on the University of California Board of Regents, Haldeman has had little contact with government. But his lack of seasoning hardly crimps his style.

'Technician' Haldeman: Is he his President's keeper?

"Bob knows what he wants," says his wife Joanne. "He's organized and he gets things done. There's no confusion and there's no doubt." Haldeman himself is clear on his own role—even if many others are confused by it. "It will not be a eunuch's role," he says. "I have views and I express them. But I am a technician primarily. When it is appropriate, I will take the strong position of devil's advocate. One of my responsibilities is to make sure that contrary views are expressed when they should be. Mr. Nixon seeks always the other side. One of the questions he asks is: 'Has the other side of this been looked at and considered?' I

will see to it that this has been done before he asks."

And that is the Haldeman way. He has seen his wife and four children only a half dozen times since May, but his overriding preoccupation is his place in the Nixon drama. "I don't feel very important," he mused last week, "but I get little glimmers of it once in a while. You sometimes get over-reverberations when you ask for something. I hope none of us on the staff get to feeling important. We're all so fascinated with what can be done and how to do it." What can be done is up to Richard Nixon—how to do much of it will be up to Haldeman.

December 16, 1968

31

## CONFERENCES:

### The Brain Drought

"I haven't seen anything like this parity since Truman Capote's," said Norman Podhoretz, who made it as the editor of Commentary and the author of "Making It"-and sure enough, nearly everyone was there except Truman Capote. Arthur Schlesinger Jr. was hustling a petition for intellectual freedom. Lillian Hellman was dropping epigrams. John Kenneth Galbraith was stalking around telling people he was "chairman of the white liberal Establishment." Greek exile Andreas Papandreou and Foggy Bottom exile George Ball fenced over who was really to blame for the Athens coup. Jean-Jacques Servan-Schreiber, the dashed editor of L'Express and author of "The American Challenge," made the

seemed intellectuals talked a good conference. "The lesson of the past year," reflected Galbraith at one session, "is that organization can be opposed"-yet he feared that Nixon was "almost too patentsly the organization's man." Foreign-policy expert George Kennan, by contrast, thought a dose of cool Nixonism might be just the thing for an America grown weary of "political hysteria" and eager to "see the frowns replaced with smiles." Kennan, retorted Columbia University's Zbigniew Brzezinski, "is in a mood of rage at the young," who he felt at least were effective. "If my colleagues and I all dropped dead today," mused Brzezinski, surveying the room, "there'd be big obituaries tomorrow, but no social effect."

**Shoptalk:** But during the luncheon breaks and over after-hours digestifs in the comfy Princeton Inn lounge, the talk turned gossipy-and not a little catty. It

## THE SOUTH:

### Paging Willie Highgrass

The appointment passed almost unnoticed around Richard Nixon's Hotel Pierre transition headquarters. With minimal fanfare, the next President picked chunky, crewcut South Carolina GOP chairman Harry S. Dent, 38, as deputy White House counsel. The mild attention Dent attracted came mainly because he is, politically, the creation of U.S. Sen. Strom Thurmond-and because his appointment seemed thus to be aimed at retiring a major Nixon campaign debt by giving segregationist Thurmond a pipeline into 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue. But the gesture also reflected a central strategic concern of the Nixon Republicans-seizing the South once and for all from the Democrats and forging it, together

Newsweek photos by Robert R. McElroy

And a good time was had by all: World-class thinkers Servan-Schreiber (photo, left); Brzezinski, Peretz, Brown and Schlesinger (above); Ball (photo, right)

scene with a chauffeured limousine and a coterie of Servan-Schreiberistes, several of them ladies and one a blonde memorably sweatered in blue.

Though it occasionally seemed so, it wasn't a party at all, but a conference of some 100 world-class thinkers, summoned from cloister and classroom to Princeton, N.J., by the International Association for Cultural Freedom. The association is the successor to the Congress for Cultural Freedom, which was reorganized last year after word got out that some of its money came from the CIA. Most of the cash now flows from the Ford Foundation, a switch that seemed to satisfy almost all the conferees except Sam Brown, a Harvard divinity student and sometime McCarthy organizer, who said it made no difference because "the values that underlie the Ford Foundation and the CIA are the same."

The meeting, timed for the advent of the Nixon era, was called to discuss "The United States-Its Problems, Its Impact, and Image in the World," and, in twenty hours of seminars mostly held in Princeton University's Whig Hall, the as-

did not escape notice that Schlesinger spent most of the seminar time transferring names from an old address book to a new one. Lillian Hellman wondered aloud what Servan-Schreiber was doing there anyway. "He's written a best seller," someone explained. "Who hasn't?" Miss Hellman sniffed. Servan-Schreiber let on later that American conferences sure were hell. Venezuela's Orlando Albornoz called Harvard's bearded Martin Peretz "a fake radical" and griped of his American colleagues generally: "Everyone wants to get into the Nixon Administration." And everybody talked about the blonde in the blue sweater.

When it was over, most of the conferees happily agreed by time-honored tradition that the talkfest hadn't really accomplished very much. Everybody applauded when young Sam Brown got up and summarized, "I've always thought the American intellectual left was bankrupt. The value was coming here and finding it was true." Thus scolded, to their evident delight, everybody returned to the cloisters and the classrooms with a real sense of accomplishment.

with the Midwest and West, into a real, national GOP majority.

And rarely had that longtime Republican dream seemed so beguilingly easy to believe in. Nixon had just captured five states of the Old Confederacy and might well have swept ten-everything but Texas-had Alabama's George Wallace not been in the race. Now, with patronage as well as hope nourishing the fragile GOP infrastructure in the South, it was tempting to believe that the millennium was at hand-that some further electoral gains in 1970 and some Democratic switchovers in the meantime might, for example, give the GOP control of the House. The question was how much Nixon would have to do for the South to create such a party base-and the answer, according to counselors like Dent, was not much. "All that Southerners want," says Dent, "is for Nixon to be reasonable."

Maybe. But a cooler reading suggests that some of the waxing Republican strength in the South is one-dimensional-that what it represents is the emergence of a Presidential party closer to Dixie's conservative cast of mind than

32

Newsweek

Nixon's Staff

# 3 Profs Join White House Faculty

President-elect Nixon is shown with University of Michigan educator Paul W. McCracken, whom he named as chief economic adviser. Nixon described McCracken as a "centrist, a man who is pragmatic in his economics."

WITH A public relations expert's sensitivity to timing and academic detail, Richard M. Nixon last week began introducing the members of his administration team-to-be. With proper fanfare, the Republican President-elect presented to the nation the men who would be his chief foreign policy, science and economic advisers. He drew all three from college campuses.

On Monday he revealed his choice as top foreign policy adviser: Harvard Prof. Henry A. Kissinger. Long an adviser to New York's Gov. Rockefeller on foreign affairs, Kissinger, scholarly looking and 45, will replace Walt W. Rostow, President Johnson's assistant for national security affairs.

Nixon's first task for the German-born government professor: A contingency plan for anticipating foreign crises. Nixon said Kissinger will overhaul the defense and diplomatic policies of the White House, but that his duties will not impinge on those of the Secretary of State.

The following day the President-elect announced the choice of his leading science adviser. He selected Lee A. Dubridge, president of the California Institute of Technology, and expressed the hope that Dubridge could "bridge the gap" between politicians and members of the intellectual community.

Dubridge, a 67-year-old physicist, immediately expressed his desire to raise the declining level of spending for basic science. The physicist, sometimes called the "senior statesman of science," said he would have misgivings over any proposal to further cut funds for the space agency, which is preparing now to land men on the moon before the end of next year.

On Wednesday, Nixon named Paul W. McCracken, University of Michigan economist, as his chief economic adviser, at the same time making known his desire to let the 10% surtax expire, if possible, by July 1. Nixon said the professor's main job as chairman of the President's Council of Economic Advisers would be to help him chart policies to bring "progress without inflation." McCracken, 52, slight, blond and bespectacled, was a council member for 2½ years during the Eisenhower administration.

Nixon also named Evele J. Younger, 50, Los Angeles County district attorney, to head the task force on crime and law enforcement, and announced that Chief Justice Earl Warren would retain his post in the early days of the Nixon administration.

Two other key spots on the Nixon team went to Lee Dubridge (left) of California Institute of Technology, who will be science consultant, and Harvard's Henry A. Kissinger, picked as national security assistant.

Crystal cordial set ____ 3.99

24-pc. cut glass tumbler set with platinum bands - 10.99

Quaker tray tables $20

THE AUTOMATIC
COCKTAIL MIXER

9.95

The most exciting bar accessory
in years. Pour the drink as usual,
put the Magic Mixer stirrer in the
glass and place it on top of the
Magic Mixer bar—watch it mix
the drink all by itself. Uses “D”
battery (not included).

QUAKER TRAY TABLES
WITH OWN PORTABLE RACK

4 tables with
storage rack $20

Each space-saver rack rolls on casters, has walnut-grip handle. Choose "Parquet", 4 tables with 23x15" parquet-style tops with brass-tone trim, or "Tropicana", 4 tables with tropical floral motif on 22x16" tops.

Housewares, 8th floor, Gimbels N.Y.;
also at Westchester, Paramus,
Valley Stream, Roosevelt Field

phone; within delivery area add 75c for c.o.d.'s; beyond delivery area, shipped express collect on prepaid orders only
MUS, 843-3000; VALLEY STREAM & ROOSEVELT FIELD, 741-5000; BAY SHORE, MO 5-4300; STAMFORD, 325-1524

Locking arms with fellow supporters, the Rev. C. Herbert Oliver, center, walks past police to enter JHS 271 today. Though a massive "take over" of the school had been threatened, only 25 people showed up, and were admitted.

Post Photo by Stein

was on duty in the school lobby, and when the mob rushed past him, he tried to stop them. He was punched on the nose and knocked unconscious when he was hit on the head with a chair. He was taken to Brooklyn Jewish Hospital.

The third target was Wingate HS.

By this time, police were ready. riot call sent many police who had been held in reserve at JHS 271 to Wingate, about a mile away, and cops standing shoulder to shoulder kept the students out of the building.

In frustration, some entered the BMT Franklin Av. shuttle, where they ripped up subway

cars, pulled emergency brakes and then fled from police on foot through the subway tunnels. Dispatchers turned off power to prevent the students from being electrocuted, and the line was totally halted for an hour and 10 minutes.

Other groups boarded an IRT 7th Av. train at the Brooklyn Museum station and held up the line for 22 minutes while they kept doors open.

Board of Education officials reported they had received telephone complaints from many parents whose high school children were unable to get into classes today because of student picket lines.

Among the schools where the demonstrations were under way,

the Board said, were William Cullen Bryant, Andrew Jackson and Franklin K. Lane High Schools in Queens, and Sheepshead Bay, Wingate and Clara Barton Vocational High Schools, all in Brooklyn.

One girl leading the boycott

## It's Bon Voyage
For Oldest Sub

GROTON, Conn. (AP)—The Navy's oldest submarine, which served as a link between the World War II period and modern advances in undersea technology, was taken out of active Navy service today.

The USS Grouper was decommissioned in a ceremony at the U. S. Submarine Base in Groton about three miles from where she had been launched in October, 1941.

The 311-foot sub, built at the Electric Boat Division of General Dynamics Corp. in Groton, sank or damaged 75,000 tons of enemy shipping in the Pacific during World War II.

## INSIDE THE

Eugenia Shepp

Financial Section

Sports Section Start

<table><tr><td>Amusements</td><td>72-82</td></tr><tr><td>Breslin, Jimmy</td><td>18</td></tr><tr><td>Bridge by Sheinwold</td><td>59</td></tr><tr><td>Classified</td><td>91-99</td></tr><tr><td>Comics</td><td>58, 59</td></tr><tr><td>Crossword</td><td>58</td></tr><tr><td>Dear Abby</td><td>60</td></tr><tr><td>Daily Closeup</td><td>55</td></tr><tr><td>Editorials</td><td>56</td></tr><tr><td>Evans and Novak</td><td>57</td></tr><tr><td>Fritchey, Clayton</td><td>55</td></tr><tr><td>Franzblau, Dr. Rose</td><td>59</td></tr><tr><td>Graham, Sheilah</td><td>76</td></tr><tr><td>Gross on Sports</td><td>108</td></tr><tr><td>Herblock</td><td>57</td></tr><tr><td>In the Stars</td><td>59</td></tr><tr><td>Lerner, Max</td><td>54</td></tr><tr><td>Lisager, Peter</td><td>57</td></tr></table>

the Board said, were William Cullen Bryant, Andrew Jackson and Franklin K. Lane High Schools in Queens, and Sheepshead Bay, Wingate and Clara Barton Vocational High School all in Brooklyn.

One girl leading the boycott

## INSIDE THE

Eugenia Shepp

Financial Section

Sports Section Start

<table><tr><td>Amusements</td><td>72-82</td></tr><tr><td>Breslin, Jimmy</td><td>18</td></tr><tr><td>Bridge by Sheinwold</td><td>59</td></tr><tr><td>Classified</td><td>91-99</td></tr><tr><td>Comics</td><td>58, 59</td></tr><tr><td>Crossword</td><td>58</td></tr><tr><td>Dear Abby</td><td>60</td></tr><tr><td>Daily Closeup</td><td>55</td></tr><tr><td>Editorials</td><td>56</td></tr><tr><td>Evans and Novak</td><td>57</td></tr><tr><td>Fritchey, Clayton</td><td>55</td></tr><tr><td>Franzblau, Dr. Rose</td><td>59</td></tr><tr><td>Graham, Sheilah</td><td>76</td></tr><tr><td>Gross on Sports</td><td>108</td></tr><tr><td>Herblock</td><td>57</td></tr><tr><td>In the Stars</td><td>59</td></tr><tr><td>Lerner, Max</td><td>54</td></tr><tr><td>Lisagor, Peter</td><td>57</td></tr></table>

Kissinger Selected
For Security Post

NEW YORK —(UPI)— President-elect Richard M. Nixon Monday appointed Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, 47, German - born Harvard University educator, as his assistant on national security affairs.

The professor of government, a leading expert in weapons systems and defense policy, has been an adviser to the administrations of President Johnson and Presidents Dwight D. Eisenhower and John F. Kennedy. Most recently he has been a chief State Department consultant on foreign policy and national security.

Kissinger, who came to the United States with his family as a refugee from nazism in 1938, later became a naturalized U.S. citizen.

Nixon said Kissinger would be charged with revitalizing and streamlining the National Security Council. He will take a leave of absence from Harvard's Center

for International Affairs to assume the key position.

At the same time Nixon named Dr. Richard V. Allen, a senior staff member of the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace at Stanford University, as Kissinger's principal associate on the National Security Council.

Allen, 42, served as Nixon's director of foreign policy research during the presidential campaign.

## Parallels Some of Clifford Views in Article

# Kissinger Sets Priority on Joint Pullout

By a Washington Post Staff Writer

NEW YORK, Dec. 18— Henry A. Kissinger proposes in an article published today that the United States give priority to agreement with Hanoi on a mutual troop withdrawal—avoiding a long as possible negotiations for a political settlement in Vietnam.

The article was written before Kissinger was named as President-elect Nixon's chief White House adviser on foreign policy. Nonetheless, its publication in Foreign Affairs quarterly can

be expected to have a major impact on the Paris negotiations.

For one thing, parts— though far from all—of Kissinger's prescription backs the recent line of outgoing Defense Secretary Clark M. Clifford.

Kissinger's proposals also are at variance with President Johnson's current policy for the Paris talks. And his analysis of past American shortcomings in Vietnam, both military and diplomatic, is often biting.

Kissinger calls for a set-

tlement which bars an American surrender and also rules out an American-imposed coalition government in Saigon.

Kissinger argues that the best procedure to reach a settlement would be to establish three new forums outside the Paris negotiating sessions.

One forum would involve direct, and possibly secret, talks between the United States and North Vietnam. The second would be between Saigon and the National Liberation Front. The

third would be an international conference to work out guarantees and safeguards for agreements arrived at in the other meetings.

While Kissinger argues that neither side can risk negotiations that drag out another two years, he recognizes that the issues are infinitely complex and difficult.

Pressures are on Hanoi and Washington for an early settlement, Kissinger says. He thinks the Johnson Administration has compli-See KISSINGER, A14, Col. 1

sarmament Agency.

The resignations of two
other career Federal officials
are announced by the White
ouse yesterday.

They are Fulton Freeman,
ambassador to Mexico since
4, and Clarence P. Lund-
ist, administrator of the
age and Hours Public Con-
tracts Division of the Depart-
ment of Labor since 1958.

A White House spokesman
explained that several officials
are resigning under President
Johnson "to show that they
really mean it about leaving."

Presidential appointees cus-
narily submit their resigna-
tions to an incoming
resident, leaving him the op-
mion of accepting or rejecting
 him.

The actual date of Free-
man's resignation has not been
announced. Lundquist, with 30
years of government service,
retiring.

at Washington, D.C. Printed
at 1515 L St. NW. 20005

Telephone Numbers:

223-6000—News & Business

223-6100—Circulation Service

223-6200—Classified

The Associated Press is entitled ex-
clusively to use for republication of
all news dispatches credited to it or
not otherwise credited in this paper
and local news of spontaneous origin
published herein.

WTOP-TV (9) Radio (150)

CARRIER DELIVERY

Daily and Sunday: 1 week, 75¢; 1
month, $3.25. Daily Only: 1 week,
45¢; 1 month, $1.95. Sunday Only: 35¢.

BY MAIL IN WASHINGTON, D.C.,
MARYLAND AND VIRGINIA

(Payable in Advance)

Daily and Sunday: 1 year, $40.00;
6 months, $20.00; 3 months, $10.00; 1
month, $3.50. Daily Only: 1 year,
$27.00; 6 months, $13.50; 3 months,
$6.75; 1 month, $2.50. Sunday Only:
1 year, $16.00; 6 months, $8.00; 3
months, $4.00; 1 month, $1.50.

BY MAIL BEYOND MARYLAND
AND VIRGINIA

(Payable in Advance)

Daily and Sunday: 1 year, $54.00;
6 months, $27.00; 3 months, $13.50; 1
month, $5.00. Daily Only: 1 year,
$36.00; 6 months, $18.00; 3 months,
$9.00; 1 month, $3.25. Sunday Only:
1 year, $24.00; 6 months, $12.00; 3
months, $6.00; 1 month, $2.50.

Rates Outside U.S.A. Upon Request.

The "Warwick". Handsome grey wool
herringbone or gold/brown heather
wool, lined and collared with alpaca
pile. Quilted sleeves. 36" long. Regu-
lars and longs.
$60

The "green collar" quilted
only.

Chevy Chase, Md.
Wheaton Plaza, Md.
Landmark Center, Va.

THE WASHINGTON POST

Tuesday, Dec. 3, 1968

A5

USA
story
book
CHRISTMAS

GORHAM GIVES YOU
A PAIR OF SILVER CANDELABRA
WHEN YOU PURCHASE
A SERVICE FOR EIGHT
IN GORHAM STERLING

If you've always wanted sterling but have put off buying it, now is the time to make your wish come true. You get a pair of sterling silver candelabra, valued at 125.00, with your purchase of a service for eight in any of Gorham's current sterling patterns. Service includes eight each, place knives, place forks, salad forks, teaspoons... plus two tablespoons, a sugar spoon, and a butter knife. Shown are just a few of Gorham's Originals... world famous for their enduring appeal, lasting beauty, fine craftsmanship. Services for eight priced from 430.00 to 620.00.

Inquire about our Silver Purchase Plan
No down payment on approved credit.

W&L—The Silver Room . . . All Stores except Eastover

["## P.S. 39's Teachers", "To the Editor:", "We are the thirty \"other\" teachers regularly assigned to P.S. 39 in the I.S. 201 complex.", "Our school has been surrounded and occupied by an army of policemen, whose presence in the school has brought education to a virtual standstill. They are there ostensibly to protect the \"rights\" of nine teachers, teachers who, in fact, have clearly given up any claim to rights in this school by their open and malicious defiance of the elected governing board and its administrator, Charles Wilson.", "But the real purpose of the police occupation is obviously to demonstrate the Board of Education's contempt for the I.S. 201 community and its legitimate desire to control its own schools.", "With this outrageous show of force the Board of Education has made clear its willingness to capitulate to Mr. Shanker and, in fact, to aid him in his campaign to destroy community control with a judicious mixture of fear, hate and force.", "We, the \"other\" teachers, whom Mr. Shanker has contemptuously referred to as \"robots,\" hereby affirm our free will, our intelligence and our humanity by wholeheartedly supporting the governing board.", "We demand that the police be removed immediately from in and around our school so that the education of the children of this community can proceed. There is no education at gunpoint.", "What we are asking and in fact insist upon is that people be allowed to control the institutions that are there to serve them. Is there anyone who can disagree with this demand?", "GAIL STRAUS", "New York, Dec. 10, 1968", "The above letter was also signed by 29 other teachers of P.S. 39.", "## Community Motivation", "To the Editor:", "I was impressed with the Ocean Hill-Brownsville community when they fought to keep their schools open. I believed that they had learned what every minority group before them had learned: that education is the key to advancement.", "However, I was overoptimistic. Their support for their school was merely a defiant maneuver against authority. Now that schools are reopened, they are fighting against other rul-", "ings. If they are anxious for their children's education, why the fuss over an extra 45 minutes a day?", "The only consistent motive in all this confusion is the desire to fight. If the adults are angry with society, why don't they look toward constructive methods of change? Why are they willing to use their own children as pawns in their uncontrollable hatred?", "The damage that is being done to property is minor when compared to the damage that these parents are doing to their own children. The lessons they are teaching them will lead to their own destruction.", "JOHANNA MARCOVITCH\nStamford, Conn., Dec. 6, 1968", "## Nixon's Appointees", "To the Editor:", "President-elect Nixon's appointments of Kissinger and DuBridge [Editorial, Dec. 4.] They bespeak brains and balance. Many of us hope he will add two new aides, a special assistant on youth and another on global hunger. Defense and science today cannot be isolated from youth and the impending world famine. The human situation is indivisible.", "(Rabbi) ELY E. PILCHIK", "South Orange, N. J.", "Dec. 4, 1968", "## Chinese on Taiwan", "To the Editor:", "I must take issue with the unspoken premise underlying Paul Kuo's letter of Nov. 22 that the Taiwanese are not Chinese and therefore want to be free from Chinese domination.", "Nothing could be farther from the truth. The people on Taiwan are all Chinese—ethnically, linguistically and culturally. The only difference that sets them apart from each other is the time of their emigration", "### OFFICES OF THE NEW YORK TIMES", "Main Office...229 West 43d St., N.Y.\n10036. Telephone: (212) 556-1234", "C. Raymond Hulsart, Secretary\nRalph Bowman, Treasurer", "Classified Advertising and Microfilm Reference, 1457 Broadway, N.Y., 10036. Bet. 41st & 42d Sts.", "### Domestic", "Albany... Press Room, State Capitol\nAtlanta... News, The Constitution Bldg.;\n    Advt., 3390 Peachtree Road, N. E.\nBoston... News, Herald-Traveler Bldg.;\n    Advt., 140 Federal St.\nCh.ago... News, 435 N. Michigan\n    Advt., 333 N. Michigan\nDallas... Advt., Republic Natl. Bank Bldg.;\n    Advt., Northland Towers, Southfield\nDetroit... News, Free Press Bldg.;\n    Advt., 1000 E. Market St.\nHouston... Chronicle Bldg.,\n    Kansas City, Mo., 2706 Power & Light Bldg.\nLos Angeles... News, 900 Wilshire Blvd.;\n    Advt., 612 S. Flower St.", "BOSTON\nNEW YORK\nBOSTON\nNEW YORK\nBOSTON\nNEW YORK\nBOSTON\n

that is
"particularly
stimulating."

—EDMUND FULLER
Wall Street Journal

$10.00 at all book stores.

FW Funk & Wagnalls

A Division of Reader's Digest Books Inc.

"Future historians will find it indispensable..."

The uncensored minute-by-minute account of Nov. 22, 1963.

"...It vividly recreates and brings a fresh perspective to the events of that hideous day."

—CHARLES ROBERTS
Chicago Sun-Times Book Week

$7.95 at all book stores

FW Funk & WAGNALLS

A Division of Reader's Digest Books, Inc.

MARIE ANTOINETTE LIVES the form of a memoir the reader have written. The actual written temporary novelists, author of the Castle. For the romantic est bestseller "succeeds both of Louis XVI."—Publishers'

"HUMAN AND TRUE AND M
Dealer of the new bestseller
For William E. Barrett has put
a human perspective in this ra
A dedicated young priest and
A Literary Guild Selection. See
a picture for United Artists by F

ADDITIONAL
BOOK NEWS
AND ADVERTISING
ON FACING PAGE

68

# Kissinger Called Nixon Choice For Adviser on Foreign Policy

By ROBERT B. SEMPLE Jr.

Richard M. Nixon is reported to be seeking the full-time services of Henry A. Kissinger, defense and national security specialist from Harvard and Governor Rockefeller's adviser on foreign affairs.

Mr. Kissinger conferred yesterday with the President-elect in his temporary headquarters on the 39th floor of the Pierre Hotel for the third time in five days. The two men talked on Monday and Wednesday.

Nixon sources would not confirm that a firm offer had been made, but conceded that the President-elect would welcome into his Administration a man of Mr. Kissinger's range and abilities. Sources outside the Nixon camp — in the academic community of which Mr. Kissinger is a part and else-

where—asserted that overtures had been made but that Mr. Kissinger had made no final decision.

Mr. Kissinger could not be reached for comment.

It is believed that if he accompanied Mr. Nixon to Washington he would occupy one of two posts: either that of chairman of the Policy Planning Council at the Department of State, or special assistant to the President for national security affairs, the position currently held by Walt W. Rostow and occupied during the Kennedy Administration by McGeorge Bundy.

Mr. Kissinger, who is 45 years old, was born in Germany and became a naturalized citizen in 1943. Now head of

Continued on Page 10, Column 1