# Herzberg Joins in Lawsuit to Release Kissinger Documents

by Greg Kitsock

Last week while the University was preparing for Henry Kissinger's first lecture of the semester, the former Secretary of State and present Professor of Diplomacy at G.U. was being accused in federal court of illegally removing transcripts of his telephone conversations from State Department files.

Among the four organizations and eight individuals who have joined in the suit is Dean Donald Herzberg of Georgetown's Graduate Schools. "I welcome Dr. Kissinger as a colleague, but I don't agree with everything he's done," Herzberg told The HOYA.

The phone transcripts, allegedly used by Kissinger's staff in setting up appointment schedules for their boss, were donated by Kissinger to the Library of Congress under the condition they be kept locked away for 25 years. Kissinger's attorney Dave Ginsburg claimed in last Thursday's

and confidential information.

The parties filing suit, which include The Reporters Committee for a Free Press and the American Political Science Association, contend that the transcripts are public records under the Federal Records Act and Kissinger had no right to remove them from government files. If they succeed in forcing the State Department to repossess the documents, the contents of the transcripts can be made public under the Freedom of Information Act.

Three years ago Herzberg and several prominent members of the APSA filed suit against the General Services Administration to prevent the agency from returning the White House tapes and documents of the Nixon Administration to the custody of the ex-president. The Supreme Court eventually decided in favor of Herzberg and his colleagues.

The Grad School Dean, however, noted that the Kissinger case is different in that the ex-Secretary of State is not claiming the exclusive right to the material involved, as was the case with Nixon. Rather, Kissinger's defense has claimed that the transcripts are "working papers" and that as such they do not belong with official records.

Kissinger launched his fall lecture series at Georgetown on Monday with a talk on "Approaches to the Conduct of Foreign Policy."

The media was barred from the presentation. However, one SFS senior who attended told The HOYA that Kissinger had defended US policy behind the 1970 invasion of Cambodia, claiming that weekly death tolls of American soldiers declined as a result of the action.

Kissinger also allegedly denied that the US had supported the overthrow of socialist Salvador Allende's go-

vernment in Chile. The US had aided Allende's political opposition in the 1972 elections in Chile, but because of the tax structure of the country most of the money wound up in Allende's hands, Kissinger was reported to have said.

SFS Dean Peter Krogh remarked that Kissinger had been "extremely candid." He said he had not warned the 50 people in attendance about disseminating information to the press, but added he hoped they would be "discreet."

CAC Urges Involvement in

Russ Schumacher

Many GU students are discovering the "real world" that exists beyond the Healy Gates by working at volunteer jobs and internships in the District.

Increased involvement in the D.C. community in the past year is a direct result of the Community Action Coalition (CAC), established a year ago at Georgetown to promote and coordinate programs for students in the city.

The idea for the student-run CAC came to current Student Government Vice-President Dan Burke in spring, 1976, when he made a study of the main campus' commitment to the city for the D.C. Public Interest Research Group (PIRG) project and found the university lacking in programs within the District. "The idea for CAC was to start new programs between the city and university and coordinate existing programs," explained current CAC director Cindy Wall (CAS '78), who took over for Burke when he ran for student government.

The CAC claims that it is trying to strike down the community's image of GU as an "elitist university," Wall remarked, "We want to bring the community people to know Georgetown better. We also feel there is a need to open up the city's cultural resources to students."

The CAC director continued, "We knew there was a lot of Washington that students wouldn't see in four years - both good and bad. It is important to see the whole city. After all, we are residents of

Bruce Ashe, and DeSilva, Richard Twine, also charged administration with "racist" attitude to lopment and implementative action programs. Members also complicate by members community and a changing approach to the

BSA member Tafke wins, "we (at Georgetown) would awful lot, and we awful lot to look Georgetown's low b

An unprecedented curiae (friends of) have been filed with the Court.

The most notable filed by Columbia,

Henry Kissinger

Washington Post that the transcripts are unedited and contain inaccuracies

The Sursum Tutoring program, Center service, has been seven years, but Georgetown students has jumped from past year, since it auspices of CAC.

The social service also includes one-day as painting a home taking kids to afternoon.

Lining up

CAC has attempted internship major function of has its office at the from the GUTS extremely valuable strong of Career Placement about internships

Old Boston"

Is Degree to Rose Kennedy

The degree which Mrs. Kennedy, the mother of nine children including Kennedy one U.S. President and three U.S. Senators, received was a special tribute for her leadership in working

knowing one of her children to be mentally retarded, she chose, unlike many of her contemporaries, not to hide the fact. Rather she turned this affliction into the occasion for beginning a crusade on behalf of all others similarly afflicted," read the Degree citation.

Following the degree conferment, Senator Edward Kennedy spoke referring to his mother as the

CHICAGO DAILY NEWS / WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 5, 1977

# Kissinger wows 'em for Percy

Henry's humor turns on Republicans as senator launches his campaign for a third term at 'Chuck Roast' here.

By Ray DeLong

The accent rang a bell. But the sense of humor seemed almost un-Republican.

Henry Kissinger had come to town to speak at a testimonial dinner for Sen. Charles Percy Tuesday night. "Chuck" signs were everywhere. It wasn't even a dinner; it was a "Chuck Roast" (Get it?). Kissinger set the tone:

"I'm here as a member of the Percy family. Chuck's daughter (Sharon) married Jay Rockefeller, who is Nelson's nephew. Nelson is my political godfather. That makes me Sharon's godcousin. Or I'm her god-in-law. I prefer the latter term."

Percy had brought in the biggest name he could think of to kick off his campaign for re-election to the Senate next year. And the 1,400 well-heeled Republicans loved it. Of course they had to—they paid enough to hear the Teuton with tongue-in-cheek:

"I came here under false pretenses. I heard this was a $250-a-plate dinner. I looked under my plate and it was empty."

But there was no false pretense in the former secretary of state. In fact, he got his biggest laughs joking about himself. The dinner guests at the Conrad Hilton gave Kissinger a standing ovation when he was introduced. As they took their seats:

"I'm glad the applause finally died down because I find it difficult to look humble for extended periods of time."

Well into the spirit of the occasion—showing the world that Republicans can have fun—Kissinger began to sound more and more like Henry Youngman.

On his own diplomacy:

"One regret I have involved my efforts to create a buffer zone in the Sinai Desert. My first instinct was to part the Red Sea and be done with it."

On the way he ran the State Department:

"When I was in government, I always encouraged—even demanded—that any associate of mine who disagreed with me to speak up. You can ask them yourself the next time you are in Uganda."

On the exit of Bert Lance, President Carter's budget director:

"Remember his immortal last words to Carter: 'Listen, Jimmy, this would not be an Oval Office if the architect had not cut some corners.'"

The assembled GOP especially liked the Bert Lance jokes. One of the warmup comedians for top bannera Kissinger was Gov. James R. Thompson, who rated a standing ovation from only half the guests. The Guy's Lance line: "A poll was taken at the end of the Senate

hearings. Twenty-five per cent wanted Lance to stay; 25 per cent wanted him to go, and 50 per cent wanted checking accounts in the Calhoun National Bank."

Thompson did manage to slip it to Percy in the time-honored tradition of "roasts." "There's no secret why I want Chuck to run on the ticket with me in 1978. Everyone knows I have a weakness for antiques."

Antique or not (he's 58), Percy is an accomplished politician. That showed at the dinner. The long dais was bustling with representatives from nearly all conceivable interest groups—Lithuanians, Polish, blacks, Latinos and labor. Even the invocation chore was split among two

clergymen, a rabbi and a black Presbyterian.

After referring to his well-published role in the Lance hearings, Percy launched his campaign for a third term: "It's said in politics, if you can't stand the heat in the kitchen, get out. I'm saying tonight, I'm not getting out."

The senator also has taken some heat for keeping mum on the Panama Canal treaties. Asked when he would speak up, he said, "When the hearings are over. We haven't heard the opposition yet."

His opposition in next spring's primary may include conservative Phyllis Schlafly, who thinks the canal could be her big issue.

Former Sec. of State Henry Kissinger (center) meets the press with Sen. Charles Percy Tuesday night at the Conrad Hilton Hotel. (AP)

FOR

DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE

PROGRAM

NBC Radio News

STATION

WRC Radio
NBC Network

DATE

October 24, 1977

6:00 P.M.

CITY

Washington, D.C.

SUBJECT

Panama Canal--Henry Kissinger

STEVE PORTER: The vote among Panamanians showing a two-to-one support for the Panama Canal treaty comes as no surprise to a lot of diplomats.

But opponents of the treaty says the plebiscite won't change their minds.

That resistance apparently was underestimated by former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger. In an interview with NBC News, he conceded opposition to the treaty is very strong. Then he has a suggestion for the President -- go to the people and explain his feelings on the treaty.

HENRY KISSINGER: He's the Commander-in-chief. He has all the factors. And this is, rather, this has been one missing element, and I think it is probably correct that -- I must say when I was in office I did not understand how deeply emotions run on that issue.

PORTER: On another development, the National Commander of the American Legion says the vote in Panama may help treaty opponents. Robert Charles Smith says, "After all, one-third of the voters in Panama did oppose the treaty. That shows support is not as strong as one might think."

FOR

DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE

PROGRAM All Things Considered...

STATION WETA Radio
NPR Network

DATE October 3, 1977 5:20 PM

CITY Washington, D.C.

SUBJECT Interview with Roger Morris

BOB EDWARDS: Henry Kissinger told a group of businessmen Friday that congressional failure to ratify the Panama Canal treaties would weaken President Carter's authority and jeopardize foreign relations.

Kissinger will continue to speak out on foreign policy, if only because he's under contract to NBC. But Kissinger may have his eye on history as well.

Roger Morris was the Africa expert of Kissinger's National Security Council staff until he quit the White House in protest of the U.S. invasion of Cambodia. Today Morris is a writer and author of "Uncertain Greatness: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy."

Morris says Kissinger's great accomplishment was in diverting power from a moribund foreign policy establishment and gathering it into the White House, though the cure, he says, turned out to be worse than the disease.

Even on SALT, the Middle East, and detente, Morris gives Kissinger only grudging credit.

ROGER MORRIS: But I think the accomplishments were real and I think they stand all the more impressive in terms of what's followed, because we are at an impasse in the SALT talks, we are on dead center in the Middle East, there hasn't been much progress even with the China diplomacy under the Carter Administration. So that I'm afraid Kissinger looks better than ever.

I must say when I finished this book eight months ago I was glad to see him go, and I'm not sure now that I don't miss him.

2

[L0]

EDWARDS: On the negative side, there were the things that are usually brought up: the great ego, the Machivellian thought, the terrible secrecy that went on. But it seems the editorial writers were willing to give him that if he did all these other grand things. But there was also the question of morality in foreign policy, something that Jimmy Carter campaigned on.

MORRIS: It seems to me that it's been very hard to put Kissinger in perspective, for that very reason, that the record is so very mixed. And it's hard not to consider it in terms of the kind of dual morality that Kissinger himself applied. And that is that if one is making peace in Peking or Moscow, you're dealing with the fate and the destiny of two billion people and generations to come. Therefore, if you neglect or if you're indifferent toward the starvation of 100,000 people in Bangladesh, or if you ignore genocide in Central Africa, or if you're playing footsie with a junta in Chile, all of that can be explained away by, you know, higher stakes elsewhere. You have bigger fish to fry in other parts of the world.

It certainly was Kissinger's fundamental philosophy, and I think it's also quite a common philosophy in the press and in the Congress.

EDWARDS: The scariest thing in your book are the tales of personal morality in the White House.

MORRIS: Nixon and Kissinger, as the book points out, very largely, continued the war in Vietnam for reasons of their own private vision of both American domestic politics and the world. They were afraid of a right-wing recrimination in this country if they withdrew. They were also worried very much about matters of manliness and machismo in the world, our credibility if we didn't conduct a savage retreat.

There is also, as the book points out, a kind of pall of racism which hangs over much of this era. Nixon, on one occasion in 1970, was radioing in from -- ship-to-shore in Key Biscayne, when Kissinger was writing a message to the Congress on foreign policy, in which he asked, "Make sure there's something in it for the jigs, Henry."

To which Kissinger answered, dutifully, "Yes, Mr. President."

On another occasion, when I was briefing Kissinger on the fall of Biafra during the Nigerian civil war, and he asked if the Biafrans couldn't escape, couldn't they sort of melt into the Nigerian troops? Didn't they, after all, all look alike? I explained that, no, the Northern Nigerian troops were somewhat more Semitic in origin and Caucasian in appearance, and that the coastal Biafrans, the Ibos, were more Negroid.

3

And he looked very puzzled and said, "But you've always
told me that the Ibos were very gifted and talented. What do you
mean 'more Negroid'?"

Those descents into sort of private anthropology -- the
German-Jewish professor from New York and from Havard, the Cali-
fornia politician from Orange County -- undoubtedly had an effect
on American foreign policy toward the vast majority of the world
which is non-white. But all of it was very subtle.

Al Haig used to beat the table like jungle drums when I
entered the room as the African staff member for the NSC.

...It's hard to judge how that enters into conscious and deliberate decisions, because the bigotry or the prejudice is the kind of casual prejudice that so many Americans of that generation wore so easily; never articulated in terms of deliberate policies, but it was certainly there.

EDWARDS: And you feel it's not too late for Kissinger
to improve on his historical image.

MORRIS: I think so. I think he takes away from office
extraordinary public authority, and therefore the capacity to
educate the American people in a unique way. And I think he has
a stake in doing that, because his own best accomplishments, in
the Middle East, in SALT, certainly the China diplomacy, are all
subject to a slow attrition if they're left to the bureaucrats
and to the incompetence of the usual establishment figures. And
behind a veil of secrecy, they will erode all the more rapidly.

So that I think Kissinger has a stake in a kind of opening
up of the system. I think he ought to become an advocate of more
investigative journalism. I think he ought to be an adviser not
to the Executive Branch but to the Congress in foreign affairs. I
think he ought to urge, in general, a more genuine humanitarian
American foreign policy.

Now, that's asking someone who was the practitioner, after
all, of great secrecy, the seducer of the Congress, and the advo-
cate of realpolitik to change his stripes. I'm not holding my
breath and I wouldn't advise anybody else to. But he has some
capital to spend now with the American people, and I think his
greatness would be far less uncertain if he spent it wisely.

[L.C.]

GU Voice

10/18/77 p. 5

Berrigan Blasts

# SOAK Sponsors Anti-Kissinger Session

by Kevin Greene

"We Christians are, by definition, resisters of the State." These were the words of former priest, Phillip Berrigan, to a group of nearly seventy people gathered in Harbin formal lounge to hear him speak out against the appointment of Henry Kissinger as a full professor here at Georgetown. The Students Opposed to the Appointment of Kissinger (S.O.A.K.) organization invited him to talk.

Berrigan gained nationwide recognition back in the Anti-Vietnam years when he and his brother, Daniel, led resisters in

advantage as well. Kissinger's doctrine of tactical nuclear war entailed actually employing nuclear weapons in so called "gray areas" of the third world, according to Berrigan. The intent of this was to convince the Russians that the United States was prepared to strike if necessary, he said.

In a more general context, Berrigan spoke in opposition of the immense U.S. military budget which has been the target of his most recent non-violent protests. He said, "Our national tapeworm is the military." In his opinion, all of the tax

town University administration is too secularly amoral to do this."

He then accused the Georgetown officials of radically compromising their positions as Catholics, by granting an honorary degree to the princess of Iran, and allowing C.I.A. influence on campus, as well as on the Kissinger issue.

Finally, Berrigan implored everyone to realize their moral obligation and actively protest Kissinger and all his views. He said, "Anyone with no public voice today is both an accomplice and a victim."

The ensuing period became highly

public attention which he and his brother did during the sixties, he remains just as active, having been arrested 7 or 8 times outside the White House.

last arrest occurring in early September outside the White House.

Since early 1975 he has been involved in many resistance groups primarily located in Baltimore where he lives with his wife in Jonah House, which contains a group of people dedicated to Christian communal living.

He is now primarily concerned with non-violent protests against nuclear arms proliferation. Though President Carter has promised discontinuation of fast-breeder reactors in an effort to stop production of nuclear weapons ingredients, Berrigan warns, "You have to watch performances, not promises."

Because Berrigan says he does not believe Carter's promises are being implemented, he and his group have been journeying down to Carter's Plains, Georgia Baptist parish every Sunday for the past four weeks in hopes that he will also be there. They hope to stop the services because they feel that his avid support of nuclear arms is contrary to the preaching of the gospel. To date Carter has failed to appear and Berrigan reports that his comrades have often been roughly treated and expelled from the church by ushers, whom Berrigan asserts are trained by the Secret Service. If Carter does appear, Berrigan intends to question him directly on the conflicts between his Christian beliefs and his nuclear arms policy.

On the very personal topic of his excommunication from the Roman Catholic Church, Berrigan told the Voice that, "I still consider myself a member of the Church. I still consider myself a priest, though excommunicated." He remains quick to defend the Church and feels that it is impossible for him to alienate himself from it because it gave birth to his lasting belief in Christianity.

As for the relatively slight impact which his most recent activities have had on the public, Berrigan told the Voice. "One doesn't do such things for impact. You do what you feel is right and you have to hope that people will listen."

> "Georgetown ought to face the fact we have no standards.
> We are just mimics of the best Universities."

—Dick McSorley, SJ

burning draft cards. His later marriage to a nun, Elizabeth McAlister, resulted in his excommunication from the Roman Catholic Church. Daniel Berrigan remains a Jesuit priest.

In his speech, Berrigan characterized Dr. Kissinger as "a flagrant opportunist (who) has all the perceptions of a high school bully." He attacked Kissinger for authorization of the merciless bombing in Viet Nam, Cambodia, and Laos and also, for his influence in C.I.A. attempts to overthrow the Chilean government of Salvador Allende.

He also alleged that in October of 1973, Kissinger placed the United States on the third stage of a five stage national defense alert and nearly caused a major armed confrontation with Russia. Labeling Kissinger as "Mr. Bomb", and "a war criminal," Berrigan asserted that Kissinger's intent was to use the U.S. nuclear potential not merely as a deterrent, but as a political

money spent on the build-up and development of arms has succeeded in "starving us internally," and that, in the end, the exorbitant costs would cause our ruin.

But, the major focus of his address was that is was the nation's inner spirit which is suffering the most, especially Christians who he feels have a moral obligation to object to anything which lends itself to violence and the destruction of human lives. The actions of both the government and Kissinger, are, in Berrigan's view, contrary to all Christian values and ideals. He also felt that silence about Kissinger's presence at Georgetown, on the part of Catholics and Christians alike, signified a compromise of their beliefs.

Berrigan exhorted all present to unite and have Kissinger ousted immediately. He expressed his belief that it was the students and not the administration's task to see that Kissinger is not allowed on campus because "Obviously, the George-

emotional as both Phillip Berrigan, and his close friend, Fr. Dick McSorley, a Georgetown professor, who is on sabbatical this year, fielded questions from the audience. Vehement arguments took place between spectators. A few even drew applause for their views, mostly in opposition to Kissinger.

During the discussion a point was made that certain Ivy League schools, Columbia University especially, had refused a professorship for Kissinger, but Georgetown had accepted him. Alluding to this and the fact that Georgetown has often followed the lead of Ivy League schools, but in this case seemed to be trying to out-publicize them, McSorley exclaimed, "We (Georgetown) ought to face the fact, we have no standards. We are just mimics of the best universities." Later, McSorley commented, "I hope that we are able to embarrass Henry Kissinger."

Though Berrigan no longer receives the

Verses from the Volga

Henry Kissinger

# Rethinking America's Foreign-Policy Challenge

Now that the bitter passions of the foreign-policy debate of the last 10 years are hopefully behind us, it is time for thoughtful deliberation on what are, or should be, our basic premises about the world in which we find ourselves today.

Our foreign-policy difficulties are often described as the legacy of Vietnam. But the Vietnam ordeal was not a cause but a symptom. The late 1960s, coinciding with Vietnam, marked the end of the period when America was overwhelmingly more powerful than any other nation, when we could assert problems alone and entirely with our own resources, when American initiatives were accepted without serious debate, when we could believe that our own domestic experiences, like the New Deal, were the automatic blueprint for economic development and political progress abroad. It marked above all the end of the era when we could imagine that any problem could be resolved once and for all and that solutions once achieved would permit us to end our international exertions.

Vietnam was a catharsis. It taught us that our power, while great, is finite, that our influence, though crucial, can be effective only if we understand our priorities and the world in which we live.

For a century and a half geography and resources combined to give us the luxury of waiting until threats became almost overwhelming before we committed ourselves. We always had the opportunity to compensate for our tardy involvement by the massive deployment of physical power. We could largely leave to others the burden of the day-to-day decisions that over time spelled war or peace, security or fear, for the global system and even for ourselves. We were spared the continuing agony of inescapable decisions that other nations always faced to assure

their survival and their values. More than any other nation in history, we could avoid the dilemma of reconciling the ideal with the practical, of accommodating to limited means and contingent ends.

The post-World War II era was a remarkably creative period of American foreign policy. But our initiatives were explicitly justified as temporary measures to restore an underlying equilibrium. The Marshall Plan, our alliance commitments overseas, our interna-

tional economic programs were all conceived as dealing with temporary emergencies, which, once overcome, would excuse us from permanent direct involvement abroad.

The world of today is not the world of a generation ago. Geography no longer assures security. The American nuclear monopoly has given way to nuclear balance and to proliferating weapons capabilities. The United States is now as vulnerable as any other nation; indeed nuclear weapons confront all peoples everywhere with a threat to their survival unknown to any previous generation.

The world economy has become interdependent; our prosperity is to some extent hostage to the decisions on raw materials, prices and investment in distant countries whose purposes are not necessarily compatible with ours.

And the structure of relations between nations has fundamentally al-

tered. In 1945, 51 nations joined to create the United Nations; today it comprises nearly 150 nations—many ideologically hostile. Just as two world wars shattered the Europe-oriented order of the last two centuries, so the postwar system of Cold War bipolarity has come apart—and a new pattern of world order must be shaped to take its place.

An increasing responsibility has fallen upon the United States. Without our commitment to international secu-

rity, there can be no stable peace; without our constructive participation in the world economy, there can be no hope for economic progress; without our dedication to human liberty, the prospect of freedom in the world is dim indeed.

For the first time in American history we can neither dominate the world nor escape from it. Henceforth this country will be engaged in world affairs by reality and not by choice. America must now learn to conduct foreign policy as other nations have had to conduct it—with patience, subtlety, imagination, and perseverance.

The most fundamental challenge is thus not to our physical resources but to our constancy of purpose and our philosophical perception. Precisely because we can no longer wait for dangers to become overwhelming, they will appear ambiguous when they are still manageable. The case for ratifying

the Panama Canal treaties, for example, is not an immediate present danger in Panama but the need to forestall a united front of all the countries of Latin America against what they consider an American attempt to maintain inequity by force. The issue in Angola two years ago was not a direct threat to our security, but the long-term danger of allowing Soviet surrogate forces to intervene globally to tip the scales in local conflicts. The argument for a forthcoming American attitude in the North-South dialogue is not to yield to the admittedly limited strength of the less-developed nations but to prevent the polarization of the world into a small minority of the rich isolated in an ocean of poverty and resentment.

It is a paradox of the contemporary world that if we wait until these dangers become realities, we will lose the chance to do anything about them. At the moment when we still have great scope for creativity the facts are likely to be unclear or ambiguous. When we know all the facts, it is often too late to act. This is the dilemma of statesmanship of a country that is irrevocably engaged in world affairs—and particularly of one that seeks to lead.

America, therefore, can no longer afford the luxury of oscillating as it once did between brooding isolation and crusading intervention. Our biggest foreign-policy challenge is to shape a concept of our international role that the American people will support over the long term; we must avoid dramatic swings between exuberance and abdication. Our responsibility is unending; our accomplishments are likely to be ever-tenuous. We must change our approach to international affairs from the episodic to the permanent; from the be lief in final answers to the realization that each "solution" is only an admission ticket to a new set of problems.

[10]

WP
10/3/77

40

Chicago Sun-Times, Wednesday, Oct. 5, 1977

Hot off his Lance victory,
Percy target of pals' spears

By Maurice Possley

Former Sec. of State Henry A. Kissinger and Gov. Thompson took potshots at Sen. Charles H. Percy (R-Ill.) Tuesday night, to the delight of the 2,000 persons the $250-a-plate "Chuck Roast" fund-raising dinner at the Conrad Hilton Hotel.

The speakers got off several zingers on the Bert Lance affair. Percy was active in the Senate investigation that led to Lance's resignation as President Carter's budget chief because of Lance's earlier dealings as a banker. Said Thompson: "At first the Lance investigation was a tough decision. Chuck . . . didn't know whether to pursue it, wherever it might lead, or to quickly sign up Mr. Lance as his campaign treasurer."

Lance spoke well before the committee, Kissinger said. "You have to give Bert a lot of credit. But of course, that was his problem in the first place.

"One cannot close the Bert Lance incident without recalling for posterity his immortal last words to President Carter.

SURELY YOU JEST: Henry A. Kissinger pokes good-natured fun at Sen. Charles H. Percy's Capitol capers.
(Sun-Times Photo)

"Jimmy, this would not be the Oval Office if the architect had not cut some corners."

Kissinger went on:

"For a time last week, Sen. Percy's attendance here was

doubtful. It looked as if the Senate filibuster would go on forever. The Senate debate lasted 37 hours, which made a major contribution to our national government. It may not have achieved much legislation, but when 100 senators talked for 37 hours, enough natural gas was produced to ensure that there was no shortage this winter."

Kissinger also ribbed Percy for the incident in which White House press secretary Jody Powell released erroneous information charging Percy used a Bell & Howell Co. airplane during his campaign and did not reimburse the company he headed before he became a senator.

During his remarks, Percy joked about the Powell incident.

"I was a little upset when Jody Powell did mention the use of a Bell & Howell jet aircraft," he said. "Not upset at Jody for mentioning that. I was upset that for 25 years I worked there and no one ever told me they had a jet."

The fund-raiser was the first of three dinners that are expected to raise more than $1 million for Percy's 1978 election campaign, a spokesman said.

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In Defense of Kissinger

In his Oct. 12 column Patrick Owens is perturbed because Henry Kissinger was instrumental in prolonging the war in Vietnam "long after it had been repudiated by the American people." Is that why Nixon was re-elected by every state except Massachusetts?

Owens further excoriates Kissinger for his role in "overthrowing the lawfully elected government of Chile." Would the condition of "lawful election" have compelled every self-respecting journalist, say in 1942, to expose an American plot to overthrow Hitler's regime?

Owens further berates Kissinger for the invasion of Cambodia. But Cambodia served as a base for an army that was killing our troops. Would Owens deny American soldiers as much protection as our government can possibly give them? Even assuming that we were fighting the wrong war—something that history has by no means demonstrated—is it not conceivable that the secretary of state made an honest error of judgment concerning Cambodia? Did FDR do better at Yalta; or Kennedy with the Bay of Pigs caper; or Fulbright by supporting the Tonkin Gulf resolution? Have all our statesmen been scoundrels, or is Owens so totalitarian that he cannot grant a person the right to be wrong?

By the way, has there ever been a historic decision that could not be argued the other way? As to Owens' criticism of Kissinger's attempts to prevent vital secrets from leaking out by using police apparatus methods, what techniques, pray, would Owens have employed in Kissinger's position? Or would he simply have assumed that anybody holding a sensitive government job was ipso facto not an enemy agent?

Owens' final comment, declaring Kissinger a war criminal whose "continued freedom testifies to the failure of world order," simply proves that the gods destroy journalists by first driving them mad. Owens, alas, represents the pseudo-intellectual tide of mea culpa which is hard-selling America on the need to compensate for Vietnam with national suicide.

I would quickly agree that America is far from perfect. Yet, open the immigration doors and watch the millions of fools rush in, many of them seeking the freedom to write whatever comes to mind, and, like Owens, even to get paid for airing their visceral rancors in a widely read paper.

Stanley W. Page
Long Beach

'Koreagate' Park?

Let us put all our favor-receiving congressmen out to pasture. We'll dedicate to them a field of "green" and call it "Tongsun Park."

Annette Kruger
Wantagh

Letters should be kept brief and are subject to condensation. Writers should include a full address and home and office telephone numbers, where available, as well as affiliation indicating special interest in a subject. Any letter that is not printed in this issue will be returned to the writer. Address Letters Editor, Newsday, 550 Stewart Ave., Garden City, N. Y. 11530.

C.I.

Monday

51

DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE

Live News-98

WRC Radio

October 14, 1977 5:38 P.M.

Washington, D.C.

Kissinger Supports The Treaties

WENDELL GOLLAR: Panamanian leader General Omar Torrijos said he and President Carter have agreed the Panama Canal treaties guarantee the right of this country to go and defend the Canal from foreign attack.

After an hour-and-a-half meeting at the White House, both Torrijos and Carter proclaimed they had resolved disputed interpretations of U.S. defense rights which jeopardized Senate approval of the Canal pacts.

Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger also disputes opposition claims that the treaties give away the Canal.

HENRY KISSINGER: Panama is the smallest and weakest of nations. We are not giving the Canal to Panama. We are rather insuring our ability to protect it by taking constructive action to revive our relationship with Panama in an atmosphere free of physical pressure while we are still able to access objectively the long-term risk and benefits.

We will be demonstrating fundamental strength, not weakness.

GOLLAR: Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.

10/11
Chicago Tribune

MIL

CHICAGO TRIBUNE

Tues., Oct. 11, 1977

P. 6, Sec. 1

# Goldwater's advice to Carter: Put Kissinger back in old post

WASHINGTON [UPI]—Sen. Barry Goldwater [R., Ariz.] said Monday that he will continue to offer President Carter advice even if it is ignored. "If I can help him from screwing up here and there, I'll help him," he said.

The first bit of advice he gave Carter was to "get old Henry [Kissinger] back in harness." Goldwater is not impressed with Secretary of State Cyrus Vance.

In an interview on the "CBS Morning News," Goldwater said he recently wrote a letter to Carter telling him to "cool it."

"I said, 'Get out of all this foreign entanglement, stop your worrying about foreign policy, and start worrying about the things that are bad in our own country.'"

"HERE HE IS tied up in Red China, Taiwan, Panama, the Middle East," he continued, "and frankly. I don't think he has the capacity to do more than one at a time—very slowly."

"He doesn't have a Dr. Kissinger as a secretary of state, and I think probably the first thing he should do is get old Henry back in harness."

Goldwater, his party's 1964 presidential nominee, said he likes Vance "as a man, but I'm not impressed with his lack of strength."

"Carter's problem is that he was a governor of Georgia," Goldwater said. "Now, that's a very fine thing to be, but it doesn't make you an expert on Russia, or the Middle East, or China."

"While he seems to ask advice—and I'll frankly say

Sen. Barry Goldwater:

"Carter's problem is that he was a governor of Georgia... it doesn't make you an expert on Russia, or the Middle East, or China."

I've seen more of Carter than I've seen of any Republican President since I've been here—I don't think he takes the advice."

THE CONSERVATIVE Arizonan said he is more comfortable with the political philosophies of Southern Democrat Carter than with Republicans from the Northeast.

"I want to help him," Goldwater said. "I wish he'd call on me. He's my President, he's President of my country, and I want to see him be the best President we've had. And if I can help him from screwing up here and there, I'll help him."

PARADE 10/30/77

[LC]

# WALTER SCOTT'S
## Personality Parade

Want the facts? Want to learn the truth about prominent personalities? Want informed opinion? Write Walter Scott, Parade, 733 3rd Ave., New York, N.Y. 10017. Your full name will be used unless otherwise requested. Volume of mail received makes personal replies impossible.

Q. Is it true that Winston Churchill had a beautiful girl cousin, Clare Sheridan, who shamelessly went to bed with Leon Trotsky, Maxim Gorky, Charles Chaplin, Bernard Baruch, Benito Mussolini, Mahatma Gandhi, and many of the world's most famous men? I believe she was well known in Britain.—H. D., Bethesda, Md.

CLARE SHERIDAN

A. It is true that Winston Churchill referred to Clare Sheridan as "this wild cousin of mine," and it is true that she engaged in several love affairs but not with all the men you mention. For example, Mussolini attempted to rape her but was unsuccessful. Bernard Baruch was a friend and financial adviser; there was no sexual hanky-panky between them, but there was between Clare and Charlie Chaplin. Clare Sheridan's mother was Clara Jerome Frewen, the oldest daughter of an American millionaire, Leonard Jerome, whose three daughters all married into British high society. Churchill's mother, Jennie, was Jerome's second daughter. For a full account of Clare Sheridan's tempestuous life—she died in 1970—you might read the biography "Clare Sheridan," written by her cousin Anita Leslie.

Q. I heard a rumor that NBC-TV, which has Henry Kissinger under contract, doesn't know what to do with him. I heard they were thinking of casting him opposite Oriana Fallaci, the Italian journalist, in "The Singing Cowboy." What is Kissinger's status at NBC? —V. T., Washington, D.C.

A. The former secretary of state is scheduled to make his NBC debut on Jan. 13, 1978, in a special 90-minute news program on the Communist parties in Europe. David Brinkley will head the program, and Kissinger will contribute his commentary.

Q. How much older than his wife is Sen. Strom Thurmond of South Carolina? Thurmond used to be a segregationist. Now he is a Republican. Was he ever a troglodyte? —C. L., Long Beach, Cal.
A. Sen. Strom Thurmond is 74. His wife Nancy is 30. They have four children, live now in Columbia, S.C., where their 6-year-old daughter attends the A.C. Moore Elementary School, which is 50 percent black. A troglodyte is a cave dweller. Thurmond, who never lived in a cave, faces a tough race next year against Charles "Pug" Ravenel, 38, a Democrat.

Q. What's happened to that kooky lady, Sara Jane Moore, who tried to knock off ex-President Jerry Ford in San Francisco a few years ago? —Ben Sciari, Oakland, Cal.

A. Sara Jane Moore, serving a life term for her attempted assassination of Ford, is incarcerated in the women's prison at Alderson, W. Va.

Q. I see that Glenn Ford, the actor, has gotten married for the third time. I know he was involved for several years with Cynthia Hayward, but I thought they had decided against marrying because of their age difference. How old are they? —N. M., N. Hollywood, Cal.

A. Glenn Ford gives his age as 61; the former Cynthia Hayward gives hers as 29.

GLENN FORD AND WIFE CYNTHIA

Q. Was Sheila Ryan, now married to actor James Caan, ever engaged to the late Elvis Presley? —M. T., Rockford, Ill.

A. She was Presley's girlfriend for a time but was never formally engaged to him. A few weeks ago Sheila, 24, filed for divorce from actor James Caan, 37, in the Santa Monica, Cal., Superior Court. She and Caan have a 1-year-old son, Scott.

DR. GLORIA SCOTT

Q. Is a black lady president of the Girl Scouts of America? —Martha Reynolds, Sarasota, Fla.

A. Yes, she is Dr. Gloria Scott, 39, of Houston, Tex., who will serve until October 1978. She is the first black president of the Girl Scouts of America.

IMELDA AND FERDINAND MARCOS

Q. President Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines and his wife Imelda—do they own and run everything in the islands? Isn't the Ferdinand-Imelda partnership the only case in the world of a husband-wife dictatorship? —V. Lopez, San Francisco.

A. Five years after declaring martial law, Marcos and his wife Imelda have pretty much stifled all dissent in the Philippines. Their friends and relatives have joined them in running the government. For example, Imelda's uncle, Eduardo Romualdez, is the Philippine ambassador to Washington. She and her friends pretty much control Manila. Marcos' sister is governor of Ilocos Norte, his home province. His uncle is secretary of education. His brother is chairman of the Medicare Commission. The four English-language newspapers in the Philippines, the radio and TV stations—all the organs of propaganda—are reportedly in the control of the Marcos and Romualdez families, their aides, or their friends.

Q. About two years ago I saw and heard on a TV documentary about Red China that there was a law which demanded that speeders within the city of Peking be decapitated for driving faster than 20 mph. Can you provide any confirmation of this? —Michael Edward Merkin, Austin, Tex.

A. The Liaison Office of the People's Republic of China in Washington, D.C., says there is no such law.

Q. What is the real name of Dino Martin, son of singer Dean Martin? How old is he, and is he divorced? —C. T., Akron, Ohio.

A. Dean Paul Martin Jr., 25, and his wife, actress Olivia Hussey, recently filed for divorce in California. Olivia asked for custody and support of their 4-year-old son, Alexander Gunther Martin. Dino and Olivia were married in 1971, separated last year.

© WALTER SCOTT 1977

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OCTOBER 30, 1977

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Dr. Kissinger's Rome Visit -- Media Reaction, Sunday, October 30

There is much coverage stirred up by Dr. Kissinger's visit to Rome, but precious little on the actual visit. Most reports are limited to traditional picutres of Dr. Kissinger with Andreotti or Leone and short recitals of the list of calls he has made.

Italian television, Channel One, covered the visit on last night's news, including an interview with Dr. Kissinger. That same interview was carried in Rome's *Il Tempo* under headline "Kissinger: Communism can not be Democratic."

Dr. Kissinger is quoted as saying, "no communist party has ever been democratically organized internally. No communist organization has ever differed with the USSR on foreign policy. There have been differences, at times, with Moscow on the internal policies of single countries. In conclusion, no communist party has ever shared power with other parties. These are historical facts."

Speaking of himself, Dir. Kissinger said: "In a democratic country you have to be ready to give up power. I am at peace with myself."

Italy's largest circulation and most influential daily, *Corriere della Sera*, carried a front-page column by well-known columnist Dino Frescobaldi.

well-known communist in the intelligentsia.

defend the cause of the working class.

Italy's largest Leftist party and most influential
party in the Italian Leftist movement.

"In a democratic country you have to be ready to give up
speaking of himself," Dir. Klaasinger said.

of other parties. "These are historical facts."

"In conclusion, no communist party has ever enjoyed power with
which the international policies of single countries can be contrasted.

"On foreign policy, " there have been differences, at times,

no Leftist organization has ever differed with the U. N. party has ever been democratically organized internationally.

Dir. Klaasinger has quoted as saying, "no Leftist
democratic."

"If there is any hope for the Left in Europe," Klaasinger says, "the Left must be able to carry on its own独立 Leftist cause." That same interview was carried in home's
magazine on the night of a news conference with
the leader of the Left.

It is the television, Channel One, covered the
last night of the news conference.

Klaasinger, with Umberto or Peone and short recitals of
most reports are limited to traditional features of Dir.
Left to the left, but before little on the actual Left.

There is much coverage attributed to Dir. Klaasinger's
magazine.

Dir. Klaasinger's home visit -- Media reaction, Sunday, October 30

Frescobaldi, in a highly positive column, underlined Dr. Kissinger's "fundamental optimism." He also lauded his frankness, which "has made him, as he recognizes, the devils advocate...his technique is to carry things to their dramatic limits in order to extract from that very situation an instrument which he can use to exercise his diplomatic pressure."

On the political scene, Frescobaldi reported Dr. Kissinger to have said he does not believe in the "historic compromise" because, as a matter of principle, he doesn't believe in compromise.

He also reported that Dr. Kissinger called the present Italian situation "incomprehensible, absurd, and destined not to last."

The Agnelli-owned La Stampa, one of the major papers most critical of the PCI, carried a front-page editorial titled "The Complex Optimism of Zbigniew Brzezinski."

The unsigned editorial compares the philosophies of Dr. Kissinger and Dr. Brzezinski, emphasizing the underlying pessimism of Dr. Kissinger and the "complex optimism" of Dr. Brzezinski.

After listing a number of Dr. Kissinger's statements on diplomacy and America's role in the world, the editorial says that "these thoughts of Kissinger's -- who is still the great point of comparison for his successors -- must be kept in mind."

Against those statements, the editorialist then arrays a number of recent statements by Dr. Brzezinski.

then arrays a number of recent statements by Dr. Krausinak
against those statements, the editoriat flat
successors --- must be kept in mind.

who is still the great point of comparison for his
the editorial says that "these thoughts of Krausinger's --
statements on diplomacy and America's role in the world,
After listing a number of Dr. Krausinger's

optimism" of Dr. Krausinak,
underlying pessimism of Dr. Krausinger and the Comssa
of Dr. Krausinger and Dr. Krausinak, emphasizing the

The misgovern editorial compares the bibliographical
editorial titled "The complex optimism of Dr. Krausinak."
papers meet criticism of the PCI, carried a front-page

The Agnew-owned _Times_, one of the major
and destined not to last."

the present Italian situation "incomprehensible", absurd,
the sfao reported xxx that Dr. Krausinger called
coont't believe in compromise.

"Historic compromise" because, as a matter of principle, he
Dr. Krausinger to have said he does not believe in the

On the political scene, treacoldy reported
instatement which he can use to exercise his diplomatic pressure."

limits in order to extract from that very situation an
advocate...the technique is to carry things to their dramatic
triumphs, which "has made him, as he recognizes, the devils
Dr. Krausinger's " fundamental optimism."

The sfao fandoo ifa
preacoldy, in a highly positive column, underlined

and concludes "it now becomes clear" Brzezinski's quarrel
with the personalism of Kissinger, (who is) capable of
focussing **on** his attention on only one problem at a
time, **so now becomes clear.**"

In speaking of the Carter administration,
the editorial says: "To an objective observer, it can
only seem that on each one of these fronts, there have
been uncertainties and advances, guantlets thrown down
and picked up, successes or partial failures...every
provisional balance sheet is unjust and every judgment
premature."

However, we also have to look favorably on
"the **Mayx** will to confront everything at the same time...
it is the world that is complex, not Carter's foreign
policy. It is comforting to know that, as with Kissinger,
and even more than with Kissinger, America has a global
vision and a precise sense of the precariousness of static
equilibrium..."

Editorial ends by wondering whether Dr. Brzezinski's
"optimism" might not be "an irrepressible reaction of the will
of man in the face of difficult shocks which arise from the
present disorders, **unrest** from the ever greater threat
of future disorders."

Leftist **La Repubblica** carries full page of
articles on American response to Eurocommunism. Major piece
is Rodolfo Brancoli's interview with Connecticut University
professor Norman Kogan on the changes in U.S. polciy during

["broader Norman Bogus on the changes in U.S. policy during\nthe乒乓战 between Russia and China. Major Breve-\ndings on American reactions to the communists. Major Breve-\ndings

(10)

the past twenty years; from the NSC plans to resist PCI participation in Italian government by force if necessary, to present attitudes expressed by Dr. Brzezinski in recent *Washington Post* interview with Jonathan Power.

Dr. Kogan, asked how American positions on Eurocommunism had changed, replied that the objectives of U.S. policy remain the same as they did during the time of President Truman: "to retain an equilibrium of power in Europe and in the Middle East."

He said, the measures used to assure that equilibrium and the perception of the acutal European situation have changed: "First, the recognition of changes that have taken place. **_Situations_** It is not automatically assumed that any semblance of change is untrue, as Kissinger beleives. Second, is that from party to party there can be, and there are, real differences. The perception of a monolithic communism has been reduced."

Indro Montanelli's *Il Giornale* carried a long page 3 article based on a conversation Dr. Kissinger had with historian Walter Laqueur, and which is scheduled to appear in the November issue of the *Washington Review*.

*Il Tempo* and *Il Giorno* carry front*page pictures of Dr. Kissinger with, respectively, Prime Minister Andreotti and President Leone.

*Il Tempo* also carries a wire service story from Washington reporting that ex-President Ford, speaking at

Washington reporting that ex-president Ford, speaking at

If Tempo also carries a wire service story from

and President Ford.

of Dr. Klauser on with, respectively, time, matter, and effect of
If Tempo and If Klauser carry front-page features
at best in the November issue of the Washington Review.

with historian Walter Ladoux, and which is scheduled to
page 3 article based on a conversation by Walter Ladoux and
Ingro Montanelli's If Klauser carried a long

communism has been reduced."

are, rest differences. The perception of a monocentric
Second, if that from party to party there can be, and there
compliance of change is mutual, as Klauser believes.
place. XXXXX If it is not automatically assumed that any
changed: "that, the recognition of changes that have taken
and the perception of the actual Amroben situation have

the said, the measured need to assure that equilibrium can
and in the Middle East."

President Truman: "to retain an equilibrium of power in Europe
U.S. policy remains the same as they did during the time of
our Communism had changed, referred to the objectives of

Dr. Klauser, asked now American positions

in recent Washington interview with constant lower.
necessary, to present a attitude expressed by Dr. Przesinski
ECI participation in Italian Government by force if
the best twenty years; from the MOO plans to resist

Fulton University, called Eurocommunism, "Stalinism with a mask and camouflaged tyranny."

Ford is also reported to have said that the "inability of the U.S. to express, at the highest levels, a position against this 'democratic menace', will make communist conquest of power in Western Europe easier."

On human rights he is quoted as saying: "More important than the condition of human rights in the communist dictatorships which have abolished them, is the safeguarding of these rights in those nations where they are threatened by Eurocommunism."

Communist L'Unita in an ironically-toned article reported carefully Dr. Kissinger's saturday activities, including his statement on Eurocommunism. They did, however, in the style which they are becoming known for, get in one dig in an otherwise factually correct, and detached story: "He appears, so far, not to have come to interview, but to answer questions."

not to have come to interview, put to answer questions."

correct, *in* and *detached* atory: "the appears, so *in* *in*,
known for, set in one *zig* in an otherwise tactically
they did, however, in the style which they are becoming
activities, including his statement on Communism.
article reported correctly by *in*. *in*, *in*, *in* a Saturday

Communist Units in an informally-organized

Communism." Of these rights in those nations where they are threatened
dictatorships which have affiliated them, is the salient point
important than the condition of human rights in the communist
On human rights he is quoted as saying: "More

communist Congress of power in Western Europe easier."

a position against this 'democratic menace,' will make
"inability of the U.S. to express, at the highest levels,

"ord is also reported to have said that the
a mark and canonnified tarmac.

Buffon university, called *Communism*, "statinum with