III. 27 Jun 73

USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

AA 1

NIXON-BREZHNEV SUMMIT

SENATE LEADERS, FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE ON VISIT

Moscow IZVESTIYA in Russian 21 Jun 73 p 3 L

[S. Kondrashov dispatch: "The Capitol: Changes of Mood"]

[Text] Washington, 20 June--Washington is a distinctive capital and does not resemble many other capitals. As distinct from Moscow, or, shall we say, Paris, one would not call this city the center of the economy or of culture. It willingly hands over the industry to New York, Detroit and Chicago. There are perhaps fewer industrial workers here than lobbyists who promote the interests of one industrial corporation or another in Congress. This capital does not have its Broadway theaterland either, although in recent years focal points of culture have been created and are being encouraged: for example, it was the Arena Stage Theater in Washington that was chosen by the State Department for a tour of the Soviet Union which is to take place in the fall.

It is said of Washington that the most important product produced here is politics. Some Americans come here to engage in politics, others come to see how politics function. As a rule it is hot, humid and stuffy here in the summer. All the same there are many tourists.

The Capitol is one of the main political centers of Washington: the legislators sit here.

Undoubtedly most of them are pleased with the new state of Soviet-U.S. relations, with the appreciable relaxation, and with the cooperation which is being organized in a number of spheres. There is ample evidence of support by both parties in Congress for the visit to the United States by L.I. Brezhnev, general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee, and for the new Soviet-U.S. summit meeting.

Among the Democratic legislators the most authoritative voice belongs, perhaps, to Senator Mike Mansfield, leader of the Democratic majority in the Senate. In a special declaration he welcomed L.I. Brezhnev's visit as a "heartening example of progress" in relations between the two countries and as "yet another important step along the road toward greater mutual understanding." Mansfield stresses the "two-party nature of U.S. policy" as far as the Soviet Union is concerned.

Mansfield's statement says, in particular: "I hope that progress will be reached in the discussion of the guidelines for the approaching round of talks on the limitation of strategic nuclear arms. There are opportunities to develop increasing commercial relations...but above all I welcome the possibility of getting to know each other better which the visit by the general secretary provides for us."

Hugh Scott the senator from Pennsylvania, is the leader of the Republicans in the Senate. After 15 years in the Senate he considers himself to be "not a bad judge" of its moods. He told me that in principle everyone in the Senate, with the exception of four of five persons, supports the idea of a new page in Soviet-U.S. relations and that only Senator Henry Jackson, the most frantic champion of the cold war, ventured publicly to oppose L.I. Brezhnev's visit.

"I think that current Soviet foreign policy, just like our own policy, is moving in an extremely heartening manner in the direction of a relaxation of international tension, the reduction of armaments, and the development of trade," Senator Scott said.

III. 27 Jun 73

USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

AAA 1

VIETNAM DEVELOPMENTS

PRAVDA COMMENTARY HAILS NEW AGREEMENT, DENOUNCES THIEU

Moscow PRAVDA in Russian 23 Jun 73 p 5 L

[Article by Andrey Krushinskiy: "To Strengthen the Positive Changes"]

[Text] The joint communique signed in the French capital by DRV, PRGRSV, U.S., and Saigon administration representatives has been greeted with approval and support by the broad world public. The urgent measures which this document outlines for the full implementation of all the articles and protocols of the Paris agreement have already been converted into a number of concrete positive results. Cease-fire orders have been issued to the People's Liberation Armed Forces [PLAF] chief command and the Saigon armed forces supreme command. Reconnaissance flights over the DRV by U.S. aircraft have ceased, American minesweepers are preparing to resume work on the removal of mines from DRV territorial waters, and sessions of the Joint DRV-U.S. Economic Commission have resumed.

The prospects of all provisions of the Paris agreement being fulfilled, however, are darkened by reports from Saigon. Although the PLAF are unswervingly implementing the cease-fire agreement, the Saigon administration's troops are continuing several operations to seize territory under PRGRSV control as well as bombings and artillery bombardment.

During the talks between DRV and U.S. representatives the Saigon administration caused numerous difficulties, making a series of unacceptable demands and threatening to refuse to sign "any new document relating to the agreement." But now, having accepted the text of the Joint communique, the Thieu regime--contrary to its obligations under this document--is refusing to extensively disseminate the cease-fire order among its armed forces, rejecting the positive PRGRSV proposals. All this is a cover for the Saigon rulers' fear of peaceful political means of struggle and for their stubborn refusal to concur with the reality acknowledged by the Paris agreement concerning the existence in South Vietnam of two zones, two armies, and two administrations.

The Joint communique signed in Paris was an important step developing the legal basis of the Paris agreement. Strict observance of all the points of this document will make it possible to strengthen the peace achieved in Vietnam. The entire progressive world public, which welcomed the Paris Agreement on Ending the War and Restoring Peace in Vietnam, is now actively advocating the implementation of the provisions of the new agreement and their unserving implementation by all the signatories to the document.

PRAVDA REPORTS LE DUC THO'S MOSCOW DEPARTURE FOR HOME

[Editorial Report L] Moscow PRAVDA in Russian on 24 June 1973 carries on page 5 a TASS report on Le Duc Tho's Moscow departure which adds the following to the Moscow Domestic Service version published on AAA 1 of the 25 June Soviet Union DAILY REPORT:

"At Sheremetyevo Airport Le Duc Tho was seen off by O.B. Rakhmanin, first deputy chief of a CPSU Central Committee section; N.P. Firyubin, USSR deputy minister of foreign affairs; and executive workers of the CPSU Central Committee and USSR Ministry of Foreign Affairs apparatus. Vo Thuc Dong, DRV ambassador to the USSR, Dang Quang Minh, Republic of South Vietnam ambassador to the USSR, and Liu Hsin-chuan, PRC ambassador to the USSR, also saw him off."

III. 27 Jun 73

AA 3

USSR INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS
NIXON-BREZHNEV SUMMIT

U.S., SOVIET COMMENT ON SUMMIT AGREEMENTS REPORTED

Congressman Ford's Remarks

Moscow TASS in English 0749 GMT 27 Jun 73 L

[Text] Washington June 27 TASS--Gerald Ford, the House Republican leader, speaking in Congress, stressed that the Soviet-American summit talks have led to a historic advance in the strengthening of international peace.

Mr Ford said that by signing the agreement on the prevention of nuclear war the two powers had formed an alliance in order to prevent a nuclear confrontation and undertaken to work jointly for world peace. The congressman also spoke of the great importance of the basic principles of talks on the further limitation of strategic offensive arms.

The Soviet-American agreement on scientific and technological cooperation in the peaceful use of the atomic energy, signed during L.I. Brezhnev's visit to the USA, opened up great opportunities before the two countries and might lead, Mr. Ford said, to a major scientific breakthrough.

He said in conclusion there was no doubt that this summit meeting had strengthened peaceful relations between Moscow and Washington and was the most fruitful one. He said that if two countries acted on this basis it would be possible to ensure peace for many decades to come.

Equal Security in SALT

Moscow Domestic Service in Russian 1030 GMT 23 Jun 73 L

[Unattributed commentary]

[Text] Great interest has been aroused abroad by Leonid Ilich Brezhnev's and Richard Nixon's signing of the document, "Basic Principles of Negotiations for the Further Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms". As is known, during the visit of the U.S. President to Moscow, notes our observer, an agreement was concluded between the USSR and the United States on the limitation of antimissile defense systems and an interim agreement on certain measures in the field of strategic offensive arms limitation was reached. The first of these documents had no term limit. The interim agreement, however, containing limitation on the disposition of the main types of strategic offensive missiles, is to run for 5 years.

During their talks in Washington and Camp David, Leonid Ilich Brezhnev and Richard Nixon examined from every angle the question of further limiting strategic arms. Confirming their conviction of the importance of moving as fast as possible in this direction, the leaders of the USSR and the United States, in accordance with the basic principles which they have approved, have agreed that the Soviet Union and the United States will continue active talks aimed at working out a permanent agreement on fuller measures to limit strategic offensive arms, as well as on their subsequent reduction.

It is important to emphasize that the Soviet-American agreement on strategic offensive arms limitation is based on a firm foundation. As pointed out in the basic principles, such a foundation is provided by recognition by both sides of the interests of the equal

III. 27 Jun 73

AA 2

It is now a busy time in the Congress--the time for voting on dozens of bills before the imminent summer recess. But however urgent the business, it has been thrust into the background in connection with an event of enormous importance that has unfolded--the Soviet-U.S. summit meeting. The Senate Foreign Relations Committee, so to speak, moved its place of work from Capitol Hill to Blair House, L.I. Brezhnev's residence. This committee has grown accustomed to receiving high-ranking foreign guests at its own place in the Senate. But this time it set off as the guest's guest. In the language of diplomatic protocol this was called: the meeting of the general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee with members of the U.S. Congress Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

At about 1300 automobiles drew up one after the other at the entrance to Blair House. The U.S. senators were arriving for a meeting with L.I. Brezhnev and the persons accompanying him.

A growing group of journalists was waiting patiently under the trees at Blair House. They waited a long time and at last they pounced on the senators when they left the building. The senators had been greatly impressed by the meeting.

Senator William Fulbright is the committee chairman. A few days ago he told us with what interest he and his colleagues were awaiting this meeting.

Now, leaving Blair House, Senator Fulbright answered my question:

"The meeting was very good. L.I. Brezhnev has done some fine work. In a long address to us he dealt with all issues. His speech was most convincing. He placed main emphasis on the importance of good relations between our countries. He stressed the significance of trade--not only economic but also political trade. He said that trade must be based on mutual benefit and not on one-sided advantages."

Senators C. Percy, H. Humphrey and G. McGee with whom I succeeded in chatting also spoke about the good atmosphere of the meeting and the convincing nature of the arguments of the general secretary of the CPSU Central Committee who expounded the Soviet peace-loving policy.

Reflecting the changes in the sentiments of Americans, the U.S. Congress is in the process of positive shifts if one considers the sphere of Soviet-U.S. relations. As has already been stated, there are few people in the Capitol who object in principle to the transition from confrontation to negotiation and cooperation. But apart from approval in principle, practical steps are also needed, of course, and also practical actions by the U.S. legislators. Here, in the press and in conversations with politicians the question frequently arises concerning the fact that the bill to grant most-favored-nation status to the Soviet Union in trade with the United States still awaits ratification by the Senate. As Senator Fulbright, for example, points out, "all this is only normal practice adopted in the United States' trading links with the majority of foreign partners. When signing the trade agreement with the Soviet Union last October, the U.S. side pledged to grant such status."

The path toward ratification is being blocked at the moment by figures of the Henry Jackson type. Let us hope that sober, reasonable forces in the U.S. Congress who understand their responsibility will prevail and clear the path toward ratification.

SCIENCE MONITOR

 newspaper

VOL. 65, NO. 177
TWO SECTIONS

EASTERN EDITION

★ 15¢

JUNE 23, 1973

# Summit II: key to world stability

## Kissinger near peak of diplomatic success

By Joseph C. Harsch

Henry A. Kissinger seemed over this last week to be just about at the top of one of history's most spectacular diplomatic achievements.

He had little chats with the Chinese in Washington, to keep them feeling comfortable while President Nixon was playing the big scenes with Moscow's Leonid I. Brezhnev. This was multi-power diplomacy at the peak.

And while Mr. Kissinger was helping Mr. Nixon play it in Washington, news was coming in from Indo-China which appeared to show that it was paying off on the ground out there.

There has been a marked difference between the first week of the new cease-fire and the first week of the earlier one. There was fighting this time, yes, but in comparative terms it was negligible.

A man who can convert a two-power world into a multi-power world — and use that conversion to get the United States out of Indo-China without the collapse of the American-supported government in Saigon — deserves to be mentioned by historians in the same breath with Bismarck, Metternich, Talleyrand, and Castlereagh.

## Nixon-Brezhnev accord to prevent nuclear war paves way for better relations in other areas

By Courtney R. Sheldon

Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Washington

The most optimistic view of Summit II is that it "can" foster a worldwide stability which would preclude a "devastating" nuclear conflict.

The antiwar agreement which President Nixon and General Secretary Leonid I. Brezhnev signed with such gusto and hope has no enforcement provisions.

But Dr. Henry A. Kissinger promises: "We will scrupulously observe" the accord. In view of the present "balance between" the Soviet Union and the United States, he plainly expected the Soviets to do likewise.

The summit approaches its climax with the original prediction of modest successes apparently coming true.

Also, as foreordained, Mr. Nixon,

who became increasingly relaxed in public, and Mr. Brezhnev, outwardly amiable throughout, agreed to meet again next year, and perhaps "annually" (to quote Mr. Nixon) thereafter.

## Final meeting nears

The final meeting is at the San Clemente Western White House, bordering on California's fields of fruit and ocean sand, which offers another pleasant setting for further sweetening of Soviet-American relations.

When the Soviets were the dinner hosts in Washington, the menu was rich with the elegance of other centuries — a pheasant in full plumage with wings spad and cherries in its beak. Invitations to these summits — with their choice food and stunning gifts — are not to be lightly rejected.

★Please turn to Page 4

## Pattern of diplomacy

Americans have played roles before in reorganizing the world and re-establishing peace after wars, great and small. But this is the first time that an American in Washington has played the major role in reorganizing the whole structure of the world.

Woodrow Wilson made a comparable effort after World War I to reorganize the world on a safer basis, but his work was a spectacular failure. The Versailles treaty paved the way to World War II within a generation.

★Please turn to Page 8

By R. Norman Matheny, staff photographer

Kissinger: 'Diplomacy with skill and finesse'

2

Saturday, June 23, 1973

THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR

# New arrest expected in Yablonski case

By Ed Townsend
Labor correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

New York

Have the string of convictions resulting from the 1969 New Year's Eve slaying of the United Mine Worker rebel and his wife and daughter brought an end to the case?

Officials close to the case say "No."

Despite the conviction this week of the seventh and — for now — last defendant charged with the slayings of the rebel UMW leader "the big one" in the case is yet to be indicted and brought to trial, according to investigators.

Richard Sprague, special prosecutor in the case, said in Erie, Pa., early in the week that at least one more arrest is expected, but he refused to speculate about who it might be or when it might come. However, by his questioning in court, he has strongly suggested from the start that "someone high up in Washington" ordered the assassination of Joseph A. Yablonski on Dec. 31, 1969, and that W. A. (Tony) Boyle, former UMW president, might be implicated. Mr. Boyle has denied any knowledge of the slayings.

## Bitter campaign

Mr. Yablonski, once a Mr. Boyle ally, ran against him for the UMW presidency in 1969 and lost after a bitter and at time violent campaign, during which the rebel leader charged fund and other irregularities in the administration of the mine union. He was preparing to challenge the election (later overturned by the government) and reportedly to testify before a grand jury on the irregularities when he and his wife and daughter were shot to death in their home.

The prosecution has contended from the outset that Mr. Yablonski was killed in a plot to silence him, and that it was planned by union leaders and financed with union money.

Arnold Miller, who succeeded Mr. Yablonski as leader of the UMW rebel movement, defeated Mr. Boyle in a government-supervised second election.

## Cooperation urged

As head of a "new UMW" that busted the old Boyle hierarchy, Mr. Miller also believes that the "crazed and senseless murders" probably

been convicted. The latest conviction was against Albert E. Pass, the highest UMW official implicated in the case up to now. Mr. Pass is a former member of the UMW international executive board — by appointment from Mr. Boyle, the president — and was secretary-treasurer of the union's District 19.

An Erie County, Pa., jury returned a verdict of guilty on three counts of first-degree murder against Mr. Pass.

William Prater, convicted on similar murder charges earlier, subsequently confessed, directly implicating Mr. Pass. When he testified for the state against Mr. Pass, he charged among other things that Mr. Pass enlisted him in the murder plot.

Althogether, of those involved in the case, at least five have confessed. All are subject to sentences of death or life imprisonment.

Mr. Pass appeared unshaken when he was led back to his prison cell after the jury verdict on Tuesday, but prosecutors clearly hope that he — as Mr. Prater before him — will now cooperate with state and federal investigators. One investigator has been quoted as saying "we don't believe this started with Albert Pass."

New cars: transform
Assembly-line worker at

# Words of East German

By Paul Wohl
Written for
The Christian Science Monitor

A note of conciliation toward West Germany and news of economic progress marked East German Communist Party leader Erich Honecker's latest report to his central committee.

Referring to West Berlin in his May 28 report, Mr. Honecker called it "this capitalist island, this peculiar enclave in the midst of the German Democratic Republic, which does not belong to any state."

Hitherto the East Germans and the Soviets claimed that West Berlin was located on the territory of East Germany. The island concept was formulated by Nikita Khrushchev at his Vienna meeting with President Kennedy in 1962. At that time the East Germans rejected the concept.

underestimating the considerable strength of the capitalist monopoly system."

As could be expected, he spoke highly of the assistance of the Soviet Union which in the past five years had sent East Germany 8,500 machine tools.

Economically, East Germany is progressing, he indicated. Money earnings have increased by 9.7 percent in the past two years. In the first quarter of 1973 they rose again by 7 percent. Prices are stable. Last year's harvest was the biggest in East German history.

## Weak spots in economy

Among economic weak spots, he said, were metalworking and electronics, for which production targets are especially high.

★Kissinger near peak of success

Continued from Page 1

No American before President Wilson wielded enough influence in the world to attempt such a role. No one between Wilson and Kissinger had a chance. World War II was followed immediately by the "cold war."

Any permanent reorganization of the world had to wait until the time was ripe. It was not ripe until both the Soviet Union and the United States had come to realize that there was nothing either could hope to gain from a nuclear war which could justify the inevitable losses.

full action. It is a thoroughly professional team playing high diplomacy with a skill and finesse which puts it in the big league.

## Some descriptions apply

Obviously, the team does not win every time. And obviously, some of the public actions deserve to be called "cosmetic" rather than substantive. The irreverent referred to the Nixon-Brezhnev meeting as "the Avon summit" in deference to a line of commercial cosmetics.

Yet when there is a multi-power

world it must be seen to be in operation - and that is precisely what was going on with the Brezhnev visit. Here was the strong man of the Soviet Union visibly enjoying association with the President of the United States. The great and powerful do thus enjoy the company of each other. They have much in common. It has ever been thus throughout history.

For Americans, there should be some satisfaction in the fact that never before in their history were their chosen leaders in Washington so important at the top of world affairs.

## Right place, right time

Mr. Kissinger was fortunate. He just happened to be in the right place when conditions were ripe for change. Both Moscow and Washington were pulling back with horror from the nuclear abyss. China was exhausted from its great cultural revolution, sated with xenophobia and worried about Russia's military build-up along its frontier.

Would somebody seize the opportunity and use it to end the nuclear confrontation between Soviets and Americans and bring China back into the world as a counterweight to Russia in the center of the vast Eurasian land mass?

The answer is yes.

Do we give the bulk of the credit to President Nixon or to his foreign-policy executor Henry Kissinger? It does not matter. Mr. Kissinger would be nothing without Mr. Nixon's power and influence.

Mr. Nixon gets the credit for employing Mr. Kissinger, for understanding what he was talking about (which is not always all that easy), and for giving him freedom to maneuver and operate. It was a team indispensable to the result. The credit goes to the team.

The past week of the Brezhnev visit to Washington showed that team in

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★Summit II: world stability key

*Continued from Page 1*

Dr. Kissinger, the architect on the U.S. side, says the agreement to prevent nuclear war counts on improving Soviet-American relations, generally, and good conscience on the part of both countries.

"Any sharp lawyer," says the indefatigable Dr. Kissinger, could find a way to violate the loose wording of the agreement.

This is another way of saying that the substance of the accord depends on the continuance of the cooperative spirit of its originators.

## Resolution anticipated

U.S. officials are looking for a congressional resolution which endorses the trend of thinking of the agreement, even though it is not a treaty requiring Senate ratification.

Article Two is as explicit as the two-page document gets:

"Each party will refrain from the threat or use of force against the other party, against the allies of the other party and against other countries, in circumstances which may endanger international peace and security."

In questioning, Dr. Kissinger quickly excluded the Cambodia bombing from this formula. He said military operations in Cambodia were going on during the negotiations on the antiwar agreement and "it [Cambodia] was not raised as applying to the situation."

Nor was it quite clear that the agreement would result in Mr. Nixon's pulling back from threats to again bomb Moscow's ally, North Vietnam, again if the cease-fire breaks down.

Despite such loopholes and uncertainties, Dr. Kissinger maintains "this document can be a significant landmark in the relations of the Soviet Union and the United States and in their relations with other countries."

## Another building block

It was described as one more building block in the "structure of peace" of which Mr. Nixon so often talks.

If it had been in being before the Cuban missile crisis and during the tense duels over Berlin during other administrations, Dr. Kissinger said, it could have helped "avoid them."

He said he could think of "several examples" during the Nixon administration when the new pact would have helped prevent confrontations. He did not name them.

He did not go so far as to say that the brinkmanship of the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia and the U.S. military involvement in Indo-China — both done in the name of the national

security of the two powers — would have been measurably affected.

However, he added, "the use of large force . . . would not be consistent with the agreement."

Much of the key wording of the new agreement can be traced to the statement on "basic principles of relations" signed in Moscow in May, 1972.

## Other agreements signed

The antiwar declaration followed the signing of a document designed to further cooperation in the peacetime uses of nuclear energy. Also signed was another agreement which is expected to give "impetus" to the negotiations to limit strategic nuclear offensive weapons.

The latter's main significance is in setting a goal of a treaty on nuclear offensive missiles by the end of next year.

The agreement on peaceful nuclear energy cooperation could intensify joint U.S. and Soviet programs. It has been growing in recent years.

Neither agreement seemed of summit caliber, though put together with a string of such exchanges of information and personnel in other fields, they appeared to give the summit the kind

of momentum for which Dr. Kissinger was looking.

Dr. Kissinger said that both powers are now committed "to do their utmost to bring about a permanent agreement on the limitation of strategic arms during the course of the next year. . . .

## Advantage discounted

"It makes clear that neither side can attempt to achieve through these negotiations, a unilateral advantage; and secondly, that we have always maintained the position that we did not separate our security interests from those of our allies."

In no sense was this agreement the kind of 1971 breakthrough in guidelines which led to the agreement on defensive missiles at Moscow in May, 1972. The current negotiations, which are being conducted at Geneva, are much more complex.

As explained by Dr. Kissinger, the numerical balance of missiles between the two countries is important, but the quality of the warheads is much more a factor than in defensive missiles.

Some interim agreements in offensive missiles, before the end of 1974, are allowed for in the agreement of Summit II, he pointed out.

Today's
cop totes
knowledge

How can U.S. police forces fight crime better? The Monitor has looked at several cities known for their efficient police operations. This is the second of three reports.

By Guy Halverson
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Chicago

Step into the large, antiquated building just off the Kennedy Expressway on Chicago's West Side and you might even momentarily think you were back in a college prep school.

The uniforms — and the crewcuts — however, quickly belie any such notion.

For this is the training academy of the 12,000 officer Chicago Police Department, considered one of the more innovative academies in the nation.

It is in training institutions such as this that the "new breed" service oriented 20th century U.S. policeman is being fashioned — a sharp contrast

Police get training aid

staff artist

for two years recently passed that House. As of this writing, the issue before the Senate Judiciary Committee, and some LEAA officials and nervous about the outcome. LEAA officials are asking for grants of $500,000, roughly similar to this year's totals.

For many police departments higher education has become almost an end in itself. And surprising perhaps, but despite the intensification of the school system, proportionately more men are graduating from police academies today.

Thus, for the roughly 2,000-rural Michigan State Police, one of better state highway forces, the classroom attrition rate is down to about 50 percent from as high as 80 and a half percent before.

Intensive training

Here in Chicago the training program can only be called intensive.

It numbers some 17 to 19 weeks having dramatically expanded the police-citizen altercations rockied this city during the 1968 Democratic National Convention.

By late 1975, the 73-man Chic