SELMAN

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## Foreword

No European country has made more dramatic economic progress since the end of World War II than Italy. None has had a basically more stable government.

No Italian leader has made a greater contribution to the postwar history of his country than the author of this volume, Giulio Andreotti. Prime minister six times, member of cabinets for twenty-three of the last thirty years, he has been so inextricably related to the Italian political evolution that no adult Italian can remember a government that Andreotti did not either head or shape. And every U.S. secretary of state since Dean Acheson and every president since Truman has had to deal with this extraordinary statesman. These assertions run counter to many American stereotypes which cast Italian governments in a mold characterized by a high degree of instability marked by frequent changes of cabinet and elections perplexing to an electorate used to a two-party system.

The reality of Italy is in fact quite different. It shows a country that triumphantly overcome huge handicaps. There was the legacy of thirty years of fascism and of military defeat in World War II, while possessing the sparsest natural resources of any of Europe's major powers. Totalitarianism and defeat had sharpened the differences between North and South Italy that reflect nearly a thousand years of separate development. Western Europe's largest and most disciplined Communist party threatened its nascent democracy. Italy's industrial plant was devastated even

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viii FOREWORD

though it had not achieved international competitiveness even before
the war.

Today, Northern Italy may well be the most dynamic and inventive
economy in Europe. Italian democracy has surmounted the challenges of
both communism and terrorism. And no country has been a steadier
supporter of the North Atlantic Alliance. Refuting the views of some
Gaullist advocates of European integration, Italy has proven that Atlan-
tic partnership is compatible with devotion to European unity, indeed
that both sides of the Atlantic gain through such a partnership. No
government has more consistently backed European federal institutions
and economic integration than Italy's.

The assertion that Italian governments are fundamentally stable may
strike American readers as odd, given the frequent rotation of Italian
prime ministers. But if one compares the composition of American and
Italian cabinets over the past thirty years there is much more continuity
in the Italian government. For the core group of Italian leaders tends to
alter only very gradually. The same personnel appear in successive cabi-
nets even while their posts are changed from time to time.

The Italian political system permits the expression of many different
shades of view represented in various political parties, most with around
10 percent of the total vote. The largest democratic party—the Christian
Democrats—oscillates between 30 and 35 percent but it is composed of
many factions, almost as independent as political parties, which permit
it to adjust to dominant currents by only slight shifts in leadership. The
Communist party, with around 25 percent of the vote, has so far been
outside the system.

This is the politics of an ancient country grown wary from many
shattered illusions, grown skeptical from having watched empires rise
and fall on its very soil, cautious of excessive enthusiasm, but tenacious
in pursuit of its values which, given the Italian character, will always be
judged by their human quality. No people prizes the individual more
than the Italian; hence the insistence on translating high-sounding claims
to propositions relevant to family and day-to-day experience. Americans
seek the limitations of governmental power in constitutional guarantees.
Italians bring it about through a commonsense, matter-of-fact endurance
which makes it nearly impossible to enforce any law contrary to funda-
mental popular instinct.

This is why Italian politicians are as different from the American as

night and day. American
lies every problem has
reflections of individual
on self-assertion and the
hand operate in an envi
and reluctant to accept
derive their reassurance
that makes the individual
on anonymity, on skillful

Giulio Andreotti has
most brilliant of this typ
time, Americans might b
appearance and conduct
to three decades. Nor wo
almost antidramatic style
code that insists on alwa
being far more powerful t

But closer acquaintan
t significance! He has been
formed without his blessin
identified with Italy's pos
secretary to the great Prin
Italy's postwar democracy

Giulio Andreotti has a
one of the sharpest and su
behavior reflects his con
needs no fanfares. Ameri
dreotti high intelligence i
values and friendship with

This book gives Ameri
Europe's most interesting
with American leaders o
mentioned, he has known
retary of state since Aches
in a series of vignettes des
disappointments, including
and of Americans that puz
in the Kennedy administra

SELMAN

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FOREWORD IX

night and day, American political figures operate in a system that be-
lieves every problem has a solution and that in turn those solutions are
reflections of individual leadership. Hence, the overwhelming emphasis
on self-assertion and the dramatic. Italian political figures on the other
hand operate in an environment ever suspicious of charismatic claims
and reluctant to accept any hint of a personal tour de force. Italians
derive their reassurance not from star quality but from a performance
that makes the individual leader dispensable. This produces an emphasis
on anonymity, on skillfully operating the system, not on transcending it.

Giulio Andreotti has been the most durable and in many ways the
most brilliant of this type of political leader. Meeting him for the first
time, Americans might be amazed that a personality so unobtrusive in
appearance and conduct could have dominated Italian politics for close
to three decades. Nor would they immediately comprehend his low-key,
almost antidramatic style. They would not be familiar with a political
code that insists on always doing more than you claim and, above all,
being far more powerful than you appear.

But closer acquaintance would leave no doubt about Andreotti's
significance. He has been prime minister six times; no cabinet has been
formed without his blessing for at least two decades. He has been closely
identified with Italy's postwar achievements ever since he served as the
secretary to the great Prime Minister De Gasperi in the late forties when
Italy's postwar democracy fought off a Communist onslaught.

Giulio Andreotti has achieved this dominance because he possesses
one of the sharpest and subtlest minds of his generation. His understated
behavior reflects his conviction that a policy based on brilliant analysis
needs no fanfares. Americans have reason to be grateful that in An-
dreotti high intelligence is clearly related to commitment to Western
values and friendship with the United States.

This book gives American readers an opportunity to meet one of
Europe's most interesting men. It deals with Andreotti's relationship
with American leaders over most of the postwar period. As already
mentioned, he has known every president since Truman and every sec-
retary of state since Acheson. Characteristically, Andreotti tells his story
in a series of vignettes describing in the main common efforts and a few
disappointments, including sketches of Americans that impressed him,
and of Americans that puzzled him. He was disappointed when America
in the Kennedy administration withdrew without warning missiles from

SELMAN

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X FOREWORD

Italy that the Italian government had placed there at great domestic cost. But he puts that in the context of a previous ten years of close cooperation that sustained Italian democracy.

Twenty years later—in the Reagan administration—America invaded Grenada, once again without telling its ally, then on a state visit to Washington. But Andreotti is not pejorative; he considers impulsive moves dominated by domestic politics an American idiosyncrasy, more than compensated by the staunch friendship of an indispensable ally.

Andreotti tells his story neither with gloating nor with self-pity. His pithy portraits of American leaders are invaluable. In the end, one is reassured to know how America looks to a subtle, complex friend and feels fortunate that the partnership on both sides of the Atlantic was in such good hands.

HENRY A. KISSINGER

Preface

Last year when I finished writing my book, I was sure of both occasional and regular form of a book, I was sure same for the other superpo-
obvious). This second effort at writing the intensity of the relation-
fore, I have had to make some changes. I introduce a certain measure
of that relationship. On the one hand, I intend to make it more
of that relationship. On the other hand, I intend to make it less
intimate, perhaps, is time.

Leaving aside the three

Leaving aside the three
neous to our present field of
referring to the "United States
contradictory features. In a
admiration, being objective
being not entirely correct r
freedom. This is a manifesta-
cans, not just the twenty n
dating far back in time and
Alliance.

This reconstruction of m
relations and is based on t
introductory part dedicated
to Alcide De Gasperi: 1. the ci

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F.63

EJ

# Foreword

The reality of Italy is in fact quite different. It showed a country that triumphantly overcome huge handicaps. There was the legacy of thirty years of fascism and of military defeat in World War II, while possessing the sparsest natural resources of any of Europe's major powers. Totalitarianism and defeat had sharpened the differences between North and South Italy that reflect nearly a thousand years of separate development. Western Europe's largest and most disciplined Communist party threatened its nascent democracy. Italy's industrial plant was devastated even

This is why Italy has... overcome

-1-

DR. KISSINGER'S ANDREOTTI BOOK INTRODUCTION 1/17/91

REVISED FINAL

No European country has made more dramatic economic progress since the end of World War II than Italy. None has had a basically more stable government. And no Italian leader has made a greater contribution to the post-war history of his country than the author of this volume, Giulio Andreotti.

Prime Minister six times, a member of Cabinets for nearly 45 years, he has been so inextricably related to the Italian political evolution that most adult Italians can not even remember a government which Andreotti did not either head or shape. And every US Secretary of State since Dean Acheson and every President since Truman has had to deal

[Y]

-2-

with this extraordinary statesman. These assertions run counter to many American stereotypes which cast Italian governments in a mold characterized by a high degree of instability marked by frequent changes of Cabinet and elections obscure to an electorate used to a two-party system.

The reality of Italy is in fact quite different. It shows a country that triumphantly overcame huge handicaps. There was the legacy of nearly a quarter of a century of Fascism, and of Italy's military defeat in World War II while possessing the most sparse natural resources of any of Europe's major powers. Totalitarianism and defeat had sharpened the differences between North and South Italy that reflect nearly a thousand years of separate development. Western Europe's largest and most disciplined Communist party threatened its nascent democracy. Italy's industrial

-3-

plant was devastated even though it had not achieved inter-
national competitiveness even before the war.

Today, Northern Italy may well be the most dynamic and inventive economy in Europe. Italian democracy has surmounted the challenges of both Communism and terrorism. And no country has been a steadier supporter of the North Atlantic Alliance. Refuting the views of some Gaullist advocates of European integration, Italy has proven that Atlantic partnership is compatible with devotion to European unity, indeed that both sides of the Atlantic gain through such a partnership. No government has more consistently backed European federal institutions and economic integration than Italy's.

The assertion that Italian governments are fundamental-
ly stable may strike American readers as odd, given the
frequent rotation of Italian Prime Ministers. But if one
compares the composition of American and Italian cabinets

-4-

over the past thirty years there is much more continuity in
the Italian government. For the core group of Italian
leaders tends to alter only very gradually. The same person-
nel appear in successive cabinets even while their posts are
changed from time to time.

The Italian political system permits the expression of
many different shades of view represented in various politi-
cal parties, each with around 10% of the total vote. The
largest democratic party - the Christian Democrats - oscil-
lates between 30 and 35% but it is composed of many factions
almost as independent as political parties which permit it
to adjust to dominant currents by only slight shifts in
leadership. The Communist party with around 25% of the vote
has so far been outside the system.

This is the politics of an ancient country grown wary
from many shattered illusions, grown sceptical from having
watched empires rise and fall on its very soil, cautious of

-5-

excessive enthusiasm, but tenacious in pursuit of its values
which, given the Italian character, will always be judged by
their human quality. No people prizes the individual more
than the Italian; hence the insistence on translating
high-sounding claims to propositions relevant to family and
day-to-day experience. Americans seek the limitations of
governmental power in constitutional guarantees. Italians
bring it about through a common-sense, matter-of-fact
endurance which makes it nearly impossible to enforce any
law contrary to fundamental popular instinct.

This is why Italian politicians are as different from
the American as night and day. American political figures
operate in a system that believes every problem has a
solution and that in turn those solutions are reflections of
individual leadership. Hence, the overwhelming emphasis on
self-assertion and the dramatic. Italian political figures
on the other hand operate in an environment ever suspicious

[Y]

-6-

of charismatic claims and reluctant to accept any hint of a
personal tour de force. Italians derive their reassurance
not from star quality but a performance that makes the
individual leader dispensable. This produces an emphasis on
anonymity, on skillfully operating the system, not in
transcending it.

Giulio Andreotti has been the most durable and in many
ways the most brilliant of this type of political leader.
Meeting him for the first time, Americans might be amazed
that a personality so unobtrusive in appearance and conduct
could have dominated Italian politics for close to three
decades. Nor would they immediately comprehend his low-key,
almost anti-dramatic style. They would not be familiar with
a political code that insists on always doing more than you
claim and above all, being far more powerful than you
appear.

[y]

-7-

But closer acquaintance would leave no doubt about Andreotti's significance. He has been Prime Minister six times; no Cabinet has been formed without his blessing for at least two decades. He has been closely identified with Italy's post-war achievements ever since he served as the secretary to the great Prime Minister de Gasperi in the late Forties when Italy's post-war democracy fought off a Communist onslaught.

Giulio Andreotti has achieved this dominance because he possesses one of the sharpest and subtlest minds of his generation. His understated behavior reflects his conviction that a policy based on brilliant analysis needs no fanfares. Americans have reason to be grateful that in Andreotti high intelligence is clearly related to commitment to Western values and friendship with the United States.

-8-

Andreotti's relationship with American leaders over most of the post-war period. Foreign Minister from 1983-89, he has also known every President since Truman, and every Secretary of State since Acheson. Characteristically, Andreotti tells his story in a series of vignettes describing in the main common efforts and a few disappointments, including sketches of Americans that impressed him, and of Americans that puzzled him. He was disappointed when America in the Kennedy Administration withdrew without warning missiles from Italy that the Italian government had placed there at great domestic cost. But he places that in the context of a previous ten years of close cooperation that sustained Italian democracy.

Twenty years later - in the Reagan Administration - America invaded Grenada, once again without telling its ally, then on a state visit to Washington. But Andreotti is not pejorative; he considers impulsive moves dominated by

[Y]

-9-

domestic politics an American idiosyncracy more than
compensated by the staunch friendship of an indispensible
ally.

Andreotti tells his story neither with gloating nor
with self-pity. His pithy portraits of American leaders are
invaluable. In the end, one is reassured to know how America
looks to a subtle, complex, friend and feels fortunate that
the partnership on both sides of the Atlantic was in such
good hands.

-1-

1/17/91

12/12/90

REVISED FINAL

No European country has made more dramatic economic progress since the end of World War II than Italy. None has had a basically more stable government. And no Italian leader has made a greater contribution to the post-war history of his country than the author of this volume, Giulio Andreotti. Prime Minister six times, a member of Cabinets for 23 of the last 30 years, he has been so inextricably related to the Italian political evolution that most no adult Italian can remember a government that Andreotti did not either head or shape. And every US Secretary of State since Dean Acheson and every President since Truman has had to deal with this extraordinary statesman. These

-2-

assertions run counter to many American stereotypes which
cast Italian governments in a mold characterized by a high
degree of instability marked by frequent changes of Cabinet
and elections obscure to an electorate used to a two-party
system.

The reality of Italy is in fact quite different. It
shows a country that triumphantly overcame huge handicaps.
There was the legacy of nearly a quarter of a century of Fascism, and of Italy's
military defeat in World War II while possessing the most
sparse natural resources of any of Europe's major powers.
Totalitarianism and defeat had sharpened the differences
between North and South Italy that reflect nearly a thousand
years of separate development. Western Europe's largest and
most disciplined Communist party threatened its nascent
democracy. Italy's industrial plant was devastated even
though it had not achieved international competitiveness
even before the war.

[Y]

-3-

The assertion that Italian governments are fundamental-
ly stable may strike American readers as odd, given the
frequent rotation of Italian Prime Ministers. But if one
compares the composition of American and Italian cabinets
over the past thirty years there is much more continuity in
the Italian government. For the core group of Italian

LY

-4-

leaders tends to alter only very gradually. The same person-
nel appear in successive cabinets even while their posts are
changed from time to time.

This is the politics of an ancient country grown wary
from many shattered illusions, grown sceptical from having
watched empires rise and fall on its very soil, cautious of
excessive enthusiasm, but tenacious in pursuit of its values
which, given the Italian character, will always be judged by

-5-

their human quality. No people prizes the individual more
than the Italian; hence the insistence on translating
high-sounding claims to propositions relevant to family and
day-to-day experience. Americans seek the limitations of
governmental power in constitutional guarantees. Italians
bring it about through a common-sense, matter-of-fact
endurance which makes it nearly impossible to enforce any
law contrary to fundamental popular instinct.

This is why Italian politicians are as different from
the American as night and day. American political figures
operate in a system that believes every problem has a
solution and that in turn those solutions are reflections of
individual leadership. Hence, the overwhelming emphasis on
self-assertion and the dramatic. Italian political figures
on the other hand operate in an environment ever suspicious
of charismatic claims and reluctant to accept any hint of a
personal tour de force. Italians derive their reassurance

[Y]

-6-

[y]

at least two decades. He has been closely identified with
Italy's post-war achievements ever since he served as the
secretary to the great Prime Minister de Gasperi in the late
Forties when Italy's post-war democracy fought off a Commu-
nist onslaught.

Giulio Andreotti has achieved this dominance because he
possesses one of the sharpest and subtlest minds of his
generation. His understated behavior reflects his conviction
that a policy based on brilliant anlaysis needs no fanfares.
Americans have reason to be grateful that in Andreotti high
intelligence is clearly related to commitment to Western
values and friendship with the United States.

This book gives American readers an opportunity to meet
one of Europe's most interesting men. It deals with
Andreotti's relationship with American leaders over most of
the post-war period, He has known every President since
Truman, and every Secretary of State since Acheson.

-8-

Twenty years later - in the Reagan Administration - America invaded Grenada, once again without telling its ally, then on a state visit to Washington. But Andreotti is not pejorative; he considers impulsive moves dominated by domestic politics an American idiosyncracy more than compensated by the staunch friendship of an indispensable ally.

-9-

-1-

DR. KISSINGER'S ANDREOTTI BOOK INTRODUCTION 12/12/90

REVISED FINAL

No Italian leader has made a greater contribution to the post-war history of his country than the author of this volume, Giulio Andreotti. Prime Minister six times, member of Cabinets for 23 of the last 30 years, he has been so inextricably related to the Italian political evolution that no adult Italian can remember a government that Andreotti did not either head or shape. And every US Secretary of State since Dean Acheson and every President since Truman has had to deal with this extraordinary statesman. These

-2-

The reality of Italy is in fact quite different. It shows a country that triumphantly overcame huge handicaps. There was the legacy of thirty years of Fascism and of military defeat in World War II while possessing the most sparse natural resources of any of Europe's major powers. Totalitarianism and defeat had sharpened the differences between North and South Italy that reflect nearly a thousand years of separate development. Western Europe's largest and most disciplined Communist party threatened its nascent democracy. Italy's industrial plant was devastated even though it had not achieved international competitiveness even before the war.

-3-

[Y]

-4-

[y]

-5-

4

-6-

[y]

-7-

This book gives American readers an opportunity to meet
one of Europe's most interesting men. It deals with
Andreotti's relationship with American leaders over most of
the post-war period. He has known every President since
Truman and every Secretary of State since Acheson.

-8-

[y]

-9-

-2-

sharpened the differences between North and South Italy that reflect nearly a thousand years of separate development. Western Europe's largest and most disciplined Communist party threatened its nascent democracy. Italy's industrial plant was devastated even though it had not achieved international competitiveness even before the war.

Today, Northern Italy may well be the most dynamic and inventive economy in Europe. Italian democracy has surmounted the challenges of both Communism and terrorism. And no country has been a steadier supporter of the North Atlantic Alliance. Refuting the views of some Gaullist advocates of European integration, Italy has proven that Atlantic part-

nership is not incompatible with devotion to European unity, as was the case with the Axis during World War II. However, not all Atlantic states agreed.

No government has more consistently backed European federal institutions and economic integration than Italy's. And no

Italian government has been more fundamentally stable than its Italian neighbors.

-3-

The last assertion may strike American readers as odd, given the frequent rotation of Italian Prime Ministers. But if one compares the composition of American and Italian cabinets over the past thirty years there is much more continuity in the Italian government. For the core group of Italian leaders tends to alter only very gradually. The same personnel appear in successive cabinets even while their posts are changed from time to time.

The Italian political system permits the expression of many different shades of view represented in various political parties, each with around 10% of the total vote. The largest democratic party - the Christian Democrats - oscillates between 30 and 35% but it is composed of many factions almost as independent as political parties which permit it to adjust to dominant currents by only slight shifts in leadership. The Communist party with around 25% of the vote has so far been outside the system.

-4-

This is the politics of an ancient country grown wary
from many shattered illusions, grown sceptical from having
watched empires rise and fall on its very soil, cautious of
excessive enthusiasm, but tenacious in pursuit of its values
which, given the Italian character, will always be judged by
their human quality. No people prizes the individual more
than the Italian; hence the insistence on translating
high-sounding claims to propositions relevant to family and
day-to-day experience. Americans seek the limitations of
governmental power in constitutional guarantees. Italians
bring it about through a common-sense, matter-of-fact
endurance which makes it nearly impossible to enforce any
law contrary to fundamental popular instinct.

-5-

individual leadership. Hence, the overwhelming emphasis on
self-assertion and the dramatic. Italian political figures
on the other hand operate in an environment ever suspicious
of ~~personal claims~~ and reluctant to accept any hint of a
personal tour de force. Italians derive their reassurance
not from star quality but a performance that makes the
individual leader dispensable. This produces an emphasis on
anonymity, on skillfully operating the system, not in
transcending it.

-6-

But closer acquaintance would leave no doubt about Andreotti's significance. He has been Prime Minister six times; he has been a member of Italian cabinets for 23 of the last thirty years. As one of the grandees of the Christian Democratic party, no Cabinet has been formed without his blessing for at least two decades. He has been closely identified with Italy's post-war achievements ever since he served as the secretary to the great Prime Minister de Gasperi in the late Forties when Italy's post-war democracy fought off a Communist onslaught.

-7-

This book gives American readers an opportunity to meet
one of Europe's most interesting men. It deals with
Andreotti's relationship with American leaders over most of
the post-war period. He has known every President since
Truman and every Secretary of State since Acheson. Charac-
teristically, Andreotti tells his story in a series of
vignettes describing in the main common efforts and a few
disappointments, including sketches of Americans that
impressed him, and of Americans that puzzled him. He was
disappointed when America in the Kennedy Administration
withdrew without warning missiles from Italy that the
Italian government had placed there at great domestic cost.
But he places that in the context of a previous ten years of
close cooperation that sustained Italian democracy.

-8-

Twenty years later - in the Reagan Administration - America invaded Grenada, once again without telling its ally, then on a state visit to Washington. But Andreotti is not pejorative; he considers impulsive moves dominated by domestic politics an American idiosyncracy more than compensated by the staunch friendship of an indispensible ally.

-1-

11/30/90

No European country is as different from its American stereotypes as Italy. In much of the public mind Italy appears as a picturesque country of charming people at the fringe of Europe's economic and political development. The same stereotypes cast its governments in a mold characterized by a high degree of instability marked by frequent changes of Cabinet and elections indecipherable by an electorate used to a two-party system.

The reality of Italy is in fact quite different. It shows a country that has had to overcome the legacy of thirty years of Fascism and of military defeat in World War II while possessing the most sparse natural resources of any of Europe's major powers. Totalitarianism and defeat had

-2-

Today, Northern Italy may well be the most dynamic and inventive economy in Europe. Italian democracy has surmounted the challenges of both Communism and terrorism. And no country has been a steadier supporter of the North Atlantic Alliance. Refuting the views of some Gaullist advocates of European integration, Italy has proven that Atlantic partnership is not incompatible with devotion to European unity. No government has more consistently backed European federal institutions and economic integration than Italy's. And no government has been more fundamentally stable.

-3-

-4-

-5-

individual leadership. Hence, the overwhelming emphasis on
self-assertion and the dramatic. Italian political figures
on the other hand operate in an environment ever suspicious
of personal claims and reluctant to accept any hint of a
personal tour de force. Italians derive their reassurance
not from star quality but a performance that makes the
individual leader dispensable. This produces an emphasis on
anonymity, on skillfully operating the system, not in
transcending it.

-6-

But closer reflection would leave no doubt about
Andreotti's significance. He has been Prime Minister six
times; he has been a member of Italian cabinets for 23 of
the last thirty years. As one of the grandees of the Chris-
tian Democratic party, no Cabinet has been formed without
his blessing for at least two decades. He has been closely
identified with Italy's post-war achievements ever since he
served as the secretary to the great Prime Minister de
Gasperi in the late Forties when Italy's post-war democracy
fought off a Communist onslaught.

-7-

-8-

-1-

DR. KISSINGER ANDREOTTI INTRODUCTION 11/27/90

-2-

Western Europe's largest and most disciplined Communist party threatened its nascent democracy. Italy's industrial plant was devastated even though it had not achieved international competitiveness even before the war.

-3-

-4-

-5-

individual leadership. Hence, the overwhelming emphasis on
self-assertion and the dramatic Italian political figures
on the other hand operate in an environment ever suspicious
of personal claims and reluctant to accept any hint of a
personal tour de force. Italians derive their reassurance
not from star quality but a performance that makes the
individual leader dispensable. Hence, an emphasis on anonymity,
on skillfully operating the system, not in transcending
it.

-6-

But a look at the world would leave no doubt about Andreotti's significance. He has been Prime Minister six times; he has been a member of Italian cabinets for 23 of the last thirty years. As one of the grandees of the Christian Democratic party, no Cabinet has been formed without his blessing for at least two decades. He has been closely identified with Italy's post-war achievements ever since he served as the secretary to the great Prime Minister de Gasperi in the late Forties when Italy's post-war democracy fought off a Communist onslaught.

-7-

-8-

-1-

-2-

-3-

[y]

-4-

[4]

-5-

individual leadership. Hence, the overwhelming emphasis on
self-assertion and the dramatic. Italian political figures
on the other hand operate in an environment ever suspicious
of personal claims and reluctant to accept any hint of a
personal tour de force. Italians derive their reassurance
not from star quality but a performance that makes the
individual leader dispensable. Hence, an emphasis on anonym-
ity, on skillfully operating the system, not in transcending
it.

[Y]

-6-

But a look at the world would leave no doubt about
Andreotti's significance. He has been Prime Minister six
times; he has been a member of Italian cabinets for 23 of
the last thirty years. As one of the grandees of the Chris-
tian Democratic party, no Cabinet has been formed without
his blessing for at least two decades. He has been closely
identified with Italy's post-war achievements ever since he
served as the secretary to the great Prime Minister de
Gasperi in the late Forties when Italy's post-war democracy
fought off a Communist onslaught.

[Y]

-7-

This book gives American readers an opportunity to meet
one of Europe's most interesting men. It deals with
Andreotti's relationship with American leaders over most of
the post-war period. He has known every President since
Truman and every Secretary of State since Acheson. Characteristically, Andreotti tells his story in a series of
vignettes describing in the main common efforts and a few
disappointments, including sketches of Americans that
impressed him, and of Americans that puzzled him. He was
disappointed when America in the Kennedy Administration
withdrew without warning missiles from Italy that the
Italian government had placed there at great domestic cost.
But he places that in the context of a previous ten years of
close cooperation that sustained Italian democracy.

-8-

[v]

[Y]

-5-

-7-

Andreotti tells his story characteristically in a series of
describing in the mean vignettes of common efforts and a few disappointments, of Americans that impressed him and Americans that puzzled him.

He was disappointed when America in the Kennedy Administra-
tion withdrew without warning missiles from Italy that the
Italian government had placed there at great domestic cost.
But he places that in the context of a previous ten years of
close cooperation that sustained Italian democracy.

Twenty years later - in the Reagan Administration -
America invaded Grenada, once again without telling its
ally, then on a state visit to Washington. But Andreotti is
not pejorative; he considers impulsive moves dominated by
domestic politics an American idiosyncracy that is more than
compensated by the staunch friendship of an indispensible ally.

-8-

-1-

DR. KISSINGER ANDREOTTI INTRODUCTION 11/26/90

The reality of no European country is so different from
American stereotypes as that of Italy. In much of the public
mind Italy appears as a picturesque country of charming
people at the fringe of Europe's economic and political
development. Its governments in that view are characterized
by a high degree of instability marked by frequent changes
of Cabinet and elections difficult to decipher for an
electorate used to the two party system.

The reality is quite different. Italy had to deal with
the legacy of thirty years of Fascism and military defeat in
World War II while possessing the sparsest natural resources
of any of Europe's major powers. Totalitarianism and defeat
had sharpened the differences between North and South

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reflecting nearly a thousand years of separate development.
Western Europe's largest and most disciplined Communist
party threatened the nascent democracy. Italy's industrial
plant was devastated by war and had not been internationally
competitive even before the war.

Today, Northern Italy may be the most dynamic and
inventive economy of Western Europe. Italian democracy has
surmounted the challenges of both Communism and terrorism.
No country has been a steadier supporter of the North
Atlantic Alliance than Italy. And refuting the views of some
extreme advocates of European integration, it has proved
that Atlantic partnership is not incompatible with dedication
to European unity. No government has more consistently
backed European federal institutions and economic integration
than that of Italy. And no government has been more
fundamentally stable.

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That last assertion may strike American readers as
strange, given the frequent rotation of Italian Prime
Ministers. But if one compares the composition of American
and Italian cabinets over the past thirty years there is
much more continuity in the Italian government. For the core
group of Italian leaders changes only gradually. The same
personnel appear in successive cabinets even while their
posts alter from time to time.

The Italian political system permits the expression of
many shades of view in varying political parties, each
having around 10% of the total vote. The largest democratic
party - the Christian Democrats - oscillates between 30 and
35% but it is composed of many factions almost as indepen-
dent as political parties which permit it to adjust to
dominant currents by slight shifts in leadership.

This is the politics of an ancient country grown wary
from many shattered illusions, sceptical from having seen

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empires rise and fall on its very soil, careful of excessive
enthusiasms, but tenacious in pursuit of its values which,
given the Italian character, will always be judged by their
human quality. No people values the individual more than the
Italians; hence the insistence on reducing high-sounding
claims to propositions relevant to family and day-to-day
experience. Americans seek the limitations of governmental
poser in constitutional guarantees. Italians bring it about
through the common-sense, matter-of-fact endurance of a
people which makes it nearly impossible in Italy to enforce
laws contrary to fundamental popular instincts.

This is why Italian politicians are as different from
those of the United States as can be imagined. American
political figures operate a system that believes every
problem has a solution and that those solutions in turn
reflect individual leadership. Hence, an emphasis on the
dramatic and on self-assertion. Italian political figures

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operate in an environment suspicious of personal claims,
reluctant to accept any _ation of a personal tour de force
and deriving their reassurance not from star quality but a
performance that makes the individual leader dispensable.
Hence, an emphasis on anonymity, on operating the system
skillfully not in transcending it.

The name Andreotti has been the most durable and in
many ways the most brilliant of this type of political
leader. Meeting him the first time, Americans might be
amazed that this figure so unobtrusive in appearance and
conduct should have dominated Italian politics for close to
three decades. They would not immediately comprehend the
anti-dramatic style, the code of conduct that insists on
always doing more than you allege and above all, being far
more powerful than you appear. Andreotti has been Prime
Minister six times; he has been a member of Italian cabinets
for 23 of the last thirty years. As one of the grandees? of

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the Christian Democratic party it is safe to say that no Cabinet could be formed without his blessing for at least two decades. He has been closely identified with Italy's post-war achievements ever since he served as the secretary to the great Prime Minister de Gasperi in the late Forties when Italy's post-war democracy fought off a Communist onslaught.

When they got to know Andreotti beter, Americans would recognize one of the sharpest and subtlest minds of our period. The understated behavior reflects in part the conviction that policy when based on brilliant anlaysis has no need for the spctacular. They would learn too that they are dealing with a man deeply imbued with Western values and a close friend of the United States.

This book fortunately gives American readers an opportunity to meet one of Europe's most interesting men. It deals with Andreotti's relationship with American leaders over

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most of the post-war period. He has known every President
since Truman and every Secretary of State since Acheson.
Andreotti tells his story characteristically in a series of
vignettes of common efforts and a few disappointments, of
Americans that impressed him and Americans that puzzled him.
He was disappointed when America in the Kennedy Administra-
tion withdrew without warning missiles from Italy that the
Italian government had placed there at great domestic cost.
But he places that in the context of a previous ten years of
close cooperation that sustained Italian democracy.

Twenty years later - in the Reagan Administration -
America invaded Grenada, once again without telling its
ally, then on a state visit to Washington. But Andreotti is
not pejorative; he considers impulsive moves dominated by
domestic politics an American idiosyncracy that is more than
compensated by the staunch friendship of indispensible ally.

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