SUBMIT - © 1974 NEW YORK POST CORPORATION

NATIONALIST FOREIGN MINISTER CHOW SHU-KAI LEAVING U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY

## China: A Stinging Victory

SOON after a triumphant Mao Tse-tung made his famous 1949 declaration in Peking that “the Chinese people have stood up,” one of his closest aides sat down to draft a telegram to the fledgling United Nations in New York. The telegram demanded that the U.N. expel the Nationalist Chinese regime of Chiang Kai-shek, who had fled with 2,000,000 followers to the island of Taiwan. In its place, the message went on, the U.N. should seat a new delinquency from a new regime: the People’s Republic of China.

Last week, 22 years later, the U.N. finally agreed by a decisive margin to admit the regime that it had once branded as an aggressor for its role in Korea. Scarcely anybody noticed that on the very day of the final vote Chinese and North Korean officials gathered in Pyongyang and Peking for a small but animated celebration. It had been 21 years since the People's Liberation Army, in a drastic miscalculation of General Douglas MacArthur's plans, had poured across the Yalu River to begin its massive, million-man intervention in the Korean War.

### Choice Tribute

The China vote had a truly global impact. By admitting a government that represents roughly one-fourth of mankind, it gave the U.N. for the first time something truly approaching worldwide representation—even though the event once again cast doubt on the General Assembly, with its clutter of tiny nations or quasi-nations, as a responsible polycymaker. The vote not only dealt a serious setback to Peking's oldest rival, Taipei, but it also gave Mao's regime a global arena in which to carry on its struggle against a more serious rival,

Moscow. It guaranteed that life would be more difficult for the U.S. and the Soviet Union, even though China cannot yet, or in the foreseeable future, claim to share superpower status with the two leviathans of the postwar world.

The vote, of course, did represent a defeat for the U.S., but hardly of fatal proportions; the U.S. lost largely because what it was trying to accomplish was close to impossible—and the Administration knew it from the start. Predicted a U.S. diplomat with considerable experience in Asia: “The main effect will be to speed up the process of China emerging outwards and to increase pressures on countries in the region for more trade, diplomatic and cultural ties with Peking.”

The vote was the second major triumph in four months for Peking. The first was Richard Nixon's announced trip to the Forbidden City—a prospect that prompted Old China Friend Edgar Snow to marvel: “Vassal kings of the past brought tributes to Peking, but never before the head of the world's most powerful state.” To Peking, the U.N. vote must have seemed an equally choice tribute.

It was in any case a clear victory for China's Premier Chou En-lai, author of that insistent 1949 telegram and architect of the outward-looking foreign policy that finally levered Peking into the U.N. For Chou, at 73, the vote was the capstone of a brilliant career. As the debate that ended in the expulsion of the Nationalists was drawing to a close in New York, Chou was entertaining the personal emissary of the U.S. President in Peking. When word of the outcome reached Peking (Henry Kissinger learned of it five minutes after he was aloft and homeward-bound

in the presidential 707), Chou celebrated. At an embassy reception in Peking, a smiling Chou moved from table to table, shaking hands and lifting his glass of fiery *mao tai* to acknowledge congratulations. The favorable vote was “unexpected,” Chou said. But, he laughed, “I’m happy, of course.”

### Swift Expulsion

What will the Chinese be like when they get to the U.N.? When a Western reporter asked a Peking official that question, he got a ready answer: “We will follow the policy of ‘the pine and the willow’—as firm as the pine on principles, as flexible as the willow on details.” For the moment, the Chinese appeared to be all pine.

Right after the vote, U.N. Secretary-General U Thant informed Peking by telegram of the General Assembly action. Four days later came a terse cable, signed by Peking's Acting Foreign Minister Chi Peng-fei. A delegation would be coming “in the near future,” it said; there was speculation, but no confirmation, that it could arrive this week. In no uncertain terms, Chi made it clear that Peking wanted the Nationalists ousted not only from the U.N. but also from the 13 specialized agencies such as the World Health Organization and the International Telecommunications Union. “I believe,” Chi concluded briskly, that the expulsion “will be speedily implemented in its entirety.” He is almost certainly right. Though the agencies act on their own, they usually follow the General Assembly's lead. Thus UNESCO (the Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization) moved swiftly at its Paris headquarters to give Taipei the boot by a 25-to-2 margin with five abstentions. Only the U.S. and Brazil resisted the tide.

Whom would Peking send to the U.N.? Conceivably, Chou himself might want to make the grand entrance. Huang Hua, Peking's Ambassador to Ottawa and one of its foremost American watchers, is a likely candidate for the dele-

EMPTY DELEGATION SEATS

CHONG KEE HUANG

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# Who Has the World's Gold?

When we conquer on a world scale, I think we shall use gold for the purpose of building public lavatories in the streets of large cities.

—Lenin

HALF a century after the prophet of Communism scorned the ultimate symbol of capitalism, gold continues to exert a glittering fascination. To many governments, gold signifies the most reliable unit of foreign exchange. To many individuals, gold means security—an immutable and indestructible form of wealth.

In France, for example, a century of wars, devaluations and inflations has left many people with an almost religious reverence for gold. An estimated $4.5 billion worth of the metal is secreted by French hoarders in socks, crockery, mattresses and vaults—more than is held by the Bank of France. Frenchmen buy gold jewelry, pile up gold ingots and collect gold coins—Louis d'or, English sovereigns, American eagles, Swiss Helvetias. They sew gold in their belts when they march off to war. "I invested my first wages in gold in 1949," says one 40-year-old divorcee, re-counting a typical French experience. She has been a hoarder ever since, and when she goes on vacation her gold goes with her.

**Critical Debate.** Partly because governments are also strongly attached to gold, the metal is at the heart of the critical debate over realigning international currency values. The U.S. has demanded that its trading partners revalue their currencies upward, thus making U.S. goods cheaper in international markets. Foreign governments argue that any realignment should include a devaluation of U.S. currency. This would be accomplished by raising the official price of gold by 5% or 10% from its present $35 an ounce. But if gold rises and dollars decline in value, countries that hold more dollars than bullion stand to lose.

To slow the drain on its own gold store, the U.S. has for years pressed, argued and cajoled foreign nations into holding substantial sums of dollars in their reserve assets—the mixture of gold, foreign exchange and other credits governments use to finance international trade and investment. If the dollar is devalued, those countries that went along with the U.S. request would lose part of the value of their reserves—and thus some of their purchasing power in world markets.

High among the countries that would be hurt is Japan. At the end of September, Japan's reserve assets amounted to $13.4 billion, of which $12 billion was held in dollars and a puny $697 million in gold. West Germany would also stand to suffer. At latest count, its reserves totaled $18.1 billion, of which $12 billion was in foreign exchange,

mostly dollars, and only $4.4 billion in gold. Switzerland, too, would come out somewhat behind. By latest count, it has $3 billion in gold and almost $4 billion in dollars.

Britain also would be clipped; at the end of June, its reserves stood at $3.6 billion, of which $2.3 billion was in foreign exchange, most of it in dollars, and a mere $800 million in gold. By the end of September, its reserves had risen to $5 billion and, though no breakdown is yet available, the dollar-to-gold ratio is estimated to be even larger. Another country that would be hurt by a dollar devaluation is Canada. In its $5 billion reserve it holds only $800 million in gold and $3.5 billion in currency, mostly U.S. dollars,

gold in recent years and have sold little of it. Perhaps they have been betting on a gold price increase, or holding on to their bullion in order to go on a shopping spree in the West at some opportune time. Their stockpile has been roughly estimated to be worth $3 billion.

As for South Africa, this year it has sold 95% of its production. But all of it has been auctioned on the "free" markets of London, Paris and Zurich, at prices as high as $42 an ounce. These markets are maintained largely for speculators and industrial users, who have sent the "free" prices up in the expectation that there would ultimately have to be an increase in the "official" $35 price, which is used in exchanges between governments. In-

The countries that stand to lose least from a gold increase are those that put their faith in gold and were eager to cash in their American dollars to get it. France, for example, would be little touched. Since August it has been getting rid of its dollars by using them to pay its international debts, and at last count half of its $6.5 billion reserve was in gold. The Netherlands certainly would come out ahead, because it holds far more gold than dollars; Italy would about break even. The $10.2 billion worth of gold held by the U.S. would go up in terms of dollars, but U.S. currency would be worth less in relation to other currencies in world markets.

**Soviet Hoard.** Opponents of dollar devaluation assert that it would bring windfall profits to the largest producers of gold, South Africa and the Soviet Union. Lenin's remarks notwithstanding, the Soviets have been hoarding their

deed, if the U.S. were to raise the official gold price, Washington might well persuade major non-Communist governments to join in a declaration that the problem of gold value was solved and to pledge that there would be no further increases. With that, the "free" price of gold would probably decline, and the large producers and hoarders of gold would stand not to gain but actually to lose.

In any event, a relatively modest increase in the price of gold would be a significant first step toward bringing world monetary stability. It would raise the value of foreign currencies in terms of the dollar and would ease the problem facing foreign politicians by enabling them to blame the U.S. for the relative price increases in their own industries' exports. Recognizing that, some of the governments that stand to lose the most by a gold price rise—notably Japan and West Germany—are calling for it.

TIME, NOVEMBER 8, 1971

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gation, but not for its leadership. Urbane, soft-spoken Chang Wen-chin, who heads the Peking Foreign Ministry's department of Western European and U.S. affairs, could be the man. But at week's end the leading possibility seemed to be Vice Minister of Foreign Affairs Chiao Kuan-hua, a onetime journalist who speaks fluent English. Chiao has most recently been in charge of China's negotiations with the Russians on the Sino-Soviet border dispute.

A week earlier, it would have seemed premature to dwell on how Peking might act in the U.N., or whom it might send as its representatives. There was virtually no doubt that Peking would be voted into the General Assembly and to a permanent seat on the Security Council. But there was a chance that the U.S. might succeed in its strategy of preventing the Nationalists from being expelled.

## Power Politicking

In the Assembly, the U.S. and its en ergetic allies from Japan argued that the China issue was a matter of mem bership. Peking should be admitted, the Americans argued, but there was no just ification for expelling the Taipei re gime, even if both governments did claim to be the sole legitimate representative of China. The pro-Peking forces ar gued that it was merely a question of cre dentials. If both Mao and Chiang claimed to rule all of China, only one could be right. Accordingly, they main tained, Peking, obviously in control of most of China, should be given the seat; the Nationalists, losers in an in terrupted civil war, should be tossed out. The U.S. countered with a warn ing that to expel a member, in any event, would set a dangerous precedent.

Both sides were ready to engage in big power politicking. A reluctant Japan was pressured into co-sponsoring the U.S. resolutions and joining the pro-Nationalist lobbying effort. Wavering countries, such as Panama, which is involv ed in delicate canal-treaty negoti ations, were brought into line with sharp reminders of their client status. Wash ington stumbled badly, however, when it leaked word that Secretary of State William Rogers had been privately warn ing delegates that a defeat on the China vote might endanger the $200 million a year that Washington contributes to the U.N. Arm-twisting is part of the game at the U.N.—and every other par liamentary body—but it is supposed to be done with subtlety.

Though they necessarily played a long-distance game from Peking, the Chinese managed to apply some muscle too. Having little else to offer, Pe king bargained with promises of ex panded trade or aid and improved re lations. Iraq got offers of political back ing against both Moscow and Wash ington. Britain might be permitted to upgrade its representation in Peking to full ambassadorial level 20 years after granting recognition to Peking. Tanzania

and Zambia naturally sided with the Chi nese, who are building a $400 million railroad linking the two countries. Latin American delegations were enticed with offers of trade and support in their effort to extend their territorial wa ters to 200 miles. Said one delegate: "The message was that 'if you fellows don't vote with us, we may not be able to expand trade with you.'"

The key element in the U.S. strategy was its resolution calling for any move to expel the Nationalists to be treated as an "important question," needing the approval of two-thirds of the voting members to pass the General Assembly. Though almost everyone agreed that Pe king should be offered a seat this year, many delegations—or so the U.S. reck oned—would be extremely reluctant to put the Na tionalists over the side at the same time. The ques tion was: Could the U.S. muster the simple majority of votes necessary to pass the important-question res olution in the first place?

As last week began, the U.S. side was fairly confident. Chow Shu-kai, the Nationalist Foreign Minister, told a reporter: "We are confident we will win." Rogers reckoned that the U.S. could squeak through the crucial roll call with a slim two-vote margin.

But as the arm-twisting intensified, some of the delegations began to wriggle. Argentina switched sides three times in six days before finally siding with the U.S. Ghana's pro-Peking Foreign Minister W.E.A. Ofori-Atta was in New York when his government flashed word to drop the Albanians and "go with the Americans." The overruled minister hopped a jet and carried his case straight to Accra—to no avail. Other

delegates simply enjoyed being coy. Af ter Kenya's burly Ambassador Joseph Odero-Jowi emerged from a tête-à-tête with Bush in the Indonesian lounge out side the Assembly hall, a reporter asked him how he would vote. The reply was that Kenya had always voted with the Al banians in the past. But, he smiled, "you still do not know how we will vote this time." (He went with the Al banians again.)

## Ants on a Hot Pan

As it turned out, there was a lot that the U.S. strategists did not know. Soon after the delegates returned from the weekend recess for the opening of the second week of debate in the Assembly, it became clear that the U.S. position was in trouble. The first speaker, white-haired Rachid Driss of Tunisia, which has benefited more from U.S. aid than

any other African country, was thought to be in the American bag. But instead of declaring for the U.S. position, Driss proposed a brand-new resolution calling for the seating of Peking, and of Tai pei as the government only of Taiwan. On the left side of the Assembly, the Al banians were listening carefully. If a stalwart like Tunisia veered away from the U.S., many other delegations were doubtless wavering too.

By 4:30 p.m., the erosion of the U.S. position was all too apparent. The U.S. strategists—Bush, Assistant Secretary of State Samuel de Palma, Old U.N. Hand Richard Pedersen—huddled at the U.S. desk under the gold-ribbed Assembly dome. As the speakers droned on from the green marble rostrum, U.S. aides

quietly fanned out through the Assembly hall and began drawing the doubtful delegates into the corners or the ante rooms and lounges just outside the hall. Peking's New China News Agency later reported that the Americans and their Japanese allies had been "running hither and thither like ants on a hot pan."

All along, the U.S. had expected that the session would be adjourned by Assembly President Adam Malik, and that U.S. delegates would have another day to try to patch up their position. But that expectation collapsed at 6 p.m., when Saudi Arabia's windy Jamil Baroody strode to the rostrum and submitted his own motion for adjournment. Baroody, who voted with the U.S., was probably just trying to be helpful. But his motion required a vote (which would not have been the case had Malik simply gaveled adjournment). The alert pro-

KISSINGER & AIDE WITH CHOU IN PEKING

Dual diplomacy.

TIME, NOVEMBER 8, 1971

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Peking forces saw a chance to keep the session going and thus force a vote on the important-question resolution before the U.S. could regroup. They opposed Baroody's motion and demanded that the vote be recorded. A hush fell over the Assembly as the tote board tallied the bad news: 53 votes for adjournment, 56 against, and 19 abstentions. The U.S., the tally showed, could not muster a majority. "Baroody is an unguided missile," lamented Bush afterward. "Once he started his thing, it was too late for us to get organized."

Three hours later, the important- question resolution was slapped down by a decisive margin of 59 votes to 55 (with 15 abstentions). With the "I.Q." gone, there was no holding off the Albanian

came up, shouts of "Sil!" and "Oui!" rose as one delegate after another flipped a switch and lighted up the green YES light next to his country's name on the Assembly tote board. Eleven of Washington's 14 NATO partners either sided with the Albanian resolution or abstained. The vote: 73 for and only 35 against (with 17 abstentions).

Fading Away

The U.S. delegation was bitter about some key defections. Cyprus and Qatar had made "commitments" to the U.S.; but when the big votes came up, they abstained. Apparently on last-minute instructions from his government, Oman's man simply strolled out of the hall and disappeared for a long, long dinner.

CORKY-LOS ANGELES TIMES

CORKY-
Copyright 1971 Los Angeles Times

Dick and Chou and George and Ted and Leonid. Consider the possibilities...

resolution—or the expulsion of the Nationalists.

The pro-Peking delegates fairly gloat- ed. Glaring over the speakers' rostrum at Bush, Iraqi Ambassador Talib El-Shi- bib mockingly suggested that if the U.S. still wanted to save a seat for Chiang Kai-shek, "it is very welcome to take him and put him in place of the Amer- ican delegation." With that, Nationalist Foreign Minister Chow Shu-kai stood up, walked to the rostrum and an- nounced that he would "not take part in any further proceedings." Amid sym- pathetic applause, he then led his five- member delegation out of the hall. It was the most dignified gesture in a tab- leau that a British delegate later de- scribed as "obscene."

Gladiatorial Atmosphere

Bush released the delegations that had been committed to the U.S. side. When he warily took the rostrum to make some last procedural motions, he was hissed and booed. "There was an ugly mood in there," he said. "It was a gla- diatorial atmosphere, an emotional re- lease at seeing the U.S. get kicked around." When the Albanian resolution

"They faded away in thin air," Bush sputtered. "They looked you in the eye and they told you they would support you. But they didn't."

Still, no one blamed the collapse of the U.S. strategy on the peccadilloes of a few Persian Gulf sheikdoms. Peking played a big role by maintaining that it would never come to the U.N. while the Nationalists remained. But the fatal blow may have been struck by the White House. Once Richard Nixon had an- nounced his plans to travel to the For- bidden City, it was almost inconceivable that the U.S.'s allies would queer their own chances for a rapprochement with Peking by rallying round an outdated U.S. commitment to Mao's old foe, Chiang Kai-shek. Then there was Kis- singer's presence in Peking as the great debate proceeded. As France's Ambas- sador Jacques Kosciousko-Morizet put it at the U.N. last week: "In order to make the dual representation scheme a success, it would have been better to avoid a dual diplomacy."

Was the problem that Washington simply did not try hard enough? That would hardly seem to be the case, judg- ing from the outraged—and ever so

slightly hypocritical—howls from del- egates whose arms had been twisted. Yet a senior U.N. official noted that if the vote had been a matter of life or death, the U.S. could have squeezed the delegates much harder. That it failed to do so indicated that while Washington did want to win, it was not prepared to squander all of its political credit to do so. The fact that Nixon took no part in the U.N. effort reinforced the belief that while the U.S. was fighting to keep Taiwan in, it was not fighting with everything it had.

The suspicion was, of course, that the U.S. had held back because Nixon did not want to risk souring the Wash- ington-Peking rapprochement, or his forthcoming trip, which is now expected to take place soon after the New Year. Kissinger, who spent six days in Peking on his most recent mission, had half a dozen hour-long sessions with Chou to plan an agenda for the presidential trip. Back in Washington last week, Kissinger told reporters that the Nixon talks would be limited to matters between the U.S. and China. Mindful of the suspicions that the Peking summit has raised in other capitals, Kissinger stressed that there would be no discussion of "third- party issues." Nixon would not mention China's differences with the Soviet Union. Viet Nam, too, was verboten. "We expect to settle the war either by the unilateral policies we are pursuing or in negotiations with Hanoi," Kissinger said. "We do not expect to settle it in Peking."

Pivotal Man

Kissinger found "a definite attitude on the Chinese side to make this trip a success." Both sides recognized "that there are profound philosophical and po- litical differences," he said. "Neither side has pretended that we will solve all, or even most, of the differences between us." But there was "a possibility to make a new beginning. If it is carried out with wisdom and patience on both sides, it can mark the start of a new re- lationship between our peoples."

If Kissinger sounds hopeful, part of the reason is that he is an unabashed ad- mirer of the pivotal man on the Chi- nese side, Chou En-lai. Chou (pro- nounced Joe) has been a member of the Chinese party Politburo for 43 years, a record of survival that not even Mao Tse-tung, with 37 years in the lead- ership, can match. Chou was the grand- son of a landowner and the son of a minor official, but he showed an ear- ly talent for firebrand politics—first as a student leader in Tientsin, later as a Communist organizer in France. When he joined the Chinese Communist Par- ty, it was in the hands of educated urban intellectuals like himself. By the time an earthier, peasant-based faction, led by Mao Tse-tung, made its bid for dominance during the Long March in 1935, Chou was already in a pivotal po- sition of power. In the crucial vote Chou swung his support to Mao, and

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TIME, NOVEMBER 8, 1971

he has backed the winning horses ever since.

As the chief idea man, counselor and fixer for Chairman Mao, Chou is China's chief executive officer. Though his influence is powerful, he is "a builder, not a poet," as Journalist Edgar Snow says. Chou is usually described as a "moderate" or a "pragmatist." But he is also, in all senses of the word, an opportunist. To some of those who knew the patrician Premier when he was starting in student theatricals (once in a female part) in the Teens, he is a skillful dissembler, not to be trusted in any circumstances. But most Westerners who have met Chou would agree with Henry Kissinger, who said last week: "He is not a petty man. He has large views. He is one of the most intelligent men I've ever met."

## Middle Kingdom

It was Chou who was largely responsible for putting the pieces of Chinese foreign policy back together after the Cultural Revolution. Less than three years ago, when the Red Guards were still running amuck, Peking simply had no conventional foreign policy. All 42 of its ambassadors round the world had been called home save for Chou's longtime lieutenant, Huang Hua. He was then Peking's man in Cairo, responsible for the Middle East and Africa.

Up until the winter of 1969, when the dust from the Cultural Revolution had settled sufficiently for Chou to launch Peking's unprecedented diplomatic drive, the Chinese had not established much of a diplomatic track record. Partly, that was by choice. The old, exclusive Middle Kingdom notions lasted a long time. It was not until 1860 that China even deigned to set up an office to deal with foreign affairs.

The only previous appearance of a Communist Chinese delegation in the U.N. occurred in 1950, when Peking sent a nine-man team led by General Wu Hsiu-chuan to New York to "discuss" the Korean crisis. One U.N. veteran who heard the general's shrill tirades remembers Wu as "the loudest man we've ever had here." Peking's leaders have never exactly venerated the institution. Leery of its peace-keeping attempts, Chou has derisively called the U.N. "an international gendarmerie." In a recent interview in a Japanese newspaper, the Mao regime's leading intellectual, Kuo Mo-jo, called the U.N. a "dangerous slaughterhouse," citing its interventions in the Congo and Korea.

## Mixed Cast

In view of such statements, there is understandable nervousness about what will happen with "China in the bull shop," as a U.S. State Department wag puts it. Sinologists are sharply split. Harvard's expert on Maoism, Benjamin Schwartz, expects the Chinese who come to the U.N. "to speak quite toughly." Harvard Sinologist John Fairbank thinks the Chinese "will try to be at-

tractive and persuasive. They will be good performers." But as Harvard's East Asia Expert James C. Thomson, a former White House aide, points out, "We have never seen China in such circumstances. China's ingenuity will be taxed when it has to deal simultaneously with the United States, the Soviet Union, Japan, Poland, Albania. This is a mixed cast and requires a new kind of orchestration." A U.N. official who belongs to a working group that U Thant has set up to prepare for China's arrival foresees severe problems. "We have to face the fact that the Chinese probably will not accept the rules of the game as they have been established. They may even weaken the Security Council and the U.N. temporarily. Chinese entry is good and necessary, but it will create more problems than it solves, at least at first."

With the importance it attaches to symbolic details, Peking could prove prickly on U.N. housekeeping matters. Tradition prescribes that a new delegation becomes responsible for the bad debts of a departed one. But it would be surprising if Peking agreed to cover the $30 million in past-due assessments and dues left unpaid by the Nationalists when they walked out. In the Secretariat, the jobs of 52 Nationalist Chinese international civil servants are protected by U.N. rules. But since China is allowed up to 78 employees under the quota system, Peking will be able to place as many as 26 of its own people right away, and will probably try to replace the holdovers as soon as possible.

The Chinese will almost certainly bring new energy to the U.N., though not everyone will find the change refreshing. They can be expected to use the organization to the fullest to prove, as Chou has repeatedly said, that "the time is over when one or two superpowers could force their will upon the world."

The Chinese promise to be especially active in the Security Council, where they will hold one of the five permanent seats. The Americans, the Soviets and the Chinese will form a tense triangle. The British and the French, who hold the other two permanent seats, could make it a four-way stretch as the Common Market acquires political muscle to match its economic strength. The principal effect of China's presence on the Council, however, may well be to immobilize it. On rare occasions, the U.S. and the Soviet Union have found it useful to agree. With another wild card on the Council in the person of Peking's representative, the two superpowers may be tempted more often than ever to bypass it when they have diplomatic business to transact.

The Chinese presence will crystallize new relationships among the crowd in the General Assembly. Following the old Maoist principle of "uniting with

the many to oppose the few," Peking will try to solder together its own U.N. bloc. One U.N. veteran speculates that the Chinese will start out in the posture of "a slumming big power, humbled down with the poor countries." As the Soviets can attest, that is a difficult stance to maintain. How, for instance, will the Chinese line up on the economic and aid issues—as a donor country or a have-not recipient? If they can keep their act up (or down) long enough, however, the Chinese could cause real trouble, leading an anticolonialist drive on the white minority regime in South Africa or joining the Cubans in promoting Puerto Rican independence. In some cases, a Chinese presence might improve things—not

EASTFOTO

ANTI-U.S. SKIT IN PEKING

Nice agrarian democrats.

necessarily by design. With Peking currying the allegiance of the wilder Marxist groups in the Arab states, for example, the Soviets might decide that it is time to stop stirring up trouble in the Middle East and seek a settlement.

The Chinese will undoubtedly want a major voice in the choice of a new Secretary-General; some Sinologists are convinced that they will want a more activist type, in the mold of the late Dag Hammarskjöld, and one skeptical of the superpowers, rather than a more passive leader like the departing U Thant. Certainly the Chinese would like to reverse the 1950 resolution branding them and the North Koreans aggressors and, for good measure, to force the U.N. Command out of South Korea. One of the most fascinating issues to confront them will be the question of the divided nations. There is a strong likelihood that in 1972 both East and West

TIME, NOVEMBER 8, 1971

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Germany will seek admission to the U.N.—separately. Will the Chinese veto both on the grounds that it could set a precedent for the readmission of Taiwan as part of a divided China? Further, what if the two Viet Nams and the two Korreas were to seek General Assembly seats as separate entities? The betting is that Peking would veto South Viet Nam and South Korea—and that would no doubt mean the exclusion of the northern regimes as well.

Beyond the U.N., Peking's admission is already having wide-reaching effects. Belgium quickly announced that it would establish diplomatic relations with Peking, becoming the ninth NATO nation to do so. That pushed the list of governments recognizing Peking to 63, giving the Communists a solid lead on the Nationalist regime (58).

Next to Chiang Kai-shek, the man

most bruised by the vote was Japan's Premier Eisaku Sato. He was already in political trouble for having been caught flat-footed by Nixon's overtures to Peking and the economic shokku. Now he was catching it again for his support of the U.S. effort at the U.N. Many Japanese, eager for a U.S.-style rapprochement with China, believe that Sato was cast as the dupe in yet another deal worked out by Washington over Japan's head.

## Secondary Explosions

The U.N. vote set off some secondary explosions in Seoul, where Chiang's situation has special meaning. The South Korean Assembly passed a resolution reminding the world that Chung Hee Park's regime was the "sole sovereign government" of all Korea, and that nothing could be changed by any "conference

that might be held among big powers." The resolution also insisted that the U.N. forces in Korea (40,000 G.I.s, plus a handful of British and Thai troops) "must never be withdrawn."

In Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore and the Philippines, China's U.N. victory was seen as an important new element in a broad mosaic. Taking the long view, the Asian leaders see a new, cooler Southeast Asia prospering under a four-power equilibrium maintained by the U.S., China, the Soviet Union and Japan. Some Malaysians fret that the equilibrium could be upset if China comes out of the Nixon summit with some sort of "sphere of influence" in Asia. But others reckon that the U.N. membership will have a restraining effect on whatever ambitions China harbors.

It would be naive to expect that the

## Chiang's Last Redoubt: Future Uncertain

EVERY year, the old man orders that his birthday be officially ignored, and every year it is celebrated as a national holiday. Early this week, in the wake of a stinging repudiation by the assembled nations of the world, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek was to observe his 84th birthday, and so the presidential office building in Taipei was decorated with pine trees and long noodles, both symbols of longevity. An army chorus of 10,000 men gathered to sing *Long Live the President*. Some 20,000 others prepared to chant the same message from the mountains of southern Taiwan.

Slightly stooped, bald, armed with a cane, the granitic old man still gets up early every morning for an hour of prayer and meditation. At his age, any man would have much to reflect on. He has more than most. Perhaps he remembers the wartime meetings with Roosevelt and Churchill, the great victories and the shattering defeats. Perhaps he also recalls one of his favorite lines from the Confucian scholar Mencius, which he used to quote to his aides: "If, on self-examination, I

find that I am upright, I will go forward against thousands and tens of thousands."

He was the son of a salt merchant, but he always wanted to be a soldier —and a revolutionary. At the Paoting Military Academy, he was the only cadet who cut off his pigtail, that symbol of submission to imperial rule; seven years passed before an obscure Changsha student named Mao Tse-tung made a similar gesture of revolt.

After Sun Yat-sen's Kuomintang revolution finally overthrew the corrupt Manchu empire in 1911, Chiang served as one of Sun's best young officers, then went to Moscow for further training. "I admired in those days the whole revolutionary attitude of the Communists," Chiang said later. "When I arrived in Russia, all my hopes about the revolution were blasted."

Back in China after Sun's death, Chiang shrewdly used Communist forces to help rout various warlords and establish his command over Peking in 1928. But in the course of the cam-

paign, he turned on the Communists and eventually drove them into the remote hills of Kiangsi. From that day to this, the two have been at war. In 1936, when Chiang was kidnapped by a group of Nationalist officers who wanted to stop the anti-Communist campaign and unite against the Japanese invaders, he refused to bow. "If you want to shoot me," he said, "do so at once." He was finally released at the behest of a young Communist, Chou En-lai.

World War II ended, after a loss of 22 million Chinese lives, with Chiang nominally the ruler of all China, one of the world's Big Five, and a founding father of the U.N. But the generalissimo soon proved unable to govern his ruined country. Corruption reigned, abetted by hoarding, inflation, hunger —and, as Chiang himself later admitted, "organizational collapse, loose discipline and low spirits of [our] party members." When Mao's Communist forces besieged Peking, early in 1949, Chiang's defenders defected to the enemy and Chiang himself resigned the presidency. For six months, while city after city fell to Mao, Chiang seemed in a kind of trance. He retired to his native village and took long walks in the woods; he cruised idly up and down the China coast, inspecting fortifications.

Not until the end of that year did he arrive in Taiwan. He summoned whatever Kuomintang remnants could reach his side, and proclaimed the "holy task" of reconquering the mainland. The U.S., by this time, had lost all confidence in its wartime ally; President Truman announced that the U.S. would send no aid to Chiang and did not support his claims. Six months later came the Korean War and the sudden re-emergence of Chiang's regime as "Free China."

In recent years, age has won some skirrishes from the generalissimo. The daily

CHIANG & MAO AT U.S.-BACKED TALKS IN 1945

JACK WILKER—LIFE

TIME, NOVEMBER 8, 1971

Chinese are going to be cooperative
—in the U.N. or out. Says an Ad-
ministration official with firsthand
knowledge of the Peking leadership:
"These people are very tough, very ded-
icated and very able. They didn't go
through what they did for 50 years to
turn into Ivy League professors or peo-
ple with small-town American values."

Small-Power Diplomacy

Another intimate of China's leaders, Journalist Edgar Snow, agrees. Writing in *LIFE* last July, Snow warned against any notion that "the Chinese are giving up Communism—and Mao's world view —to become nice agrarian democrats. A more realistic world is indeed in sight, but popular illusions that it will consist of a sweet mix of ideologies, or an end to China's faith in revolutionary means, could only serve to deepen the

abyss again when disillusionment
occurs."

It is easy, as Harvard's Schwartz
points out, to "overestimate or under-
estimate the positive effects or negative
effects of Chinese membership. The U.N.
has never had that much real power."
The effect to watch, over the next two
or three years, will be the one that the
U.N. has on the Chinese themselves.
The Soviet Union and the U.S., after
years of tinkering, have established the
machinery of coexisting; both have lines
out to other states in bilateral and mul-
tilateral ways. China has little of this,
but the U.N. may serve as its school.
Of course, Peking sees the U.N. not as
a school but as a stadium for its spe-
cial brand of small-power diplomacy.
Charged with the Chinese presence, the
U.N., with its galleries of mini- and non-
nations, could become a very pesky

place for the U.S. Conceivably, an ex-
asperated Administration will some day
be tempted to pull out and have done
with the U.N.

But that would be shortsighted. As
China becomes more active in inter-
national affairs and deals with real prob-
lems, it can no longer settle for simply
striking a pose and feeding a shrill ideo-
logical statement to Peking radio. It
will have to make decisions and take ac-
tions, and more often than not that
will mean compromise. In the long spell,
practical politics in the pursuit of at-
tainable goals could be the death of dog-
matism in China. But, as University of
Michigan Sinologist Alexander Eckstein
notes, "We are still far from out of the
woods with China." In other words,
the men from Peking should be good
for several spectacular seasons at the
glass-and-steel soapbox in Manhattan.

briefings are much shorter than they
used to be, and Chiang does not al-
ways read them. He no longer super-
vises such details as the promotion of
every officer above the rank of colonel.
His son and heir, Vice Premier Chiang
Ching-kuo, 62, takes care of all that.
But the old man is still at war.

Last week he spoke out again as
though the past 20 years of exile and ero-
sion had never happened. The U.N.
had "become a den of iniquity," he
said, and its vote of expulsion was "il-
legal" and "shameless." The "Mao Tse-
tung bandit regime" was "the common
enemy of all the Chinese people," he
went on, whereas he, Chiang, would con-
tinue the "unalterable national purpose"
of reconquering the mainland. "The Re-
public of China is not a weakling of
Asia or the world, which can be ar-
bitrarily sold out by anyone. As long
as we ourselves are strong, no force in
the world can shake us."

Chiang does indeed have one of
Asia's better fighting forces—an exile
army of about 400,000 men, rejuvenated
by local conscripts, an American-trained
air force of 80,000 men and 385 war-
planes. But virtually nobody—perhaps
not even Chiang himself—believes that
he will ever set foot on the mainland
again.

What Chiang has achieved instead is
the transformation of Taiwan from an
agricultural colony of Japan into a pro-
perous industrial state. Starting with
land reform, and continuing with some
$4 billion of U.S. aid, Taiwan's econ-
omy has been growing at an average of
10% a year for the past decade. Cheap
wages (an average of $1.80 a day) have
inspired both U.S. and Japanese en-
trepreneurs to build plants for the man-
ufacture of computers, TV sets, electric
generators. Taiwan now boasts a G.N.P.
of $6 billion, and its thriving export
trade ($2 billion) is as great as that of
the entire mainland. "With the head of
steam they've developed," says an Amer-

ican executive in Taipei, "being barred
from the U.N. should make no more dif-
ference than it does to West Germany."

Even before the U.N. vote, Chiang's
government had hung the streets with
banners that said: "Don't be shaken.
Maintain your self-respect. Be self-re-
liant." Quiet anger seemed to be the
mood of Taipei last week. When Gov-
ernment Spokesman James Wei spoke
bitterly of the U.N. vote, he treated it
as a consequence of Nixon's changing
policy on China. "The Nixon trip to
the mainland is a big slap in the face
to us," he said. "What have we done to
cause our friend to almost disown us?"

Obviously, the U.N. vote does not
overwhelm Taiwan, but it does cast
doubts over the island's future. Can Tai-
wan maintain its prosperity if inter-
national business loses confidence in it,
or if the Chinese Communists really
apply pressure? Last week the Taiwan
government announced three new mul-
timillion-dollar investments from abroad
—an American fiber plant, an Austrian
steel mill and a Hong Kong housing

project—but overall foreign investments
have already dropped from a record
$139 million last year to an estimated
$100 million for this year.

Politically, as the balance of world rec-
ognition continues shifting from Chiang
to Mao, it becomes doubtful that 2,000,-
000 mainland refugees can continue in-
definitely their authoritarian rule over
12 million Taiwanese. Many Taiwanese,
descendants of early settlers from
Kwangtung and Fukien provinces, want
self-government, but when they rebelled
in 1947, Chiang's troops massacred
about 10,000 of them.

The alternative, which some experts
predict will happen in as few as five
years, is reunification—a euphemism for
Peking's takeover. Last week, not for
the first time, there were widespread ru-
mors that Chiang Ching-kuo actually vis-
ited the mainland recently for secret
talks with the Communists. Officials in
Taipei once again denied any possibility
of a deal with the mainland, but when
the elder Chiang departs, even reuni-
fication is not inconceivable.

GENERALISSIMO & MME. CHIANG AT RECENT CEREMONY

TIME, NOVEMBER 8, 1971

33

Common Market: A Great Day for Europe

SO important was Britain's decision to the Continent last week that West German television carried live coverage from London, repeatedly flashing the word YES on screens after the vote was in. Two minutes later, Chancellor Willy Brandt was on TV to declare it "a great day for Europe." NATO'S Secretary-General Joseph Luns glowed to reporters: "The sun shines all over Europe today." Queen Juliana of The Netherlands, informed of the result at a

they planted not six flagstaffs in front but seven—the extra one, as a spokesman explained at the time, “for the Union Jack.”

**Wide Margin.** In London, the debate had gone on day after day, sometimes until dawn broke over the misty Thames and the crowds were already queuing for seats in the galleries. If at times there seemed to be little eloquence in those torrents of words, it may have been because, as one M.P. observed,

tary maneuver of allowing a free vote by Tory M.P.s—thereby making it harder for the Labor Party to impose discipline on its own pro-Marketeers—he assured a majority and also brightened his image in Britain and on the Continent. Labor Party Leader Harold Wilson, by contrast, emerged from the long struggle with the derisive nickname “Flip Flop.” He had renewed Britain’s entry bid in 1967, only to have it again vetoed by De Gaulle. Now, heeding polls over principles, he denounced the terms of entry, though several of his own former Cabinet ministers admitted that his government would have been delighted to accept such terms.

**Save Our Soles.** Pain and personal cost were in store for those Labor M.P.s who voted with the government. Their local parties threatened to withdraw support, and their constituents flooded them with letters and telegrams. One read:

KEYSTONE

PRIME MINISTER HEATH

A considerable personal triumph.

"Your vote will not be forgotten or forgotten." Deputy Labor Leader Roy Jenkins, the staunch pro-Marketeer who led his party's rebels, put his job on the line; he must stand for re-election to his post this week and could well be dumped by vengeful colleagues. As Jenkins left the Commons, a Labor backbencher chanted: "Traitor, traitor."

The vote did not reflect the mood of the country, either. Only 30% of Britons favored joining the Common Market, according to the latest Louis Harris poll, while 49% were opposed. Some anti-Marketeers were fearful of what Wilson called "blackleg labor" from the Continent at a time of 3.9% unemployment, high by British standards. Housewives were worried that the Common Market's steep agricultural

BONFIRE ON THE CLIFFS OF DOVER

A signal to the Continent.

gala banquet in Hamburg, immediately raised her glass and told the 360 dinner guests, who broke into applause. Jean Monnet, 82, justly known as "the Father of the Common Market," watched the vote from the gallery in the House of Commons. Afterward he beamed: "This is what I have been waiting for during the last 25 years. Now it's the turn of the youth of Europe." On the cliffs of Dover, the European Movement, a pro-Market pressure group, built a bonfire to signal France that Britain was rejoining Europe. It was lit by former Prime Minister Harold Macmillan, and burned so fiercely that nearby grass was set afire and firemen had to be called.

There was an answering bonfire from Cap Blanc-Nez near Calais, and French President Georges Pompidou warmly avowed that the vote was "proof that this time the Common Market is truly irreversible." But not many Frenchmen were that fervent. While the rest of Europe watched an hour-long special program on the Commons vote, France's state-run television disposed of the news in 30 seconds. The Belgians were probably most enthusiastic, as they had been all along. When they built the EEC headquarters in Brussels three years ago,

"this is not just a six-day debate but a peroration to a debate which has lasted 20 years." The real drama lay in the approaching vote. In the end, 69 opposition Labor members voted with the Conservative government, while 39 Tories switched the other way. By an unexpectedly wide margin of 356 votes to 244, Britain agreed in principle to join the European Economic Community effective Jan. 1, 1973. The decision may not have been quite on a par with the signing of Magna Carta, the defeat of the Spanish Armada, or Waterloo, as some claimed, but it did promise to change the shape and character of Europe—and Europe's role in the world.

The vote was a considerable personal triumph for Prime Minister Edward Heath, the most European of Britain's leaders since Winston Churchill. As Lord Privy Seal in Macmillan's Cabinet, he was in charge of negotiations for entry between 1961 and 1963, when the effort was ended by the first of De Gaulle's two vetoes. As Heath put it, winding up last week's debate: "I do not think any Prime Minister has stood in this box in time of peace and asked the House to take a positive decision of such importance as I am asking it to take tonight." By the clever parliamen-

34

TIME, NOVEMBER 8, 1971

Stand up and jeer: U.N. delegates applaud as the defeat of the U.S. China resolution is announced

UPI

# The Chinese Are Coming

Sometime soon, perhaps this week, a delegation of Chinese diplomats dressed in high-collared Mao tunics and adorned with Mao buttons will arrive at the United Nations. And a new flag—five yellow stars on a red field—will join the other national banners fluttering above Turtle Bay on Manhattan's East Side. The newcomers will hardly pass unnoticed, for their arrival, quite simply, will change the world. At long last, a country with nearly 800 million people, an immemorial history and a modern-day arsenal of nuclear weapons will slip out from behind a 22-year-old fiction and take its place in the community of nations.

The transfer of China's U.N. seat from Chiang Kai-shek's aging exiles to the Communist cadres of Mao Tse-tung was truly a watershed event. For the first time in U.N. history, the United States suffered a humiliating defeat on an issue to which it had committed its full power and prestige. But that was only the first of two historic reversals last week. The spectacle of a tumultuous General Assembly dancing a jig over the corpse of a moribund U.S. policy left many Americans seething with anger. And this backlash, in some kind of strange political chemistry, helped to catalyze frustrations that have long been festering in the soul of the U.S. Senate: its impotence to impose its will on foreign aid, the war in Vietnam, the economic crisis and untrammeled Presidential power. Goaded on, at least in part, by Richard Nixon, who found his way out of a political dilemma

by making the U.N. a scapegoat for America's defeat, the Senate acted in a way that surprised even itself. Rejecting a tradition dating back to the Marshall plan, the Senate killed the entire $3.2 billion foreign-aid bill (page 33).

In the process, the Senate also dealt a severe blow to the so-called Nixon doctrine—the President's meticulously paced game plan for easing the United States out of unpopular overseas adventures without, at the same time, seeming to repudiate the world. For taken together, last week's momentous votes on China and foreign aid represented a sudden, seesaw shift in the international alignment. And it was no longer certain whether Richard Nixon, facing crucial trips to Peking and Moscow, could right the balance in time for his third major test in 1972: the Presidential election.

## Isolation Becomes Respectable

Even if the Administration, as seemed likely, succeeded in reversing the Senate's spasmodic decision, isolationism had once again become a respectable position in American public life. And last week's showdown at the U.N. had irrevocably changed some other crucial facts of life for the United States. In one stroke, the China vote thrust onto the world stage a Rip Van Winkle nation that, despite its continuing internal problems, has been instantly accorded the status of a superpower. And it cast aside a government that has been both a conscientious member of the U.N. and one of America's most steadfast allies (page 24).

Only a year or two ago, Washington's jerry-built plan for "dual representation" in the U.N. by China's competing governments might have been muscled through the General Assembly, but by the fall of 1971, the U.S. had missed the boat. The Administration found that all-out loyalty to a vulnerable ally was incompatible with its own efforts to improve relations with an old enemy. And in the course of its quixotic campaign, Washington lost the faith of many other allies, apparently diminishing its influence at the U.N. for a long time to come.

Just how badly American strategy had misfired in the U.N. was apparent from the roll-call votes. Washington was abandoned on the crucial issues by every NATO nation except Luxembourg, Greece and Portugal, as well as by many countries that have enjoyed heavy U.S. aid for years. Some members of the U.S. delegation had an explanation for defeat. "We were double-crossed," claimed one. As these Americans saw it, a number of nations—among them Morocco, Turkey, Belgium, Ireland, Trinidad and Tobago, Cyprus, Tunisia, Oman and Qatar—switched their positions against Washington at the last minute, and in some cases, the defectors did not even bother to inform U.S. Ambassador George Bush. "I'm not talking about wispy dreams that we might have misinterpreted," Bush told NEWSWEEK's Raymond Carroll. "In some cases, these were hard commitments." But some delegates denied that they had made any promises. Declared Ireland's Ambassador Cornelius

# THE PERISCOPE

## TEXAS VS. TOKYO

The No. 1 purpose of Treasury Secretary John Connally's Far East tour is to make a final deal with Japan as the first long step toward settling the international financial crisis. Despite Tokyo's denials, the signs all point to Japanese readiness to talk. The 10% U.S. import surcharge, plus the yen's 8% upward "float," add up to an 18% price jump for many Japanese products. The U.S. Treasury has hinted that a 15% boost in the yen is all it wants, so the time looks ripe for dealing.

## HUMPHREY MAKES HIS MOVE

Hubert Humphrey has dropped his wait-and-see stance and is off and running for the Democratic Presidential nomination. He also says that he would like Sen. Edward Kennedy on his ticket. The former Vice President concedes that stepping aside to give Maine's Sen. Edmund Muskie a clear track for the nomination was a mistake and he no longer tells friends that he approves their working for other candidates. Humphrey is still undecided about whether to enter the primaries or to hunt delegates directly—which his friends from 1968 are already doing.

## YOUTH IN CONGRESS

An effort to lower the age limit for service in Congress has gained a powerful recruit: House Speaker Carl Albert. The Oklahoma Democrat plans to testify in favor of the constitutional change, proposed by Rep. Robert Drinan and Sen. Birch Bayh, to lower the limit for representatives from 25 to 22 and for senators from 30 to 27. He has also persuaded House Judiciary Committee chairman Emanuel Celler, no lover of youth movements, to hold hearings on the plan.

## ON AND OFF IN OREGON

Oregon's Republicans have a new guessing game: who will run for Sen. Mark Hatfield's seat in 1972? The senator was ready to retire; now he seems to be changing his mind about a second term. GOP Gov. Tom McCall appears ready to seek Hatfield's seat one day and to abandon the idea the next. Political dopesters will bet that both men meet in a primary race next May.

## WHO'S FOR SPIRO AGNEW?

The White House, it appears, is doing nothing to stem the spate of rumors that Spiro Agnew may not be on the GOP ticket next year. The Ripon Society's magazine, a liberal GOP voice, recent-

ly reported that Florida's Sen. Edward Gurney was under consideration as Mr. Nixon's next running mate. A White House aide telephoned Gurney suggesting that he not deny the story because "there might be something to it." Gurney is not, in fact, rated a likely possibility.

## DETROIT LOOKS AT PHASE TWO

Detroit is taking a most cautious view of Mr. Nixon's promise that his new economic-policy will create 500,000 new jobs. The auto industry expects no pickup in employment until at least next spring. Sales are up now, but the auto firms are working off big inventories and are producing at only 75-80% of capacity. Only a big sales spurt next spring could force expansion of payrolls. The political silver lining: a spring surge would be tailor-made for the 1972 Nixon campaign.

## WINNING WHEN IT COUNTS

New York's newly Democratic Mayor John V. Lindsay bombed at breakfast with Washington political reporters last week (they complained he was vague, repetitive and cold) but scored a solid hit at lunch with Democratic National Chairman Lawrence O'Brien and the party's conservative Texan treasurer, Robert Strauss. Both were reported impressed by Lindsay's candor, political professionalism and savvy. Lindsay in turn came away with new and deep appreciation of O'Brien's capacities.

## BLACK VS. BLACK

Cleveland's Mayor Carl Stokes has harsh words for other black politicians who supported Sen. Harold Hughes of Iowa against Mrs. Patricia Harris, a black lawyer, in the fight to head the Democratic Party's convention credentials committee. Stokes scolded Julian Bond, the young Georgia politician and Rep. John Conyers of Michigan, but saved his heaviest blasts for New York Rep. Shirley Chisholm for supporting a white man over a black woman.

## TROUBLE IN THE OFFICIAL FAMILY

William Ruckelshaus, the White House antipollution czar, is fighting a rising tide of resentment within the Administration, especially in the Cabinet. Because his tough policies are antagonizing their constituencies, several key Cabinet officers, including Maurice Stans of Commerce, John Connally at the Treasury and Rogers Morton of Interior are up in arms over what they consider an excess of zeal.

Newsweek, November 8, 1971

21

© Herblock, in The Washington Post

'Roll Those U.N. Shots Again, And Let's Get the Names of the Guys That Are Smiling'

Cremin: "I don't know where the U.S. got the idea that we would abstain."

In the gloomy postmortems that followed the defeat, Bush and his cohorts were accused either of applying too much pressure on other delegations—or too little. But it did seem clear that the U.S. had undercut its own position in one important respect, for even as Bush was trying to round up votes for a seating plan that would have been highly offensive to Peking, Presidential adviser Henry Kissinger was conferring with Premier Chou En-lai. Worse yet, Kissinger stretched out his planned four-day stay to six days and was still in Peking when the U.N. voted. That fact may well have persuaded some wavering delegations that Washington was not really serious about its campaign to save a seat for Taiwan in the world body.

In addition, Peking had been doing some effective lobbying of its own. So far this year, it has established diplomatic relations with some fifteen nations, the latest being Belgium last week, and each of these countries cast its ballot for China—and against the U.S. The Chinese also used trade as a diplomatic lever, agreeing to buy fish meal from Peru and rubber from Malaysia, both of whom voted for the Albanian resolution to seat the Peking delegation and disqualify the Nationalists. Perhaps most important, Peking declared loudly and often that it would not occupy China's seats in the General Assembly and the Security Council unless the Nationalists were expelled altogether.

Despite these handicaps, the U.S. delegation was predicting a narrow victory right up until the morning of the vote. Then the roof fell in. Hoping to cut off Bush's last-minute efforts, Albania and its

allies pressed for a speedy vote. The U.S. resisted, but when a Saudi Arabian resolution on that issue went down to defeat, the pro-Peking forces acquired valuable momentum and steamed off in a rush to judgment. When Bush asked Soviet delegate Yakov Malik how he thought things were going, the Russian replied: "You are sinking, Mr. Bush. You are sinking." Balloting first on a U.S. motion to make Taiwan's expulsion an "important question" which requires a two-thirds majority, the Assembly torpedoed Bush's campaign, by a vote of 59 to 55. Ninety minutes later, after the Nationalist delegation headed by Foreign Minister Chow Shu-kai had stalked out, the Albanian motion was passed, 76 to 35.

## Victory Dance

America's humiliation was greeted with glee by many of the delegates. When the "important question" motion was beaten, Salim Ahmed Salim, the ambassador of Tanzania, leapt to his feet and whipped his burly body into a brief victory dance as other diplomats laughed, cheered and shouted. And when Bush took the floor for a last-gasp delaying action, he was hissed and booed. This unprecedented display, reflecting such clear delight in Washington's defeat, embarrassed even some of Peking's supporters. "It should not be this way," said one European diplomat who had voted for Taiwan's ouster. "It should be a great moment, not this ..." And, afterward, Rep. Charles C. Diggs Jr. of Michigan, a member of the American delegation and a staunch supporter of the U.N., com-

mented: "I hope they don't show this on television around the country."

But the circus at the General Assembly did get onto the nation's television screens, and many Americans bellowed with rage. Ex-Sen. William Knowland, the ultraconservative publisher of The Oakland (Calif.) Tribune, personally wrote an angry front-page editorial entitled "Another Day of Infamy," and California's Gov. Ronald Reagan declared that he was "shocked and disgusted" by the "kangaroo court" proceedings at the U.N. Rep. Samuel Devine of Ohio suggested cutting off all foreign aid to the nations that voted against the U.S. "When you hit these pipsqueak countries in the pocketbook," he declared, "that is one thing they understand." Yet many other voices were raised for moderation. The Atlanta Constitution struck a common theme when it observed that cutting off U.N. funds "has the air of a little boy who picks up his marbles and goes home if he isn't winning." And elder statesman W. Averell Harriman suggested: "Maybe we lost because we were wrong."

It was hardly surprising that opinion should be divided. What was astonishing was the unanimity that prevailed in the Senate. The U.N. came under predictable attack from such conservatives as Barry Goldwater, but it was also blitzed by moderates and liberals, including Majority Leader Mike Mansfield and Minority Leader Hugh Scott. "I think we are going to wipe off some of the smiles from faces we saw on television," Scott vowed. And although Mansfield protested that "the word 'punitive' doesn't en-

Kissinger, Chou and U.S. aide: Will China rattle the U.N. bullshop?

November 8, 1971

23

TAIWAN: REALITY INTRUDES ON A DOGGED DREAM

Through an ironic twist of fate, Taiwan was all decked out for celebration last week. Taipei, the island's largest city and "provisional capital" of China, proliferated with flags and bunting left over from its National Day observances last month and some recently added decorations marking the 84th birthday of President Chiang Kai-shek this week. And even though the crucial vote on China's United Nations representation was fast approaching, the Chiang government felt reasonably certain that it would weather the diplomatic storm. This year once again the U.S. would block Communist China's bid for U.N. membership and in the process, according to the convoluted logic of some Nationalist officials, Peking would be so angered that it might not even want to join next year. Then, in one fell swoop, reality caught up with Taiwan and, as one foreign observer put it, "all this wishful thinking went bankrupt in one stroke."

Officially, the Nationalist Chinese regime responded to its U.N. expulsion with what might be termed "restrained defiance." Calling on the people of Taiwan for calm and unity, Chiang declared that the destiny of China—his China at least—"is not in the hands of the United Nations; it is squarely in our hands ... We command a sizable population and considerable resources, as expressed in our military strength and economic prowess." Foreign Minister Chow Shu-kai, who led the Nationalist delegation out of the General Assembly just prior to the fateful vote, allowed as how he didn't think that U.N. membership was worthwhile any more, anyhow. "We will strengthen our bilateral relations with our friends,"

he said. "China will be all right." And newspaper editorials in Taiwan hampered on the theme that some other nations, such as West Germany and Switzerland, have managed to prosper though they have never been members of the United Nations.

Much of what the Nationalists said doubtlessly reflected no more than brave posturing. But the stiff-upper-lip statements served to underscore a crucial question: can Taiwan survive as a viable entity after its stunning diplomatic reversal? U.S. officials believe that, over the next few years, the island's stability is not in danger. And few experts worry about any invasion of the island from mainland China. Said one: "The Chinese Communists won't attack because they don't have anyone on the other side to help tie up their boats at the pier. They don't have the means of invading Taiwan, Normandy-style, and even if they did, the fact that the Nationalists have the sixth-largest army in the world and that the Russians are camped on China's northern borders would dispirit Peking. That is going to be the fundamental reality of the situation for years to come."

**Prosperity:** Another reality is that Taiwan's economy is in robust shape. Over the past decade, the island has averaged a 10 per cent annual growth rate. And its foreign trade, now worth almost $4 billion a year, nearly matches that of the entire Chinese mainland. But continued expansion of Taiwan's economy is still keyed to an influx of investment capital from abroad which, in turn, is dependent on foreign faith in the island's future. In short, the prosperity of Taiwan is at the mercy of factors largely beyond its own

control and over which it may wield even less leverage if its political status should further diminish.

Thus, as some senior Washington analysts see it, the principal challenge to the stability of the Chiang government will be political and psychological in nature. Ouster from the U.N. is almost certain to be followed by what American officials call "erosion" of the Nationalist position in other political areas. Though Taipei has vowed to hang in there with as many foreign nations as possible, some U.S. officials estimate that perhaps a third of the 59 nations that currently recognize the Chinese Nationalists will ultimately switch to Peking. A saving grace for Taiwan, however, is its demonstrated ability to go right on doing business with nations that have spurned it on the diplomatic level. Taiwan's trade with Britain and Canada, for example, showed substantial gains last year, even though neither London nor Ottawa maintains ambassadorial ties with the Chinese Nationalists.

**Survival:** On Taiwan itself, a lingering dilemma is the antagonism between the 2 million "mainlanders" (old-guard Nationalists who fled to the island with Chiang) and the 12 million "ethnic Taiwanese" who form the island's "native population." But most observers believe that the Chiang regime can weather its internal political and social difficulties for an extended period. More important to the survival of the Nationalists in the short term is the continued backing of Washington. While U.S. officials from the President on down have sought to assure Chiang that the basic American defense pact with Taiwan remains undiminished by recent events, Taipei isn't quite sure of that any more. Having observed Washington's recent overtures to Peking with a sense of bewildered dismay, the Chinese Nationalists, quite understandably, will watch President Nixon's forthcoming trip to the mainland with intense—and highly suspicious—interest.

American officials insist that the U.S. will not abandon Taiwan. But many privately concede that, ultimately, the rival Chinese regimes will have to come to some form of accommodation between themselves. Few expect such an event to occur while the present aged leadership on both Taiwan and the Chinese mainland remains in power. "It will take a long time, another generation or so, and both governments will have to change a lot," said one American analyst, "but I believe it is the only lasting solution. In the meantime," he added, "I don't see why the population of the island of Taiwan cannot continue to get along quite comfortably."

Taiwan's Foreign Minister leaves U.N.: Restrained defiance

Vernon Shibley—New York Post

24

Newsweek

ter into my thinking," he added, "I've felt
for a long time that we were contributing
too much [money to the U.N.]."

The ax wielders in the Senate were
pointedly egged on by Richard Nixon.
Fully a day and a half after the U.N.
vote, the President released a statement
through his press secretary to the effect
that he was very annoyed indeed with
the "shocking demonstration" and "undis-
guised glee" and "personal animosity" at
the U.N. Spokesman Ronald Ziegler de-
clared that the incident "could very seri-
ously impair support for the United Na-
tions in the country and in the Congress,"
and he warned that there could be ad-
verse consequences for some nations
that "this country has been quite gener-
ous to in terms of foreign aid." White
House staffers reported that the Presi-
dent had been genuinely offended by
the hullabaloo at the U.N., which he
witnessed on television. But it also ap-
peared that Mr. Nixon was indulging in
what one of his aides described as the
deliberate "use of anger." In this case,
anger's use was to remove the defeat's
political onus from Mr. Nixon and place it
squarely on everybody's favorite whip-
ping boy: the United Nations itself. The
ploy worked—perhaps more effectively
than the President had intended. For the
hounds that he had unleashed soon ran
out of control, and the Senate obliterated
the entire foreign-aid bill.

Verge of Bankruptcy

Even a temporary cutoff in American
funds could be disastrous for the U.N.
Washington provides 31.52 per cent of
the organization's operating budget and
at least one-third of the money spent by
affiliated agencies—total this year of more
than $315 million. But partly because
many countries are in arrears (the Na-
tionalist Chinese owed more than $30
million when they were unseated), the
U.N. is on the verge of bankruptcy. It is
$176 million in the red and faces a fur-
ther $70 million cash shortage this year.
Few Americans have shown much sym-
pathy with the U.N.'s plight, for they
tend to assume that they are already
paying more than their share. That, how-
ever, may be an exaggeration. "The
United States is not even the largest per-
capita contributor to the budget of
the United Nations," Sen. Edward Kennedy
declared last week in a speech attacking
Mr. Nixon's handling of the affair. "There
are at least six other nations—Canada,
Netherlands, Sweden, Denmark, Norway
and even the tiny Maldive Islands—
whose per-capita contributions in 1970
surpassed the contribution of the U.S."

Strained finances were not the only
problem caused by last week's votes. The
U.N. headquarters staff includes 102 em-
ployees holding Nationalist passports, and
presumably Peking will want to replace
them sooner or later with its own men
(unless, of course, some of the Taiwa-
nese decide to switch sides). And Peking
has already made known its determina-
tion to supplant Taipei in the U.N.'s af-

filiated agencies, a move that the Nation-
alists are preparing to resist. Late last
week, the United Nations Education-
al, Scientific and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) voted to throw out Taiwan
and offer a seat to Peking, and most of
the other agencies probably will follow
suit. But the Nationalists may hang on in
a few international organizations, notably
the World Bank.

Amid all the pro-Peking euphoria last
week, it was widely hoped that the new
Chinese delegation would show up im-
mediately. If it had arrived by the end
of the week, and if it had chosen to be
listed as the People's Republic of China,
the new mission would have been en-
titled, in the normal course of alphabeti-
cal rotation, to succeed Nicaragua as
President of the Security Council for
November. But when Acting Foreign
Minister Chi Peng-fei finally replied to
two urgent cables from Secretary-Gen-
eral U Thant, he indicated that China
would send a delegation "in the near fu-
ture" and that the Peking government
wanted the country to be listed as
"China, Peoples Republic of."

The Chief Contender

There was also no definitive word on
who would head the Chinese delega-
tion. There was some speculation that
Chi Peng-fei or even Chou En-lai him-
self might lead the advance party. But
China watchers in Hong Kong said it was
more likely that Huang Hua, Peking's
polished and highly regarded ambassa-
dor to Canada, might pop down to New
York with a small, interim delegation.
And the chief contender for the perma-
nent post appeared to be Vice Foreign
Minister Chiao Kuan-hua, 57, a widely
traveled diplomat-journalist who is a con-
fidant of Premier Chou.

China's entrance on the world stage
will cause trouble for many countries,
but no nation was more thoroughly taken
aback last week than Japan, which had
ample reason to regret its loyalty in co-
sponsoring Washington's "two-Chinas"
plan. "For the first time since World War
II," groused one Japanese official, "we
are losers." The defeat may well amount
to a kiss of death for Prime Minister
Eisaku Sato, and his successors will have
to bend every effort to patch things up
with Peking. In an interview with NEWS-
WEEK's Osborn Elliott, Foreign Minister
Takeo Fukuda, Sato's heir presumptive,
hinted repeatedly that Tokyo wants to
open diplomatic relations with Peking as
soon as possible—and, if necessary, it will
do so on Peking's terms. Asked about Ja-
pan's future policy on Taiwan, Fukuda
replied: "Our relations with Taiwan will
be worked out in the course of negotia-
tion at the government level with the
People's Republic of China."

Diplomatically, the China vote left
President Nixon in much better shape
than the Japanese. In fact, it could be
argued that Mr. Nixon had profited from
the outcome, for it strongly enhanced
the prospects for his China trip. The

President would have been at a distinct
disadvantage if he had traveled to Chi-
na as the man who kept Taiwan in the
U.N.—and therefore kept Peking out.
Now, however, that potential pitfall was
eliminated. The exact date of the trip
will be announced some time this month,
and it will probably take place shortly
after New Year's, in order to leave a
decent interval before Mr. Nixon's visit
to Moscow in late May. As Henry Kis-
singer observed last week, "There is a
possibility to make a new beginning"
between the United States and China.
Added one American diplomat: "Thank
God we lost."

But Mr. Nixon's agile political foot-
work may yet trip him up. By pandering
to anti-U.N. sentiment as he did last
week, the President ran the risk of en-
hancing the country's widespread but
hitherto largely latent neo-isolationism.
Mr. Nixon apparently conceives of him-
self as a foreign-policy President, and his
cheap shot at the U.N. may, in the long
run, serve to downgrade his own special-
ty. More important, the chauvinistic sen-
timents that he catered to last week
could conceivably in time undermine one
of the twin pillars of his foreign policy.
Mr. Nixon's strategy consists of two fun-
damental parts: (1) disengagement from
some of America's heavy burdens over-
seas, and (2) rapprochement with Rus-
sia and China to cover the retreat. If
neo-isolationism gets out of hand, and
the will of the United States to play
an active international role is cast into
doubt, Moscow and Peking will have far
less reason for concern about America's
behavior and, hence, far less motive for
seeking an accommodation.

'You are sinking': Bush at the U.N.

November 8, 1971

O

25

Eastfoto

Johan Almqvist

Actors in the Peking shadow play: Chief of Staff Huang (left), Premier Chou En-lai and Lin Piao

AP

The Power Struggle in Peking

From Black Panther leader Huey Newton to heart specialist Dr. Paul Dudley White to Presidential adviser Henry Kissinger, scores of curious American travelers have recently climbed the Great Wall of China and trooped into Peking's Great Hall of the People for talks with Premier Chou En-lai. But despite the sudden warmth with which these visitors from the U.S. have been greeted, the Chinese have opened their Bamboo Curtain just so far. And with reason. For over the past few months, some strange and portentous things have been happening on the mainland. As far as the rest of the world can tell, the Communist Chinese seem to be engaged in a knockdown, drag-out power struggle—an old-fashioned test of political strength that could alter China's behavior in world affairs.

For the most part, the mysterious Peking drama has been played by shadowy figures who move in and out of the darkness, never quite revealing their roles—or, sometimes, whether they are even alive. A central character has been ailing Defense Minister Lin Piao, once the unquestioned successor to Chairman Mao Tse-tung. For three months, Lin has made no public appearances, and the only time Lin's picture appeared in the Peking press, it was an unflattering shot (supposedly taken by Madame Mao herself), that emphasized his baldness. China watchers had a field day with that—as they did with rumors that Army Chief of Staff Huang Yung-sheng was riding high as Lin's star reputedly declined. But then all the speculation that Huang might emerge as China's new military strongman fell flat, and suddenly no one seemed to know whether he was still on the job, let alone wielding much power.

Amid all the confusion, one thing appeared certain—that the present turmoil was the latest political reverberation from

the tumultuous Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution of the late 1960s. Ever since the Ninth Party Congress in 1969 officially ratified the end of the massive nationwide purges, ideological radicals and more pragmatic moderates have been jockeying for position in the Peking hierarchy. As one expert put it: "From the beginning, the reconstructed leadership has been like a bad cocktail—the ingredients have never really mixed." And in recent months, things have gotten so muddled that the rank-conscious Chinese have even given up trying to sort out the Peking pecking order. On many occasions, Politburo members have simply been listed according to the number of strokes required to write their names in Chinese characters—the Chinese equivalent of alphabetical order. At other times, the line-up of Politburo and Central Committee officials has appeared to be a pure random listing. "Before, there used to be clear standards for determining promotions or demotions within the Communist leadership," commented oneasperated China watcher in Hong Kong. "But the way things are now, the Chinese have thrown out all the old rules for that game."

**Ousted:** At lower levels, too, it has become difficult to determine who is in command. A political assassination has reportedly rocked Yunnan, along the North Vietnamese border, and in another province, the entire party leadership has been summarily ousted. All over China, scores of influential officials have been assigned to more than one job, sometimes in separate cities. "The leadership may have a manpower problem," observed one China scholar. "But more likely it is just having a hard time finding qualified men to fill top-level posts who will be supported by the contending radical and moderate groups."

Nowhere has the infighting been more brutal than in the armed forces. As the

only national institution left intact during the cultural revolution, the army was elevated to a command position by Mao and virtually put in charge of the country. But the army was not the unshakable monolith it appeared. At the height of the tumult, moderate elements in the military actively opposed the excesses of Mao's campaign to purge the Chinese Communist bureaucracy and raise ideological purity above more pragmatic values. And today, Defense Minister Lin—who was one of the architects of that now-discredited policy—has apparently come under heavy fire from powerful moderates in both the military and civilian establishments.

**Toast:** With devastating persistence, Premier Chou and his associates have gone all out to downgrade Lin. For some years, the toast at Communist gatherings has been: "Long live Chairman Mao and his close comrade in arms, Vice Chairman Lin Piao." Now, Lin is no longer being honored. And when Haile Selassie of Ethiopia proposed a toast to Mao and Lin at a recent Peking banquet, Communist officials neatly edited all mention of the Defense Minister from the transcript of the Emperor's remarks. Even the appearance of a color picture of Lin with Mao in the October issue of the Government's China Pictorial magazine failed to dampen speculation that he was in deep trouble. For the photo appeared only in the English-language edition and, at that, only in Canton, never in the capital itself. "The photos could mean that Chou feels secure enough now to let Lin reemerge," said one U.S. official. "But I doubt it. For the time being, we're sticking to the notion that the publication was an aberration."

Along with Lin, no fewer than three other top military officials, including Chief of Staff Huang and air force chief Wu Fa-hsien, have recently dropped out of sight. At the same time, the civilian leadership has gone out of its way to reaffirm its shaky supremacy. Countless articles in the People's Daily have emphasized parity authority over the armed forces. A

26

Newsweek

The President's aide
blazes a trail
from the Great Wall to the summit

With Kissinger in

During Henry Kissinger's most recent mystery tour to Peking, the presidential adviser spent much of his time as a tourist—a tourist with a purpose. Trailed by U.S. Secret Service men, White House press liaison men, his pretty secretary and even, at times, members of the flight crew of Air Force One, Kissinger tramped dutifully over a scenic route the Chinese presumably have in mind for the President's visit. He examined the Forbidden City, much of it now an open park. He saw the old imperial Summer Palace, and traveled 30 miles northwest of Peking to stalk the windy battlements of the Great Wall. Close-mouthed and circumspect as befits his role as a high-level go-between, Kissinger refused to make public his impressions of the scenery—or the schedule of Nixon's journey (which the administration now promises to reveal before Dec. 1).

Lined up in class-picture style, American guests and Chinese hosts pose before the Summer Palace outside Peking. Kissinger, in the center and flanked by two Chinese officials, was accompanied by White House staffers, Secret Service agents and crew of the presidential Air Force One.

Even when the weather is calm and warm in Peking, winds can shriek along the Great Wall, so the Chinese government keeps a stock of heavy coats there for its VIP visitors. A bundled-up Kissinger is escorted by Acting Foreign Minister Chi Peng-fei (on his left).

China

Accompanied by an official of the Chinese People's Association for Friendship with Foreign Countries, Kissinger (right) is shown through Peking's Summer Palace. With him are members of his party, including his secretary, Julienne Pineau. Chinese tourists at the palace applauded them and, in approved style, Kissinger applauded back.

FIRST LINE REPORT-WTOP-FM

With Dan Rather

October 27, 1971

DAN RATHER: First Line Report, News Analysis, Dan Rather, CBS News, The White House. Good morning.

Dr. Henry Kissinger, back from Peking, reports to President Nixon. Details and background after this.

(Announcement)

DAN RATHER: The Communist Chinese have their diplomatic victory, or do they? United States Secretary of State Rogers, U.S. United Nations Ambassador George Bush and President Nixon were humiliated, if you want to look at it that way. Few Americans, and none around the White House, want to look at it that way.

The President and those about him have been characterizing their getting an invitation from the Mainland Chinese as a diplomatic victory. Until this week and Monday night's vote at the U.N. most Americans were buying the idea that if President Nixon's scheduled trip to China was not a diplomatic victory, it was at least something close to that. Whether, in light of the U.N. vote and subsequent events, most Americans continue to believe that is an open question.

President Nixon's special envoy to Peking, Professor Henry Kissinger, is back now. He remained in China an extra day for reasons not yet fully explained. Kissinger was in Peking on the day the U.N. voted. Why was Kissinger's trip planned in the first place to roughly coincide with the time of the U.N. Vote? Was that President Nixon's choice, or the choice of the Chinese? Did Kissinger stay on that extra day in Peking because he wanted to, or did the Chinese deliberately manage to keep him over to make a point?

But these are short-run questions, ones that can and no doubt will be answered quickly. Questions for the longer range, questions with more significance, include: What happens now to United States defense commitments throughout Asia? What are the South Koreans, the Nationalist Chinese, the South Vietnamese, the Thais, the Philippines, the Indonesians and the Japanese to think? What about Australia in this new scheme of things?

-2-

None of these are pleasant questions. There may be plausible, hopeful answers to all of them. They are the kinds of questions President Nixon now must begin to answer. It must be part of what he and Dr. Kissinger begin discussing this morning.

The exact dates for Mr. Nixon's trip to Communist China are expected to be announced soon. Kissinger is believed to have firmed up the schedule. Whenever he goes, before, during and after the China trip, the President will be pressed for answers on the short- and long-range questions. Those who follow Asian affairs closely say that if you want to keep your eyes and ears on the central point, watch and listen to relations between China and Japan. East Asia's future depends on what happens between Japan and China more than relations between China and the United States.

Mark for future reference that Japan was one of the few nations that stuck by the United States in position in the United Nations vote. Japan, with the U.S., took the diplomatic defeat. Democratic Senator Hubert Humphrey calls it one of the worst diplomatic defeats in U.S. history. U.N. Secretary General U Thant urges that no one think of the vote in terms of victory or defeat.

In coming weeks and months, President Nixon can be expected to echo that theme. The President will be seeking to have Americans accept his overtures to China, and their response, as a diplomatic victory, but to have the U.N. vote accepted as neither a win nor a loss. This is a sophisticated difference, if, indeed, there is any. Democrats will be arguing "He can't have it both ways." It now seems clear that part of the 1972 Presidential campaign will be fought along these lines. The U.N. debate is over. The debate among the American people is just beginning.

# # # # # #

PEOPLE OF THE WEEK®

# KEY MAN EXPLORING A "SUMMIT" IN PEKING

-Wide World Photo

Mr. Kissinger's trips to China capped years of preparation.

Less than two weeks after he was installed in his White House office, Henry A. Kissinger had an order from the boss: Give "every consideration" to planning a get-together with Red China.

The order—a brief, personal note from President Nixon—was dated Feb. 1, 1969. Its result, in recent months, has been a remarkable thaw in the long-frozen relationship between Washington and Peking.

Last July 9, to the surprise of the whole world, Mr. Kissinger arrived in the Communist capital to pave the way for a later visit by Mr. Nixon. In late October, he was back on a second trip to iron out details of the history-making presidential journey.

How has all this been brought about? What sort of man has helped President Nixon pull off a diplomatic coup that, only months ago, few would have thought possible—or acceptable?

**Step by step.** Within the White House is a paper-highly classified—which catalogues every step taken to normalize relations between the U. S. and China. All contacts and statements—both public and private—are documented. It will be a rich vein of material for future historians, but this much

is already clear: It was the meticulous work of the 48-year-old Henry Kissinger, Mr. Nixon's Assistant for National Security Affairs, and his staff that moved the President's China directive forward.

**Looking to a "summit."** During this nearly three-year period, Mr. Kissinger prepared himself for the possibility of a summit meeting with the Chinese.

Previously—as consultant to Presidents Eisenhower, Kennedy and Johnson—his chief interest had been in European affairs. Now he read as much as he could on China, absorbed complex intelligence reports on that country.

In the words of one White House insider: "I believe he is as much of an expert on China as he is on Europe."

Mr. Kissinger came to his high post—in which he has been the architect of numerous innovations in breaking the cold-war ice—from a teaching position at Harvard. Except for his writings on foreign affairs, he was scarcely known to Mr. Nixon at the time. They had met at a cocktail party in 1968.

Actually, Mr. Kissinger was then in another political camp, being a close friend and foreign-policy adviser to New York Governor Nelson Rockefeller, who—like Mr. Nixon—also was a seeker

of the Republican presidential nomination in 1968.

Mr. Kissinger, too, was an admirer of the late Senator Robert F. Kennedy and, his friends say, would have been happy to serve Mr. Kennedy if the New York Senator had gone on to become President.

"Smartest guy." It was on the advice of Governor Rockefeller, who described Mr. Kissinger as "the smartest guy available," that Mr. Nixon chose him for his top adviser on foreign policy.

From that time, friends say, the two men began to build "respect and loyalty" for one another. Mr. Kissinger was charged with creating a National Security Council on the model of the Eisenhower system, but with more flexibility—a job which he accomplished swiftly and to Mr. Nixon's satisfaction.

Mr. Kissinger was given the responsibility for searching out every feasible alternative to foreign-policy proposals—a task which takes him from 12 to 15 hours a day. Given carte blanche to see or telephone the President at any hour, Mr. Kissinger meets regularly with the President each morning, and sometimes three or four more times in a day.

Every piece of intelligence from the State and Defense Departments and the Central Intelligence Agency is examined by Mr. Kissinger before it reaches the President. Mr. Nixon often drops in at Mr. Kissinger's office—less than a half-minute walk from his own.

"Thinking alike." From top White House aides come these assessments of the Nixon-Kissinger team:

* "The two men will talk endlessly about ideas on how lasting peace can be secured in the world. A rapport developed in a short time between them. They found that they were thinking very much alike on how to improve relations with the Soviet Union and China."

* "It is not fair to say that Henry alone is the architect of the President's dramatic policies. The two men work as a team. Sometimes the ideas begin with Henry, sometimes with the President."

* "Both men believe in innovation and meticulous planning, although they often arrive at the same answers in a different way."

**Worthwhile effort.** Around the White House, there is an optimistic feeling that if a permanent dialogue can be developed between the U. S. and China, the nearly three-year effort to win a summit will have been worthwhile.

Perhaps then the Chinese sign on view when Mr. Kissinger arrived in Peking will come down. It read: "Peoples of the world, unite against American imperialism and its lackeys!"

"Two Chinas" in U. N.—the U. S. states its case, page 74.

26

U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, Nov. 1, 1971

Automated equipment in warehouse of
one delivery service controls and speeds
movement of mailings to destinations.

—USN&WR Photos
Officials are concerned about loss of parcel-post business to private United Parcel Service (UPS).

ice, Mr. Eckelberry notes, and he guarantees when an ad or circular will be delivered. As to cost, Mr. Eckelberry reports his firm offers savings of 35 to 40 per cent compared with Postal Service costs. A factor in those savings is held to be that advertisers do not have to attach address labels and bundle mail as they must do for the U. S. system.

On the West Coast, the American Postal Corporation delivers advertising to 500,000 homes every week in the Los Angeles area.

Sales of this company in the first half of this year jumped 74 per cent over the same period in 1970, according to the firm's chief executive officer, Melvin Skolnik. Pieces delivered went from 8.2 million to 14.6 million in the period. Revenues rose from $570,000 in 1970 to between $900,000 and 1 million dollars this year.

Mr. Skolnik says the company is continuously increasing the area it covers and that its objective is to reach the entire Los Angeles area.

"Bulk Mail Goes First Class" is the slogan of the Pacific Postal System, another California concern in the private mail-service field. It delivers to 400,000 households in the San Francisco Bay area.

Gerard J. Billings, vice president of the company, says that sales have doubled every year since the firm was founded three years ago. He adds: "There is no reason why they shouldn't continue to do so."

Pacific Postal plans to expand to cover all of northern California, reaching 1 million homes. Mr. Billings says his firm has the capability of delivering mail, such as magazines, to specific addresses.

Private Postal System of America, Inc., now distributes material to 125,000 to 150,000 homes in the Miami-Palm Beach area of Florida. President Larry L. Van Dusseldorp says the company's goal is to serve all 14 metropolitan areas of the State-holding 84 per cent of the population-by the end of 1972 or early 1973.

Mr. Dusseldorp says the firm has experimented with mail delivery to specific addresses and has in the works a test for a major magazine publisher. This probably will be conducted before the end of this year.

Continental Postal Service operates in Charlotte, N. C., and the surrounding region. According to George Page, president, plans include expansion to the north-central area of the State. Mr. Page says the company has delivered mail to specific addresses and is continuing to experiment in that field.

These are by no means all of the firms that are moving into private mail-delivery service, which at the moment appears to be a business that will attract more and more companies.

**Utility's deliveries.** Although the U. S. Postal Service has a legal monopoly on first-class letters delivered for a fee, postal aides say it is not illegal for a private firm to deliver its own letters.

The Virginia Electric & Power Company now is delivering some of its monthly bills by hand.

The company was spurred into the move by the first-class-postage increase last May from 6 cents to 8 cents. The firm estimated added postal costs from the rise would total $250,000 a year.

A three-month test has been so successful that the Virginia utility plans to expand the hand-delivery system to about half of its 1 million customers as soon as possible. It estimates it can deliver its own bills in urban areas for less than 5 cents each-cutting mail costs by $200,000 annually.

Magazine and newspaper publishers saw their postal rates go up about 30 per cent last May. They face the remainder of a 145 per cent boost over the next four years.

That situation has caused the Magazine Publishers Association to explore the possibility of employing private companies to deliver copies to subscribers.

Robert Goshorn of the publishers group says that 30 to 40 companies have

expressed interest in private delivery of magazines and that field tests may be conducted this autumn.

An innovation in personal communication is offered by the Independent Postal System. Called the "IPSAgram," it is a modern version of the telegram. An exact reproduction of a letter is transmitted and delivered, thus permitting customers to send messages in their own handwriting. The U. S. Postal Service is set to experiment with a similar system between New York City and Washington, D. C.

While Government postal officials say they are not worried about competition from firms that deliver third-class mail, they do express concern about the loss of parcel-post business to one big company-the United Parcel Service.

According to Postmaster General Winston M. Blount, the Government's Postal Service is "working hard" to get back that business. He points to a planned nationwide network of bulk-mail centers that will cost about 1 billion dollars.

Scheduled for completion by 1976, the network is designed to speed the delivery of parcel post and bulk mail.

Behind the Postmaster General's worry are these developments:

Starting from way behind, United Parcel has almost caught up with the Government in volume of business. In 1967, the Post Office delivered more than twice the number of packages that UPS did-725 million parcels, compared with 327 million. By 1970, however, the private service delivered about 500 million parcels to the federal service's 570 million.

That is largely because United Parcel has been expanding into more and more States. The company presently is planning to extend operations to all 48 States aside from Alaska and Hawaii.

Those who run the private mail-delivery firms say that, based on success thus far, they are confident they can make their challenge to the U. S. Postal Service stick.

U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, Nov. 1, 1971

25

FBIS 31

NCNA REPORTS KISSINGER PEKING DEPARTURE

B261320 PEKING NCNA INTERNATIONAL SERVICE IN ENGLISH 1319 GMT
26 OCT 71 B

(TEXT) PEKING, OCTOBER 26 (HSINHUA)--DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER AND HIS PARTY OF THIRTEEN MEMBERS, WHO HAD COME HERE TO MAKE CONCRETE ARRANGEMENTS FOR THE VISIT TO CHINA OF PRESIDENT NIXON OF THE UNITED STATES, LEFT PEKING FOR HOME TODAY VIA SHANGHAI AFTER CONCLUDING TALKS WITH THE CHINESE GOVERNMENT.

SEEING THEM OFF AT THE AIRPORT WERE YEH CHIEN-YING, CHI PENG-FEI, YU SANG, HSIUNG HSIANG-HUI, CHANG WEN-CHIN, WANG HAI-JUNG, CHEN CHU, MA JEN-HUI, CHANG JUI-AI, LIU CHENG-CHING, WANG HSIAO-I, CHIEN TA-YUNG, CHI CHAO-CHU, TANG WEN-SHENG, SHEN JO-YUN AND CHANG HAN-CHIH. HAN HSU, ACTING DIRECTOR OF THE PROTOCOL DEPARTMENT OF THE MINISTRY OF FOREIGN AFFAIRS, ACCOMPANIED THEM TO SHANGHAI.

DURING INTERVALS BETWEEN THE TALKS WITH THE CHINESE SIDE, DR. KISSINGER AND HIS PARTY VISITED VARIOUS PLACES, WENT SIGHTSEEING AND ATTENDED A THEATRICAL PERFORMANCE IN PEKING.

26 OCT 1343Z MJC/CAT

Around the World

Kissinger Still in Peking
After Expected Departure

PEKING—Presidential adviser Henry Kissinger and his mission to lay the groundwork for President Nixon's forthcoming visit were still here yesterday and appeared to be staying on in China longer than anticipated.

The Presidential Boeing 707 which brought the party in last Wednesday was expected to leave last night or this morning. However, after going through three takeoff and landing drills, the plane remained parked on the runway. Kissinger and members of his group were nowhere to be seen in the capital.

Some observers speculated that a hitch in the arrangements for Mr. Nixon's visit had developed and this accounted for the delay in Kissinger's departure. However, correspondents who had seen Kissinger on a shopping expedition Saturday night said he looked relaxed.

The Yugoslav news agency Tanjug reported from Peking that Kissinger "has successfully completed his second mission here" and that Mr. Nixon would visit China "this year."

Tanjug correspondent Stjepan Pucak said the deduction was made "from ... the preparations so far

made and from Kissinger's second visit to Peking. It follows from the joint statement on his coming that he should bring the preparatory phase to a close."

Greek Publisher

ATHENS—The publisher of the English-language Athens News has been ordered to stand trial on charges of violating the press law for a story on the arrival of Vice President Spiro T. Agnew in Greece, an official of the newspaper reported.

The story carried the headline: "Bombs, Recruited School Children Greet Agnew."

South African Raids

JOHANNESBURG, South Africa—Police in five cities carried out a coordinated series of dawn raids on the homes of persons connected with student and religious bodies.

The raids followed a similar series carried out throughout the nation last February as part of the investigation leading to the supreme court terrorism trial of Johannesburg's Anglican dean, the Very Rev. Gonville ffrench-Beytagh.

Army Suit

FRANKFURT, West Ger-

many—Lawyers for 45 black American soldiers stationed at Darmstadt said they were going to file a suit against the U.S. Army to halt "illegal and punitive" transfer of the men.

The lawyers said the GIs were being transferred to other bases in Germany as a means of punishment even though the Army said it had dropped charges of willful disobedience against them.

From staff reports and news dispatches

MS-53
DAYLEAD KISSINGER

BY JAMES PRINGLE

PEKING, OCT. 24, REUTER - THE PRESIDENTIAL BOEING 707 AIRLINER WHICH BROUGHT HENRY KISSINGERS MISSION TO CHINA TOOK OFF AND LANDED THREE TIMES AT PEKINGS INTERNATIONAL AIRPORT THIS MORNING, APPARENTLY PRACTISING FOR THE PLANNED VISIT BY PRESIDENT NIXON.

FROM THE NUMBER OF VEHICLES WHICH WENT OUT TO THE AIRCRAFT, IT WAS ALSO THOUGHT POSSIBLE THE CREW WAS SHOWING THE PLANES CAPABILITIES TO THE CHINESE.

PEKING IS KNOWN TO BE INTERESTED IN FOREIGN AIRCRAFT. IT RECENTLY BOUGHT SIX BRITISH TRIDEN JETLINERS AND AN ANGLO-ERENCHÉA MURERGON BRENCHÉO CORDE AIRLINER SA HERE.

ALTHOUGH KISSINGER IS NOW ON HIS LAST SCHEDULED DAY IN PEKING, THERE WERE NO IMMEDIATE SIGNS THE AMERICAN PARTY WAS PREPARING TO DEPART. AND, THERE WAS NO VISIBLE MOVEMENT OF THE GROUPS LIMOUSINES IN THE AREA AROUND THE GREAT HALL OF THE PEOPLE.

THE MISSION WAS SCHEDULED TO BE BACK IN WASHINGTON MONDAY, BUT WITH THE TIME DIFFERENTILA BETWEEN PEKING AND THE U.S. CAPITAL, IT WOULD STILL BE POSSIBLE TO ADHERE TO THIS SCHEDULE BY LEAVING TOMORROW.

DIPLOMATIC SOURCES SAID IT WAS POSSIBLE THE VISIT WAS BEING EXTENDED FOR A FEW EXTRA HOURS FOR ANOTHER ROUND OF TALKS.

SINCE HIS ARRIVAL WEDNESDAY KISSINGER HAS SPENT SOME 10 HOURS IN SECRET TALKS WITH PRIME MINISTER CHOU EN-LAI, OWKING ON THE DATE AND AGENDA FOR THE NIXON TRIP TO PEKING.

KISSINGER SATURDAY NIGHT WENT SHOPPING IN THE FRIENDSHIP STORE, A FOREIGNERS-ONLY SHOP IN CENTRAL PEKING, ACCORDING TO DIPLOMATS.

BUT SO FAR THE PRESIDENTIAL ENVOY HAS NOT BEEN SEEN BY CORRESPONDENTS SINCE HIS ARRIVAL. FIVE MEMBERS OF HIS STAFF WERE SEEN AT THE FRIENDSHIP STORE SATURDAY NIGHT. THEY WERE AMIABLE AND RELAXED WHEN APPROACHED BY CORRESPONDENTS BUT DECLINED TO GIVE ANY DETAILS OF THE TALKS.

WINSTON LORD, A MEMBER OF THE WHITE HOUSE NATIONAL SECURITY STAFF, SHOOK HIS HEAD GOOD-HUMOREDLY AND SAID, "SORRY, I CANNOT GIVE YOU ANYTHING" WHEN APPROACHED BY JOURNALISTS.

"I WISH I COULD HELP YOU, I REALLY DO," SAID ANOTHER MEMBER OF THE KISSINGER MISSION.

OBSERVERS FELT THAT IF THINGS HAD GONE BADLY DURING THE TALKS, MEMBERS OF THE TEAM WOULD BE UNLIKELY TO BE DISPLAYING SUCH A CASUAL, EASY-GOING ATTITUDE.

SECURITY WAS NOT STRICT DURING THE SHOPPING OUTING, AS IT HAD BEEN IN PREVIOUS DAYS, AND THE CHINESE DID NOT TRY TO STOP CORRESPONDENTS GOING NEAR THE AMERICAN VISITORS.

REUTER MR YANMAR

MS53

DAYLEAD KISSINGER

BY JAMES PRINGLE

PEKING IS KNOWN TO BE INTERESTED IN FOREIGN AIRCRAFT. IT RECENTLY BOUGHT SIX BRITISH TRIDEN JETLINERS AND AN ANGLO-ERSEAN BURGUNDY BENTON CORDE AIRLINER SA HERE.

REUTER MR./YANAR

AMS1
NIGHTLEAD KISSINGER (SCHEDULED)

BY JAMES PRINGLE

PEKING, OCT. 23, REUTER -- DR. HENRY KISSINGERS MISSION TO CHINA WAS DRAWING TO A CLOSE TONIGHT WITH THE IMPRESSION -- FROM SUPERFICIAL APPEARANCES AT LEAST -- THAT ALL HAS GONE WELL IN SETTING A DATE FOR PRESIDENT NIXONS VISIT TO PEKING.

KISSINGER, THE U.S. SPECIAL ENVOY, HAS SPENT SOME 10 HOURS IN SECRET TALKS WITH PRIME MINISTER CHOU EN-LAI SINCE HIS ARRIVAL LAST WEDNESDAY, WORKING ON THE DATE AND AGENDA FOR THE NIXON TRIP.

THE U.S. PARTY IS EXPECTED TO LEAVE FOR HOME THIS WEEKEND, THOUGH NO TIME HAS BEEN ANNOUNCED.

MEMBERS OF THE AMERICAN GROUP, WHICH FLEW HERE WITH KISSINGER TO MAKE ARRANGEMENTS FOR NIXONS HISTORIC TRIP, WERE AMIABLE AND RELAXED WHEN APPROACHED BY CORRESPONDENTS THIS EVENING WHILE BUYING SOUVENIRS TO TAKE BACK TO WASHINGTON.

WINSTON LORD, A MEMBER OF THE WHITE HOUSE NATIONAL SECURITY STAFF, SHOOK HIS HEAD GOOD-HUMOREDLY AND SAID, "SORRY, I CANNOT GIVE YOU ANTHING" WHEN APPROACHED BY JOURNALISTS IN AN ANTIQUE STORE IN CENTRAL PEKING. HE WAS BUYING A MINIATURE CHINESE CHEST.

A PARTY OF FIVE, INCLUDING TWO WOMEN IN THE KISSINGER TEAM, JULIENNE PINEAU AND DIANNE BATTHEWS, WERE DOING LAST-MINUTE SHOPPING. THEY HAD BEEN UNABLE TO JOIN OTHER MEMBERS OF THE MISSION LAST NIGHT WHEN THE STORE WAS OPENED FOR THEM SPECIALLY.

SECURITY WAS NOT STRICT TONIGHT, AS THROUGHOUT THE PAST FEW DAYS, AND THE CHINESE DID NOT ATTEMPT TO STOP CORRESPONDENTS APPROACHING THE VISITORS.

OBSERVERS FELT THAT IF THINGS HAD GONE BADLY DURING THE TALKS MEMBERS OF THE TEAM WOULD BE UNLIKELY TO BE DISPLAYING SUCH A CASUAL, EASY GOING ATTITUDE.

MISS PINEAU, WHOSE SHORT SKIRT AND ATTRACTIVE LONG BROWN HAIR, RECEIVED ADMIRING GLANCES FROM THE CHINESE, WAS ASKED IF SHE LIKED PEKING. "VERY MUCH, THANK YOU," SHE TOLD REPORTERS.

SHE SMILED AND CHATTED GAILY AS SHE BOUGHT A CHINESE ENGRAVED SEAL IN THE ANTIQUE SHOP, WHERE DIPLOMATS ACCREDITED IN PEKING WATCHED THE AMERICANS FROM A RESPECTFUL DISTANCE.

LORE AH/OQ 1204

PMS26

KISSINGER-PRAVDA

MOSCOW, MOCT. 22, REUTER - PRAVDA TODAY NOTED THAT WHILE U.S. PRESIDENTIAL ASSISTANT HENRY KISSINGER WAS TALKING WITH CHINESE LEADERS IN PEKING, HE STILL BELIEVED IN "STRONG PUPPET-POWER" IN SOUTH VIETNAM.

IT CARRIED AN AGENCY DESPATCH FROM PEKING REPORTING WITHOUT COMMENT THAT KISSINGER HAD TALKS ON WEDNESDAY WITH PREMIER CHOU EN-LAI AND OTHER SENIOR OFFICIALS.

BUT THE BRIEF REPORT WAS PRINTED BENEATH A MUCH LONGER ITEM FROM HANOI, HEADED "THE FAILURE OF THE VIETNAMIZATION STRATEGY."

HANOI NEWSPAPERS QUOTED KISSINGER AS SAYING THAT THE U.S. CONTINUED TO CONCENTRATE ON THE CREATION OF STRONG PUPPET POWER, BOTH AT THE CENTER AND AT LOCAL LEVEL.

THE SOVIET PRESS HAS NOT LUANCHED INTO A PROPAGANDA BARRAGE AGAINST PRESIDENT NIXONS PLANNED PEKING VISIT BUT HANOIS ANIETIES ABOUT ITS EFFECTS ON INDO-CHINA HAVE NOT BEEN LOST ON THE KREMLIN.

REUTER JA/YA0615

Rome TV: "Courtesy Despite U.N. Disagreement"

Italian TV last night showed pictures from the *People's Daily* of Mr. Kissinger and his hosts in Peking. It said that despite the "secrecy" surrounding the Peking talks, "the Chinese are very attentive to their American guests.... These courtesies are not mere formalities; they seem to confirm that the Peking Government has a sincere desire to see the President come despite disagreements over the U.N. seat."

Earlier the network concluded:

"Apparently both the Americans and the Chinese agree that Nixon's trip must be kept separate from the problem of China's admission to the U.N., or rather from the problem of Taiwan's expulsion....

"With the second trip to China, Kissinger becomes one of the protagonists of modern international diplomacy. He is more than a mere executor of orders—he is one of the makers of U.S. policy, at least on the advisory level indicated by his title."

*Courteous But Cold, Harsh Indirect Attack*

Rome radio's Hong Kong correspondent described Mr. Kissinger's reception in Peking as "courteous but cold, especially if compared with the... cheering crowds that greeted... other delegations, particularly the Italian one...."

"Nevertheless, the picture showing Kissinger and Chou, published in the Chinese papers, is considered a good omen by political observers. Chinese authorities, they say, are willing to inform the public of Kissinger's trip and to prepare the people for the forthcoming Presidential visit. However, Peking has launched another harsh though indirect attack against the U.S. by severely criticizing the Japanese decision to side with the American resolutions before the U.N."

Prestigious *Corriere della Sera* of Milan today front-paged a story headed, "Peking's Reserve Cracks: Kissinger Photos Published by Chinese Press." Yesterday it theorized that the objectives of Mr. Kissinger's mission were 1) to define the problems on which bilateral negotiation is possible, 2) to examine the development of U.S.-China relations since his last visit, and 3) to probe the real cause of the top-level crisis in China."

No. 139

8

10/22/71

# "Peking Rumor: U.S. Concessions on Formosa"

Conservative pro-government Il Resto del Carlino of Bologna reported today that "according to some Peking rumors on Kissinger's talks, the U.S. is ready to make concessions on Formosa, while China--without yielding on the broad question--is ready to adopt a certain flexibility to enable the U.S. to resolve the difficult issue."

Yesterday the paper observed that the Chinese had "drawn a curtain of silence and distance between Nixon's envoy and the press...in compliance with Kissinger's wish."

# Frankfurt: "Kissinger Has Imagination"

The military analyst of right-center Frankfurter Allgemeine wrote today:

> "There is no doubt that Nixon's decision to penetrate Peking's political isolation has extraordinarily improved China's international status. But such glamor should not blind us. Washington has an equal chance. Whenever the interests of the free world are involved, Kissinger proves to be a broker with plenty of imagination."

# London: "Nixon's Efforts at New Relationship"

The independent weekly London Economist, out today, commented:

> "It would be a pity if Mr. Nixon's attempt to open a new relationship with China were made more difficult by the self-exclusion of the Chinese Government from the U.N., even if that self-exclusion were based on the unreasonable insistence that Taiwan must be wholly unrepresented.

> "The absence of Peking would not prevent negotiations...but they would go forward more easily if there were a permanent Peking delegation in New York...and presumably a China partly satisfied at having argued its way into the U.N. would be that much readier to get down to business on other issues.

> "But there is also something profoundly unsatisfactory about the idea of depriving the Taiwanese of a seat in the General Assembly simply because Chairman Mao will not have General Chiang's man there."

No. 139

9.

10/22/71

Kuala Lumpur: "Debate Draws to Early End"

The influential *Straits Times* of Kuala Lumpur and Singapore noted today that the China debate was "drawing to an unexpectedly early end. Everything worth saying has already been said, changing no delegation's mind....

"American confidence has been eroded; approval of the...
American procedural draft... is probably at the mercy now of
abstainers, who may leave the... draft to be defeated by a
narrow margin. The Assembly's mood is plain; it is in no
mind to see China kept out."

Rabat: "Kissinger Could Postpone Expulsion"

Morocco's semi-official *al-Anba-Jaridatok* said yesterday:

"Adviser Kissinger's visit to Peking could persuade China to adopt Chou En-lai's view and postpone insistence upon the expulsion of Taiwan until Peking becomes a U.N. member. Such a course would pull Washington out of its immediate crisis. Later, Red China will be bound to succeed in expelling Taiwan, just as it will succeed in joining the U.N."

Charge of News Slant on U.S. Support

The paper accused Western news agencies of circulating slanted news reports.
It said:

"For the last two weeks, Western wire services repeatedly circulated news stories to the effect that the overwhelming majority of U.N. members support the American draft resolution on representation of China. Certainly the majority exists, but it is made up of Western delegates only, without Eastern bloc states, third world countries or neutral nations."

No. 139

10

10/22/71

A motorcade,
a guesthouse,
and Chou

By John Burns

Special to The Christian Science Monitor

© 1971 Toronto Globe and Mail

Peking

White House assistant Henry A. Kissinger and Chinese Premier Chou En-lai began their talks on the concrete arrangements for President Nixon's China trip within hours of Mr. Kissinger's arrival here Wednesday.

Less than five hours after he stepped from a presidential jet at Peking's civil airport, Mr. Kissinger was meeting at the great Hall of the People with a group that included the Premier and Acting Foreign Minister Chi Peng-fei.

Mr. Kissinger was assisted in the talks by eight of the 13 members in his party, including Brig. Gen. James Hughes, military assistant to the President, and Dwight Chapin, a deputy assistant on Mr. Nixon's White House staff.

## Banquet for visitors

After the talks the Premier entertained the Kissinger party at a banquet. When it was over, at midevening, the Americans returned to the official guesthouse where they are lodged for the night.

The bare bones of the party's activities were announced in the small hours of the morning by the New China News Agency, which broke the curtain of silence the Chinese have maintained since the joint announcement weeks ago that Mr. Kissinger would make a second visit to Peking.

The only glimpse that correspondents had of the Americans was at Peking's civil airport, where the presidential Boeing landed after a flight from Guam, the last leg of its 10,000-mile journey from Washington.

It was all over in minutes but they were minutes to remember. Though observers here have grown accustomed to surprises in recent months, it was still a remarkable thing to see the aircraft with the words United States of America on its fuselage and a U.S. flag on its tail flying into the capital city of Communist China.

★ Please turn to Page ★

LE MONDE — 23 octobre 1971

« Le Quotidien du peuple » a publié
deux photographies de MM. Chou En-lai
et Kissinger

Pékin (A.F.P., Chine nouvelle, Reuter). — Le Quotidien du peuple du jeudi 2 octobre a publié en seconde page deux photographies de la délégation américaine à Pékin, qui est dirigée par M. Henry Kissinger. L'une montre MM. Chou En-lai et Kissinger, entourés de leurs collaborateurs, devant un tableau de style traditionnel. L'autre représente le premier ministre chinois et son interlocuteur installés dans un fauteuil. Derrière eux, plusieurs Chinois et Américains sont assis en demi-cercle.

La publication de telles photographies dans le quotidien national chinois est évidemment tout à fait exceptionnelle. Le Quotidien du peuple du 25 décembre 1970 avait cependant déjà publié en première page une photographie du journaliste américain Edgar Snow en compagnie de M. Mao Tse-toung.

La presse chinoise a aussi re-
produit deux dépêches de l'agence
Chine nouvelle, l'une sur l'arrivée
de M. Kissinger à Changhai — où
il a été accueilli par un membre
du comité révolutionnaire local —
puis à Pékin, l'autre sur les en-
tretiens du conseiller du président
Nixon et de M. Chou En-lai. Du
côté chinois, treize personnes,
dont le maréchal Ye Chien-ying,
vice-président de la commission
militaire et spécialiste des problé-

mes indochinois, M. Chi Peng-fei,
ministre par intérim des affaires
étrangères, et M. Han Hsiu, chef
adjoint du protocole, participaient
aux conversations de jeudi. En-
suite, le chef du gouvernement
chinois a invité à diner M. Kiss-
singer et sa suite.

Chinois et Américains ont
parlé, selon l'agence Chine nou-
velle, des « dispositions concrètes
sur la visite en Chine du prési-
dent des Etats-Unis ». Certains
observateurs et diplomates en
poste à Pékin, ainsi que le cor-
respondant dans la capitale chi-
noise de l'agence hongroise M.T.I.,
estiment toutefois que MM. Chou
En-lai et Kissinger discuteralent
aussi de questions politiques, en
particulier de Taiwan (Formose),
de l'Indochine et de la Corée.

A Varsovie, d'autre part, le
journal de l'armée Zolnicz Wol-
nosci, a publié jeudi un commen-
taire d'un spécialiste des questions
chinoises. M. Jerzy Nocun. Selon
ce dernier, si le nom du maréchal
Lin Piao n'est plus cité dans la
presse à la radio chinoises, « ce
n'est vraisemblablement pas parce
qu'il a été démis de ses fonctions.
Les suppositions selon lesquelles
il serait gravement malade ou
même mort semblent être plus
proches de la vérité ». Le journal
ajoute que des « signes de boule-
versement » dans l'armée popu-
laire de libération chinoise ont pu
être notés.

Arrives,
of U.S.

traveled first 'class on the
flight, interviewed Chiao he
spoke in Chinese and used an
interpreter.

Steward described the
Chinese delegate as "friendly,
polite and animated." They
were visibly in good humor on
the ground after deplaning.

Their debarkation was held
up for 15 minutes when the
airport terminal door was
found to be locked and had to
be removed from its hinges by
cursing, sweating workmen.

Sinan Korle, U.N. chief of
protocol, and diplomats from
at least 17 countries welcomed
the Peking delegation. Three
American officials were also
present. No Soviet diplomats
came to the airport.

After the delegation left for
Manhattan, its luggage was
taken through customs with-
out being opened, but each
piece in turn was placed be-
fore a customs officer pro-

group sang songs it said were
"Long live our socialist mother-
land" and "Hail to the great
helmsman."

An anti-Peking group was
placed so the Chinese never
saw it, with posters saying
"Down with Mao" and "Defect
now." A brochure said "Red
Guard" and "Boxer" groups
were circulating among
Chinese-American business-
men, ordering them to wel-
come the Peking delegates "or
else."

A group of United World
Formosans for Independence
never caught the eye of the
press at the airport but later
turned up opposite the Chinese
headquarters at the Hotel
Roosevelt with a banner that
read "Self-determination for
Taiwan."

The Chinese advance party
had already booked half the
14th floor of the Roosevelt, 35
rooms. After the main delega-
tion arrived it decided to take
the whole floor, 72 rooms, for
a rent between $2,000 and
$2,400 a day.

The delegation lunched on
the 14th floor today, avoiding
the crowds that had watched

DAVID LAWRENCE

# Nixon's Mission: An Era of Peace

President Nixon's visits to Peking and Moscow may prove to be the turning point in the realization of America's deep-seated purpose not merely to withdraw its troops from South Vietnam but to establish an era of peace throughout Asia and Europe.

Nixon is a realist. He knows that the outcome of negotiations with the North Vietnamese at Paris depends largely on what course Moscow and Peking tell the Hanoi government to pursue. For during the last several years, both Red China and the Soviet Union have been pouring into North Vietnam huge amounts of military supplies and weapons to be used by the North Vietnamese armies and Communist guerrillas in South Vietnam.

It is all very well for members of Congress to talk about withdrawing our troops from Southeast Asia by a certain date. But unless assurances have been received that South Vietnam will not be taken over by the Communists, the main objective of our participation in the war—to defend a free country against aggression—will not have been accomplished. American sacrifices will have been in vain.

Billions of dollars have been spent by Peking and Moscow to aid Hanoi. The American government has been well aware of the flow not only of supplies and weapons but of military advisers and technicians.

The United States, however, has not been willing to develop an open breach with the allies of Hanoi. President Nixon de-

cided more than a year ago that his best tactic would be to lay the case before both Red China and the Soviet Union and see what could be done to stop all military assistance to North Vietnam at the same time our troops are brought home from South Vietnam, so that there would truly be an end to the war.

Although Nixon's sending of Henry Kissinger to feel out Red China about a possible presidential visit to Peking took the world by suprise, a reading of the President's speeches during the preceding year indicates clearly that he was thinking about a way to maintain peace in Asia by some balance of power similar to that which prevails today through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Europe.

The President recognized that the cooperation of Red China would be essential. He felt that he could not make progress unless he personally appeared in Peking and talked to the highest officials in the Red Chinese government.

A certain time was allowed to elapse before Nixon revealed that he intends to go to Moscow, too. When this was disclosed, it was evident that he had determined to seek assurances from the Soviets as well as the Red Chinese that peace would be established in Southeast Asia once American troops withdrew.

These are delicate matters in the diplomatic field, and they cannot be dealt with in public discussions. The trend of events, however, has confirmed the very obvious pro-

gram that must be adopted if the United States is to pull out of South Vietnam next year. It isn't the removal of American forces that counts, but whether the shipments of military supplies and weapons to North Vietnam are going to be continued or halted.

Nixon's mission, in other words, is an effort to obtain a true peace agreement with the real parties to the war. The chances are that the President will make his appeal for peace in Asia based on the cooperation of Red China and the Soviet Union.

He may reach an understanding with Moscow for the reduction of NATO forces if the Soviet Union will also remove a portion of its armies from the satellite countries. This would eliminate some of the symbols of war that hang over Eastern Europe and make Western Europe uneasy.

The United States knows that a big war in Europe will involve this country. The time to prevent such a conflict is long before an irreparable break occurs. The President has talked in generalities about peace. But a careful reading of his utterances shows that he would like to see both Red China and the Soviet Union take the funds they have heretofore spent for armaments and use them to raise the standard of living of their own people.

The United States is prepared to increase its trade and commercial relationships with mainland China and the Soviet Union. The opportunities for economic improvement in the world are numerous, provided the threat of war is really removed.

UPI-16

(CHINA)

UNITED NATIONS--U.S. AMBASSADOR GEORGE BUSH SAID TODAY THE AMERICAN CAMPAIGN TO SAVE NATIONALIST CHINA'S SEAT IN THE UNITED NATIONS IS MAKING HEADWAY BUT IT IS NOT "ALL WRAPPED UP AND TIED WITH A PRETTY PINK RIBBON."

THE U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY, HOPING TO WIND UP DISCUSSION BY TOMORROW NIGHT, WAS AT THE HALFWAY POINT OF THE CHINA DEBATE TODAY. THERE ARE 37 MORE SPEAKERS TO BE HEARD.

BUSH, ASKED ABOUT REPORTS THAT THE U.S. HAD LINED UP ENOUGH VOTES FOR THE RETENTION OF NATIONALIST CHINA IN THE ASSEMBLY AND THAT THE DEBATE NOW WAS ACADEMIC, TOLD UPI:

"I WOULDN'T WANT TO GO THAT FAR. CERTAINLY I AM VERY MUCH ENCOURAGED. BUT I WOULDN'T SAY IT'S ALL WRAPPED UP AND TIED WITH A PRETTY PINK RIBBON. THERE IS STILL A HARD FIGHT AHEAD OF US."

BUSH ADDED: "ONE DIPLOMAT, UNTIL NOW SKEPTICAL OF OUR CHANCES, JUST TOLD ME: 'THE WINDS THAT HAVE BEEN BLOWING TOWARD PEKING NOW SEEM TO HAVE CHANGED DIRECTIO'."

THE CRUCIAL VOTE WAS EXPECTED MONDAY OR TUESDAY.

10/21-GE930A

UPI-17

(KISSINGER)

BUDAPEST--A HUNGARIAN CORRESPONDENT REPORTED FROM PEKING TODAY THAT CHIESE LEADERS ARE DISCUSSING POLITICAL PROBLEMS -- AND PARTICULARLY VIETNAM -- WITH PRESIDENTIAL ADVISER HENRY A. KISSINGER.

THE CORRESPONDENT, DNES BARACS, SAID KISSINGER AND PREMIER CHOU EN-LAI TALKED NOT ONLY ABOUT "TECHNICAL DETAILS" OF PRESIDENT NIXON'S FORTHCOMING VISIT TO THE CHINA MAINLAND BUT ALSO "THE POLITICAL QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH IT."

THE NEW CHINA NEWS AGENCY SAID KISSINGER CONFERRED TODAY WITH CHOU, VICE CHAIRMAN OF THE CHINESE MILITARY COMMISSION YEH CHIENYING AND CHINESE ACTING FOREIGN MINISTER CHI PENG-FEI.

AFTER THE TALKS, KISSINGER AND HIS ENTOURAGE ATTENDED A BANQUET GIVEN BY THE THREE COMMUNIST LEADERS, THE NCNA SAID.

BARACS NOTED THAT OTHER CHINESE OFFICIALS WHO ATTENDED THE TALKS INCLUDED "SEVERAL DIPLOMATS WHO HAVE HAD LONG EXPERIENCE IN THE INDOCHINA PROBLEM AND PARTICULARLY IN NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE WEST ON THE ISSUE."

BARACS SAID THAT KISSINGER'S ARRIVAL COINCIDED WITH THINESE EDITORIALS AND STATEMENTS ABOUT TAIWAN, KOREA AND THE WITHDRAWAL OF ALL U.S. TROOPS FROM INDOCHINA. HE IMPLIED THAT CHOU ALSO BROUGHT UP THESE QUESTIONS IN THE TALKS.

10/21-GE933A

UPI-182

(KISSINGER)

BUDAPEST, HUNGARY--A HUNGARIAN CORRESPONDENT REPORTED IN A
DISPATCH FROM PEKING TODAY THAT COMMUNIST CHINESE LEADERS AND
PRESIDENTIAL ADVISOR HENRY KISSINGER ARE DISCUSSING POLITICAL
PROBLEMS IN ADDITION TO DETAILS OF PRESIDENT NIXON'S FORTHCOMING
VISIT.

(THE HONG KONG NEWSPAPER THE STAR SAID THE CHINESE ALSO ARE
LIKELY TO DISCUSS WITH KISSINGER WASHINGTON'S STRATEGY IN LIGHT OF
RECENT MOSCOW MOVES AGAINST PEKING. IT SAID "CHINA IS DEEPLY
WORRIED ABOUT RUSSIA" AND WANTS TO KNOW WHERE WASHINGTON STANDS.)

CORRESPONDENT DNES BARACS SAID THAT KISSINGER AND PREMIER
CHOU EN-LAI NOT ONLY DISCUSSED TECHNICAL ARRANGEMENTS FOR NIXON'S
VISIT TO PEKING BUT ALSO "THE POLITICAL QUESTIONS CONNECTED WITH
IT."

HE NOTED THAT OTHER CHINESE OFFICIALS ATTENDING THE TALKS
INCLUDED YE CHIEN YING, WHO ACCOMPANIED CHOU TO NORTH VIETNAM IN
1969, AND "SEVERAL DIPLOMATS WHO HAVE HAD LONG EXPERIENCE IN THE
INDOCHINA PROBLEM AND PARTICULARLY IN NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE WEST
ON THIS ISSUE."

KISSINGER ARRIVED IN PEKING WEDNESDAY FOR FOUR DAYS OF TALKS
IN CONNECTION WITH THE HISTORIC VISIT TO MAINLAND CHINA BY NIXON.

BARACS SAID KISSINGER'S ARRIVAL COINCIDED WITH CHINESE EDITORIALS
AND STATEMENTS ON TAIWAN, INDOCHINA AND THE WITHDRAWAL OF ALL U.S.
TROOPS FROM INDOCHINA. HE IMPLIED THAT CHOU RAISED THESE SUBJECTS
IN HIS TALKS WITH KISSINGER.

BARACS SAID DEFENSE MINISTER LIN PIAO, DESIGNATED SUCCESSOR TO
COMMUNIST PARTY CHAIRMAN MAO TSE-TUNG, HAS NOT BEEN MENTIONED SINCE
MID-SEPTEMBER. HE SAID A MILITARY DELEGATION FROM MALI WAS MET
ON ITS ARRIVAL WEDNESDAY BY "RELATIVELY LOWER-RANK MILITARY
OFFICIALS" EVEN THOUGH THE AFRICANS WERE LED BY MALI'S DEFENSE
MINISTER.

RS556PED10-21

UPI-182

(KISSINGER)

BUDAPEST, HUNGARY--A HUNGARIAN CORRESPONDENT REPORTED IN A
DISPATCH FROM PEKING TODAY THAT COMMUNIST CHINESE LEADERS AND
PRESIDENTIAL ADVISOR HENRY KISSINGER ARE DISCUSSING POLITICAL
FROBLES IN ADDITION TO DETAILS OF PRESIDENT NIXON'S FORTHCOMING
VISIT.

RS556PED10-21

UPI-182

(KISSINGER)

RS556PED10-21