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**Query Text:** General Pinochet interview
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**Headline:** Getting to know the General In this world-exclusive interview, the first since his arrest nine months ago, General Augusto Pinochet talks to Dominic Lawson about his life and trials
**Caption:** Getting to know the General

IT WAS not a straightforward matter to arrange an interview with General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte. The Commander Emeritus of the Chilean armed forces is not overly fond of journalists, and so far as I have been able to ascertain, has given only two interviews with English-speaking writers throughout his somewhat controversial career.

The first was with Alistair Horne, for this newspaper, in 1987. The second was with the American journalist John Lee Anderson last September, for The New Yorker. Anderson revealed that Pinochet was in London for a private visit, and it was that, apparently, which tipped off the Spanish magistrate Baltasar Garzon, who launched his extradition warrant for the ex-dictator while The New Yorker's "Pinochet" issue was still on the newsstands.

Still, it must have occurred to the General that another interview could hardly make his predicament worse: he was now under house arrest and facing extradition proceedings for crimes against humanity, including torture. And he had a specific motive for giving an interview: according to one of his aides, he had begun to feel forgotten, in all the tumult over Kosovo, and this neglect had intensified his sense that a great injustice was being perpetrated against him.

This view, however, is not shared universally. The General's aides had requested that we employ someone from an independent body - rather than a member of the Telegraph Group - to act as interpreter, and suggested the Institute of Linguists. However, none of the Spanish interpreters from that august body would agree to take part, once they guessed the identity of the man whose words they would be

interpreting. One began to see the problems General Pinochet would have should he ever reach the dock of a Spanish court. In the end we found an interpreter from New Scotland Yard, a charming woman whose experience of assisting in the interrogation of Colombian drug barons was, I liked to imagine, sufficient to have eliminated any squeamishness on her part. I never discovered whether the General knew that his interpreter was attached to the very police force which arrested him and now holds him in captivity, but in any event he got on very well with Maria from Scotland Yard, immediately observing that her accent was Basque, and that his own family was of Basque origin.

The two of us, along with Christina Lamb, the Sunday Telegraph's Spanish-speaking Pinochet expert, turned up at the General's closely guarded rented home on the Wentworth Golf Estate last Tuesday morning. At first sight the only suggestion that the house in Lindale Close is different from the other mansions on the amateur golfer's idea of property paradise is the Portakabin at the road's entrance manned by two Scotland Yard detectives. Behind the looming hedges and tall iron gates, a further two officers screen arrivals to the house. It is of red-brick construction, and rose bushes climb over the white shuttered windows.

It was a gloriously hot and sunny day when we arrived, which added to the sense of a bourgeois English domestic idyll. But a closer look revealed the bizarreness of the situation. There were wires everywhere, some linked to massive police searchlights which illuminate the house and garden throughout the night. Others were connected to infra-red movement detectors, which are dotted around a lawned garden of about 80 square feet, in the middle of which, at a forlorn angle, is a Chilean flag, placed incongruously next to a child's plastic windmill.

Yet another two detectives sit on chairs on either side of this garden, reading tabloid newspapers, but constantly glancing up at their aged prisoner. If Pinochet wishes to walk around his garden the police officers, with Alsatians at the ready, stand up and position themselves strategically, as they would if the General were a young athlete who might suddenly make a run for it. Until a recent court order, indeed, the British state did not allow even this dangerous degree of movement to the diabetic old man: he had been confined to the house and the patio strip immediately outside the back door.

THE GENERAL gave Christina a tour of the house, and the following observations are hers. It is not the 12-bedroom mansion that has been reported: it has only four bedrooms, two of which are used by police officers. The fact that these Special Branch officers, according to one of Pinochet's aides, salute the General when he comes downstairs in the morning, has not diminished his desire that they move out and leave sleeping space for visiting family members.

The narrow living-cum-dining room has the characterlessness typical of rented accommodation, with cream leather sofas and armchairs with Regency-style gilt edging, rather tacky-looking glass chandeliers, and a couple of faded red rugs on the cream carpet. The only decorations are two silver-framed photographs of Pinochet's grandchildren on the mantelpiece, along with a large silver crucifix and a silver representation of the Virgin Mary on black velvet. A stack of CDs of Chilean folk songs lies next to the

stereo. Last month a satellite dish was fitted onto the roof to enable Pinochet to receive Chilean television. The General spends much of his time watching action films dubbed into Spanish - he does not

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speak a word of English. A shelf of videos contained his favourites, which include a number of James Bond films, such as Octopussy and Moonraker.

Just off this room is a small book-lined office where the General spends most of his waking hours. He has learned to navigate the Internet, and keeps in contact with Chile by e-mail: his address, appropriately enough, is Condor. This office is decorated with pictures of saints, a map of South America and a large black-and-white photograph of a passing-out parade at the Santiago Military School: in the front row is the young Lieutenant Pinochet.

On a crowded desk is a red balloon stamped with the slogan Libertad Para Pinochet, which the General tosses from hand to hand while he is showing visitors around. Almost all the books on the shelves are on military matters. One shelf holds Osprey's Men at Arms series, the other its Military Campaigns series. Those on the battles of Granada (1492) and Leipzig (1813) lie on top, as if recently removed. The rest of the ground floor holds the kitchen, where the house's only fax machine is situated, and a small room where a further two Scotland Yard detectives constantly monitor the pictures transmitted by the many surveillance cameras.

But it was from the main sitting-room that General Pinochet - dressed in a navy-blue suit and a silk tie pinned by a pearl to a shirt with the monogrammed initials APU - emerged to greet the delegation from The Sunday Telegraph. It had been decided to conduct the interview outside at a table under a large canopy. I was ushered to sit opposite Pinochet, with the interpreter sitting immediately to his left - the old man is deaf in his right ear. Three of his aides sat down around us, while his Chilean military bodyguard, a captain Torres, stood at the side of the table. The unsmiling Torres never once took his eyes off the General, and it was to Torres that Pinochet signalled, when indicating that he wished his guests to be served with coffee ("Inmediatamente, mi General"), which his bow-tied white-suited butler - also imported from Chile - served in tiny white china cups.

As the General began to talk, a problem immediately became apparent. His voice is extraordinary - almost no voice at all, more a hoarse whisper. It is the voice of a man who needs only to whisper to be heard loud and clear by the right people. It is the voice of a man who does not want to be overheard by the wrong people. It is the voice of a man who could make an interpreter weep. Maria, throughout the interview, had to lean forward almost into the General's lap, and even then she had to ask him, embarrassingly often, to repeat himself.

Before I could ask my first question Pinochet fixed me with his very pale, almost translucent blue eyes, and stated that "I don't normally allow anyone to interview me", but then invited me to ask questions "in whatever way you wish". So I began by asking him how he felt about the possibility of being extradited to stand trial in Spain.

"First of all, one thing must be understood. You are talking with
Continued overleaf

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**Query Text:** Pinochet
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**Date Created:** 19990718
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**Copyright Owner:** Telegraph
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**Headline:** Getting to know the General
**Caption:** Getting to know the General

Continued from previous page

a man who is, above all, a soldier, who has lived for 65 years under military principles, inculcated in the values of a military man. They want to take me to Spain, because I am here [in England]. Fine. Do what you may now. I am kidnapped. There has been no trial over here, there has been no investigation of evidence to support their accusations against me. That is why I am not willing to answer any further to those who want me arrested and taken to Spain. I am a prisoner here ... I was kidnapped by those who arrested me because the arrest warrant was unlawful."

"I asked Pinochet: "You say you have been kidnapped. Who are the kidnappers?"

"Those who arrested me, because I was still in my [hospital] bed, still under the influence of anaesthetics, and I don't know of a law in my country which they haven't broken. I was arrested when I had diplomatic immunity as Chief of State, immunity as senator of the Republic and immunity as the Leader of the Army. The least they could have done is warn me that I was going to be arrested. I wasn't in England as a common bandit ("como un vulgar bandalero"). I was a diplomat who came over here and had been welcomed as such ... I arrived with a diplomatic passport, I was greeted with the honour a respectful person in your country deserves and didn't do anything wrong to be held for trial. I should have been warned and given time to leave. That's what an honourable person would do."

Was the General saying that the British Government had been duplicitous, in welcoming him on a diplomatic passport, and then assisting in the serving of an arrest warrant?

"Look, I will not comment on internal domestic affairs, be it English or not. I am not interested in who ordered my arrest because this is their problem and I make no comment on any government official. But it appears that they have now listened to a certain Mr Garzon, from Spain, who has no evidence whatsoever, what he has are speculations (lucubraciones)."

SO, I ASKED Pinochet, given that it is Mr Blair's Government which has listened to Mr Garzon's lucubraciones, what would he say to Mr Blair if he met him?

"I am a man who is respectful to a politician from another country. I have shaken the hands of those enemies who have been rude to me, when I have met them. I hold no grudges, in other words, and I respect every official whom I presume is doing things with the welfare of his own country in mind. So if I met Mr Blair I would say to him: 'Good morning, good afternoon, good night.' With regard to complaints: I do those in writing. As ex-President of my country for 17 years, I wanted to send a letter to Mr Blair, explaining many things. But I was told he wouldn't accept it, and that's why I haven't done it."

In his interview with John Lee Anderson, Pinochet said that Britain was the ideal place to live, because of its civility and respect for rules. That was before his recent experiences, so I asked Pinochet what he thought of Britain now.

"Well, everything that has happened to me here has happened at a time, I could say, in a stage in the history of a country. I never thought that the English system would change from one year to the next. The High Court ruled unanimously that I should be freed. But immediately after that the Spanish side appealed against that ruling. At that moment I entered my Calvary (mi Calvario). They took away my immunity as Senator, as Diplomat, until they left me, as I would say, in my pants, with nothing on." At this point Pinochet gestured as if pulling off his clothes.

"This is how it goes. First comes the ruling. Then it's appealed, then the appeal is approved, then they appeal against the appeal, and so it's like being on a wheel" - he gestured with his fingers like a wheel going round - "and I have been like this for eight months. Promise, appeal, ruling, appeal ..." (At this point an aeroplane roared overhead, and Pinochet stopped and looked up, almost wistfully, as if longing to be on it. He stopped talking whenever a plane flew over, presumably because he knew his muffled whisper of a voice could not be heard above the engines.)

Did the General see this as a political process or as a judicial process? Pinochet gave a foxy smile. "That's a good question, but really, it is difficult to answer because when I say that it's political, they say, no, it's a judicial issue, and when it is tackled as a judicial issue, they say No! it is a political one. We are then playing with the life of a person who is very old, giving him hope, hope of being freed again, over and over, again and again. And at this very precise moment, let's say, the only political prisoner in England is me (el unico prisionero politico que hay aquí en Inglaterra soy yo)."

Pinochet repeated the phrase, jabbing the words with a rhythmic pointing of his index finger: "Prisionero politico." He then launched into what I think was an attack (by way of comparison) on the Government's freeing of IRA terrorists, but the words at this point tumbled out in a torrent which left the interpreter struggling to catch up.

"Bandits, criminals, how could I put it? Violent people, they are all pardoned. I was reading in a newspaper here ... a killer ... free! (un asesino ... libre!)."

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I asked him if he was referring to the release of Patrick Magee, who tried to assassinate the General's friend Margaret Thatcher in Brighton. Obviously that came as news to Pinochet.

"He too was freed?" Pinochet gave a theatrical shake of the head, and then began to reminisce about the attempt on his own life in 1987, rather as if the people who made that attempt were essentially part of the same world-wide Marxist-terrorist movement that targeted Mrs Thatcher.

"I am not surprised because they tried to kill me, too. They shot at me in my car from this close" - he holds an imaginary gun close to his head - "they shot in such a way, they could have blown my head off. But as the person who was handling the gun did not know how to use it properly, the first bullet hit the glass, which was bullet-proof and the second one, which should have been to kill me, went up in the air. My driver, Carjaval, was able to reverse the car out of danger."

But it is violence from the other side of the former Chilean political divide that is now exercising the British judicial system, and so I asked Pinochet whether he had done anything that merited the description "crimes against humanity". He reached across to a blue book, which he had put on the table at the start of the interview. It was the Constitution of Chile, which dates from 1976. (According to recently declassified CIA documents, reported cases of torture were at their height between 1973 and 1975, the two years following the coup against the Government of Salvador Allende. The Chilean National Commission on Truth and Reconciliation reported that a total of 3,197 people were killed, or "disappeared", during the Pinochet years.)

"Never. Not now and I don't think I could ever do something like that, because when I drafted these Acts, written down here," Pinochet pointed at the book's cover, "the first thing I asserted was the development of a person's rights, providing security to those people who are taken under arrest." Pinochet then began to read aloud from sections of the Constitution which appeared to have been marked with a yellow highlighter.

"It is a right for any person who stands before the State to have protection of his basic human rights, as these constitute the essential basis of all organisations and of all States."

He looked up. "This is the political constitution of Chile, equivalent to your Magna Carta. And here is one of the first things I state: 'It is forbidden to apply any unlawful force upon any person.'"

"Now then," Pinochet went on, "I didn't have time to control what others were doing. To say that is gross slander." And he banged a surprisingly large fist down on the table. "However, I did concentrate on doing things for my country. I had to sort out the debts. We had inflation running at 500 per cent. We had to restore the land so that there would be food for the people... It would be too long to list everything, but at this moment in time my country is fond of me, because they recognise everything that was done before my time and during my time."

I tried to drag the General back to the allegations in the warrant for his extradition to Spain. Did he ever give orders that anyone should be tortured?

"Look, I am going to reply with a Chilean saying: one does not erase with the elbow what one writes with one's hand." This was accompanied by graphic gestures, particularly as Pinochet wiped at his copy of the Chilean Constitution with his elbow. His lawyer interrupted: "The General means that he was not going to order things to be done which he had written should not be done." It was very clear what the General meant.

So, if he had not ordered torture, who in Chile was responsible for such things?

"I cannot say, because this has to be investigated by the justice system. I couldn't blame: 'It was you' or 'You'."

But didn't "you", I asked, as former head of state, take responsibility for everything that did go on? The atmosphere around the table had become a little tense, with some of the General's advisers exchanging anxious glances. But the old man appeared completely relaxed.

"I take political responsibility, not judicial. Otherwise we would all be guilty. Mr Clinton would be guilty [of certain things] in Kosovo."

I POINTED out that Colonel Jose Manuel Contreras, the former head of DINA, the much-feared Chilean National Intelligence Bureau, had said that he had done nothing without Pinochet's authorisation. Was that true, or not? In replying, Pinochet appeared to think I was referring to a particular incident, the 1976 assassination in the United States of Orlando Letelier, a Chilean diplomat who had been allied to the Allende regime. Colonel Contreras had been arrested for this in Chile four years ago.

"Contreras was tried in Chile. He is now serving a sentence in the military prison of Punta de Peuco. I am sorry that Contreras is in Punta de Peuco because I don't think he played a part in these matters.

Because it is very easy to say you were the intellectual author of a crime; but to prove it? That's not easy."

I repeated my question: "General, the point is that Contreras claimed that he didn't do anything without your authorisation. And my question was: is he telling the truth or not, when he makes that claim?"

Pinochet again seemed relaxed and insouciant, despite the anxious expressions of one or two of his advisers. "It is very difficult to answer this question because there are many things I ordered him to do,

but which things? I had to exercise power. But I could never say that I was actually running DINA. [They] were under the orders, under the supervision of all of the Junta, the four members of the Junta... And I would like you to understand the following. The Chief of the Army always asks 'What are you going to do?' The question of 'How', 'How am I going to do it?' is a question for the chief of intelligence rather than the Chief of the Army. This is what civilians" - Pinochet looked at me rather sceptically - "don't understand."

Pinochet's explanation of his relationship with the head of his security service reminded me, I said to him, of Henry II, who asked "Who will rid me of this turbulent priest?" and later expressed some consternation when his henchman took this to be an order. Was that a parallel with Pinochet's relationship with his security chief?

"No, The King was a civilian."

I said I had become confused. Did he or did he not know that torture was going on under his regime, and did he think that, when dealing with those who were attempting to subvert the state, there were occasions when torture was an acceptable form of interrogation?

"Well, when there were claims or allegations of torture, the case was passed to the relevant minister

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and then to the justice system... As General of the republic I never accepted torture. I am not just talking about my presidency. Well before, in fact, I never accepted torture."

At roughly this point Pinochet began looking rather ostentatiously at his watch. This was reasonable enough: he had agreed an hour for the interview, and it had almost expired. I changed the subject. Pinochet had reportedly been outraged that the British authorities had prevented him from receiving Communion last Christmas. Was he able to practise his faith here, as he wished?

"I have a priest who comes to see me and I discuss religious matters with him... and on Sundays when the priest does not come, I make do and say the Rosary. I still believe there must be a reason for what is happening, this punishment, my sacrifice... He does not make mistakes, there must be a reason for it."

I asked Pinochet if the priest who came to see him was a local, English one.

"The English priests have stated that Scotland Yard does not allow them to come here, which as I see it is a lie. A Chilean priest who lives in Germany and other chaplains come to see me." This does, in fact, seem to reflect a difference of opinion between the Catholic Church in England, and the Vatican. The late Cardinal Hume, when asked about the Pinochet case during a BBC interview at Christmas, expressed the view that "there are some actions, such as torture, that are so wrong that no one who authorises them should have immunity - they should be made accountable". But Pope John Paul is believed to respect Pinochet, a fellow Catholic anti-Marxist, and, bypassing his late English Cardinal, earlier this year instructed the Vatican's secretary of state, Cardinal Angelo Sodano, to lobby the British Government for Pinochet's release.

Until such a thing happened, I asked, was the General happy with his living conditions at Wentworth? Would he prefer to move?

"Would you be happy to be confined to 80 square metres for 10 months? Always seeing the same floor, seeing the same faces, the same people, always the same?" But then Pinochet snapped out of his brief spasm of self-pity, and reverted to the brave soldier.

"Look, I could live on this lawn, with a tent and a bed and a shower. And this house? It does not bother me. Here, there, or anywhere. I never wanted to occupy the presidential house when I was President."

This neatly led us back to the origins of the whole Pinochet affair - the 1973 coup against President Allende. Why was it necessary?

"I want to talk in general terms... Allende went into power promising to form a good socialist democratic government. Yet he initiated the appropriation of industry and banks. He encouraged workers to rebel against their employers and seize the factories where they worked. There was a call by the Supreme Court of Justice and the Senate against Allende. Arms were arriving in sacks of sugar." This, I think, was Pinochet's way of describing Allende's acquisition of military equipment from Cuba.

THIS, again conveniently, led to another vexed question which required answering, if only for the historical record. Was America helpful in Pinochet's coup against Allende? Earlier in the interview Pinochet had told me that he could not be described properly as a dictator "because I got to power with three other people". So he answered my question with another question.

"My coup? Or the coup carried out by four?"

Your coup, General, I said.

"Mine?" (El mio?) Pinochet shook his head, grinned, and held up four fingers at me, palm outward.

"What did the Americans do? First of all, no one helped me or Admiral [Jose] Merino. [General Gustavo] Leigh had been educated in the States, he had already been there several years, but I don't think he actually did much because he never said anything to us. And [General Cesar] Mendoza was a police officer. So the United States never intervened for us, but did intervene before. Then they sent money over." This, I think, was a reference to the fact that the United States approved a $82.5 million IMF grant to Chile under Allende, but the US Congress cut off funding to the Pinochet regime.

It was clear that Pinochet does not believe he has committed any wrong-doing, or if he does believe that, it would remain a secret between him and his confessor. So, I asked, "Why do you think it is that so many people seem to hate

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**Page Number:** 03
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**Headline:** Getting to know the General
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you?" This brought another broad smile.

"First I will say: and why do so many people love me? Now I will say why I am hated. Because in 1973 there was a group of leaders of people of the lower classes who were instructed by, and worked for, the terrorists ... We had all around the country guerrillas who had planned the death of a million human beings, including mere children. They had arms and military instructions.

"When the coup happened, many fell ... and they blamed me. The same day, the 11th [September 1973] at 18.00 hours, the communists lay dead, the Mapocho river was full of corpses. There was not one left alive ... [some of] the people who didn't fall were set free ... allowed to go. They came here [England], they went to France, they went to Spain, they went to Sweden where they support the socialists.

"And what did they do? What instructions did these people have from their leaders? To attack us, Leigh, Merino, Mendoza and me. They no longer attack Merino, because he is dead, they don't attack Leigh because he is very ill, nor Mendoza because he is dead. But I am sure that you will understand that an 83-year-old man is not really at the height of his strength. And they have sustained for more than 20 years a systematic campaign ... which claims that I was the biggest assassin, that I killed them all, and claiming that I removed them.

"There are people here who are convinced that I was a monster and in the morning I am going to abduct a child ... that's the calibre of some of the people here." I presumed that by "here" Pinochet was referring, in part, to the small groups of people who, every Saturday, behind a police crush barrier at the side of the road leading to Pinochet's Wentworth house, chant slogans against him.

I said that the General was being too modest: outside Chile few people had ever heard of his fellow Junta members. He was the only one whose name was being chanted. Pinochet replied: "Here I am the stopping stone," and drove his right fist into his left palm.

Then there was a clamour from the front of the house. But this was no demonstration. Pinochet's nine grandchildren from the four marriages of his youngest daughter, Jacqueline, had just arrived from Chile, including the three-month-old Augusta, whom the general had never seen. How much, I asked, did he miss his family?

"My family is the only thing I have in life. It is what God has given me. I love my wife very much, and I have been married for 56 years. I am an enemy of divorce but," he shrugged helplessly, "my children are all separated. This is the freedom they have.

"I love my grandchildren, and I have one here who arrived into the world three months ago. Her name is Augusta Victoria. I also have four great-grandchildren, and they all love me, they are all very affectionate." Pinochet indicated that he wished to join those grandchildren, who by now were playing in the garden. So I asked, finally, how he would like to be remembered.

"A self-worshipping question" (una pregunta medio egolatra) "but I tell you how I feel. I would like to be remembered as a man who served his country, who served Chile throughout his entire life on this earth. And what he did was always done thinking about the welfare of Chile, and never sacrificing my tradition to hand it to other countries."

Pinochet stood up, his rheumy eyes watering in the strong sunshine, and was handed his crutch by Captain Torres. I told Pinochet that, although he constantly stressed that he was a soldier, he had answered my questions with a politician's skill. This did not seem to please him.

"I am the General of the Republic of Chile. I never liked politicians." And with that Pinochet moved slowly and stiffly, his back absolutely rigid and upright, into the garden to join his grandchildren. Captain Torres dutifully began blowing up an inflatable paddling pool.

As I watched the general sitting playing with his grandchildren, the thought kept coming into my mind that he reminded me very much of someone else, someone I had seen, but never met. The strangely hoarse, muffled voice; the great stress, at all times, on "respect"; the somewhat courtly manner of expression; the Catholicism; the ruthless paternalist in great old age, much loved by his grandchildren. And then I realised who it was that Pinochet reminded me of: the aged Don Corleone, in The Godfather, as acted by Marlon Brando. Augusto Pinochet Ugarte, however, is the genuine article.

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FIFA

For the Good of the Game

MAY 2 1 1999

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Kissinger Associates
350 Park Avenue
New York, NA 1002
USA

Zurich, 12 May 1999
MZR/uw

Extraordinary Congress of FIFA on July 9, 1999 in Los Angeles - Women's World Cup Final

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

On behalf of FIFA President Sepp Blatter it gives me great pleasure to invite you to attend the Extraordinary Congress of FIFA on July 9, 1999 in Los Angeles and the Final of the FIFA Women's World Cup.

We would be happy to have you among our guests at the Extraordinary Congress to be held at the Century Plaza Hotel and the Final of the Women's World Cup at the Rose Bowl Stadium. The festivities start with a dinner on July 8.

We would appreciate to receive your confirmation of attendance as soon as possible so that we may make the necessary arrangements. The complete program will be sent to you in due time.

Looking forward to welcoming you in Los Angeles, we remain,

Yours faithfully,
FIFA

Michel Zen-Ruffinen
General Secretary

Fédération Internationale de Football Association

Hitzigweg 11 P.O.Box 85 8030 Zurich Switzerland Tel: 41-1/384 9595 Fax: 41-1/384 9696 www.fifa.com

TOM BLILEY
DISTRICT, VIRGINIA
CHAIRMAN COMMITTEE ON COMMERCE

WASHINGTON OFFICE:
2409 RAYBURN OFFICE BUILDING
(202) 225-2815

Congress of the United States

House of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515-4607

April 26, 1999

DISTRICT OFFICES:
SUITE 101
4914 FITZHUGH AVENUE
RICHMOND, VA 23230-3534
(804) 771-2809
1-(800)-436-3193

CULPEPER OFFICE PARK
SUITE 207
780 MADISON ROAD
CULPEPER, VA 22701-3342
(540) 825-8960

E-MAIL: Tom.Bliley@mail.house.gov

APR 26 1999

Mr. Henry Kissinger
Counselor, Center for Strategic &
International Studies
1800 K Street, NW
Washington, DC 20006

Dear Secretary Kissinger:

This letter is to follow up on our conversation from
Saturday, April 24th, at the Romanian Ambassadors luncheon.

In my opinion, one can question whether we should or should
not have begun the air war with Serbia, but we are now involved.
I hope you would agree with me that now NATO is involved, we must
do everything necessary to win militarily. I believe that if we
back out now, it will seriously undermine the credibility of NATO
in the future. It will also in my opinion send a dangerous
message to Saddam Hussein, Iran, China, Russia, Korea and others
that we lack resolve. I hope you agree with me on the mission
that NATO must play in this conflict. If you do, I would
appreciate if you would send me a letter that can be used this
week in the debate in the House of Representatives on Kosovo.

Thanking you in advance, I remain,

Rose Associates, Inc.

200 Madison Avenue
New York, NY 10016-3998
Direct Line: (212) 210-6600
Direct Fax: (212) 210-6766

Frederick P. Rose
Chairman

February 5, 1999

Committee on Admissions
Council on Foreign Relations
58 East 68th Street
New York, NY 10021

Dear Friends:

It is with great pleasure that I nominate for admission to the Council, Michael R. Bloomberg.

His distinguished career as founder and Chairman of Bloomberg Financial Markets is widely recognized and admired, and he is a perceptive commentator on both the domestic and international scenes. He is an original thinker, and his departure from the conventional wisdom demonstrates deep insight and intelligence. He travels widely abroad, and his position in the commercial world provides access to international leaders of every sort.

As Chairman of the Board of Trustees of Johns Hopkins University, he is a "hands-on" executive, contributing in many ways to the education of scholars and participants in the foreign policy sectors of academic and government. He is also a member of the Johns Hopkins University's School of Advanced International Studies' (SAIS) Board of Advisors. SAIS is the University's graduate school for international business and public service. He is active with SAIS' advisory council of its Nanjing Study Center and supports its Bologna Center through sponsorship of a fellow. Mike also serves on the Board of Directors of the American Institute for Contemporary German Studies, which is an independent, nonpartisan study center affiliated with Johns Hopkins University.

In addition, I know Mike through our service on the boards of The Metropolitan Museum of Art and of Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts, where his wise counsel is appreciated. He is an active participant in the affairs of any organization of which he is a member, and listens thoughtfully before expressing his own views. He is a decent and intelligent man who cares very much about the problems that face our country and the world. I believe he would play a useful role in the affairs of the Council and strongly urge his acceptance.

FPR:MDG
Encl.: C.V.

[1c]

Michael R. Bloomberg

Bloomberg Financial Markets provides multimedia, analytical and news services to more than 100,000 terminals at investment and securities firms in almost every country with significant capital markets or money management activities. Its clients include most of the world's central banks, investment institutions, commercial banks, U.S. government offices and agencies and news organizations such as *The International Herald Tribune*, *The New York Times*, *The Boston Globe*, *The Washington Post*, *USA Today*, *The Los Angeles Times*, *The Chicago Tribune*, *Businessweek* and *The Economist*.

Bloomberg Financial Markets is headquartered in New York City with nine sales offices, eighty news bureaus around the world, and a large data collection facility in Princeton, New Jersey. In addition to leasing THE BLOOMBERG terminal, the company also publishes BLOOMBERG Magazine, a monthly publication for the institutional investor. Broadcasting from Bloomberg headquarters, WBBR AM1130, an all-news radio station is based in New York City and syndicated nationally and internationally. Bloomberg produces, in conjunction with Maryland Public Television, "BLOOMBERG MORNING NEWS" which airs on public television stations across the United States. BLOOMBERG Television, available in nine languages worldwide, is a direct broadcast and cable television channel delivering world and national news, global market updates, art and entertainment reports, sports and weather in concise 30-minute cycles. Bloomberg has launched "Bloomberg Small Business" and "Bloomberg Personal TV," two nationally syndicated news magazine programs airing on USA Network. The Bloomberg Website, an Internet site covering all aspects of personal financial management and investment can be reached at www.bloomberg.com. BLOOMBERG Personal Magazine, a monthly consumer publication advises readers on the latest in personal finance and lifestyle information. In addition, Bloomberg publishes two book lines: The Bloomberg Personal Bookshelf, offering expert advice on personal finance for the consumer, and The Bloomberg Professional Library, providing reference works for the international business and financial community.

Michael R. Bloomberg founded BLOOMBERG Financial Markets in 1981 creating the premier information and analysis system on Wall Street. Prior to founding the company, Mr. Bloomberg was a General Partner at Salomon Brothers, where he headed equity trading and sales, and later on, systems development. Mr. Bloomberg is a 1964 graduate of the Johns Hopkins University where he currently serves as Chairman of the Board, and a 1966 graduate of the Harvard Business School. Mr. Bloomberg sits on 18 Boards including the Central Park Conservancy, The Institute for Advanced Study, Lincoln Center for the Performing Arts, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, The National Academy Foundation, The New York Academy of Medicine, The New York Police & Fire Widows' and Children's Benefit Fund, The S.L.E. (Lupus) Foundation, and The U.S. Chamber of Commerce. A native of Boston, Mr. Bloomberg was born February 14, 1942 and currently resides in New York City. A recent author, Michael Bloomberg's first book, *Bloomberg by Bloomberg*, was published April, 1997.

PRUIN · DIE ZEIT/Taz/Weltwoche

PRUNE NU. · TDD 10 03/20/2020

OCT. 10 1999 11:02AM FC

[10]

DIE ZEIT
WORTENZUTÄNG FÜR POLIZEIKräTSCHAFTLÄNDER UND KUTTER

Beijing, October 18, 1999

To

Dr. Henry Kissinger

at the hands of

Amy Issadore

fax: 212-753 7248

Georg Blume

OCT 18 1999

北京市朝阳区芳草地西街迪阳公司6032号
Diyang Apartment 6032
Fangeaodi Xijie, Chaoyang District
Beijing 100020, China

Tel: 010-65035607

Fax: 010-65035607

e-mail: blume@iuol.cn.net

Dear Mr. Kissinger,

we once met in Beijing in September 1996, when I was an assistant to Mr. Helmut Schmidt. You told me then, that I could always come to see you in New York, but instead I moved to Beijing, where I have been working as the correspondent of DIE ZEIT - and still under the spiritual orders of Mr. Schmidt - since July 1997.

Our idea now is to reunite you, Mr. Schmidt, Mr. Mei Zhaorong from China and Mr. Shuichi Kato from Japan for a discussion on the „Pacific Century", which was as often annouced as it was canceled. Mr. Mei is wellknown to both you and Mr. Schmidt as the president of the institute of foreign affairs in Beijing. Mr. Kato, born in 1918, is the author of „History of Japanese Literature" and one of Japan's most brilliant independant minds, the kind of person, you and Mr. Schmidt would immediately know to value.

Our topic would be the longterm view on the relationship of East and West on the background of the twisted relationships between Japan and China on the one side and Europe and the US on the other side. Never before have prominent people of these four partys discussed together in our paper.

Because of Mr. Schmidt's health - even though he just travelled to Tokyo - the venue would have to be Hamburg or anywhere as close as possible. So this letter is about asking you, if there is any possibility for you to come to Europe and take part in our discussion. Our deadline would be the end of

BOHEMIAN CLUB

SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF. 94102

FEB 01 1999

January 29, 1999

Henry A. Kissinger
1800 K Street NW, Suite 1021
Washington, DC 20006-2202

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

The application of Christopher Taylor Buckley for Regular Professional membership in the Bohemian Club sponsored by Barnaby Conrad III and William H. Draper will be considered soon by the Membership Committee. Your name has been given as one who is personally acquainted with the candidate.

Since the Committee is dependent to a large degree upon the information it receives from members of the Club, we ask that you address a letter to the Secretary of the Membership Committee (preferably on "personal" stationery) noting how long and how well you have known the candidate, the basis of your acquaintance (social, business or both), and whether or not you are acquainted with the members of the candidate's family. Also give us your judgment as to how often he will use the Club, and whether he has the inclination to participate if called upon to do so. Lastly, please let us know if you plan to invite the candidate to stay at your camp upon admission.

**The Membership Committee urges your response within 2 weeks of the above date!**

In addition to, or in lieu of your written statement, if you wish to offer oral comments, favorable or unfavorable, you may do so through the Membership Chairman or any member of the Committee with the assurance that all information will be held in strict confidence.

624 TAYLOR STREET, SAN FRANCISCO, CALIFORNIA 94102-1075 • (415) 885-2440

HENRY A. KISSINGER

March 26, 1999

Dear Ms. King:

Your edition of March 21, 1999 sought to discredit *Years of Renewal*, the recently published third volume of my memoirs, without, in fact, reviewing it. The device for this acrobatic enterprise was a so-called review of another book, published several months ago, containing transcripts of some of my conversations with Mao Zedong and Leonid Brezhnev.

The reviewer used the occasion almost exclusively to question the motivation and scholarly integrity of *Years of Renewal*. He alleges that I somehow hijacked my official papers to the Library of Congress and that, as a result, researchers are precluded from dealing with my public record while I am at liberty to doctor it to my benefit. You emphasized these charges by putting them in a box. The claim that I disposed of my official papers in some ingenious and unique manner to spin history is malicious nonsense, as a minimum of checking would have revealed.

In 1977, the then Librarian of Congress, the eminent historian Daniel Boorstin, invited me to place my papers in the Library of Congress, which is the repository of the papers of eight Secretaries of State in this century alone and of others dating back to Thomas Jefferson, our first Secretary of State. A "Deed of Gift" including some restrictions on access during a donor's lifetime has become a standard format. The purpose of the exercise is to help future historians, not to impede them.

These restrictions do not, however, hinder any scholar's research. In falsely implying the contrary, your reviewer ignores the easily ascertainable fact that the classified papers in my collection are *duplicates* and that the originals remain in the appropriate governmental files. Specifically, all sensitive exchanges and other memoranda are in their original archives where scholars can use them, subject only to government declassification procedures. I have no say in those procedures; I am neither consulted nor informed when papers dealing with my actions or conversations are released.

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR • 350 PARK AVENUE • NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 • (212) 759-7919

2

Most of the conversations with Beijing and Moscow in the book purportedly under review were acquired in precisely that fashion: from declassified State Department files.

By the same token, any quotations I used from classified memoranda in *Years of Renewal*, as in the two previous volumes of my memoirs, were cleared by the incumbent administration-- as the Foreword in each volume clearly spells out.

The "Kissinger Collection" in the Library of Congress also contains rough transcripts of telephone conversations which the Supreme Court in 1977 ruled to be private and not official. I have made these available well before the present controversy developed to State Department historians so that they could determine which, if any, might be useful for the *Foreign Relations of the United States* series. In short, no historian has had access impaired by the location of duplicates of my papers in the Library of Congress.

The charge that I misrepresented the available documents is more complex though no less malicious and irresponsible. The Kissinger Collection contains tens of thousands of documents involving thousands of meetings. Any memoir or history is obliged to select among them, whoever the author. The test is whether the culling is responsible and truthful. I established meticulous procedures to that end, including several researchers whose primary task was to check accuracy and context of quotations. In addition, each chapter was reviewed by at least one outside expert (and usually more) familiar with the subject or by one participant (and usually more) in the policy under discussion. A list of them can be found in the Foreword of each volume of my memoirs. Even with this painstaking procedure, mistakes can occur. But surely common sense would suggest that no author would go to the trouble of amassing such an archive and then deliberately produce distortions which will be disproved from his own collection.

With this background, it is not surprising that your reviewer had trouble finding a significant misrepresentation. His only example is a quibble. He claims that, in an earlier volume, I described Mao--in a conversation I recounted primarily for atmosphere--as being more insistent than the reviewer himself gleaned from the record. I leave to the reader to make his own determination regarding this nitpick. I would simply point out that I, of course, was actually at the scene and

SEP-08-1999 15:53

KAI DC

212 753 7248

BOSTON UNIVERSITY

Henry A. Kissinger

At fifteen, you escaped the coming slaughter of German Jewry by coming to America. Your new country saved your life, and you have magnificently repaid America by devoting your life to it.

You conducted our foreign policy with an astute and justly apportioned compound of idealism and realism animated by an astonishing energy, illuminated by a profound knowledge of history and individuals, and perfected by an unbending willingness to do the last needful thing. Every American is in your debt.

You made history because you had the courage and decisiveness to put aside every comfortable assumption, every comforting illusion, and face the facts squarely, without compromising the idealism that is at the heart of American foreign policy. You have followed in the footsteps of both Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson.

It is common for those who make history also to try to write it, usually in an attempt to place a discreet thumb on the scales of historical reputation. Such writers have but one subject: themselves. But, like Churchill, you wrote history long before you made it, and you made history that required no special pleading.

You have managed to reach that rarest equilibrium, a balance of the active and contemplative lives. To understand your achievements in office is to encounter a Metternich whose work was informed by the democratic principles of the New World; to read your books on America's place in the history of diplomacy is to encounter a Tocqueville who came to America and stayed.

Henry Alfred Kissinger, scholar, teacher, statesman, American, Boston University proudly and gratefully confers upon you the degree

Doctor of Laws, <u>honoris causa</u>.

May 23, 1999

Earle C. Cooley
Chairman, Board of Trustees

Jon Westling
President,
Boston University

TOTAL P.03

NON-OFFICIAL TRANSLATION

Quote

DEMOCRATIC AND POPULAR REPUBLIQUE OF ALGERIA

The President

Algiers, October 24, 1999

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger

My dear friend:

It gives me great pleasure to thank you for the copy of your "Memoirs" that you were kind enough to send me.

The pleasure is all the more great for me that reading them takes me back to a time when, in spite of diverging opinions about significant issues of global politics, I had the opportunity to appreciate your great human and professional qualities.

Therefore, I would be extremely delighted to be able to welcome you in Algiers at a time convenient for both of us.

With sentiments of true, deep, and lasting friendship and high consideration,

Abdelaziz BOUTEFLIKA

End Quote

REPUBLIQUE ALGERIENNE DEMOCRATIQUE ET POPULAIRE

Le Président

Alger, le 24 octobre 1999

Monsieur HENRY A. KISSINGER

Cher ami,

Il me plaît de vous adresser mes sincères remerciements pour les
"Mémoires" que vous avez bien voulu m'adresser.

Mon plaisir est d'autant plus grand que leur lecture réveille en moi les souvenirs d'une époque où, nonobstant les divergences d'approche sur les grandes questions de politique internationale, j'ai eu à apprécier vos grandes qualités humaines et professionnelles.

Aussi, je serais très heureux de pouvoir vous recevoir à Alger à la date
qui nous conviendra mutuellement.

Avec mes sentiments de profonde, fidèle, indéfectible amitié et de haute
considération.

Abdelaziz BOUTÉFLIKA