THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
WASHINGTON, THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA

22 JUN 1989

Honorable William L. Dickinson
Committee on Armed Services
House of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515

Dear Congressman:

Several months ago in testimony to the Congress, I said I would examine the total program cost and the technical status of the B-2. Since then I have taken a very close look at the program including a visit to Northrop's engineering and manufacturing and aircraft final assembly plants to see first-hand the progress that has been made, as well as the remaining hurdles that still need to be overcome. In addition to the visit, I have received the results of the Defense Acquisition Board review of the program, an updated report by the Defense Science Board, and a considerable amount of other information on cost and technical risk.

Now that I have had time to review all these inputs carefully, I would like to give you my views on why we need the B-2, how much it will cost, and what further risks remain.

The manned bomber force is the most versatile element of the strategic Triad. Strategic bombers are capable of being recalled or redirected while enroute to their targets. They are able to attack fixed strategic targets, and they can perform damage-assessment missions following earlier strikes by U.S. forces, and reconstitute for follow-on missions. They can also hold at risk mobile military targets that are critical to Soviet wartime objectives. Manned bombers are capable of real-time reaction to the threats posed by air defenses; they can alter their routes to avoid defenses or use appropriate electronic countermeasures to reduce defense effectiveness. Because of their versatility, long time-of-flight, and inherent retaliatory mission, strategic bombers are regarded as stabilizing forces. In addition to their primary strategic deterrent mission, long-range bombers can be used to support conventional ground and naval operations worldwide.

Although modernization of the U.S. bomber force with the ALCM-B cruise missile and the B-1B bomber has significantly improved our air-breathing strategic forces when compared to the early 1980s, we will begin to find it increasingly more difficult to penetrate Soviet air defenses over the next ten to twenty years with the systems we now have in place. The B-2 is required to maintain the effectiveness of our penetration bomber

2

force as Soviet air defenses continue to improve. Its enhanced
penetration ability, due to its revolutionary stealth
characteristics, will allow it to attack heavily defended
targets that other assets may be unable to strike in the future.
The B-2 also provides our most promising means for holding at
risk relocatable targets. We must also recognize the B-2 has
superior capability as a long range combat aircraft in a
conventional role, which is particularly important considering
the declining availability of overseas bases.

Let me turn now to the closely related subjects of program
cost and technical risk. We now estimate the total acquisition
cost of the B-2 program at $43.8 billion in 1981 dollars (the
program's base year), or $70.2 billion in then year dollars.
The difference between these figures and the corresponding
figures for the initial FY 1990 budget submission primarily
reflects a one-year delay in the full rate production program,
which I directed according to my general policy of proceeding
slowly in the early stages of very high technology programs.
The $70.2 billion program cost equates to a total flyaway cost
of $315 million per aircraft. Total flyaway cost is the cost to
put an aircraft on the flight line ready to be fueled, armed,
and flown. It does not include support costs nor the research
and development costs, most of which are behind us.

The $70.2 billion program cost estimate is based on key
assumptions in three areas: protecting existing fixed price
options for certain subsystems, a multi-year procurement
starting in FY 1993, and achieving planned cost-reduction
initiatives. We carefully examined all the assumptions and
believe they are realistic. However, we will need your support
on some items such as the multiyear funding. The cost estimate
we have now for the B-2 program is based largely on costs
actually realized so far on the 11 aircraft (six research,
development, test, and evaluation aircraft and five production
aircraft) now in various stages of manufacture. This does not
mean we know for certain the costs of the program, but it does
mean we know a great deal more about B-2 costs than we did one
or two years ago, particularly since these aircraft are being
built on actual production-line tooling. However, program risk
and cost risk remain. And of course, actually executing the
program for $70.2 billion depends to a large extent on the rate
at which the B-2 is procured.

While cost risk underlies much of our mutual concern, I was
also concerned about the risk associated with the advanced
technology applications. These technical considerations, like
those in all development programs that challenge the state of
the art, must be put in perspective. First, we have done much
more in the way of risk reduction activities, including
extensive wind tunnel and avionics testing, than is normally
done prior to flight testing. Second, the Defense Acquisition
Board recently completed an in-depth review of the B-2 program
and concluded that the remaining technical risks are reasonable
for a development program at this stage. I must emphasize that
this is a critical time in this program. During the coming
year, our understanding of both cost and risk will increase

3

immensely. This was the reason, not any major technical
difficulty, that led us to hold the production rate steady for
another year. I recognize the delayed first flight and cost
increases have heightened your concerns about the program's
technical health and affordability. Those of us who recently
visited and toured the contractor's facility are led to a
different conclusion. The components we have seen, the major
subassemblies, and the assembled aircraft itself, all attest to
a dedicated work force producing a quality product.

I firmly believe that both the cost and technical risks have
been fully assessed, and that it is prudent for us to proceed.
Given the lessons learned in other programs, the current and
projected fiscal climate, and the degree to which the B-2 is
pushing the state of technology, I believe we have reached a
balance of both risk and cost which puts us in the correct
position to move forward with this very important program.

I will not mislead you by guaranteeing there will be no
future cost increases, but I will do everything I can to avoid
them. There are still some risks in this program, but I believe
they have been reduced to a prudent level. It is time that we
move this debate from the question of simple cost to one of
strategic value. I fully support this program because the
country needs it. The B-2 will be a cornerstone in our overall
strategic deterrence well into the next century. The program
has made great progress and the Department is ready to proceed
as proposed. I look forward to your support and cooperation in
helping me achieve the goals of this vitally important program.

May 8, 1989

B-2 AND ARMS CONTROL

*Issue:* What impact will recent and future arms control agreements have on the B-2 bomber? What opportunities are presented by the B-2 in the arms control milieu?

**Response:**

The B-2 offers qualitative force improvement and increased deterrence by its ability to penetrate sophisticated Soviet defenses, and is especially attractive as a result of proposed START counting rules which numerically favor penetrating heavy bombers because of their inherently stabilizing character. As inventories decline due to arms control agreements, the remaining systems must be the most modern and capable. The B-2 is a compelling response to the requirements of nuclear and conventional arms control and the operational demands of a shrinking strategic arsenal. As a non-first strike weapon, the B-2 clearly promotes a stable arms control environment. In the START negotiations, which will constrain inventories of strategic weapons, the B-2 bomber will be directly affected. However, the B-2 will also be indirectly impacted by the INF Treaty and possibly by future conventional talks in ways not readily apparent.

**START Treaty**

The START agreement as presently drafted would have a direct impact on the B-2 bomber. It is important to remember that the agreement to this point is in Joint Draft Text form only and could be changed, and likely will be, before it is finally completed. The Bush Administration is currently reviewing the provisions of the agreement drafted to date. A number of important issues remain to be resolved before an agreement could be completed.

**Heavy Bomber Limits**

Counting rules for heavy bombers were outlined early in the START process and have remained essentially unchanged. Each penetrating heavy bomber will count as one strategic nuclear delivery vehicle (SN DV) of the 1,600 total permitted, and one warhead (against the 6,000 warhead total) regardless of the number of gravity bombs and SRAMs carried. The B-2 would be considered a penetrating heavy bomber under the definitions of the START text and, accordingly, counted in the aforementioned manner.

ALCM-carrying heavy bombers, such as the B1-B, are counted as one SN DV for the aircraft with each ALCM counted as a warhead against the 6,000 warhead total up to an agreed number per aircraft type. The definition of an accountable cruise missile, allow- able range and how many to count against each ALCM carrier are significant issues yet to be resolved in the treaty process.

May 8, 1989

Even so, it is clear that, because of their stabilizing character, heavy bombers of the penetrating type are an extremely cost effective way to deploy warheads as a result of the current counting rules. Additionally, the unique capabilities of the B-2 allow the United States to exploit its advantage in low observable technology while imposing severe costs on the Soviet Union in air defense improvements and modifications; thereby making the advanced bomber an even more attractive delivery vehicle.

## INF Treaty

The B-2 bomber is not directly affected by the INF Treaty as the agreement only constrains those ground-launched missile systems with range capabilities between 500 and 5,500 kms. However, portions of the agreement will have an indirect impact on the heavy bomber force. In particular, there will be an increased reliance on airborne platforms to perform deep attack missions now restricted by the INF Treaty.

The B-2 bomber holds out the prospect of replacing intermediate range ground-launched missile systems by delivering both nuclear and conventional munitions against targets deep in Eastern Europe which are critical to Soviet planning for a rapid conventional attack in Europe, or in response to hostilities in other parts of the globe.

Contrary to popular misinterpretations, the INF Treaty bans both conventional and nuclear weapons of the prescribed type and range, and also applies that ban internationally, not just in Europe. Consequently, the United States may find itself in the future position of requiring deep stand-off capability, once deliverable by ground-launched missiles, but now best accomplished by deploying airborne systems. The B-2, with its stealthy characteristics, range from sanctuary bases, ability to operate from numerous airfields both in Europe as well as the U.S., payload size and munitions diversity (either nuclear or conventional), provides an improved capability and fills an operational gap created by the INF Treaty.

## Conventional Forces in Europe (CFE)

The United States and the Soviet Union are entering a new phase of arms control in the area of conventional weaponry. Though previous arms control talks have been held on reducing the levels of conventional weaponry in Europe, they have not achieved any lasting results. With the success of the INF Treaty and the START talks, efforts aimed at reducing levels of conventional weapons in Europe have taken on increased emphasis and vigor.

The process has been accelerated with the announcement of a NATO plan for European conventional force reduction followed by a Soviet counter-proposal in the first week of March. A major thrust of the Soviet proposal is to constrain the numbers of NATO aircraft in Europe. If successful, this could have a negative impact on NATO's ability to strike targets deep within the Warsaw Pact critical to Soviet wartime planning.

May 8, 1989

Though the numbers of conventional weapons on the European battlefield would decline as a result of an agreement, the requirement to strike key targets deep within the Warsaw Pact to include command and control centers, logistic assembly areas, railway junctions and airfields would actually increase. Reductions in Soviet deployments in Eastern Europe would make reserve forces within the Soviet Union even more important in any aggression against NATO. Consequently, the value of strikes against key logistic targets vital to the movement and deployment of these reserve units would correspondingly increase.

The B-2, based in the continental United States, and later staged from safe bases in the European theater, has the capability to attack this critical target set with conventional weapons repeatedly within the early hours of a Soviet attack. The ability to defend Europe from the sanctuary of the United States provides a significant deterrent to Soviet aggression by clouding any calculation of success, even if the numbers of NATO aircraft decline as a result of an arms control agreement.

## The B-2 Contributes to U.S Arms Control Objectives

The B-2 offers a number of stabilizing features to the arms control process. It has a relatively slow speed to the target in comparison to ballistic missiles; is under positive "human" control (and hence recallable); and, is not a "first strike weapon," thereby encouraging stability.

Operationally, the B-2 provides targeting flexibility and an ability to penetrate sophisticated Soviet defenses. Under the present START counting rules the B-2 offers the additional advantage of being economical in terms of weapons deliverable, versus accountable weapons per delivery vehicle. These operational characteristics enhance the viability of the strategic TRIAD, promote conventional as well as nuclear deterrence, and should increase U.S. confidence in its forces.

If a START agreement allows mobile missiles, the United States must have weapons capable of defeating mobile missile systems with sufficient confidence to ensure a stabilizing agreement. While definitely *not* its primary mission, the B-2 is the only U.S. system available in the near term which could potentially meet this new operational requirement within acceptable levels of success and survivability; thereby, positively underpinning the START process.

As both strategic and conventional arms control agreements are ratified by the United States, modernization of allowable forces within the constraints of future agreements will continue to be necessary. For both conventional and nuclear forces, the B-2 provides important mission capabilities and opportunities. As total force levels decline, the relative importance of each individual weapon system increases. It is important that remaining systems be the most versatile, mission capable and cost-effective as possible. The B-2, given its unique operational features coupled with the advantages it presents under proposed arms control regimes, is the one system that will contribute significantly to both U.S. nuclear and conventional requirements well into the next century.

May 8, 1989

International Proliferation of Long Reach Weapons

The proliferation of chemical, biological and possibly nuclear weapons, as well as ballistic and cruise missile delivery systems, and the capability of producing them in the developing world, has created unique military and political problems for the United States and its allies (and even the Soviet Union).

Given this growing proliferation of advanced weaponry, the kinds of Third World contingencies most likely to demand an American military response in coming decades will probably not permit long preparation times, use of foreign bases or staging areas, and large numbers of aircraft characteristic of the 1986 raid on Libya.

Rather, weapons like the B-2 which offer high survivability, rapid response with a minimum number of platforms, and staging from the United States will be required. Additionally, the presence of a B-2 would foster stability by denying renegade states the assurance that their weapons development efforts could be carried on without the threat of interdiction. This could also discourage dangerous proliferation, and prompt developing nations to accept international constraints on the production of mass destruction weapons through arms control agreements.

4

THE BOMBER, ICBM AND SLBM TRIAD OF STRATEGIC FORCES
IS THE FOUNDATION OF DETERRENCE

Bomber

<table><thead><tr><th>Strengths</th><th>Weaknesses</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><ul><li>Covers All Targets</li><li>Large Payload</li><li>Recallable</li><li>Reusable</li><li>Human Judgement</li><li>Stabilizing</li><li>Most Accurate</li><li>Non-Nuclear Capability</li></ul></td><td><ul><li>8-12 Hour Flight Time</li><li>Must Penetrate Air Defenses</li></ul></td></tr></tbody></table>

ICBM
Intercontinental
Ballistic Missile

<table><thead><tr><th>Strengths</th><th>Weaknesses</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><ul><li>Prompt Response</li><li>Accurate</li><li>Unstoppable</li></ul></td><td><ul><li>Non-Reusable</li><li>Non-Recallable</li><li>Fixed Targets</li><li>Survivability Depends on Mobile Basing</li></ul></td></tr></tbody></table>

SLBM
Submarine Launched
Ballistic Missile

<table><thead><tr><th>Strengths</th><th>Weaknesses</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td><ul><li>Prompt Response</li><li>Survivable</li><li>Accurate</li><li>Unstoppable</li></ul></td><td><ul><li>Non-Reusable</li><li>Non-Recallable</li><li>Fixed Targets</li><li>Difficult Command &amp; Control</li></ul></td></tr></tbody></table>

* This policy has been reaffirmed by eight Presidents and fifteen Congresses over more than three decades

* Each leg of the triad has complementary strengths and weaknesses

* The triad is the best guarantee that a nuclear attack will not be launched against the United States and its allies

"It (the B-2) is a revolution in combat capability . . . it will do much to preserve the peace for a long time."

General John T. Chain, Commander in Chief
Strategic Air Command

THE B-2 IS ESSENTIAL TO THE FUTURE OF THE U.S. BOMBER FORCE

SAC Bomber Force
Without the B-2

Source: "SAC: A Primer of Modern
Strategic Air Power," Bill Yenne, 1985

- The U.S. bomber force continues to erode through age and attrition

- Over time, the U.S. bomber force, without the B-2, will become increasingly
vulnerable to improved enemy air defenses

"The goal for the bomber force continues to be roughly 340 modernized nuclear-capable heavy bombers, and that has been the goal since the mid-'70s. The upgraded B-52, more than 27 years old today, will serve well in the cruise missile carrier role for at least another decade. The B-1 can hold most Soviet targets at risk today and, with planned upgrades, will cover many targets for years to come. And the B-2 will provide the long-term capability to most efficiently cover a wide range of targets to include heavily defended targets."

General Larry Welch, Chief of Staff
United States Air Force

THE B-2 RENDERS THE SOVIET AIR DEFENSE INVESTMENT OBSOLETE

The same is true for
the air defenses of
the Warsaw Pact, the
Soviet navy and the
rest of the world.

“(The B-2 is) going to give us so much more return for our money because the Soviets have been building their air defenses for years . . . they have something like $300 billion or maybe $400 billion in air defenses. The Stealth Bomber is going to require them to either give up on those air defenses in large or they're going to have to revamp them. So there's a huge economic premium here for the Stealth Bomber.”

Sam Nunn
United States Senator

THE B-2 WILL OFFER A UNIQUE CONTRIBUTION
TO NATO DEFENSE

The large versatile
 payloads, long range and
survivability of the B-2
provide a robust capability
to support the defense
of NATO from the
United States.

"The B-2's ability to penetrate advanced air defense systems means that it can be used on repeat missions with great effectiveness . . . This tactical capability of the B-2 has become more important in the wake of the INF treaty, and will become of critical importance if we enter into a conventional arms reduction treaty."

William Perry, former Under Secretary of Defense for Research and Engineering
Hans Mark, former Secretary of the Air Force
Antonia Handler Chayes, former Under Secretary of the Air Force

THE B-2 WILL PROVIDE TIMELY, LONG-RANGE POWER PROJECTION

What if the
B-2 had been
available to
conduct the
April 1986
Libyan strike?

<table><thead><tr><th></th><th>Strike as Conducted</th><th>B-2 Strike</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Aircraft at Risk</td><td>84</td><td>4</td></tr><tr><td>Support Aircraft</td><td>35</td><td>5</td></tr><tr><td>Aircrew at Risk</td><td>134</td><td>8</td></tr><tr><td>Time Required</td><td>5 Days</td><td>Hours</td></tr></tbody></table>

"With precision munitions . . . three-to-four B-2s could have done the same job direct from stateside bases. And because preraid force movements would not be required, the entire operation could have been conducted with vastly less risk of life."

General Bernard Randolph, Commander
Air Force Systems Command

B-2 NATIONWIDE INDUSTRIAL TEAM IN 46 STATES

Northrop is the B-2
prime contractor

■ Nationwide, the B-2 Program is supported by tens of thousands of men and women at the major industrial participants, Boeing, LTV, GE, and Hughes, and at suppliers and subcontractors in many of America's most capable high technology firms in 46 states

■ Companies whose participation has been declassified by the Department of Defense as of June 14, 1989:

Arizona

Allied Signal Aerospace
Garrett Auxiliary Power, Inc.
Allied Signal,
Fluid Systems Division

California

Allied-Signal Aerospace,
Air Research LA
Applied Consulting &
Tech Service
Associate N/C Programming
B&H Associates
Burns & Roe Pacific
Engineers
Condor Systems, Inc.
Deliotte, Haskins & Sells
Evolving Technology
Ewing Technical Design, Inc.
Explosive Technology, Inc.
Facilities Systems
Engineering
Frequency West
GEC Astronics Corp.
General Dynamics
Electronics Division
Gould Defense Systems
Hughes Aircraft,
Radar System Group
Hughes Electronic Dynamics
Hughes Training &
Control Division
Inconen Corp.

California (continued)

ITT Gilfillan
Jaycor
Kaymar
Lockheed Aircraft Corp.
Mantech Support
Technologies, Inc.
McDonnell Douglas
Aircraft Co.
Mini Systems
Mini-Systems Associates
Multax Systems
Narda Microwave, Inc.
Norman Engineering Co.
Parker Hannifin
PDA Engineering
Raychem Corp.
Raytheon Co.
Resdel Engineering Corp.
Servicon Systems, Inc.
Spectragraphic Corp.
Sundstrand
TAD Tech Services Corp.
Teledyne Electronics
Teledyne McCormick
Texas Instruments
Ridgecrest
TRW, Redondo Beach
TRW, Sacramento
Engineering Office
TRW Space & Defense
UTS Engineering &
Consultants

California (continued)

VERAC Incorporated
Watkins-Johnson Co.
Whittaker Corp.

Colorado

General Devices, Inc.
Kaman Instrumentation
Kaman Sciences Corp
Mantecs
OEA, Inc.
Storage Tech Corp.
Stonehouse Group
Unisys Corp. Defense Systems

Connecticut

Amaco Performance
Products
Ensign Bickford Co.
Hamilton Standard
Tech Systems Corp.

District of Columbia

McKenna, Conner & Cuneo

Florida

Hi Tec
United Technologies

Georgia

Electromagnetic Devices

Idaho

Vanite Industries

**Illinois**
Electrodynamics, Inc.
Sundstrand Aviation

**Iowa**
Rockwell International,
Collins Division

**Kansas**
Boeing Military Airplane Co.

**Kentucky**
Keco Industries, Inc.

**Maryland**
AAI Corp.
Digital Equipment
Fairchild Communications
& Electronics Co.

**Massachusetts**
Adage, Inc.
* Adams-Russell Co., Inc.
  Adams-Russell
  Electronics Co., Inc.
  Fenwal, Inc.
* General Electric Aircraft
  Equipment Division
* Kaman Avidyne
* Lighting Technologies
* Microdynamics, Inc.
* Microwave Associates, Inc.
* Microwave Development Labs
* Microwave Engineering Corp.
  Varian

**Michigan**
Smith Industries
Aerospace & Defense

**Minnesota**
Honeywell
Rosemount, Inc.
Unisys Corp.,
Defense Systems

**New Hampshire**
Continental Microwave &
Tool Co.
Kom Wave Corp.
Sanders Associates, Inc.
Tech Resources, Inc.

**New Jersey**
Allied Corp.,
Bendix Flight Systems
Kearfott Guidance/
Navigation Corp.
Lockheed Electronics, Inc.
Micro Lab

**New Mexico**
Los Alamos Technical
Associates, Inc.

**New York**
Arkwin Industries, Inc.
Eastman Kodak
General Electric
Aircraft Controls
Gull, Inc.
Hazeltine
Miltope Co.

**New York (continued)**
Moog, Inc.
Scipar, Inc.
Transportable
Technology, Inc.

**Ohio**
Battelle Columbus
BDM Corp.
General Electric
Aircraft Engineering Group
Logicon

**Oklahoma**
Defense Technologies, Inc.
TRW Oklahoma
Engineering Office

**Texas**
B&M Associates
Belcan Services
Butler Service Group
Consultants &
Designers, Inc.
Contract Services
E-Systems
Ernst & Whitney
General Devices
H.L. Yoh
International
Business Machines
Interglobal
Technical Services

**Texas (continued)**
LTV Aircraft
Products Group
LTV Missiles &
Electronics Group
N/C Services
Nelson, Coulson &
Associates, Inc.
PDS-Tech Services
Pollack & San
Rockwell
International Corp.
Standard Manufacturing Co.
Superior Design Co., Inc.
TAD Technical Services
Versatec
Wang

**Utah**
Hercules, Inc.

**Vermont**
Hercules Aerospace
Simmonds Precision

**Virginia**
Amdahl Federal
Service Corp.
Mantech International Corp.
Xerox

**Washington**
Boeing Military Advanced
Systems Co.
Eldec Corp.
Ewing Tech Design, Inc.
General Electric
Kirk-Mayer, Inc.
Nelson, Coulson &
Associates, Inc.
RHO Co., Inc.
Science & Engineering
Associates, Inc.
VTC Service Corp.

"As far as I'm concerned, at Northrop they're putting a tremendous amount of attention on quality . . . on training people to do their jobs . . . on tooling for assembly and . . . the amount of subsystem testing and the quality inspection that they're doing."

Donald J. Atwood
Deputy Secretary of Defense

OFFICE OF
HENRY A. KISSINGER

May 24, 1989

Dear Mr. Dimond:

Unfortunately, Dr. Kissinger is not in a position
to recommend a publisher for your father's book.

However, if I can add a personal word, I read the
chapter on Dr. Kissinger and think it is extremely
good! If the rest is as well done, I urge you to
send copies of the manuscript to the major pub-
lishers who specialize in books for young people.
Many of these publishing houses also have text-
book divisions, and I imagine your library would
have a publishers' directory. I'm afraid I don't
have much knowledge of the field but I do think
there would be a market for such a book as your
father's.

Good luck!

Mr. Paul R. Dimond
McKinley Associates, Inc.
320 North Main Street
Suite 200
Ann Arbor, MI 48107-8649

mckinley associates, inc.

APR 28 1989

Paul R. Dimond
Vice President
General Counsel

April 24, 1989

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Kissinger Associates, Inc.
350 Park Avenue
New York, NY 10022

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

Prior to his recent death, my father completed a book on the education and careers of all of the Nobel Peace Prize winners from the United States. The book is written for young people, and my father was able to present copies to his grandchildren, ages 13-17.

As my father wrote many government and civics textbooks for secondary school students during his distinguished career as a professor and educator, I thought you might be interested in his account of your education and career. Also enclosed is the table of contents and the introductory chapter so that you can better understand the scope of his work and your place in it. If the chapter on your life sparks your interest, I would appreciate any suggestions that you might have for the publication and/or distribution of this book to a broader audience.

I look forward to hearing from you.

PRD:skk
Enclosures

320 N. Main, Suite 200 • P.O. Box 8649 • Ann Arbor, MI 48107-8649
313-769-8520 • Fax: 313-769-8760 • Telex # 23-0515 McKinley Arb

PREFACE

Wars and threats of war have been a dominant factor
in the years of my life. I remember the problems of my
grandfather because he had lost a leg in the Civil War.
One of my uncles enlisted during the Spanish-American
War. My wife's oldest brother and another of my uncles
were soldiers during World War I. My brother was a soldier
in World War II. Our older son was an army doctor for
four years during the Vietnam war; a nephew fought
in Vietnam. My family was not unique; others of
my age could recount family histories filled with
war tragedies of dead and wounded.

War has cost the lives of millions. It has forced
expenditures of huge sums of money that could have been
used for human development. Poverty, disease, cruelty
accompany wars. No one escapes the horrors of a modern
war.

As a boy I thought the United States should join the
League of Nations. I was proud when the United Nations
was founded at San Francisco, but today, I realize that
the United Nations is as ineffective at preventing war
as the League proved to be.

Over the years, however, there have been great
individuals who worked hard to achieve a peaceful world.
Sixteen of these seekers of peace, The American winners
of the Nobel Peace Prize, are described in this book.

-ii-

I am appreciative of the work of Mrs. Helen Candiotti for the typing of the manuscript. I am grateful to my friend and colleague of many years, Elmer F. Pflieger, for his skilled and thoughtful assistance in editing this material. As always, I am indebted to my wife, Ruth, for her patience and encouragement. Her support has brought this book to fruition.

-iii-

1973

CHAPTER 17
HENRY A. KISSINGER
(1923- )

The only naturalized citizen of the United States to receive the Nobel Peace Prize is Henry A. Kissinger. He was born in Germany. At the age of 15, he fled with his family from his native land to escape persecution by the followers of Adolf Hitler. The Kissingers were Jews and in those years were not safe in Germany. They found security in the United States.

Henry A. Kissinger completed his high school education in New York City, served as a U. S. soldier in World War II, completed his education at Harvard University where he became a professor of government. Eventually, he became Secretary of State. He is one of the five U. S. Secretaries of State to receive the Nobel Peace Prize.

Kissinger shared the Peace Prize in 1973 with
Le Duc Tho of North Vietnam for their efforts to end

-608-

-609-

the war in Vietnam. The award was greatly criticized, because both were active in carrying on the war and the peace treaty which they negotiated did not bring peace. Today the critics are less outspoken because Kissinger is widely recognized as one of the best Secretaries of State in our history. His negotiations in the Middle East and with the Soviet Union and China place him among the leading world statesmen of this generation.

**Childhood.** Henry A. Kissinger was born May 27, 1923 in the small factory town of Furth, Germany. Furth is in the province of Bavaria in what is now the south-eastern part of West Germany. Five hundred years earlier, during a period of attacks against Jews, Jewish people in that part of the world were denied the right to live in towns. As a result, Furth was founded by Jews who were forced to flee from Nuremberg. Over the years the little village grew and, until around 1930, it was known for its tolerance of various religions. At that time Furth had a population of some 70,000. The bulk of the people were Lutherans, but 20 percent were Roman Catholic. Less than 3,000 were Jews most of whom were active in the business community.

-610-

Kissinger learned as a boy that the rise of Adolf Hitler and his National Socialist Party changed the treatment of Jews. In Furth Jewish youth were regularly beaten by the young toughs taught to hate Jews by Hitler and his followers. He remembers being cautious about crossing streets and heading in a different direction if he saw a group of young men a block or two away.

Henry's father and grandfather were teachers in the local schools. His father, Louis, at age 35 married one of his former students, an attractive 20-year old middle-class girl, Paula Stern. She had been raised in a traditional German Jewish family, was an excellent cook, and became the practical manager of the family. After a year of marriage Henry was born, and the following year a second son, Walter was born--completing the family. The first son, however, was not named Henry A. Kissinger by his parents but was given the name Heinz Alfred Kissinger; later in the United States he took the name Henry.

Heinz and Walter were close companions from early childhood. They grew up in a five-room second floor apartment with books and a piano. Heinz took to books but not to the piano. As they matured Walter became the outgoing, companionable one, while Heinz became the

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thoughtful, serious student. There seems to have been the
usual rivalry between the brothers, but they were close,
friendly companions perhaps because they and their friends
had to join together to defend themselves against other
boys who mistreated Jews.

Henry recalls playing soccer a great deal during his
school days. Teachers remember him as a mischievous
boy who was not a particularly good student. He liked to
answer questions in class and enjoyed talking about the
subjects brought up in class. One friend of the period
remembers him as being fond of girls and enjoying flirting
with them.

The family was deeply religious and belonged to a small
Orthodox Jewish synagogue. They attended the services
regularly but, until the rise of Hitler, they thought of
themselves as Germans first and as Jews secondarily.

Little is known of Henry's grandparents other than
that grandfather David Kissinger was a teacher. Nothing
is known of his grandmother or of his grandparents on his
mother's side. His grandfather had retired from teaching
when Henry was a young boy and lived at Würzburg, 60 miles
away. He had a long white beard and was strictly

-612-

orthodox. Henry developed great respect for his grandfather and kept a picture of him in his room. When his own first son was born, he named him David after his grandfather.

His father, Louis, was friendly but shy. He was known as a strict teacher. He was also strict with his children, checked on their school homework and spanked them when they didn't respond promptly to their parents. But he was affectionate and there was a warm unity in the family.

Louis was not a college graduate; he entered teaching by way of graduation from a normal school. His early teaching was done in a small private school which was forced to close in the days of the German Republic. He then taught in a junior high school for girls and later at a business school. He earned a small but comfortable living. German teachers were highly respected and father, Louis Kissinger, with his dignity and culture was an honored member of his profession.

The family could not escape, however, the reality of what was happening to Jews in Germany. In 1933, Heinz's father was suddenly dismissed from his teaching position

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by the Nazis because of his Jewish religion. When other
boys would have gone to a German secondary school, the
Gymnasium, Heinz and his Jewish friends were not allowed to
attend and instead went to a special Jewish school.

Louis Kissinger could not understand what was
happening to him and his family. He took a position
teaching in a Jewish vocational school but thought he had
failed his wife and sons. He was bewildered by the events
around him. He had never been politically active; he had
tried to be a good German. His life seemed destroyed,

At this point wife Paula took over the direction of
the family. Paula had an interesting background. She
had been raised in a small village near Furth. Her father
was a cattle dealer, a man of culture who was well regarded
in the Jewish community. Her beautiful mother died when
Paula was very young and Paula was raised by a stepmother.
After elementary school she moved to Furth to attend
secondary school and lived with an aunt, Bertha, who was
married to a butcher. Bertha Fleischmann was an energetic,
strong person with much influence in the community. She
is credited with bringing together the shy Louis and the
attractive, fun-loving, outgoing Paula.

-614-

The marriage and family life had been successful until the dismissal of Louis from his teaching position. Louis seemed unable to make needed decisions and Paula took over major responsibilities. She saw the necessity of getting out of Germany if the family was to survive. In August 1938 the family fled Germany and went to England where they lived a few weeks with one of Paula's aunts before coming to the United States. Eleven relatives of the Kissingers remained in Germany and eventually lost their lives.

As an adult Henry Kissinger has no thought that his mistreatment by the Hitler government left any emotional scars on him. He stated, "My life in Furth seems to have passed without leaving any lasting impressions. . . . That part of my childhood is not a key to anything. I was not consciously unhappy. I was not so acutely aware of what was going on. For children, these things are not that serious." Still, for a young, intelligent teenager it seems that a respected father losing his job, fleeing from Germany with the family, and starting life anew in the United States must have been an experience that stayed with him all his life. Thoughtful writers believe that his concern as a world statesman for stability plus his efforts to avoid revolutions in various parts of the

-615-

world reflect attitudes that go back to those last years
in Germany.

New York. Upon arrival in New York in the fall of
1938 the Kissinger family moved into an apartment in the
Washington Heights area on the northern tip of Manhattan.
Thousands of other Germans and Austrians who had fled
Germany were settled there. It was a middle class
neighborhood with many Jewish immigrants who had come in
earlier periods. However, people of a great variety of
nationalities and religions lived there.

Father Louis did not have the qualifications to get
a teaching position and had to take a low-paid job as a
clerk. Mother Paula earned money by preparing food for
wealthy families. She gained an excellent reputation as
a cook and her services were in great demand.

The brothers enrolled in public school. Henry
attended George Washington High School for one year. He
had studied a little English in Germany but had a decided
language handicap with his meager English. He quickly

-616-

demonstrated, however, his excellent academic ability.
He did especially well in mathematics. The need of the
family for money caused Henry, after the first year, to
work during the day and attend the high school at night.

He found a job in a shaving-brush factory, where,
after a time spent removing acid from the bristles used
in the brushes, he became a delivery boy for the factory.
There wasn't much time for social life, but early he learned
to play a little baseball and eventually attended a few
games in Yankee Stadium. Along with most of the Jewish
young people, he joined the Beth Hillel Youth Group.
Henry tended to be shy and retiring and did not enjoy
dancing. But in the group he met Ann Fleischer, who later
became his wife. Ann was the attractive daughter of a
Bavarian shoe merchant. The Fleischer family had also
fled from Germany to New York.

Between work and school there wasn't much time nor
opportunity to meet or have dates with girls. The
girls at George Washington High School weren't interested
in Henry or the other immigrant boys who tended to be poor,
wore strange clothes, and spoke with a strange accent.
So high school years for Henry tended to be lonely ones.
The family unity, however, was great and the brothers did
most things together. Once in high school Henry wrote an

-617-

essay, "On What It Meant to be Able to Walk Down the Street with My Head Up."

Henry never got rid of his German accent. Accents acquired in childhood are not easily changed. Years later, while negotiating to end the Vietnam War, Henry Kissinger said, "Where else could it happen but in a country like the United States? To let a foreigner make peace for them, to accept a man like me--I even have a foreign accent." He was self-conscious about his accent, but some think he really didn't try to correct it because subconsciously he had a deep affection for his original homeland. It is interesting that his brother, Walter, a highly successful businessman today, speaks with hardly any trace of a German accent.

Upon graduation from high school with high grades, Henry was admitted to the College of the City of New York where tuition was free. He decided to study accounting because of his superior ability in mathematics, and, perhaps too, because his father was now doing bookkeeping. CCNY enrolled some 30,000 able students and the competition was great. Henry worked days and attended classes at night. He had a long subway ride to get to the college.

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**The Army.** In 1943 his life was completely changed. The United States was at war against his native land and Henry was drafted. In February 1943 he was sent to an army camp in Spartanburg, South Carolina for 16 weeks of basic training. In addition to learning to use a rifle and to put up with the regimentation of army life, he took a battery of intelligence tests. The results showed that he was among 3,000 high scorers who were selected for the Army Specialized Training Program (ASTP). The program enabled these men to attend college at government expense, presumably to develop special abilities needed by the army. Not incidentally, the program kept some colleges open because so many of their students had gone to war. Critics of the program thought it was unfair to draft men for the army and then send some of them to college while others were being killed in the war.

At the end of basic training on June 19, 1943 he was made a naturalized citizen. Shortly thereafter he was sent to an ASTP Program at Lafayette College in Easton, Pennsylvania. He studied a variety of subjects, mainly in science and technical fields. He was an outstanding student. In April 1944 the program was ended; military authorities stated that the men were needed for the front lines.

-619-

Henry was sent to Camp Clairborne, Louisiana to become a regular soldier in the 84th Infantry Division. He and others in the ASTP programs were unhappy with the sudden change. In Kissinger's case, the result was very fortunate for he met the first of three men who have had great influence on his life. This man was Private Fritz Kraemer, a German immigrant, 35 years old, a Protestant, who had left a family estate on the Rhine voluntarily because he was opposed to Hitler and his ideas.

Private Kraemer was giving lectures to U. S. troops in training on the reasons it was important to defeat Hitler. Kissinger heard this fiery speaker with a familiar German accent and was enthusiastic about his lecture. He wrote him a note which said, "Pvt. Kraemer: I heard you speak yesterday. This is how it should be done. Can I help you somehow? Pvt. Kissinger." At Kraemer's invitation, the two met and a lifelong friendship began. (Kraemer had two Doctor of Philosophy degrees—one in law and one in political science. After the war Kraemer retired from the army with the rank of reserve colonel. Since then he has served in the Pentagon as a special advisor for political-military affairs.)

-620-

In his meetings with Kissinger, Kraemer became aware of Henry's great potential. He realized that this young 20-year old was not well-educated in world affairs, that he lacked fundamental knowledge, but he was impressed by his great *understanding*. He recognized that his young friend was greatly gifted.

Kraemer urged the commanding general of the 84th to choose Kissinger as his German-speaking interpreter. In late September 1944 this division was shipped to Europe, and in November Kissinger's company fought in a battle near Aachen, Germany near the Belgian border. Henry, however, was not in the front lines because the general had taken Kramer's advice and chosen the young German-American as his interpreter.

In January 1945, the 84th captured Krefeld, a city of 200,000 near the Rhine in the industrial Rhur Valley. The city was devastated; normal functions of government had ceased. With Kraemer's urging, the general appointed Kissinger to be the military adviser of the city. Within a few days, he had re-established a working government.

-621-

This position was with the Counter-Intelligence Corps. He was promoted to private first class and then to sergeant. He next was assigned to administer the district of Bergstasse some 125 miles west of his native Furth. His official headquarters were at Bensheim. He won the respect of the defeated Germans while enforcing the rules laid down by the United States military authorities.

The German people pleaded that Kissinger be left in charge of their district, but Kraemer worked things out to get Kissinger transferred to the European Command Intelligence School at Oberammergau in the Bavarian Alps. One of Kissinger's chief responsibilities there was to teach officers how to locate those who had been leaders in the Nazi movement.

Kissinger was discharged from the Army in May 1946, but he was such an effective teacher that he was retained as a civilian teacher at the school. During his military years he received the Bronze Star plus two letters of commendation.

-622-

In his new teaching post he was given the rank of Captain in the Military Intelligence Reserve. This was especially pleasing because his younger brother, Walter, had earned the rank of Captain while serving in the Far East. Of more importance he received a salary of $10,000 a year--a handsome salary in those years for a 23-year old with only a high school diploma.

Kraemer had assuredly opened opportunities for Henry Kissinger, but Henry had demonstrated his competence in difficult assignments. Of more importance Kraemer had helped Kissinger realize his own enormous potential and his need for further education. By the spring of 1947 Henry had decided to return to the United States and continue his college education. Kraemer pleaded with him not to go back to New York but to attend one of the famous Eastern colleges. He was accepted at Harvard and enrolled in September 1947.

**Harvard.** Kissinger arrived in Cambridge, Massachusetts with a dog, Smoky, that he had acquired in Paris. His financial situation was good. He had saved some money in the army; Harvard gave him a scholarship; he received money from the government under the famous G. I.

-623-

Bill which aided returning soldiers to go to college.
Little did he realize, however, that he would spend most
of the next 20 years in Cambridge.

The undergraduates at Harvard, then, were older
than previous classes and more intensely concerned with
their education. There was still some snobbery, but
individuals tended to be accepted for their own worth.
There was little anti-Semitism. Henry Kissinger fitted
into this climate easily. He lived in a dormitory with
a roommate. He studied hard and long and late, often
until two in the morning.

His social life was meager. He attended some
football games in the fall. In the spring and summer
he saw an occasional Yankee baseball game on visits to
New York. He was no longer regularly following the
Jewish religion. In fact, he showed some interest in
the Moral Rearmament Movement--a non-denominational
spiritual group. He had renewed his acquaintance from
high school days with Ann Fleischer. (In Oberammagau
he had shown his first real interest in women and was
reputed to have a German "girl friend.")

-624-

Ann and Henry were married in 1949 and lived in a small furnished apartment in Newton Center--some 20 minutes from Cambridge. Marriage among Harvard undergraduates was rare at that time and removed Henry from the little out-of-class college activity in which he had engaged. Ann worked as a full-time bookkeeper in a local store. She was musical and liked poetry but was not an intellectual. Henry devoted all his time to studying.

As with many undergraduates, Henry was uncertain about what his major area of study should be. At first he thought it would be mathematics. For a while he considered pre-medical courses with the idea of becoming a psychiatrist. Finally, he determined to become a government major. His undergraduate studies were outstanding with an all A record. He graduated in 1950, summa cum laude, and was one of 16 seniors selected to join Phi Beta Kappa the national honor society. One of the others was James Schlesinger who served, later, in the Cabinets of Presidents Nixon and Carter.

-625-

His undergraduate thesis was a 350-page discussion, "The Meaning of History: Reflections on Spengler, Toynbee and Kant." His thesis chairman was Professor William Y. Elliot, the second man to have great influence on his life.

Elliot was a Professor of Government who had a remarkable career. He was a graduate of Vanderbilt University in his home state of Tennessee, where he had been an All-American on the football team. He was a Rhodes Scholar at Oxford, England where he became dedicated to the tutorial system. During the war he had been a power in the Office of War Mobilization in Washington, D. C. He never gave up his Washington contacts. At the time Kissinger first knew him he was serving as a consultant to the House Foreign Affairs Committee. This combination of scholar-activist had great appeal to Kissinger.

The brilliant, young undergraduate brought much to Elliot, also. Elliot's family life was filled with sorrow. His wife and son were mentally ill and Henry filled a void for the outspoken, impatient professor. They took long walks together--with interesting discussions on philosophy and world politics. Elliot was an ardent

-626-

anti-Communist--planting a fear of the Soviet Union in Kissinger. After Henry became his assistant, Elliot was freed of many routine duties which his young friend performed so well.

With his excellent academic record Kissinger was admitted without examinations to the Harvard Graduate School. During the two years he spent earning his Master's degree, which he received in 1952, he had some unusual experiences for such a young man. The most important was that Elliot arranged for him to be Director of the Harvard International Seminar. Elliot had conceived the idea of bringing to Cambridge each summer young, powerful, influential foreigners to discuss political affairs and to expose the visitors to two months of American life. The Rockefeller Foundation provided most of the funds, but, although Kissinger never knew it, the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) gave small sums, too.

Thus, over a period of 18 years Kissinger became personally acquainted with important on-coming leaders around the world. The Seminar was based on Elliot's anti-Communist convictions. No Communist was ever

-627-

invited to be a participant. And Kissinger did the inviting.

As a fringe benefit of the Seminar, an international quarterly journal was published under the title, *Confluence: An International Forum*. Kissinger was the editor and again Rockefeller money paid the bills.

While working on his Master's degree, Kissinger also found time to serve as consultant to the Army's Operations Research Office and to the Psychological Strategy Board of the Joint Chiefs of Staff in Washington, D. C. In 1951, he spent some time in Korea studying, for the Army, the effects on the Korean people of the military occupation. With all these activities, it is surprising that he received his M. A. degree in 1952.

Two years later he received his Doctor of Philosophy degree. He chose for his dissertation subject, the Congress of Vienna. He traced the diplomatic struggles to restore peace in Europe after 25 years of war and civil strife. His central hero was Metternich who was attempting to restore the monarchies after the adventures of Napoleon. He received a Harvard Prize for the high quality of the work. The dissertation was later published as a book, *A World Restored*.

-628-

While working on his doctorate Kissinger also served as a teaching fellow for an important undergraduate social science course. His responsibility was to lead a small group of students in discussion sessions following a major lecture given by a full professor. He was not impressive in this role perhaps because of his numerous activities.

After receiving his Ph. D. degree he had hoped with
Elliot's aid to be promoted from Instructor to Assistant
Professor. Some of the faculty did not approve of this
promotion thinking that Kissinger had not been a dedicated
teacher and that he was arrogant and personally offensive.
He was offered a position at the University of Chicago
which he accepted and then rejected. This left some
bitterness in academic circles for his mistreatment of
Chicago.

He changed his mind on the Chicago appointment
because he was offered a position in New York with the
Council for Foreign Relations. This Council was made
up of persons of wealth, leaders in government including
the military, and outstanding scholars. It was the
most influential foreign policy group in the nation.
Kissinger accepted the directorship of a special study

-629-

group to determine alternatives to the Eisenhower-Dulles
policy of massive retaliation. To the Council some
alternative other than all-out nuclear war seemed
imperative.

Dr. Kissinger and his wife moved to New York and
lived in an apartment and Ann worked full-time. For
the next 18 months Henry devoted his time to the writing
of position papers and attending meetings with the
distinguished members of the Council who were assigned
to guide and criticize his ideas. As in his Harvard
days, there was again little time for his wife and their
home life. His final report, published by the Council,
Nuclear War and Foreign Policy, proposed a new direction
for American foreign policy. Advocated was limited use
of nuclear bombs and movement toward specific political
objectives. The book was an instant success and on the
best-seller list for many weeks.

Kissinger's future was now secure. With the
backing of the study group he had turned United States
foreign policy in a new direction and had established
himself as a young man of great brilliance with some of
the most influential people in the country. Harvard

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now welcomed him back and gave him a position as Lecturer
in the Department of Government. He was made an
Associate Professor in 1959 and was promoted to Professor
in 1962.

**Nelson Rockefeller.** The third man to exert great
influence on Henry Kissinger was Nelson Rockefeller, one
of the sons controlling the enormous Rockefeller
inheritance. He was the Rockefeller most active in
politics. He had served as Assistant Secretary of State
during World War II, was Governor of New York for 15
years, resigning to become Vice-President under President
Gerald Ford.

Nelson Rockefeller had met Kissinger in Washington
in 1955 at an Arms Control Conference and remembered
him as a brilliant intellectual type. Rockefeller had
also attended a few sessions of the study group which
Kissinger was directing for the Council on Foreign
Relations. The Rockefellers were always seeking bright
young men whom they might employ. In 1956, he and a
brother organized a special studies project to prepare
a series of reports on the major problems faced by the
United States. He hoped to use these reports to aid his

campaign for governor and, perhaps, eventually the
presidency. Rockefeller approached Kissinger and asked
him to head a panel to report on national security.

Already engrossed in writing the report for the Council
on Foreign Relations, most persons would have declined
such an enviable position. Not Henry Kissinger. He
undertook both responsibilities and by working 16-hour
days completed both reports. The Rockefeller report,
*Prospect for America*, published in January 1958 received
much public acclaim and the parts written by Kissinger on
national security were especially praised.

From then on Kissinger's future was tied to Nelson
Rockefeller. When he returned to Harvard, he continued
to be on the payroll of Rockefeller as a special consultant.

The return to Harvard was something of a triumph.
Dr. Kissinger now had powerful connections and an
established reputation. He and Ann lived modestly, but
when he was promoted to Associate Professor they purchased
a home near Boston, in an upper middle class section of
Belmont. Ann settled comfortably into the life of a
suburban housewife, enjoyed her gardening and the
affection of numerous friends. Henry continued to give

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little time to his wife and home. He was always "too busy." He almost seemed to accept Ann as a cook and servant.

There was no question that he was busy. In addition to teaching, he was appointed Associate Director of the Center for International Affairs—financed by the Ford Foundation. The Director was Robert Bowie, a Harvard law professor and a former Assistant Secretary of State. The two men did not get along. Bowie wanted to do research exclusively; Kissinger wanted teaching to be a part of the activities. They differed fundamentally on American military strategy. In 1960 Kissinger resigned. Clearly he had failed in this situation; he had proven too arrogant, and he certainly had not displayed diplomatic skills.

In the meantime, he had been appointed Director of a new Harvard Defense Studies Program along with his other duties. During summers he continued to manage the International Seminar. By means of the Defense Program and the Seminar he managed to bring to Harvard a continuous stream of powerful, influential people.

-633-

He taught a popular undergraduate course on "Principles of International Politics." Many students found his lectures unusually interesting, but some thought his delivery was monotonous at times. He taught two graduate seminars: one on national security policy and one on Western Europe. Overworked as he was, he had little time to give personal attention to his students and, assistants often took over his classes.

Academic life for Kissinger proved to be only a means to achieve his power goals. Washington remained his central objective. When John F. Kennedy was elected President, Kissinger thought this would be his great opportunity. A Harvard man as President would surely make use of the resources of his alma mater; Kennedy did.

Kissinger is thought to have voted for Kennedy, although because of his Rockefeller connections and work he had done for the Eisenhower administration, he was nominally a Republican. But consultants who seek power are perfectly willing to shift their politics. Early in his administration, President Kennedy chose him as a general adviser to the National Security Council on European affairs. Kissinger commuted by plane frequently

-634-

to Washington. In general he approved Kennedy's foreign policies based on strong American military power. At first, the President seemed to approve of Kissinger's. However, in the crisis of August 1961, over the building of the Berlin Wall, Kissinger was very aggressive and urged the use of troops to tear down the Wall. Kennedy was not willing to go that far. From then on their relations deteriorated and in February 1962 Kissinger was advised to resign.

Kissinger realized that he had failed when a great opportunity had existed for him. He now spent more time at Harvard and wrote many articles for magazines. He realized that more than ever his future was tied to Nelson Rockefeller.

Following Kennedy's assassination Rockefeller in 1964 tried to get the Republican nomination for president. Kissinger became his foreign policy adviser and received his first lessons in practical politics. He wrote position papers for Rockefeller and was devastated not only by Goldwater winning the nomination but by the harsh, ruthless way in which Republican conservatives treated Rockefeller.

-635-

During those hectic years, with Kissinger realizing that he was losing influence in his search for power, his married life was becoming strained. In social situations he was abrupt and curt to his wife. He sometimes humiliated her in public. Friends described the marriage as "turbulent." In spite of this, after a childless decade, a daughter, Elizabeth, was born in 1960 and a son, David, in 1962. One wonders if the having of children was a final effort to keep the marriage together. If so, the plan did not work. Before the son was a year old, Kissinger separated from his wife and in 1964 there was a divorce.

As a single man Kissinger took on a new life style. He rented a luxury apartment in Boston and entertained frequently. He joked that he could not afford to do these things because of the alimony he was paying, but he spent his money freely. Some think that he had been impressed by the Kennedy style of living and was determined to follow their example.

Through a fortunate circumstance his situation improved under the Johnson administration. President Johnson, to gain bi-partisan support for his Vietnam policy,

-636-

appointed Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. as Ambassador to South Vietnam. Lodge had previously served a term as Vietnam Ambassador under Kennedy. Lodge earlier had been a U. S. Senator from Massachusetts, a candidate for Vice-President in 1960 with Richard Nixon, and served as Ambassador to the United States for President Eisenhower. Kissinger, had some years before invited Lodge's son, George, to participate in his international Seminar and they had maintained a friendship based on mutual respect. When the father invited the son to be a consultant to the State Department on Vietnam, the son suggested that he should also invite Kissinger. Kissinger, of course, accepted.

Dr. Kissinger was a scholar on European affairs. He was not an expert on Far Eastern affairs. He had never visited Southeast Asia. He immediately tapped the resources at Harvard by getting those who did know Vietnam to share their ideas with him. He read and read. He studied State Department memorandums. His mind absorbed ideas quickly, and he fitted the new insights he gained about Southeast Asia into the general plans he had already formulated about foreign policy.

When President Johnson asked him to visit Vietnam in October 1965 he was intellectually well prepared. His companion on the trip was Clark Clifford, a powerful lawyer and Democrat in Washington, D. C. who was later to become Secretary of Defense. In Vietnam Kissinger visited not only with officials but went into hamlets to talk with local people. He listened to newsmen. He met with Buddhist leaders.

On his return to Washington he briefed top officials in the Departments of State and Defense. They were impressed by his viewpoints. He argued that the United States was fighting a conventional war against a non-conventional enemy. He thought the United States could not rely on South Vietnam political leaders or their generals. Yet he did not think the United States should withdraw; defeat by a small Communist power would lower our prestige in world affairs. He argued for a settlement by negotiations.

President Johnson was impressed by Kissinger's forthright report and by his not using his position to feed information to Republican rivals. He sent Dr. Kissinger back to Vietnam in October 1966, and, in the fall of 1967, used him in secret negotiations with the

-638-

North Vietnamese through French go-betweens. This was
Kissinger's introduction to secret diplomacy at which he
became so skilled in later years.

The 1968 Presidential Election. Kissinger basically,
however, was still Rockefeller's man. With a President
to be elected in November 1968, Kissinger shifted from
aiding the Democratic administration to using his abilities
to help Rockefeller. A year before the election,
Rockefeller had thrown his support to Governor George
Romney of Michigan as the liberal Republican most likely
to defeat Richard Nixon who had the support of conservative
Republicans. Romney officially declared he was a
candidate on November 27, 1967. Kissinger met with Romney
in Michigan and helped him on his foreign policy positions.

Romney campaigned strenuously using Kissinger's
ideas and material. For a time it looked as though he
had a good chance to defeat Nixon. Then the polls began
to turn against him. Before the New Hampshire primary,
the first in the nation, Romney rather abruptly decided
he was going to be defeated and announced on March 11,
1968 that he was withdrawing from the race.

-639-

Rockefeller and his followers were upset. Then, in May, Rockefeller announced that he was a candidate for the presidency. A little more than three months remained before the Republican national convention to be held in August in Miami Beach. Kissinger worked night and day to aid Nelson Rockefeller. He recruited able people to help. He wrote speeches, drafted position papers, helped with political strategy.

The cause was almost hopeless. Rockefeller had started too late and over the years had made too many enemies among the conservative Republicans. Kissinger accompanied the Rockefeller party to Miami Beach and got another lesson in the practice of politics. Rockefeller lost--getting the votes of only one-fourth of the delegates. Kissinger took the defeat very badly. His future was tied to Rockefeller. In bitterness he exclaimed, "that man Nixon doesn't have the right to rule."

Within a few days, however, an invitation came from the Nixon forces to help in the Republican campaign. Kissinger considered this to be an attempt to restore party harmony. He couldn't bring himself actually to work for Nixon, but he did agree that he would be willing

-640-

to answer questions put to him. He declined to write
papers or speeches. During the fall he spent full-time
at Harvard where he frequently received inquiries from
Nixon assistants. Trying to tap his expertness,
Humphrey, who was the Democratic candidate, also raised
occasional questions with him. He avoided any appearance
of aiding the Democrats and continued to be in close touch
with Rockefeller. With private groups he commented on
Nixon's lack of ability.

Following Nixon's victory in the November election
there were rumors that Rockefeller would be offered the
position of Secretary of Defense in Nixon's cabinet.
This heartened Kissinger, for he knew that then there
would be a place for him in Washington. At the end of
November he was surprised to get a telephone call, while
he was on a weekend in New York, asking if he would meet
with the President-elect on Monday. He accepted and
for three hours he and Nixon discussed foreign policy.

The next day Rockefeller called and told Kissinger
that Nixon had informed him there would not be a cabinet
post offered to him. Kissinger was greatly disappointed,

-641-

but in a few hours a call came asking him to meet with
Nixon two days later on November 27, 1968. At this
New York meeting, the future President asked Dr. Kissinger
to become his Assistant for National Security Affairs.
They discussed foreign policy for several hours.
Kissinger agreed to give his answer within a week. After
talking with Rockefeller and some Harvard colleagues he
called back two days later accepting the post. He was
going back to Washington in a top foreign policy post.

## *Eight Years in Washington.*

For the next eight years Dr. Henry Kissinger was in the limelight. During President Nixon's first term Kissinger served as the Assistant for National Security Affairs. His first responsibility was to advise the President, but he also served as the connecting link with the Secretaries of State and Defense and with the Central Intelligence Agency. Most important he was the actual executive of the National Security Council. After Nixon's election for a second term, Kissinger was given the additional responsibility of being Secretary of State. He continued in these roles when Gerald Ford became President following Nixon's resignation during the Watergate crisis.

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Books have been written about Kissinger and those
years in the White House. Columnists have written
hundreds of stories about his achievements and short-
comings. Television has devoted hours to him and his
influence. In all this outpouring two major areas are
treated: his style and his accomplishments.

**Style.** His style varied with individuals and
situations. He tried to avoid publicity in family
matters. As a divorced father, he paid considerable
attention to his children. His wife had remarried a
Brandies University professor, but Kissinger saw his
children regularly and as they grew older he sometimes
took them on trips with him. He saw to it that they
were raised with an understanding of Jewish history.
He was thoughtful of his parents--attending, for
example, their 50th wedding anniversary. The event was
held in Switzerland, so that he could fly there from
Paris where he was in the midst of important negotiations.

There was another side to his style during his
first four years with President Nixon. He deliberately
developed an image of a man who was attractive to

-643-

beautiful women. Newspapers constantly carried pictures
of him with young, attractive Hollywood stars. He had
been impressed by the life style of President Kennedy and
sought to project the idea that he was "an interesting
man-about-town." After President Nixon appointed him
Secretary of State, he decided that the "play-boy"
image was not appropriate for a man in this position.

He turned off the publicity about his dates. On March 30,
1974, in a quiet, civil ceremony, he married Nancy Sharon
Maginnes whom he had known for over a decade. She had
been an aid to Nelson Rockefeller, an intellectual in her
own right. She was a graduate of Mt. Holyoke where she
had been a brilliant student. Blonde, blue-eyed, tall
she was in complete command of herself. She avoided
publicity and was not an out-going, social type of person,
even though she was experienced and at ease in high
society. She provided a needed stability to her husband's
life.

His style in work was to work. He spent long
hours on his duties and he expected his subordinates to
do the same. He was a ruthless taskmaster with a vile
temper. He could explode at an assistant, but make it
up to him later with some special kindness. Those who
could stand his ways became very loyal to him.

-644-

On one thing he was insistent, that on all interna-
tional relation matters he was the gate to the President.
No one saw President Nixon on foreign affairs without
first seeing Dr. Kissinger. What the President heard
and saw was first filtered through Kissinger.

In those eight years in Washington he developed a
remarkable sense of humor. He enjoyed turning away
potent questions of reporters with a clever wise crack.
Humor became a buffer which he used skillfully.

His style in dealing with international matters
brought about the use of a new phrase: shuttle diplomacy.
He flew more miles as Secretary of State than had any of
his predecessors in that office. His was a personal
kind of diplomacy. He met person to person with leaders
of all nations. He carried ideas from one leader to
another and back to the first one. World leaders
trusted him and he did not misplace this trust,

**Accomplishments.** His views of foreign policy for
the United States were based on dealing from strength,
being anti-Communist, and maintaining the balance of
power. The major areas of his accomplishments were

-645-

Vietnam, the Soviet Union, China, and the Middle East.
While President Nixon prided himself on his leadership
in international affairs, he trusted Dr. Kissinger and
relied on him to carry out the policies on which they
had agreed.

The Vietnam War was a long, devastating, costly war
that divided the people of the United States. Demonstrations, riots, draft evasion, and other forms of protest
brought this country close to civil revolution. The
destruction of lives and property in Southeast Asia
seen on nightly television, sickened the American people.
President Nixon in his election campaigns promised to
bring an end to the war.

When the Nixon administration took over in January
1969, Dr. Kissinger described the situation in the
Department of State and Defense as "a mess." The top
civil service heads were tired, heart-sick, and their
morale was low. Peace negotiations in Paris were bogged
down over a silly issue of whether delegates should meet
around a square table or a round table.

-646-

The new Republican Secretary of State was William P. Rogers, an able man, but Dr. Kissinger did not get along well with him. The State Department lost prestige and power during the Kissinger years in Washington. Kissinger's deputy and most trusted aid was General Alexander Haig Jr. who became Nixon's top assistant toward the end of the Watergate period. After that he served as NATO Commander in Brussels.

Kissinger brought fresh ideas and a new confidence to the sad conditions he found. He believed that a great power like the United States could not afford to go back on its allies—including South Vietnam. He thought that the United States should be anti-Communist and not hand a victory to Communist forces. But, he had great faith that skilled negotiations could bring a satisfactory solution.

He began negotiations based on an article he had written for the magazine *Foreign Affairs* shortly before going to Washington. He envisioned a two-track type of negotiations: one military, the other political. He argued that we were fighting a military war while North Vietnam was fighting a political war. He thought the

-647-

United States should negotiate an honorable military
peace with North Vietnam, but that North and South
Vietnam should negotiate a political peace.

Negotiations began again based on these ideas.
The result was simple; North Vietnam did not agree.
For more than four years the war continued while
Kissinger tried various moves and counter moves to get
North Vietnam to accept these ideas. The Soviet Union
and China were pressured to get North Vietnam to accept
a settlement. Bombings were increased and decreased.
Some United States troops were withdrawn. Cambodia
was invaded. In all these failures Kissinger held
doggedly to his idea, that "however we got into Vietnam,
whatever the judgment of our actions, ending the war
honorably is essential for the peace of the world."

After some 20 trips to meetings, most of which
were held secretly, a peace agreement seemed to have been
reached in October 1972. But the war dragged on for
three more months during which the United States in-
creased its bombings of North Vietnam. The harbor of
Haiphong was mined in an attempt to keep Soviet supplies
from reaching North Vietnam. Finally, in late January 1973

-648-

Kissinger and Le Duc Tho, the North Vietnamese top negotiator, agreed on a peace treaty. For this treaty they were granted the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize.

The effect of the treaty was that the United States was able to withdraw troops from Southeast Asia, most prisoners of war were returned, and "a decent interval" was provided before South Vietnam was taken over by Communist North Vietnam. The fact is that the United States lost a war that was fought "at the wrong time, in the wrong place."

The Soviet Union was always the major concern of Dr. Kissinger. He realized that the United States and the Soviet Union were the two great super powers who could bring about the destruction of the world. He understood that President Nixon had risen to political power as an opponent of Communism. He recognized, too, that the problems in Vietnam and other parts of the world were linked--what happened in one place influenced what was happening in another.

The policy which he designed to meet these conditions was to try to lessen the tensions between the two powers. He did not want to struggle over the issues of whether Communism or Capitalism was the better system; he preferred to face a specific problem and see if it could be solved. This overall strategy came to be known as *detente*.

Trade between the two nations was an important aspect of *detente*. The Soviet Union suffered from a shortage of food because of crop failures. The American farmers raised a surplus of corn, wheat, and other products. Through negotiations the Soviet Union was able to purchase huge quantities of grain from the United States.

Disarmament was another aspect of relations between the two giants. Each had developed the ability to destroy the other. Each was spending enormous amounts of money for military activities that might be diverted to other purposes if some disarmament agreement could be reached. Kissinger, therefore, spent much of his time and energy on ways to bring about a halt in the armament race. After 1969 the two nations conducted negotiations called the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT).

-650-

After more than three years of study, investigations, and discussion a treaty was close to being reached. President Nixon, Dr. Kissinger, Secretary of State Rogers, and their aides, then, went to Moscow to meet with the Soviet leaders. In four days of meetings final agreements were reached on two treaties which were signed on May 26, 1972. The treaties limited the use of offensive nuclear weapons and allowed each nation two anti-ballistic missile sites.

These treaties have come to be known as SALT, because the lengthy discussions continued under Kissinger's direction and later under the Carter administration. A SALT II agreement had been nearly achieved at the time of the 1976 presidential elections, but action was postponed when President Ford decided it was not politically wise to sign such an agreement in the heat of a political campaign. With the victory of President Carter, the SALT negotiations were continued with a new negotiating team headed by Secretary of State, Cyrus Vance.

China was another major area for the policy of detente. The Communists had gained control of the mainland of China after World War II by defeating the

-651-

democratic forces that were supported by the United States.
The United States refused to recognize the new regime.
There was great bitterness in this country over the loss
of China to Communism. Richard Nixon was one of the
loudest voices protesting our failure.

As President, however, Nixon saw an opportunity to
change this situation. Prior to this time the general
thinking had been that the Soviet Union and China would be
allies because both were Communist. Nixon wondered if
actually they might not be fearful of each other. He
suggested to Kissinger that he explore the possibility of
a new relationship between the United States and China.

Prior to that time Kissinger had given little
attention to China. In his usual thorough way he
examined the situation and thought there were great
possibilities for the two countries to cooperate. He
recognized, too, that only a known anti-Communist, like
Nixon, could move this country to change toward China.

Through skilled negotiations the groundwork for a
new policy was developed. A first indication that the
Chinese were ready to negotiate with the United States

-652-

came in a curious way. A United States ping-pong team was participating in an international tournament in Japan. The Chinese team invited the United States team to come to China. The United States team was given approval to go to China. This was the first official group from the United States to be admitted in 12 years. In July 1971 Kissinger made a secret trip to China to meet with the Chinese leaders Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai. These discussions were fruitful and contacts continued after Kissinger returned to the United States. A year later, in February 1972, President Nixon with Kissinger, Rogers, and other aides flew to China for a summit meeting with the Chinese leaders. A week was spent in discussions and ceremonies. In what many consider to be President Nixon's finest endeavor, a breakthrough in Chinese-American relations was achieved.

The Middle East is generally considered to be Dr. Kissinger's area of greatest achievement. The complexities of the oil-rich Middle East are very great. Israel, the Jewish nation, is surrounded by Arab nations. The differing religions, Christian, Jew, and Muslim, converge geographically in the ancient religious city of Jerusalem.

-653-

As with Vietnam and China, Kissinger knew little of the area. Because he was a Jew, during Nixon's first term, he preferred to have Secretary of State Rogers take the lead in Middle East affairs, although after 1970 he was very influential in determining policy. When he became Secretary of State, however, he took personal charge of the diplomatic endeavors. By this time, through study and experience, he understood the problems.

Basic to his policy was that the United States had a fundamental commitment to the preservation of Israel. As a result the United States supplied airplanes and other military equipment to Israel. The Soviet Union in its efforts to gain influence increasingly supplied military equipment to Arab countries, especially Egypt. The region had been in a constant state of start-and-stop wars for 20 years. It was feared that a direct confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union in the area might lead to world war.

In 1970 President Gamal Abdul Nasser of Egypt died. He was succeeded by Anwar Sadat, the Vice President, who proved to be a much stronger leader than had been anticipated. Fearful of the increasing build-up of Soviet arms in his

country he eventually tried to escape from the Soviet
influence. Before this took place, however in October
1973 he began a brief war, the Yom Kippur War, against
Israel, which lasted only 16 days but restored Egyptian
prestige as a fighting nation. At the start the
Egyptians were successful because they were receiving
airplanes and military supplies from the Soviet Union.
Kissinger countered by getting United States airplanes
and supplies to Israel. Soviet troops were being moved to
Egypt and a direct confrontation between the United States
and the Soviet Union appeared near. Having demonstrated
the United States support of Israel, Kissinger negotiated
a cease fire with Soviet leaders which, then, was established
as the policy of the United Nations.

From that point on Kissinger engaged in a remarkable
period of personal diplomacy. He met with Sadat and the
two men got along very well. They came to trust each
other. Kissinger met with other Arab leaders, one at a
time, as well as with the Israel leaders. He served as a
broker, carrying ideas back and forth among the leaders.
He thought this step-by-step diplomacy was preferable to
some grand design which might fall apart. The result was
a formal agreement by which the armies were disengaged.

-655-

Kissinger arranged for President Nixon to visit the Arab countries in 1974. This was mainly a "show" by which the President hoped to get some favorable publicity in the midst of the Watergate scandal. The trip did ease tensions between the United States and the Arabs somewhat, especially after the oil embargo of the preceding year.

The Watergate scandal which eventually led to Nixon's resignation meant that Kissinger was actually in charge of foreign affairs during his last few years as Secretary of State under Presidents Nixon and Ford. An uneasy peace was maintained in the Middle East because of his personal diplomacy. There were terrorist attacks. There were threats of a new war. But a kind of peace was achieved which was no small accomplishment.

Kissinger's work in the Middle East had not been completed when President Carter assumed the responsibilities. Kissinger should be given great credit for restoring United States influence in the Arab world and for getting Arabs and Israelis to continue talking instead of fighting.

Not all of Kissinger's efforts were successful, however. A Turkish-Greek eruption over Cyprus was handled

-656-

poorly resulting in bad feelings toward the United States
on the part of both nations. He misjudged the situation
when Portugal gave up its territories in Africa and supported
the wrong interests when the Portuguese dictator was over-
thrown. He emerged from the Watergate scandals without
personal taint, but evidence that he had permitted the
wiretapping of members of his staff indicated either
deceit or lack of loyalty. He was not sensitive to
relations with Japan, a strong ally of the United States.

In total evaluation though, most observers tend to
agree with President Ford. At the end of his administra-
tion, Ford presented Dr. Kissinger with the highest
civilian award, The Medal of Freedom, saying, "He has a
record of unprecedented scope and enormous accomplishment."

**The Nobel Peace Prize.** The Nobel Peace Prize was awarded to Dr. Kissinger in 1973--midway in his eight years of service in Washington. He and Le Duc Tho, of North Vietnam, shared the Prize. The award was something of a surprise as neither had previously been nominated. Two members of the selection committee resigned as a protest, believing that the men did not deserve the Prize.

The majority seemed to believe, however, that reaching an
agreement to end the ten-year war in Vietnam justified
honoring the two chief negotiators.

Le Duc Tho declined the honor, because as he said,
"Peace has not been fully restored in Southeast Asia."

Dr. Kissinger accepted the award explaining that
he considered the Peace Prize as a high honor for anyone
striving for peace. He gave his share of the $122,000
award to establish a Kissinger Scholarship Fund, which
will be used to aid the children of American military men
killed in Southeast Asia. He did not attend the annual
award ceremonies in Oslo, on December 10, 1973, presumably
because of the world situation.

The medal and award were accepted on his behalf by
the United States Ambassador to Norway, Thomas R. Byrne,
who read a message from Secretary Kissinger. A few
excerpts are:

> Our experience has taught us to
> regard peace as a delicate, ever-
> fleeting condition, its roots
> too shallow to bear the strain of
> social and political discontent.

We tend to accept the lessons of
that experience and work toward
those solutions that at best
relieve specific sources of strain,
lest our neglect allow war to
overtake peace. To the realist,
peace represents a stable arrange-
ment of power; to the idealist, a
goal so preeminent that it conceals
the difficulty of finding the means
to its achievement. But in this
age of thermonuclear technology,
neither view can assure man's
preservation. Instead, peace, the
ideal must be practiced. A sense
of responsibility and accommodation
must guide the behavior of all
nations. Some common notion of
justice can and must be found, for
failure to do so will only bring
more 'just' wars.

... In Indochina, the Middle East,
and everywhere, lasting peace will
not have been won until contending
nations realize the futility of
replacing political competition with
armed conflict.

America's goal is the building of
a structure of peace, a peace in
which all nations have a stake and
therefore to which all nations have
a commitment. We are seeking a
stable world, not as an end in
itself but as a bridge to the reali-
zation of man's noble aspirations of
tranquility and community.

If peace, the ideal, is to be our
common destiny, then peace, the
experience, must be our common
practice. For this to be so, the
leaders of all nations must remember
that the political decisions of war
or peace are realized in the human
suffering or well-being of their
peoples.

-659-

As Alfred Nobel recognized, peace
cannot be achieved by one man or
one nation. It results from the
efforts of men of broad vision
and good will throughout the world.
The accomplishments of individuals
need not be remembered, for if
lasting peace is to come, it will
be the accomplishment of all mankind.

**The Out-of-Office Years.** Dr. Kissinger did not return to Harvard after he left office in January 1977. Instead he chose to remain in the Washington area. He accepted a position as a consultant to the reputable Georgetown Center for Strategic and International Studies where he devoted most of his time to writing his memoirs. He did some lecturing at Georgetown University and at other well-chosen places around the country.

He served as an adviser-consultant on foreign
affairs to the National Broadcasting Company under a
five-year contract. He also accepted membership as a
director on the governing boards of several large
corporations. He was made, too, a trustee of the
influential Aspen Institute for Humanistic Studies.

-660-

Because of his great interest since boyhood in soccer, he accepted appointment as chairman of the board of the North American Soccer League. Rumors are circulated, now and then, that he hopes to be elected a United States Senator from New York where he has maintained his legal residence.

He and his wife, Nancy, live modestly but are seen several times a year at social functions of high society in Washington and New York. Kissinger's children, Elizabeth and David have been shielded from publicity, but it is known that the daughter enrolled at Yale University in the fall of 1977.

Kissinger has avoided commenting on the handling of foreign affairs under President Carter, but he has been available to the Democratic foreign policy leaders for advice when it has been requested. Still strong and vigorous, with his background and great abilities, at his age, he could easily continue to be influential in international affairs.

30/10/89 12:53

JEWISH AGENCY ISRAEL972-2-222352

002

WORLD ZIONIST ORGANIZATION

Simcha Dinitz
Chairman of the Executive

Via Facsimile: 001 212 759 0042

29 October 1989

The Hon. Henry Kissinger
Kissinger Associates
28th Floor, 350 Park Avenue,
New York, NY 10022, USA

I am writing to inform you of the forthcoming International Conference of the Jewish Media which will take place in Jerusalem between 7th-11th of January, 1990.

This Conference, the third we have organized, will bring together some 300 journalists, among them 150 Jewish editors and journalists from some 20 different countries - including representatives from Eastern Europe - together with a similar number from Israel. This combined assembly will represent most of the leading Jewish newspapers and periodicals, radio and television programs in the world.

The Conference will feature guest speakers from both Israel and abroad and we plan that the President of Israel, its Prime Minister, and the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Defence will address the gathering.

It gives me great pleasure to invite you to be our special guest to address the Conference, and be the recipient of a special Award to mark our appreciation of your very substantial contribution to peace in the Middle East, and friendship between the United States and Israel.

Your acceptance of our invitation would also give me great personal pleasure, and I look forward to hearing from you as soon as possible.

With warm personal regards,

Jerusalem 91920, P.O.B. 92, Telephone: 02-202222, Telex: 25236, Fax.: 224533, Cables: Zionit

DEC 13 1989

29th November 1989

Dear Nancy and Henry

A friend of mine has just written this informative and amusing book about Italians and I would like you to have this signed copy to add to your well-stocked library.

Why don't you come and stay with us in February? George Weidenfeld and Beverley Sills and her husband, and probably Barbara Walters and Merv adelson are coming. We would love it if you could join us also, or at any other time that might be better for you.

Sandra joins me in wishing you a happy holiday season.

With warmest regards.

Book, Italians First! from A to Z,
in Suzanne's dlice

TM

DIRECT MARKETING ASSOCIATION, INC.

6 EAST 43RD STREET • NEW YORK, NY 10017 • 212-689-4977 • TELEX 22 0560

APR - 3 1989

March 22, 1989

Mr. Douglas Funk
Special Assistant For Security
To Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
1800 K. Street N.W., Suite 1021
Washington, D.C. 20006

As per Dr. Kissinger's request, below are questions asked by the attendees of the DMA 24th Spring Conference, March 9, 1989.

1. You draw an interesting picture of a new administration pulling up the trees to look for roots i.e., no long term objectives. Do you see this as a national approach that also is found in business?

2. I know you are the honorary head of the world-wide soccer organization. Did you have anything to do with getting the 1994 world cup to be hosted in the U.S.? What is the future of soccer in the U.S.?

3. What will be some of the effects of the common EuroMarket of 1992? How can the U.S. prepare for this?

4. The Soviet leaders deprived to the USA's/The West's security is their drug addiction. Can USA/The West cure themselves?

5. Japan's industry works with government cooperation. U.S.A. government and legislation works against industry (anti-trust, etc.). How can American industry compete with Japan when our basic cultures are so different. For instance, Japan's industry is allowed to work together to solve environmental problems in our country. Each industry must work alone.

6. The Soviet leaders deprive USA of an enemy, they are saying. Can USA live without an enemy? Can USA solve its problems? The greatest danger?

7. Regarding the Japanese investments in U.S. real estate; do you believe we are indeed in danger of being owned by Japan? What can we do to buy back America?

WASHINGTON OFFICE: 1101 17TH STREET NW • WASHINGTON, DC 20036 • 202-347-1222

[YJ]

8. Middle East - should Arafat have been able to speak at the UN and how will the Soviet entering the negotiations affect the US policy and future of the region?

9. Did Richard Nixon ever wake you up at 4:30 a.m. to see if you still had your accent?

10. Will Gorbachev be able to bring about his reforms in the USSR?

11. Is President Bush too cautious in dealing with Gorbachev's plan for disarmament?

12. Two major developments in Japan.

* A new emperor

* A major politician scandal

What international implications do these have?

13. Is the conventional arms reduction plan dangerous for NATO?

14. What is the future of the dollar and the trade deficit? Is the dollar at its lowest level?

15. Presuming John Tower is not confirmed, who do you think will be nominated for the Secretary position?

16. How can we get consistent foreign policy with our political system?

17. Will Europe of 1990 be an opportunity for the U.S. or do you foresee a closed market?

18. What should the present and future role of NATO be relative to national security and long term foreign policy?

19. Regarding the idea that communism as an ideology has been discredited: Isn't it true that a significant exception is the American intellectual class? How to deal with that?

20. Is Oliver North a hero, fool or traitor?

21. What is his view about Nicaragua's future; what can be done to help solve their problem?

22. What promise do you see in the new Bush administration to take advantage of opportunities for policy initiative in foreign affairs, similar to those you led in the Nixon years?

23. How should American Publishers and Booksellers respond to Rushdie issue?

[Y]

24. Do you have any recommendations on how to improve our educational standards in this country?

25. What one or two actions should the government take to make U.S. more competitive?

26. What trends do you foresee in the growing military capabilities of Japan and how will this growth affect the U.S.A.?

27. Does Arafat indeed represent West Bank & GAZA Palestinians?

28. What about the problems of the western world. For example, what is your opinion on the southeast Europe's problem between Greece and Turkey? Won't it affect the world peace?

29. Should John Tower become a member of President Bush's cabinet or even a part of his staff?

30. What effect will Afghanistan have on long-term Soviet foreign policy?

31. From Dick Hubert, Videoware Corporation. Should U.S. companies invest in the Soviet Union? Should Western Banks lend money to the Soviets? Isn't investment in and lending to the Soviet's helping Gorbachev? Should we be doing that?

32. Would it be possible to modernize the Soviet consumer market and resolve America's department? Could you see this as a "double" solution for our two nations?

33. How concerned should we be about the heavy Japanese investment in U.S real estate business?

34. The kind of foreign policy that you advocate requires a reference of the people to the government to the Congress to the Executive. Do you see Americans doing this?

35. Russia has 30 years world domination planning. Japan has a long term industrial council. What specific proposal would you have for a long term economic, foreign relations and domestic planning entity?

36. Will the Soviet Jews ever be able to leave freely?

37. You described the need to be more competitive, and cited the needs for long-term planning and the climate of financial manipulation. Is some sort of America Perestroika called for?

38. Will the Soviet Union ever willingly give up their control of East European countries in the face of the security they feel this gives them?

39. If the Senate should face to confirm John Tower, how would you assess the damage of image and/or purpose of the Bush Administration?

40. Why has American leadership been so reluctant to accept your concept of real politic?

41. Should we help the Soviets to develop industrially or deny help to maintain superiority?

42. In your view, what's the single most important world issue facing us in the 90's?

43. How do you think the U.S. should change or strengthen its foreign policy in the Middle East, particularly in Iran?

44. What are some of your ideas regarding dealing with the systematic developments that will arise with Russia?

45. When will you author Volume 3 of your memoirs?

46. Should we require Japan and West Germany to finance their own defense?

47. Don't you think Bulgaria and Czechoslovakia are still staunch allies of USSR?

48. What can an individual do?

49. What makes you think that Japan will become a major military power? The Wall Street Journal in a recent article felt that Japan would not become a political in military heavyweight?

50. To what extent should the U.S. aid the USSR in economic assistance for the potential success of perestroika?

51. Is Jonathan Tower getting a fair confirmation?

CURRICULUM VITAE

Name : Setiawan Djody
Nationality : Indonesian
Date/place of birth : Solo, 15 March 1949
Sex : Male
Marital Status : Married

Education : New York University - 1969
University of California, Berkeley 1973
Areas of Study: Law, Politics and Economics

Company Profile : 
1975 - present : Owner/President Director PT Sarpindo Gloria Shipping, Owners/Operators of Oil Tankers

1978 - present : Owner/President Director PT Multi Setco Owners/Operators of Oil Tankers

1980 - 1983 : Representative of United Technologies Ltd.

1983 - present : Owner/ President Commisary PT Sarpindo Soyabean Industry, a Soyabean Mill & Refinery

1987 - present : Owner/Chairman SETDCO Film Corporation
-jointly in cooperation with LIME LIGHT, Film & Video Production, USA :
*producing Commercial & Music Video;
*producing Comedy Film "Medium Rare"
*In 1990 will start to produce film :
1. "Freak Wave" starring by Christopher Lambert;
2. "Weege" starring by Micky Rourke and
3. "Two Crimes".

1988 - present : Owner/President Commissary PT Sumatex Subur, a Textile Factory in Padang, Sumatera

1988 - present : Owner/President Director PT Sarpindo Graha, a Pelletizing Plant

1989 - present : Owner/Chairman of the Board of SETDCO Mining Corporation Group comprising of:
-SETDCO Peleihari Mining which owns
Contract of Work area totalling 162.678 Ha
in South Kalimantan and expected to
produce platinum & gold;
-SETDCO Batuban Mining which owns
Contract of Work area totalling 231.638 Ha
in South Kalimantan and expected to
produce platinum & gold;

- SETDCO Batanta Mining which owns Contract of Work area totalling 215.300 Ha in Irian Jaya and expected to produce nickel & gold;

- SETDCO Minika Mining which owns Contract of Work area totalling 403.292 Ha in Irian Jaya and expected to produce gold & copper concentrate;

Jakarta, 30 May 1989