April 13, 1961

Mr. Beshara E. Ghorayeb
P.O. Box 3608
Beirut, Lebanon

Dear Beshara:

Thank you for your letter of March 28th, which
I am sorry I have not answered sooner. I have been out
of my office most of the last few weeks.

I am glad to learn of the travels you are
planning to take, and would like to see you if you do
come to this country, but I am afraid there is really
nothing I can do about arranging lectures or anything
of that sort. I simply am not in touch with the right
people.

With kind regards.

With kind regards.

people.

I simply am not in touch with the right
of that sort. I can do about arranging lectures or anything
come to this country, but I am afraid there is really
planning to take, and would like to see you if you do
of my office most of the last few weeks.

I am sorry I have not answered sooner. I have been out
Thank you for your letter of March 28th, which

Dear Beata:

Beirut, Lebanon
P.O. Box 3608
Mr. Beata E. Ghorayeb

April 13, 1961

HARVARD DEFENSE STUDIES PROGRAM

*Memorandum*

FROM: DLB

To: HAK

Re: Sudhir Ghosh

Graduate Cambridge University.

Executive Assistant to Ghandi; active with him in negotiations with Britain; jailed with him; with him when he died.

Founder and Director of the Community Development Program (the basic semi-public institution through which the Indian village is being rebuilt and improved.)
On his own he successfully lobbied money out of the US Senate for this project.

Appointed Executive Director of Hindustan Steel (the Indian govt steel complex); during this period he became infuriated at bureaucracy, at Krishna Menon, and worried about Chinese.

4 yrs ago elected to Parliament from home State of Bengal; became vigorous critic of Krishna Menon; spokesman for more vigorous defense policy.

In this country to talk with Rusk, McNamara, et al re impending Chinese attack and US aid; apparently here on his own initiative; maintains his own group of active supporters in Washington including John Sherman Cooper and others.

A few years ago he talked MIT and Ford Foundation to underwrite reconstruction of Calcutta sewage system when ICA wouldn't act fast enough.

Wife is head surgeon at New Delhi's biggest hospital

MEMO

To: HAK
From: DLB

March 12, 1963

George Lodge asked me to ask you if you would be interested in
meeting one Sadhir Ghosh from India for lunch (the 3 of you) on next Monday.

Chosh is in the US to talk with Secretary Rusk about increased US aid
in meeting the Chinese invasion which the Indian government apparently
thinks is imminent. Lodge knows Ghosh from way back and considers him to
be the brightest of the new Indian politicians and thinks he is definitely
Prime Minister material.

George doesn't want to involve you in just a social meeting but if
you think such a meeting would be helpful to you or mutually helpful he
will arrange it. Please let Joan know so I can get back to George this
afternoon.

March 5, 1962

Mr. Tushar Kanti Ghosh
Editor, Amrita Bazar Patrika
Bharat Bhawan
Chittaranjan Avenue
Calcutta 13, India

Dear Mr. Ghosh:

Just after I returned to this country from
Asia a few weeks ago, I had to depart for Europe.
I have only now returned, and wanted to tell you
how much I enjoyed meeting you at lunch. I am
a great admirer of your newspaper, and enjoyed our
conversation very much.

I look forward to the pleasure of meeting
you again soon.

With kind regards.

March 28, 1968

Mr. Gerard L. Giancola
335 President Street
Brooklyn, New York 11231

Dear Mr. Giancola:

I am sorry for the delay in
answering your letter to Mr. Kissinger
dated February 9th.

Unfortunately, he will be unable
to see you in the foreseeable future.
He is seldom in the office since he
is not only on sabbatical this year,
but also doing more work than usual
for the government.

Joan Blanchard

Sincerely homa,

for the government.
but also doing more work than usual
is not only on academic this year,
He is seldom in the office since he
to see you in the foreseesle future.
Unfortunately, he will be unable

dated February 9th.
answering your letter to Mr. Klaarner
I am sorry for the delay in

Dear Mr. Gissens:

Brooklyn, New York 11331
332 President Street
Mr. Gerard R. Gissens

March 28, 1966

FEB 10 1966

February 9, 1966

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Harvard University
Center for International Affairs
6 Divinity Avenue
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

As I mentioned several days ago in telephone call to your office, I am most interested in going to Cambridge to speak to you, sir.

At the present time, I am preparing a study on current international politics and economics. Your excellent book - *The Troubled Partnership* - has been essential to my research and consequently I would like to discuss with you some aspects of the subject.

I will be glad to come to Cambridge whenever such a visit is convenient for you. Looking forward to meeting you, I am

PS Please find enclosed an article, representative of my writing, which I wrote for the college newspaper and a recent photograph for identification purposes.
G

December 7, 1965

Dear Mr. Giancola:

Thank you for your letter of
December 3rd.

I appreciate your nice words
about *The Troubled Partnership*.
Unhappily, I almost never come to
New York so that I am afraid we will
have to forego a meeting until you can
come to Cambridge.

Kind regards.

December 3, 1965

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Center for International Affairs
Harvard University
Cambridge, Massachusetts

Dear Dr. Kissinger :

Having just completed reading your book- *The Troubled Partnership*, I find myself unable to reframe from writing this letter. Your authoritative study of the current issues on the development of the Anglo-American partnership and the thoughts expressed on Europe's trailblazing economic and political integration is remarkably clear and well written.

As a History student at St. John's University, I am particularly interested in your work. If it is at all possible I would like to meet you personally and to discuss some of your views.

Since I will unable to come to Cambridge until the Spring of next year, our meeting, assuming it can be arranged, would have to take place at some time you may be in New York City.

Looking forward to that day, I am

Previous Pamphlets of the
Labor In Mid-America Series

No. 1

Dangers In Our Foreign Policy

By CHESTER BOWLES
Former Ambassador To India

Address before the 2nd Legislative Conference, Teamsters
Joint Council No. 13, April 29, 1956 at St. Louis, Mo.

No. 2

The Nature of Trade Union Power

By JAMES ROOSEVELT
Congressman from California

Address before the 14th City-Wide Shop Conference,
Teamsters Local 688, January 27, 1957 at St. Louis, Mo.

No. 3

Economic Achievements Of The Teamsters Union

By ROBERT D. LEITER
Associate Professor of Economics
City College of New York

Address before the 15th City-Wide Shop Conference,
Teamsters Local 688, January 26, 1958 at St. Louis, Mo.

No. 4

U.S. Labor and These Changing Times

GEORGE BALDANZI, President
United Textile Workers of America

THOMAS F. EAGLETON
Attorney-General of Missouri

LAWRENCE STEINBERG
President, Teamsters Joint Council
No. 44, Toledo, Ohio

Addresses before the 17th City-Wide Shop Conference,
Teamsters Local 688, November 19, 1961.

Requests for copies should be sent to
Teamsters Joint Council No. 13
1641 So. Kingshighway Blvd., St. Louis 10, Mo.

Price: Single copies free. Bulk orders of 10 or more copies, 10c per copy.

U. S. Senator Edward V. Long, Attorney General Tom Eagleton, our Secretary of State Warren Hearnes, Vice President Harry Tevis, and honored guests on the dais here, officers of Teamsters Local 688, and our friends from other labor unions: I would like to preface my remarks by again saying, as I did in the morning sessions, that I regret the absence tonight of President James Hoffa who was to make this main address. President Hoffa, as you know, is fighting for his liberty in Nashville tonight. He wanted to be here. But since this was not possible, he asked me to express to the delegates his sincere wishes for a successful conference and the continued progress of our Local Union.

I also want to express my personal thanks to the many men who have traveled, in some instances, thousands of miles, to be present at today's meeting, and those other friends of Teamsters Local 688 in the St. Louis labor movement who are with us tonight.

Today's conference was one of a long series of meetings, and I am very happy that we had such a successful one.

For those who may never have attended these meetings, they represent in my mind the best traditions of democracy. The holding of these conferences by delegates from our rank-and-file represents an expression of faith on the part of your leadership in our rank-and-file's judgment. They are highly educational for all of us to attend. We go away better equipped to serve our members. The response from our rank-and-file and from the delegates who have attended these meetings, their response to the day-to-day work of our Union has more than justified the faith that we have in holding these meetings.

I have been away, in a large measure, from Local 688 over the past seven or eight years. I have always viewed it as a kind of temporary separation from 688, the local to which I have constantly proclaimed my allegiance.

4

The National View

I am looking forward to the day when perhaps the work in the national office will be such as to relieve me of those responsibilities and enable me to come back here and work with the local Union which has given me so much as an individual during the last twenty years.

But being up at the national level has been a fortunate experience for me also. I say this because at the national level one deals with a wide variety of problems in the labor movement. One is forced to view the needs and activities of the entire national Union, yes, more than that, the entire labor movement.

In Washington as we sit there dealing with the problems of labor, the needs of our nation constantly cross into view. Tonight if we were to say anything to our delegates, it would be to say something of the experience in the national labor movement and the conclusions which grow out of that experience. We want to make these comments without leveling a pointless criticism at the labor movement. However, we want to be very frank and say to you that a look at the American labor movement in 1962 is disturbing.

Labor Movement on
Dead Center, Today

The American labor movement, the best that can be said about it, is on dead center. It is a labor movement which seemingly has lost its vision, lost its aims and goals and appears to be going nowhere. Over the past thirty years we have probably never been so low in public respect and in public esteem as we are today. And the result of the particular status we occupy today is that large sections of the community which formerly stood shoulder to shoulder with the labor movement are drifting away from our side.

We are victims today of vicious anti-union legislation. We are losing members. For the first time in thirty years our movement is shrinking. Not only are we losing those we have, but also we are failing to gain new members.

One of the most significant events in the labor movement has been the recent elections in the aerospace industry, where in three elections the workers in that industry voted on the union shop, and in three consecutive elections the union shop was voted down. This never happened before in the labor movement. This is significant and something we should all be alerted to and concerned about. Why this happened is something we should think about.

5

The Drive For Ultra Respectability

It would appear that the present labor leadership of our nation is either unwilling or unable to defend the interests of our movement. Most of them seem to be concerned about their own hides; most of them seem to be heading for the storm shelters. There is a drive towards an ultra-respectability on the part of labor leaders who have in that very process been forced to sacrifice the interests and the needs of the men and women who elected them and whom they are supposed to serve.

At the rate we are going, we are fast becoming just another institution in our society. The status of our labor movement today is a serious threat to the sixteen million members of our organizations; it is a threat to their economic well-being and their job security. More than just a threat, it represents to our own people the fact that a labor movement on the defensive, a labor movement which is shrinking, a labor movement which is not moving forward, literally constitutes a threat to the American nation.

We say to you without any fear of contradiction that of all the elements in our society, of all the sections of our society that represent the bulwark of our democratic way of life, the labor movement represents the greatest. The day our labor movement is smashed and destroyed, every American in our nation will have lost something valuable. On that day, unrestricted power will flow to the industrialists of our country. Our nation and our way of life will be one of the things of the past.

6

Labor Movement Born
Out of Social Horrors

It is amazing to see this situation existing when one looks at the history of the labor movement, when one understands the background of our organizations. I have often said in the course of my activities in the labor movement that the best organizers we have in the labor movement are the employers because they drive workers into trade unions.

Literally, the very fact that we have a labor movement today is a reaction of men and women who worked against the brutality of the industrial system under which we live. It is not too long ago that men and women were herded into factories as the industrial system was born, robbed of the security the land meant to them, and saw their ability to make things with their hands destroyed. They became dependent upon the sale of their labor to an individual employer.

The brutalities which existed and which grew in that kind of situation literally defied description. There was wide use of eight and nine and ten year old children, women worked in mines, later to be replaced in that very activity by mules; little or no wages were paid, and thousands of indentured servants, with no wages at all, spotted our industrial economy. Working conditions of the men and women of the early days of our labor movement were indescribable. Such things as disease and illiteracy were rampant, men worked from sunup to sundown, and health and safety provisions were unknown.

Side by side with this kind of an industrial system was a political system which was little better. Voting rights were heavily restricted. You had to be a man of property to vote in our early country, and yes, it is only of recent date that women have been permitted to cast a ballot.

Men in debt were forced into prisons. Education as we know it today, free public education, was unheard of. Only the selected few had the benefit of an education. Organizing for wage increases was a conspiracy under the law and men went to jail. Court injunctions were the rule of the day.

This is the kind of situation in which the labor movement was born. We were victims of such conditions, and down through the years the labor movement has fought and suffered in their correction. Yes, we were despised, outcasts and rebels. But always we were fighting for the people, always we were fighting for the decent things; and as a result, down through the years the labor movement drew to its support thousands of men and women of good will who recognized the tremendous job that organized labor was doing, and they were our fast friends.

We were admired by the community of which we are a part.

7

Modern Gains and Old Hostilities

Now, in 1962, of course, we have made substantial gains. Today, basically, we enjoy the eight-hour day, we have a movement of some 16,000,000 organized workers, protected and granted dignity through the operation of some 150,000 collective bargaining agreements. Inadequate though they may be, we have on the books minimum wage legislation, and laws protecting child labor and women who must work; health and safety legislation is on the books, and old age pensions are available to the people.

Unemployment insurance is widespread throughout America, again inadequate, but nevertheless representing a tremendous achievement; some measure of industrial democracy in the plants and workshops of America has been established by our labor movement.

These are the achievements we have made, and still today we find ourselves in a hostile environment. Perhaps it is because we figure that we have won everything to be won. Even though our basic industries are well organized, we still cannot afford to rest on our oars.

The day we become just another institution in society, we are not entitled to ask for special consideration any more than a General Motors or General Electric Corporation.

It would appear that because of the gains we have made, or the attacks that have been made upon us, we have lost the will to fight. By our complacency we have handed an excellent opportunity to our enemies—who today—are preaching that labor unions really aren't necessary, right-to-work legislation should be enacted, labor should be placed under the anti-trust laws. They advocate practices to fragmentize us, to break our size, to break our strength and to destroy our movement.

8

A New Crusading Spirit is Needed

Actually, we have not met the needs of our people. Actually, we have not met the needs of America. The work of the trade union movement at best is midway. If labor is ever to gain back the respect of the people of America, if labor is ever to gain the allegiance of the millions of unorganized workers, if we are to move forward from the dead center position that we occupy today, we must look around us.

We must mount crusades on the problems still facing America. The problems we face today are different but no less intense than those of our early years.

There are millions yet to be organized. They are subject to being fired at the whim of a boss. There are only sixteen millions out of a work force of sixty million in this country who are organized in our ranks. Unorganized workers are exploited, insecure, without dignity.

This is a task to which the labor movement must address itself if it is to command the respect of the American workers. This is the kind of task to which it must address itself if it is going to get off dead center. Today, it seems as if selfish interests, or, as I said before, a lack of will-power has us paralyzed in the area of true organization.

"The American people will never go backwards"

9

The Challenge of Unemployment
and Automation

Today America sits with five million unemployed. As I pointed out today in early meetings, it is one thing to blandly comment that five million are unemployed. This has little meaning to us, really. We have to break it down into five million individual cases. Then it means millions of cases of destroyed dreams, millions of tragedies, millions of cases of kids and others denied the right to enjoy a decent life—this is the meaning of five million unemployed.

No labor movement worthy of the name is entitled to sit by while this kind of condition exists in the richest country in the world. I say that the labor movement must move on this problem. It can never relax and say "I am happy," or "satisfied" as long as this be the case of this country.

If you were to look at the unemployed problem as related to the sweep of automation, you would find the problem only conservatively stated by our President. President Kennedy has advised the world that if we want to put America back to work, we must create 25,000 brand new jobs a week each week for the next ten years, jobs which never before existed in this country. This figure of 25,000 has been increased to 35,000 by studies of the Ford Foundation, and responsible research organizations have claimed it will take 50,000 jobs a week for the next ten years to solve this one problem.

This is a problem worthy of the complete attention of the labor movement. This is the kind of a problem to work on, the solution of which will again make us the respected driving organization which we were down through the years.

10

The Challenge of Slums

You can go into any American city and you can see—despite efforts at urban redevelopment—you can see mile after mile of slums, slums in which people are packed into dwellings like cattle. It has been estimated that if the rest of the City of New York had the same density of occupancy as certain blocks in Harlem, you could put the entire population of the City of New York into two boroughs. This is how bad the situation is.

I defy you to mention a major city where this is not true. As long as the slums exist, slums in which disease and poverty and crime and juvenile delinquency thrive, as long as these exist, they represent a blot on our nation. They represent a crime for which the labor movement should take the responsibility to do something about, and in that process gain back the respect of millions and millions of people outside of our movement, gain back again the confidence in the men and women we represent, and those who are unorganized.

The Challenge of
Inadequate Schools

In America there are thousands and thousands of school-
rooms needed. There are other thousands of schoolrooms which
are inadequate. Here we are dealing with our most precious pro-
perty. Here we are dealing with the future of our coming gen-
erations. Here we are dealing with our children. There is a
terrible waste of human resources in this area. Teachers who
must teach fifty students in a class cannot do an adequate job.
Teachers who have six or eight sessions a day cannot do an
adequate job. It is not difficult to understand, aside from the
economics of it, the tremendous drop-outs which face the Ameri-
can school system every year.

11

The Challenge of
Racial Discrimination

Take a look at another area of America, that area of discrimination, and you see one of the most terrible things that could ever happen in our nation. After area in which millions of Americans are denied equal opportunities, equal opportunity in schools, equal opportunity in housing, equal opportunity in public accommodation. As long as this situation remains true, the work of the labor movement is unfinished.

There is an active continuing struggle on the part of our minority groups to gain the franchise, to gain recognition, to gain equality. As long as the struggle continues, the labor movement should be in the forefront, instead of standing back contributing a few dollars. We should be saying to the Negroes of our country, "Since you have the guts to stand up and fight for the conditions you are entitled to, we certainly have the responsibility to help and assist in every way possible."

No, instead of that, we find the leader of the American labor movement splitting hairs with the leaders of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People. No one expects us to be perfect, but everyone can expect us to make an honest and sincere contribution to something so vital as freedom and equality for all of the American people.

This is why we are in a precarious situation today. Millions of people who ordinarily would be rallying to our support in strike situations and in the field of legislation, do not care today because of our own failings, nor will they care in the future unless we ourselves move.

12

The Challenge of the
Problems of the Aged

Take a look at the most inhuman kind of problem that
could ever exist in a civilized society. Take a look at the way
we deal with our aged people. In terms of housing, little or none
has been provided in our nation. The kind of pension that we
grant them at the end of their productive years makes it im-
possible for them to live at any level of decency or dignity.
Medical care is literally non-existent for the aged. A small,
miserable attempt, represented by the so-called medicare bill
in the last Congress, was voted down. This is something which
should make every trade unionist indignant, concerned, and ex-
pressing that concern at every opportunity.

During the 1950's, our cost-of-living index rose some 12 per cent. Medical costs, on the other hand, rose 50 per cent. Blue Cross costs, the premium we pay, went up 80 per cent. Obviously this completely removes the possibility of the aged having their own private medical care program.

In the next session of Congress the organized labor move-
ment should forget about respectability, it should forget about
its storm shelters, it should come out in the open and storm
the halls of Congress to insure that the plight of the aged of
this nation is given the kind of consideration that it justly
deserves.

Economic Condition of Persons over 65

71% per cent—had less than $3000 of disposable income in 1961

Less Than
$3,000

More Than
$5,000

10%

10 per cent—had more than $5000 of disposable income in 1961

13

Multiple Person Families Living in Poverty in 1960

(U. S. Dept. of Commerce and other sources)

10.4 million families received less than $4,000 before taxes.

7.1 million families received $2,000 to $3,999 before taxes.

2.3 million families received $1,000 to $1,999 before taxes.

1.0 million families received under $1,000.

The Challenge of
Institutional Poverty

Yes, we have a minimum wage law, but there are sixteen
million workers in industry alone today are denied the pro-
tection of these federal minimum wage rates. These are the
men and women who must work for thirty, forty and fifty dol-
lars a week, working long hours with no overtime pay. This
is the failure of our people to provide the protection necessary
for these largely unskilled workers in relatively prosperous in-
dustries. I say to you this should be a concern of the organized
labor movement.

We have the latest figures on what constitutes poverty
in our nation. Tonight we have enjoyed a very substantial meal;
we are all pretty well fed. But tonight as we sit here at this
banquet, thirty-two to thirty-six million Americans will go to
bed hungry. Thirty-two to thirty-six million Americans live be-
low the line of poverty. These are figures culled from federal
government reports.

How can a labor movement exist for a day when it does not
raise its voice against this kind of thing existing in the richest
country of the world?

If we fail to do something about these conditions, we have
no future as a labor movement, and I am sure that we are en-
titled to none.

14

I say that in 1962 the problems we face are as substantial
as those in which the labor movement was born. They are prob-
lems we must solve. They are problems against which we must
mount a crusade.

We must return to the kind of battles which won us deep
support and lasting respect of the people. We must return to the
humanism that gave us birth. Thus, and only thus, can we
put our movement back in the honored place it formerly oc-
cupied. That is the only way we can get off the defensive and
move forward on all fronts.

This is the challenge of the 60's.

The challenge of the unorganized is our challenge and our
opportunity.

The challenge of ending the slums is our challenge and our
opportunity.

The challenge of our educational needs is our challenge and
our opportunity.

The challenge of the plight of our aged is our challenge
and our opportunity.

The challenge of the country's minority groups is also
our challenge and also our opportunity.

The challenge to each underprivileged American is also our
challenge and also our opportunity.

This is our opportunity to win back an honored position.
This is our challenge and our opportunity to make the American
Dream a reality for everyone, not just a favored few.

15

May 29, 1962

Mr. George F. Gilder
Quincy House 626
Harvard University
Cambridge 38, Massachusetts

Dear George:

There was no time to read your paper before leaving for Brazil, and I really did not think I should overrule a grader, fallible as we both know they are.

I promise you, however, that as soon as I return on June 18th, I will read your paper and give you my comment and tell you-- as a friend--what grade I would have given it. I am sure you will find that grades will not matter much to you in the years ahead, but that the feeling of having done something for its own sake will.

I would like you to know that I have always been impressed by your motivations. I think our universities do not always understand that life does not go through a series of final examinations.

Please leave your address with my secretary.

Warm personal regards.

Henry W. Klaage

Warm,benevolent regarde.

that life does not go through a series of final examinations.
by your motivations. I think our universities do not always understand
I would like you to know that I have always been impressed

that the feeling of having done something for its own sake will.
find that grades will not matter much to you in the hereafter, put
as a friend--what grade I would have given it. I am sure you will
18th. I will read your book and give you my comment and tell you--
I PROMISE YOU, however, that as soon as I return on June

as we both know they are.
Brazil, and I really did not think I should overrule a Grader, kaffile
There was no time to read your book before leaving for

Dear George:

Cambridge 38, Massachusetts
Harvard University
University House 650
Mr. George F. Cilger

May 29, 1965

Box 101
Chemonua, New Hampshire

August 16, 1964

Dear Henry:

I should be more than happy to have Mr. Ludwig stay on in F-111 until September 10th, providing only that our Fall term visiting professor is not arriving before then. Unfortunately, there has been a great deal of uncertainty about who is or who is not coming and so I'm not certain what the present situation is.

Could you possibly get in touch with my secretary, Miss Elizabeth Goakes, at the Leverett House Office and check with her about arrival times? If the scheduling works out, you can tell her that I have given my go-ahead to have Mr. Ludwig stay on.

Excuse the paper and the typing, but I am not so well provisioned in the country as in Cambridge.

HARVARD UNIVERSITY
WADSWORTH HOUSE

HOWARD F. GILLETTE
General Secretary of the Alumni

CAMBRIDGE 38, MASSACHUSETTS

28 February 1963

Dear Professor Kissinger:

In April the College and the Harvard Alumni Association are again inviting members of the classes that are celebrating their reunions this June to return to the Yard to audit the regular undergraduate classes on Thursday, April 18, and Wednesday, April 24. On these days the Alumni with their wives and high school age children will attend classes of their choice which are regularly scheduled in the Harvard and Radcliffe classrooms, have luncheon and a talk from Master Conway at Leverett House, and will join together in the afternoon to hear a lecture by a prominent member of the Faculty. We feel that this is an important opportunity for these Alumni to become acquainted with undergraduate teaching, to see and hear members of the contemporary Harvard Faculty and, if you will, to recharge their intellectual curiosity.

The Class Committees have asked me to solicit your permission for their members and families to attend your course, or courses, meeting on April 18 and April 24, as follows:

April 24 - 11:00 A.M. - Government 180 - Geological Lecture Room

I would appreciate it if you would indicate your feelings in this matter on the enclosed postcard and return it to me at your earliest convenience. Please note the name of the lecturer if you will not be giving the course on that particular day. Since there are a number of courses available at each hour, I do not believe that any one class will be seriously over-burdened with an influx of visitors.

If, after returning the postcard, there is any change in the information given for your course will you kindly notify Mrs. Phillips at extension 731?

May I express my thanks for your kind cooperation in this effort to bring our Alumni closer to the College.

Professor Henry A. Kissinger
6 Divinity Avenue
Cambridge 38

HARVARD UNIVERSITY

Alumni Office, Wadsworth House

General Secretary
HOWARD F. GILLETTE

Associate General Secretaries
PETER D. SHULTZ
EDWARD J. CAREY

April 1, 1966

Mr. Henry A. Kissinger
Center for International Affairs
6 Divinity Avenue

Dear Henry:

Thanks very much for your thoughtful letter enclosing the brochure of the Columbia Alumni Program. We have been following this program with considerable interest since it was instituted a couple of years ago and Peter Shultz, who, as you know, is now back with us working full time on programming, plans to have a session with the Columbia Alumni Office on this in the near future.

There are two angles to it which we believe makes the Program, as such, not entirely feasible from Harvard's viewpoint.

First, in almost every case, the meetings are co-sponsored, as in Houston by the Houston Museum of Fine Arts and in a number of other cities by such organizations as the World Affairs Council. Columbia frankly acknowledges that they do this because of the relatively small pockets of alumni in order to draw a satisfactory crowd.

From our point of view, we feel that we get a great deal more benefit out of a meeting if it is sponsored by a Harvard Club alone.

The second question is whether the far busier members of the Harvard faculty would be willing to sign up for as many meetings a year as the Columbia group does.

On the other hand, there is no question about the effectiveness of their program and I'm sure that there are some angles of it from which we can profit.

Again, thanks very much for your interest in this.

HFG/dk

March 28, 1966

Mr. Howard F. Gillette
General Secretary of the Alumni
Wadsworth House

Dear Howard:

When I was in Seattle, somebody
told me about the Columbia Alumni
Program which sounded interesting.

I am enclosing a letter which
explains what they do. (Disregard
the flattering comments about me.)

Would something like that work
for Harvard?

Kind regards.

Henry V. Klaasen

Sincerely yours,

Kind regards.

for Harvard?

the flattering comments about me.)
explains what they do. (Diareqsd
I am enclosing a letter which

told me about the Columbia Alum
When I was in Seattle, somebody

Dear Howard:

Macaworth Home
General Secretary of the Alum
Mr. Howard F. Gillette

March 38, 1968

P.O. Box 99003 • ATwater 4-5955
SEATTLE, WASHINGTON 98199

WORLD AFFAIRS COUNCIL OF SEATTLE

MRS. WALTER D. SMITH
Director

MAR 21 1966

PRESIDENT

* Clifford F. Drown

VICE PRESIDENTS

* Clifford H. DeWitte

* Glenn M. Gormley

* D. C. Knapp

* James R. Miller

* Mrs. Cornelius J. Peck

* Dietrich Schmitz

* G. W. Taylor

* J. Knox Woodruff

TREASURER

* R. Spencer Purvis

BOARD OF TRUSTEES

Don G. Abel, Jr.
C. Henry Bacon, Jr.
Philip W. Bailey
Joseph Cebert Baillargeon
Bruce F. Baker
Miner H. Baker
Fred Bassetti
E. L. Blaine
John D. Blankinship
William K. Blethen
Robert J. Block
Dr. Forbes Bottomly
Benjamin E. Bowling
Robert F. Buck
Mrs. Irving M. Clark, Sr.
Wetherill Collins
C. Edwin Courtney
Mrs. Lewis J. Dowell
Robert W. Dupar
Miss Joanna Eckstein
The Very Rev. John Fitterer, S.J.
Douglas Fox
Frank G. Frink, Jr.
Dr. Richard E. Fuller
Cassius E. Gates
Jack Gordon
Clinton S. Harley
H. W. Haynes
Harold H. Heath
Jack A. Keillor
Mrs. Robert L. King
George M. Lhamon
Dr. Charles E. Martin
C. J. Middleton
Stanley N. Minor
Irving T. Morgan
Mrs. Vernon A. Mund
Dr. Charles E. Odegaard
Stuart G. Oles
Martin J. O'Rorke
William G. Orthman
Stuart Prestrud
W. R. Richardson
W. Andrew Ross
Sam Rubinstein
Dr. Lloyd W. Schram
VAdm Allan E. Smith, USN (Ret)
Dan Starr
William S. Street
Dr. George E. Taylor
Welles R. Wiley
Walter B. Williams
William P. Woods

*Executive Committee

March 11, 1966

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

The themes must be numerous that might be developed
on the fact that influential Harvard University has
located its Center for International Affairs at "sicks
Divinity Avenue.... Sorry. Bad day.

But it was a good day when you came to Seattle and
spoke to the World Affairs Council. The twenty-one
paid guests who fell ill with the flu missed what
your audience characterized as "one of the best in
years". I'm sure that an "old platform pro'" like
you recognized the warmth of your reception.

Hope that you returned safely and without having con-
tracted any germs and that you found the trip was
worth the while, to yourself.

Remembering our chat about the Columbia Alumni Program,
I thought you would like to see the enclosed example.
These programs cover the length and breadth of the U.S.
(i.e., wherever alumni organization(s) exist) and a
number of other countries. Incidentally, I have never
attended Columbia; my admiration is based on observation
of what I consider one of the best public relations
operations of its kind that I have seen. Speakers may
go as singles or as. "panel" members and may represent
almost any academic field.

Thank you for coming. We were honored and pleased and
enlightened and we would like to have you come again.

MEMORANDUM

WESTERN RESERVE UNIVERSITY
CLEVELAND, OHIO

November 16, 1957

TO: Dr.Henry Kissinger

FROM: alfred j. hotz

Just a brief word as to why I was involved in forwarding
the enclosed communication from Robert Gilpin. Young Bob is
married to one of my finest graduate students, Jean Millis, the
daughter of our President Millis of WRU. Jean completed her M.A.
degree in Political Science sometime ago. Her thesis on "The
Secretary-General of the United Nations" was topflight scholarship
and conceptualization.

Bob Gilpin received his A.B. degree in Sociology (I think)
from Cornell University; then served in the Navy for a two-
year stint; and presently is out at the University of California
on his second year of graduate work in political science.

From that vantage point they found out that I was working
for the FPRI, and thereby knew your address. Obviously, you are
obligated neither to me nor to Bob Gilpin to handle his request
for advice on his enclosed "paper" except as in your best judgment
you would be interested in helping along a bright, young man
who is apparently looking for a serious, scholarly thesis topic.

Thanks for your patient understanding of this situation.

1933 Bonita Avenue
Berkeley 4, California

November 12, 1957

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

Your book *Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy* is by far the most perceptive book I have yet read on either nuclear weapons or foreign policy. If it impresses Washington as much as it has impressed me, you will have done a great service to the Free World.

Prior to reading your book I had written a short paper in response to three events in the Communist world: the Hungarian Revolution, Djilas' writings and Mao's "One Hundred Flowers..." speech. After reading your book I revised the paper in order to incorporate your ideas.

I have enclosed the paper as revised. Your comments would be greatly appreciated. However, I am fully aware of the restrictions on your available time and realize you have little free time to spare.

As I do not know your address I have mailed this via Professor Alfred Hotz of Western Reserve University whom I know has been in contact with you.

Industrialization, like birth, is painful, vident, and bloody. The Asia of today is commencing its birth of industrialization just as Europe did one hundred and fifty years ago. Asia -- like Europe before it -- will see a rapid rise in population, large rural to urban migrations and the development of a large urban proletarian mass. The shattering of tradition and the growth of insecurity will give rise to the same haunting discontent which pervaded nineteenth-century Europe -- the age of revolution, nationalism and the Communist Manifesto.

The father of nineteenth-century industrialization was capitalism. Accordingly the masses and the sensitive intellectuals held capitalism responsible for the pain, violence and blood attendant upon industrialization. Ironically Karl Marx was one of the few who realized that capitalists could not be blamed for the inevitable consequences of the economic revolution. Unfortunately for capitalism however, few others saw things this clearly. Capitalism became morally blemished.

Industrialization brought to the surface the legacy of centuries of ignorance and suffering. The poverty-striken peasant became the wage-starved proletarian. The suffering of a concentrated proletariat produced an effect which the suffering of isolated peasants could not produce.

Anti-capitalist creeds arose which held capitalism -- not ignorance and rapid change -- responsible for the century's misery.

This paper does not say that these capitalists were blameless because of some forgiving historical necessity. One could easily

- 2 -

dwell on the sins of selfish men. This paper, however, is more concerned with the inevitability of discontent during periods of rapid economic or social change. It was this discontent and the doctrines it fostered which have helped to discredit capitalism in most areas of the world today. As a consequence the newly industrializing nations of this century have adopted one form of Marxism or another. Most unfortunately this has also meant the discrediting of the democratic process as a bourgeois trapping. Socialist planning -- even if undemocratic -- is believed to be morally and economically superior to capitalism, however democratic.

As the nations of Asia and Africa industrialize they, too, will undergo the throes of suffering and discontent characteristic of nineteenth-century Europe. There is, however, one significant difference between the nineteenth-century European industrializers and the twentieth-century non-European industrializers. Whereas the former were capitalists, the latter are Marxists. Practically all leaders of newly industrializing nations accept the Marxist criticism of capitalism. But worse, more and more, they are also rejecting democracy and seeking a closer alignment to the Moscow-Peking axis.

It is these leaders who must shoulder the responsibility of industrialization. It is Marxists who must impose industrial discipline, break strikes and satisfy increasingly insatiable mass aspirations. Frustration is inevitable; it is against Marxists then that these frustrations will be directed. Within their arc of the world the Marxist becomes the upholder of the status quo. Like capitalism before it, Marxism will become increasingly morally tinged and illegitimate.

- 3 -

Looked at in these terms we see the true significance of
the Hungarian Revolution of last October. Hungary was bypassed
in the great capitalistic development of the nineteenth century.
Like the non-European world of today it remained essentially
agrarian. After its fall to the Communists, a period of rapid
industrialization followed -- not unlike that planned for much of
the underdeveloped world. The resentments of this industrializa-
tion were directed against the Communist rulers. The culmination
of the frustrations generated was the only, truly grass-roots
revolution of this century. It is no mere coincidence that it
is industrializing Hungary and Poland -- not industrialized
Czechoslovakia -- where the Communists are facing their worst
challenge. In Hungary Communism no longer has a mass appeal;
similarly it has lost much of its mass appeal in Poland. It
is ceasing to be a legitimate doctrine in these industrializing
nations.

The significance of all this was quickly perceived by two
men at opposite ends of the Marxist continuum. One was Mao
Tse-Tung in his "Let a Hundred Flowers Bloom" speech; the other
was Milevan Djilas in his article on the Hungarian Revolution for
the *New Leader* and his book, *The New Class*. Mao's concept of
contradiction and Djilas' concept of the "new class" are both
responses to this contemporary Communist dilemma. When commu-
nism takes the reigns of government in an industrializing society,
antagonisms will arise between itself and the masses.

In Mao's terms the governed and governors come into contra-
diction; Djilas calls this contradiction "class conflict" in its
full Marxist sense. The danger in this for communism, especially
in Asia, is obvious. The Marxist industrializer becomes caught

up in his own dialectical laws. In Marxist terms the Asian
Marxist has placed himself in the historic role of the capitalist.
Can he play this role and not suffer the historical consequences?
Hungary indicates he cannot.

We see that when Communism assumes responsibility for
industrialization it plants the seeds of its own destruction.
It creates an antithesis of unfulfilled promises. The consequences
of this for Communism are profound; in like manner the
opportunities for the West are great.

The West must develop an ideology, strength and strategic
doctrine which is consistent with a world where more and more
nations look to the Soviet Union and China for leadership. This
ideology must be an inspiring alternative to communism. Our
strength must be capable of containing the industrializing
nations which seek in imperialism a release of internal frustration.
More than anything else, however, we need a political-military
strategic doctrine which can challenge the Soviet
sphere.

The only hope for the West is to force the Soviet Union into
the position of a *status quo* power. Only when this is achieved
will the Soviet Union negotiate a settlement with the West.
A clue to how this may be accomplished was furnished by the
Hungarian Revolution. In that crisis the Soviet Union was the
*status quo* power and on the defensive. As such it displayed a
vacillation and indecisiveness familiar to observers of the West.
The failure of the West to respond with determination convinced
the Russians they could act without fear of opposition.

- 5 -

The West at the time of the Hungarian Revolt needed a strategic doctrine which would have allowed it to pressure the Russians into negotiations on Hungary. The doctrine of massive retaliation and total faith in the United Nations gave the West neither the will nor the means to act. This doctrine and faith are not even sufficient for containment, much less liberation. Unless the West develops such a doctrine it will be slowly strangled to death. It is for this reason that the writer finds in Henry Kissinger's *Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy* a policy for the West. The strategy of limited nuclear war would give the West the means to exploit future eruptions against Soviet tyranny. It would give hope to those enslaved peoples that liberation is a possibility. It would convince the West that opposition to tyranny has a chance to succeed. Most of all, it would convince the Russians that they have something to gain in negotiations leading toward a more lasting settlement. Thus at the time of the Hungarian Revolt they might have settled for the neutralization of the country rather than risk a protracted limited war opposed by both Hungarians and the West.

As the Communist and Communist-oriented nations industrialize, there will be more Hungaries and Polands. There will be more anxiety and uncertainty among Communist and Leftist upholders of the *status quo*. In anticipation of these opportunities, will the West adopt the necessary policies and capabilities to take advantage of them? Or will the West suffer future Hungaries and Polands to fall back within the Soviet orbit? Although Kissinger's strategic doctrine could not determine by itself a positive answer to the alternatives posed above, such an answer cannot be attained without it.

Henry A. Klauder

Sincerely yours,

Beat redrgs,

very interesting.
were kind enough to send me. I found it
BAR ASSOCIATION JOURNAL which you
the copy of your article from the AMERICAN
This is just a note to thank you for.

Desr Mr. Gleva:

New York, N. Y. 10007
Folely Sdnstn
U.S. Courtnonae-Room 434
Mr. Richard A. Gleva

December 31, 1966

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

VIRUS LABORATORY
BERKELEY 4, CALIFORNIA

13 October 1964

Professor Henry Kissinger
Center for International Affairs
Harvard University
6 Divinity Avenue
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

Dear Henry,

By my calculations I owe you about $30.00 for which I enclose my check.
No mathematics were involved, only arithmetic.

My hugh brandy glass did make it back to California and will be avail-
able to you for tasting when you visit us about October 31st. I see
that we are scheduled to go to a concert that night featuring the
music of Bach with some explanations by a local musicologist who has
an excellent sense of humor. I don't think we have tickets yet so if
you would like to join us that night for the concert we could do it
on the spur of the moment. Please call us when you get in.

With best wishes,

DAG:as

Enc.

UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA

6 October 1964

Professor Henry A. Kissinger
Center for International Affairs
Harvard University
6 Divinity Avenue
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138

Dear Henry,

Our trip was also a very great pleasure for me and I enjoyed your company enormously. It was also extremely interesting to me to listen in on your discussions with various people in Prague and other places. My wife Bonnie is looking forward anxiously to meeting you after all I have told her. We are expecting you to show up in Berkeley some time this fall and to stay with us if you would like.

In your last note you forgot to tell me how much I owe you for
my share of the car rental.

I look forward to seeing you soon, either here or somewhere else
in the wide world.

With very best wishes,

DAG:as

October 5, 1964

Mr. Donald Glaser
Virus Laboratory
University of California
Berkeley 4, California

Dear Don:

The bill for the car was $115.30
of which you owe me half. In addition,
I owe you some 99 marks plus a number
of shillings. Will you do the mathematics
of this and send me whatever the final
balance is?

Incidentally, I nursed my crystal
along until the airport in Vienna when,
in going through customs, I kicked the
box and the glass broke into one hundred
pieces. Did you ever get yours back to
California?

It is likely that I will be in San
Francisco October 31st. I hope to be
able to see you then.

With warm regards.

Henry V. Klaasen

Sincerely yours,

With warm regards.

apie to see you then.
Francisco October 31st. I hope to be
It is likely that I will be in San

California?
b pieces. Did you ever get yours back to
box and the glass broke into one hundred
in going through customs. I kicked the
along until the airport in Vienna when,
Incidentally, I误made my crystal
balance is?

of this and send me whatever the final
of shilling. Will you do the mathematics
I owe you some 99 marks plus a number
of which you owe me half. In addition,
The bill for the car was $112.30

Dear Don:

Berkeley 4, California
University of California
Virna Laboratory
Mr. Donald Claasen

October 2, 1964

Home Tel. 202-652-7917
Office " 338-6622

DEC 15 1968

5209 Albemarle Street, N.W.
Washington, D. C. 20016

Dec 11, '68

Dear Dr. Kissinger;

This letter follows a message left with your answering service, which must be snowed under at this time. Dean Erwin Griswold has been kind enough to say that I might use him and Mrs. Griswold as a personal referance. However, first of all may I congratulate you on your distinguished appointment by President- Elect Nixon.

As a displaced Bostonian I am always especially pleased when people are coming to Washington from there. (My great Uncle founded the Peabody Museum and I spent a great deal of time with my Grand mother, Mrs. Charles Peabody in her house on Brattle St.)

Knowing you are undoubtedly inundated with letters and calls from Real Estate people, I will simply say that I was happily able to find the Griswolds what they wanted in one day, and while such speed is unusual, I would like very much to have the opportunity to fill your housing needs.

Our office has extensive listings of better residential properties throughout the District and in Montgomery County. If you would be kind enough to either telephone collect or write with your specific requirements I am sure that I will be able to fill them. My card is enclosed.

Thankyou,
Sincerely,
(Jeanette Pannon Flaws)

HERBERT P. GLEASON

JAN 26 1954

510 CHESTNUT STREET
ARLINGTON, NEW JERSEY

January 24, 1954

Dear Henry,

I talked with Dick Lewis about his conversation with you, and I was sorry to hear that nothing more had turned up in the way of support for your good work. I hope that situation has changed since.

I am writing to ask if you could send me Confluence? I would of course be happy to pay any charge that may be involved. The Bermann-Fischer, whom I saw last weekend, also told me that they would be interested to receive it. I promised I would write you. I think they ought to be on your list, since the Fischer Verlag is doing so much work in American translations and is also, as you may know, publishing Perspectives in Germany. Their address:

Gottfried Bermann-Fischer
Riverside Avenue
Old Greenwich, Conn.

You may be interested to know that I saw Hans Wallenberg a few weeks ago. He returned from Germany in December. He told me the whole sad tale of the *Neue Zeitung's* demise: it closed simply because the money ran out. Forty-eight hours notice was given the staff--twenty-four to the readers. A very dignified performance. Adenauer was appalled and said it should have continued for ten more years. The fault lies at least in part with Conant, apparently, who declined to fight for the appropriation when he was before Congress last spring--thinking he could find the money elsewhere. When he couldn't, the paper was closed.

As you may have heard, I have been assigned to Newark, which is something of an anti-climax. I try to take advantage of being near New York and let the year pass quickly.

Hoping to see you soon,

You're sincerely,
Hank

Hoping to see you soon,

Dear boss quickly.

to take advantage of being near New York and let the
Nemaw, which is something of an anti-climax. I try
As you may have heard, I have been assigned to

her was closed.

finding the money elsewhere. When he couldn't, the ba-
he was before Congress last spring--thinking he could
ly, who declined to fight for the appropriation when
The fault lies at least in part with Congress, apparent-
said it should have continued for ten more years.

assisted performance. Adenauer was appalled and
given the staff--twenty-four to the rester. A very
the money ran out. Forty-eight hours notice was
the _Narre Zeitung_, a demise: it closed almost because
many in December. He told me the whole sad tale of
Wallerberg a few weeks ago. He returned from Ger-
You may be interested to know that I saw Hans

Old Greenwich, Conn.

Riverside Avenue

Gottfried Benzun-Fischer

ing <u>Peratives</u> in Germany. Their address:

translations and so on, as you may know, <u>unplish-
the Fischer Verlag is doing so much work in American
you. I think they ought to be on your flat, since
interested to receive it. I promised I would write
saw last weekend, also told me that they would be
that may be involved. The Benzun-Fischer, whom I
ence? I would of course be happy to pay any charge
I am writing to ask if you could send me <u>Confij-
</u>-

Good work. I hope that affirmation has changed since.
more had turned up in the way of an import for your
lion with you, and I was sorry to hear that nothing
I talked with Dick Lewis about his conversation.

January 54, 1954

JAN 56 1954

WASHINGTON, NEW JERSEY
810 CHESTNUT STREET

HERBERT P. GLEASON

OCT 14 1953

12 October, 1953

Dear Mr. Kissinger,

A couple of weeks ago, I took the liberty of talking to Richard Lewis in Princeton about the Humanities position in the Summer School. He expressed great interest in it, and I think he would be happy to hear from you. His address is

Ridgeview Road
Princeton, N. J.

I know he would be an excellent choice, judging from his work in Salzburg. As I think I told you, he was one of the most successful people there precisely because he felt there was no value in considering American literature apart from Western literature in general. I don't know how strong he is on the East, but he wouldn't be provincial. I am sure you would get strong recommendations from Perry Miller, Newton Arvin, or Richard Blackmur, who, as I understand it, was responsible for his going to Princeton. I might add that he was the person in Salzburg who most interested Hansen-Lowe. You could find some of his work in *The Hudson Review* or in *Partisan*.

The CIC has decided to send me to the First Army area, which is something of an anti-climax, but perhaps it will be easier after all than Germany, though no doubt considerably less interesting.

I expect to be in Boston toward the end of next month for a week or so, and hope to see you. I enjoyed so much our talkshere--a real escape from this shuttered world.

With best wishes,

February 5, 1954

Mr. Herbert P. Gleason
510 Chestnut Street
Arlington, New Jersey

Dear Herbert:

Thank you for your letter of January 24. I was quite impressed with Dick Lewis. If some money turns up for CONFLUENCE, I should be most interested to have him join us. Our fund-raising for the Seminar has improved somewhat, but we are still about $30,000 short.

I knew the facts about the demise of the *Die Neue Zeitung*. It shows that morality in any given instance is not as simple as delivering a Sunday sermon. In addition, Conant is a man who thinks that there is a gimick to everything. If the United States will ever be ruined abroad, it will not be by stupid people but by super clever operators. The same thing that happened to the *Neue Zeitung* is happening to dozens of other projects which are much less publicized and for precisely the same reasons.

I can assure you that from my experience with your organization everything is an anti-climax, in Newark no more than any other place.

It will always be a pleasure to see you up here, and when you finish your tour of duty, do get in touch with me. I am adding your name, as well as the Bermann-Fischers to the mailing list of CONFLUENCE. Our financial difficulties being what they are, I am reluctantly accepting your offer to pay for it.

Kindest regards.

HAK:ebp

HAK:epb

Henry V. Kiebler

Sincerely yours

Kindest regards.

reassuringly accepting your offer to be a part of it.

**CONGRATULATIONS.** Our financial difficulties behind what they are. I am your name, as well as the Bemann-Brecher to the waiting list of tinted horn from our duty, do get in touch with me. I am adding it will always be a pleasure to see you up here, and when you place.

everything is an anti-climax. In New York we are then and other
I can assure you that from my experience with your organisation

because to choose of other projects which are much less publicised
operators. The same thing that happened to the *Hose Selma* is
be mined abroad. It will not be a stupid people put under clever
that there is a chance to everything. It the United States will ever
flattering a Sunday sermon. In addition, Count me a man who thinks
that that morality in any given instance is not as simple as de-
I knew the facts about the demise of the *Die Huse Selma*. It

Seminar has improved somewhat, but we are still about $30,000 short.
be most interested to have him join us. Our fund-raising for the
with Dick Lewis. It some money turns up for CONGRATULATIONS. I should
Thank you for your letter of January 24. I was quite impressed

Dear Herbert:

Arlington, New Jersey
210 Chestnut Street
Mr. Herbert B. Gleeson

February 2, 1954