WOMEN'S WEAR DAILY, THURSDAY, MAY 13, 1971

10

BACHING IT: Being a bachelor is hitting swinger White House foreign policy advisor Henry Kissinger in the pocketbook when it comes to eating out. Henry, who is most frequently seen with a "tall, dirty blonde" at either one of two exclusive Washington restaurants (when he's not in L.A.), has already racked up a food bill over a three-year period of between $7,200 and $9,000 — a conservative estimate based on the following data: Henry and "tall, dirty blonde" have dinner at the Jockey Club (roughly $40 for two) at least every two weeks, and sometimes three times a month. (Meat and French wine for Henry, who rarely eats fish and never drinks).

When they're not there Henry and blonde can be found at Sans Souci — on the average of 8-10 times a month for lunch, (roughly $15 for two).

In addition to that, according to maitre d' Paul, Henry often comes back the same day for dinner, "and sometimes he brings six or eight friends and picks up the tab." Since dinner for two there averages at about $40, treating six to eight people to dinner once a week for three years would cost between $49,920 and $62,400. That would bring his combined Jockey-Sans Souci bill to a whopping $57,120-$71,400. That's a hell of a lot of chocolate souffle . . . and that's not counting dinner in Los Angeles with Jill St. John. Wonder if it all comes out of the taxpayers' pocket. Henry's expense account or his own wallet?

LONG ISLAND PRESS, SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 24, 1972

Henry, meet Henry. Henry Kissinger is at left. The other man is Kissinger look-alike Henry Branagan of Briarwood.

# Will the real Henry...

## LI's Kissinger look-alike travels, too

By VITO TURSO

If you've ever taken the 4 p.m. Penn Central express train from New York to Philadelphia and thought you'd seen top presidential adviser Henry Kissinger behind the controls, you're mistaken.

But you'd have good reason to look twice at the engineer since he bears a striking resemblance to the famous globe-hopping aide to President Nixon.

In fact, Henry ("Harry") Branagan of Briarwood, who's been with the railroad 31 years, has been confused for Kissinger many times, especially when he's engineered the high-speed AMTRACK Metroliner between New York and Washington, D.C.

And if facial resemblance is not enough, Branagan is single as is Kissinger; he is almost the same age, height and weight as Kissinger and also enjoys attractive women, although he does not claim to be the bon vivant the real Mr. K. has been played up to be.

**BRANAGAN FEELS** his facial likeness to Kissinger is directly attributable to his large-frame glasses.

Although he need only use the glasses for reading, Branagan finds them very comfortable to rest his eyes after a long day and it is always at this point that he is mistaken for Kissinger.

Branagan also has thought about some-day asking the State Department tolet him double for Kissinger to foul press and media speculators who always are reporting that Kissinger is there when he is really here.

He also jokes about someday walking right into the White House and telling the guards "I'm back boys. What's for dinner?"

**HOWEVER, BRANAGAN** does not have a slight German accent as the German-born Kissinger and instead is a Brooklyn-born Irishman.

The look-alike engineer has never met Kissinger personally but earlier this year did send a letter and several photos to Kissinger's Washington office. He received a warm reply from his personal secretary.

While he's not being mistaken for Kissinger, Branagan keeps a tight physical fitness program which he says has helped him retain his accident-free service to the Penn Central. He runs track at Archbishop Molloy High School in Briarwood with school track coach Jack Curran and each winter teaches ice skating to youngsters in Flushing Meadows-Corona Park.

So if you happen to be skating this winter and see a man who resembles Henry Kissinger you'd better think twice before you start spreading rumors that a personality is in the crowd.

1196

[LC]

HENRY BRANDON

3067 WHITEHAVEN STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20008
232-6551

1st February 1973.

Dear Henry,

I was terribly sorry to hear that I got you into trouble with Dobrynin. I did not know that this was the reason for your silence. I can assure you that I did not mean to embarrass you and that my purpose was to illustrate a text book example of preventive diplomacy and how brilliantly you conducted policy with the Russians. I hope that was clear from the article. I certainly did not want to fall into the jock-strap precedent. I value my relationship with you far too much and as regards my discretion, I hope, I have given you ample proof of that. As further proof that I tried to prevent any slip-ups, I had the reference to your very apt illustration of how the Russians and the Chinese treat a dime dropped, not only taken out of the magazine article, but also out of the book as you requested. It meant resetting an entire page of the book, but I insisted and Doubleday relented. I am now sorry that there was no chance for you to read this chapter before it went to the printer. There is a disadvantage in having chapters of the book excerpted. I am convinced, though, that when the book is read in toto these little blemishes will disappear. And now that you have landed the Vietnam peace settlement in such a masterly way, I hope my book, when it is published in mid-March, will be read not only from a Vietnam viewpoint, but as a history of the Nixon-Kissinger foreign policy and as such make a helpful contribution to the recognition it deserves.

I hope that Dobrynin's complaint will not affect our friendship which I value more than any, and, I hope, that you will join us soon for a cosy evening. Muffie and I miss you.

PS. The correspondent of Izvestia called me yesterday to ask whether I would see one of his editors who will be visiting here next week. May be I am not considered as much of a sinner in Moscow as Dobrynin pretends !

THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON

Dear Henry:

Please forgive me for the delay in replying to
your note to me of February 1.

You need not worry about our friendship.

I have not had a chance to read your opus yet,
but every report I have heard says that it is
definitive and superb. You have me worried
that if it is too definitive, a lot of publishers
who have been importuning me may lose their
enthusiasm. That would be even more difficult
to forgive.

Mr. Henry Brandon
3067 Whitehaven Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20008

[Y]

THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON

March

Dear Henry:

Please forgive me for the delay in replying to
your kind note to me of February 1.

Needless to say, the whole matter is forgotten
now. You need not worry about our friendship.

I have not had a chance to read your opus yet,
but every report I have heard says that it is
definitive and superb. You have me worried
that if it is too definitive, a lot of publishers
who have been importuning me may lose their
enthusiasm. That would be difficult to forgive.

[Lc]

WILLY BRANDT

VORSITZENDER DER SPD

OLLENHAUERSTR. 1, 5300 BONN

ERICH-OLLENHAUER-HAUS

TELEFON 0221/532 309

11. Januar 1977

Herrn

Dr. Henry Alfred Kissinger
Departement of State
2201 C Street, N.W.

Washington, D.C. 20520
U.S.A.

vor Ihrem Abschied aus dem Amt, dessen Last Sie nun
lange Jahre getragen haben, möchte ich Ihnen ein Wort
des Dankes sagen: für eine komplizierte, produktive,
vertrauensvolle Zusammenarbeit und vor allem für die
großen Verdienste, die Sie sich um die Festigung des
Friedens in unserer schwierigen und bedrohten Welt er-
worben haben. Sie formten eine Epoche der amerikani-
schen Außenpolitik, die man auch in den Geschichtsbü-
chern mit Ihrem Namen verbinden wird.

Sie müssen manche Aufgabe unerledigt, manches Begonnene
als ein Fragment zurücklassen: das ist das Geschick
jedes Staatsmannes, der sich dem Reglement der Demo-
kratie unterstellt; es ist wohl Menschengeschick über-
haupt. Doch wichtiger: Sie haben Voraussetzungen für
die Kontinuität einer amerikanischen Weltpolitik ge-
schaffen, die auch unter veränderten Bedingungen den
Gang der Dinge lange prägen wird. Es war mehr als ein
Glücksfall, nämlich ein Ergebnis innerer Logik, daß Ihr
Konzept der Entspannung sich fast nahtlos mit meinen
Bemühungen für eine Entkrampfung der West-Ost-Beziehungen
im gefährdeten europäischen Bereich zusammenfügte. Als

1/2

Blatt 2

Schnittpunkt hat sich uns das Berlin-Abkommen dargestellt. Aus solcher Übereinstimmung ergab sich eine beispiellose Harmonisierung in der Allianz zwischen den Vereinigten Staaten und den Staaten Westeuropas, die trotz der unendlichen Komplikationen auf das Ziel einer Europäischen Union orientiert bleiben.

Erlauben Sie mir ein persönliches Wort: Ihr Weg und der meine wurden in frühen Jahren vom Konflikt mit dem totalitären Geist des Nazismus und seinen schrecklichen Folgen bestimmt. Wir verstanden dies, jeder auf seinem Platz, als die Verpflichtung, für eine Ordnung des Friedens zu arbeiten, in der das Recht und die Freiheit des einzelnen und der Völker geschützt sind. Die Schritte, die gelangen, mögen größere oder kleinere sein: sie waren, wie es nicht anders denkbar ist, nur ein Anfang. Es hat mich tief befriedigt, daß Sie dabei die Arbeit der deutschen Sozialdemokratie für die Sicherung des inneren und äußeren Friedens so aufrichtig respektierten, wie Sie es bei unserer letzten Begegnung mit einer spontanen Rede im Haus des deutschen Botschafters in Washington ausdrückten.

Ich bin gewiß, daß Sie das begonnene Werk, auch in Zukunft vorantreiben werden: Durch Anregung, Rat und kritische Ermutigung. Es würde mich freuen, wenn sich die Gelegenheit böte, unseren Gesprächskontakt aufrechtzuerhalten.

Mit herzlichen Wünschen

Moscow,
The Kremlin,
Soviet Union,
of the Communist Party of the
General Secretary of the Central Committee
Leonid I. Brezhnev,
His Excellency

Henry V. Krasninder

Warm regards,

Mrs. Krasninder and the members of my party.
You for the warm hospitality shown to me,
May I also take this opportunity to thank
world.

to the cause of peace and cooperation in the
of relations between our two countries and
a further contribution to the improvement
Union. I feel that our meetings have made
talks we held during my visit to the Soviet
appreciation for the friendly and constructive
members of the Soviet Government my sincere
I wish to express to you and to the

Dear Mr. General Secretary:

3 NOV 1974

Yale University

1 South Street
New Haven
Conn.06510.

November 13th.

Henry Kissinger
The White House
Washington.D.C.

Dear Mr. Kissinger,

I understand that you are to be involved
in the revision of United States foreign policy apparatus.
This is no doubt the consequence of an historic trend of
foreign policy to occupy an increasing part of the federal
and especially the President's attention. We used to elect
governors to the presidency, but now we tend to elect sen-
ators to that office.

One might ask if there be not a case for having
one man elected to oversee the policy of the internal aff-
airs of the United States, as governors do in the indiv-
idual states, and another to oversee foreign policy.

This change would be consistent with several of
President Nixon's stated goals, viz:

1. Increasing participatory democracy.

2. Returning government and decisions to the people.

3. Fostering self-reliance.

4. Global interdependence.

There are of course several ways in which this
might be achieved. I would greatly appreciate hearing
your views on this subject, and sharing mine with you.

I am enclosing several documents which further
detail my ideas. I hope you will be able to keep them
for future correspondence.

his/RDB
Encls.

Yale University
World Federalists

ROGER DEAN BRITTAIN M. A. (CANTAB) M. D.

YALE MEDICAL SCHOOL

DEPT. OF PUBLIC HEALTH
60 COLLEGE ST.

NEW HAVEN, CONN. 06510

TEL. MESSAGES (203) 777-5388

RESIDENCE

HARKNESS HALL
1 SOUTH ST.

NEW HAVEN, CONN. 06510

TEL. (203) 436-2718

[LC]

The Washington Post

EUGENE MEYER. 1875-1959
PHILIP L. GRAHAM. 1915-1963

KATHARINE GRAHAM
Publisher

JOHN S. PRESCOTT, JR. BENJAMIN C. BRADLEE
President Executive Editor

Philip L. Geyelin, Editorial Page Editor; Howard Simons, Managing Editor; Gerald W. Siegel, Vice President; Robert P. Thome, Treasurer; Joseph P. Lynch, Vice President-Advertising; Jack F. Patterson, Circulation Director.

Published by The Washington Post Company;

FREDERICK S. BEEBE
Chairman of the Board

KATHARINE GRAHAM
President

Key to Future:
Interdependence

By Stephen S. Rosenfeld

HOW FORTUNATE that, just as the first reports of a Vietnam settlement come in—a settlement which cannot fail to give great impetus to international detente—a splendid new book comes along pointing the way towards the best possible kind of post-Vietnam world.

Published last Friday, "World Without Borders" (Random House) by Lester R. Brown of Washington's Overseas Development Council is just about the most important, relevant and "true" book on international affairs one could imagine appearing at this time.

Its theme is simple but comprehensive: Formerly the United States could satisfy most of its principal economic requirements by using resources existing within its own borders and by projecting its power overseas for the rest. But now, increasingly, it can't. It's using up many of its own resources—most conspicuously, oil—and it's finding that other countries are bargaining harder over the terms on which they'll plug the gap.

To assure the necessary markets for exports and materials for domestic use, and to secure the cooperation increasingly essential to deal effectively with such problems as drugs, hijacking and pollution, Brown argues, the United States will have to develop new attitudes and institutions serving this condition of growing international "interdependence."

IT IS THE STRENGTH of his book that he does not have in mind to transform the nature of man or to settle certain political or historical scores. It is his purpose only to assemble known elements of global reality into a pattern which, he persuaded me, exists but has yet to be fully or widely recognized by either officialdom or the public at large.

On the contrary, Richard Nixon and George McGovern, and most other countries' politicians, still view the world pretty much in the old conventional terms of the arrangement of political forces. Nixon would make one arrangement and call it a "structure of peace"; McGovern leans to a "new internationalism." Both think mainly in terms of disposing of power and of courting or avoiding certain political/military risks.

There are some signs that, if re-elected, the President would broaden his first-term emphasis on great-power political relations. Events so suggest: He's already "done" the Moscow-Peking bit.

But where the evidence is ample that the President means to work for more American markets and jobs, there are far fewer signs that he is weighing either the degree of global interdependence which Brown thinks is swiftly emerging or the implications of what degree has already emerged.

BROWN thinks the American need for ever scarcer resources and for political-social cooperation from the world's poor will give the United States a greater self-interest in tending to their legitimate development demands. Demonstrably, American altruism and empathy have proven to be weak reeds on which the world poor might lean—American appreciation of interdependence could better help their cause.

Certainly anyone concerned with relieving misery and spreading social justice must so hope. Yet it is far from clear whether greater interdependence, and greater awareness of it, would lead the United States towards a more enlightened policy of using and sharing the earth's resources, or towards a more avaricious policy of nursing American power to swell American superaffluence.

Democrat-for-Nixon John Connally saluted his favorite President last Friday evening for inaugurating "a new era of aggressive American diplomacy." No one who witnessed Connally's heavy-handed stint as Treasury Secretary can doubt what he means. No one sensitive to the imperatives of interdependence can fail to be alarmed at reports that he may be Nixon's next Secretary of State.

Nor is this merely a matter of one man's style. Burned as Americans have been by the fire of Vietnam, there remains a tendency to throw our weight around. It is inherent in the sheer mass of American power, in the manner of our accustomed use of it, perhaps even in the nature of a post-Vietnam need to confirm our national virility. Only future tests can measure the strength of that tendency.

THE ULTIMATE political implication of interdependence is, of course, that the nation state is obsolete. This is what Brown means by a "world without borders" in which a unified global society is regarded not as fiction or ideal but as the inevitable reality towards which we must purposefully move.

No doubt Brown is a visionary, as well as a humanist. Before a "global village" is established, we are likely to see approaches to problems by function (hijacking) or region (customs union) or commodity (coffee pact). These halfway houses, of which many already exist, can be useful. They can also preempt truly global approaches and become ramparts for international political conflicts.

To note the uncertainties, however, is not to diminish the scale of Brown's achievement. He has realized how unsatisfying in itself is any policy aimed merely at adding increments to the power or prestige of particular nations, especially rich strong nations, as rewarding to politicians and as distracting to citizens as such a policy may be. He has gone on to fold in the considerations of global interrelatedness which will surely become more important in the years ahead. No better framework in which to debate the demands of future policy is at hand.

PROPOSED TABLE OF CONTENTS

VOLUME ONE-
The United Nations Charter and two plans for its Revision:
Clark-Sohn Minimalist Charter Revision and a Maximalist
Constitution.

Forward

Introduction

The U.N. Charter; The Clark-Sohn Proposed Charter Revision
The Proposed Constitution.

a. Article I-XIX

b. Annex I-VII

c. The Executive Cabinet Departments- their ideal goals,
resources, and organisational structure.

VOLUME TWO-
A Handbook on the World Government ( for use in U.N.
Charter Revision, World Planning, and Peace Studies and
other related courses.)

World Government; A History from 2000 B.C.
to 2000 A.D..................

World Government; The constituents;Multi-
National Opinion Polls..................Kjell Skjelsbaek

World Government;Alternative approaches...Hanna Newcombe, Ph.D.

World Ocean Government; the first step to-
ward democratic world government........Elizabeth Mann
Borgese

World Land Government..................

World Politics; an overview............J.David Singer Ph.D.

a. the executive branch................

b. the legislative branch................

c. the judicial branch..................

World Politics; the practical difficulties
implementing the democratic election of
U.N. Representatives................

World Politics; the national political imp-
lications of the alternatives of world
government..................

World Companies; Multinationals without
multinational controls................

World Goal Aggregate Index(Gross World
Quality of Life- GWQ.)..................Roger D. Brittain, M.D.

World Priorities..................

World Models..................

[LC]

<table><tr><td>World Dynamic Ecologic Model</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>World Dynamic Sociologic Model</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>World Inequality; the poverty of nations</td><td>Gunnar Myrdal, Ph.D.</td></tr><tr><td>World Currency</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>World Journalism</td><td>Wm. Rees Mogg, Editor<br>The Times, London.</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>Democratic Election of the U.N. Representative</td><td>Roger D. Brittain, M.D.</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>Proportional Representation of U.N. Members</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Alternatives</td><td>Hanna Newcombe, Ph.D.</td></tr></table>

APPENDICES.

<table><tr><td>World Government Bibliography</td><td>Stillman P. Williams<br>Founder World Order<br>Library.</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>World Government Organisations</td><td></td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>World Citizenship Organisations</td><td></td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>World Government Serial Publications</td><td></td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>World Government Quotations</td><td></td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>Mundialisation Handbook</td><td></td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>Voluntary Organisations supporting strengthened World Government</td><td></td></tr></table>

[LC]

FOREWORD

World Peace through World Law ¹ as seen in its three editions in the 1960's is monumental and unprecedented in its goal of setting down in specific and concrete form the foundations for strengthening our world government. Clark and Sohn called it "a comprehensive plan whereby there would be established on a world scale institutions corresponding to those which have been found essential for the maintenance of law and order in local communities and nations."

Clark stated that "the need is for alternative detailed plans to furnish a basis for discussion; and our purpose has been to supply such a plan." There can be no doubt that they not only achieved that purpose but also that their charter revision was *ideal* as a document to enable the UN to achieve the goal it set itself. That goal is enshrined in the Pre-amble to the present UN charter is essentially establishment and maintenance of international peace.

But since the turbulent times of trouble in which the original charter was drawn up, we have become aware of the limitations of the deceptively poetic attractions of the word and concept of peace. Most of the people pursuing peace as their fundamental goal have discovered that peace is as elusive and delusive as it is attractive. War is a symptom of an underlying cause. Peace, the absence of that symptom,

¹ Clark and Sohn, *World Peace through World Law*, Harvard University Press, 1960.

i.

[c]

does not guarantee that the cause does not remain ready to
erupt as soon as the causal forces swell to adequate strength.

The attraction of peace lies in its almost universal
acceptance as a goal. The fundamental, implicit assumption
that accompanies the acceptance of the pacific goal is that
the pacific world will be pleasant to those who people it.
And so we are brought to the more controversial task of mak-
ing explicit the essence of the requirement for maintenance
of peace. That is, what positive achievement will rid us not
only of the symptom but also the _cause_ of war ?

That essential at the top of the world's pyramid of
priorities is equality. It is no more sufficient to say sim-
ply that one wants to abolish poverty than it was to say sim-
ply that one wanted to abolish war. The word poverty, while
stressing that the poor are poor, does not stress the rela-
tivity of this concept. Nor does it stress the opposite mem-
ber of the pair, i.e. the rich.

The goal of equality stresses the need for both rich
and poor to confront directly the hiatus between them and
to act to close it. World Equality as a goal emphasizes the
fact that the problem knows no boundaries. It is a problem
of people, the world's people, not of nations. If the intent,
purpose, and provisions of this constitution be accepted,
then none of us - the People - will ever be able again to
withdraw behind the rationalization and barrier of any terri-
torial, temporal or ideological boundary.

ii.

[lc]

There is reason to reexamine _growth_ of affluence in addition to _inequality_ of affluence. Affluence itself, without direct reference to its relation to poverty is a threat to world welfare as well as a cause of world warfare.²,³ Growth of affluence in the industrialized countries consumes our natural resources at a rate which makes that affluence and its concomitant pollution at least as great a threat as the physical violence which results from poverty and population. If one accepts both premises: that excessive _growth_ of affluence and _inequality_ of affluence constitute major threats to world stability, then it is interesting to note that solution of either of these two entails the solution of the other.

The advocates of Equality would use the world's resources to solve the world's problems in order of priorities. The advocates of limitation of growth would do the same and would redistribute capital investment accordingly. They both deal with problems which transcend national boundaries. Both problems require global solutions and global institutions capable of implementing those solutions.

In a document as fundamental as a world constitution, it is not sufficient merely to state the single ultimate goal of world equality. One must state specifically what dimension of experience is to be equalized. That dimension is the _quality of our lives_. It is the _quantity_ of that _quality_ which we

² Jay Forrester, _World Dynamics_, Wright Allen Press, Cambridge, Mass., 1971.

³ Dennis Meadows, _Limits of Growth_, Universe Books, New York, 1972.

iii.

[c]

strive to equalize and then to maximize. This dimension of
quality of life ranges from the abject misery of barest sur-
vival at one end of the scale to sublime ecstasy at the other.
Intervening steps between these extremes include satisfaction,
pleasure, happiness, and joy.

It is appropriate then to declare that the ultimate un-
alienable right of people is _equality of the quality of life_.
It is not just pursuit of equality but its equal establish-
ment and maintenance. That equality creates the foundation
for all the other goals which people have pursued - peace
and happiness, freedom and fraternity, liberty and love.

It is our purpose in this book to contribute another
volume to the "extensive discussions" and "alternative plans"
which Clark felt are required for effective world democracy.
It proposes an alternative to World Peace through World Law.
That alternative is World Equality through World Democracy.

I am especially grateful to Professor Sohn for
encouragement and permission to publish his and Dr. Clark's
minimalist Revised Charter in parallel with my maximalist
Constitution.

iv.

[c]

CHARTER OF THE UNITED NATIONS

WE THE PEOPLES OF THE UNITED NATIONS
DETERMINED

to save succeeding generations from the
scourge of war, which twice in our
lifetime has brought untold sorrow to
mankind, and

to reaffirm faith in fundamental
human rights, in the dignity and worth
of the human person, in the equal
rights of men and women and of nations
large and small, and

to establish conditions under which
justice and respect for the obliga-
tions arising from treaties and other
sources of international law can be
maintained, and

to promote social progress and better
standards of life in larger freedom,

AND FOR THESE ENDS

to practice tolerance and live together
in peace with one another as good
neighbors, and

to unite our strength to maintain
international peace and security,
and

to ensure, by the acceptance of
principles and the institution of
methods, that armed force shall not
be used, save in the common interest,
and

to employ international machinery for
the promotion of the economic and
social advancement of all peoples.

HAVE RESOLVED TO COMBINE OUR EFFORTS
TO ACCOMPLISH THESE AIMS.

Accordingly, our respective Gov-
ernments, through representatives
assembled in the city of San Fran-
cisco, who have exhibited their full
powers found to be in good and due form,
have agreed to the present Charter of
the United Nations and do hereby
establish an international organization
to be known as the United Nations.

CLARK AND SOHN

REVISED CHARTER OF THE UNITED NATIONS

to save succeeding generations from the
scourge of war, which twice in our life-
time has brought untold sorrow to
mankind, and

to establish conditions under which
justice and respect for the obligations
arising from treaties and other sources
of international law can be maintained,
and

AND FOR THESE ENDS

to practice tolerance and live to-
gether in peace with one another as
good neighbors, and

to ensure, by the acceptance of
world law in the field of war pre-
vention and through adequate in-
stitutions for its enforcement, that
armed force shall not be used (save
in the common interest) and

to employ international machinery for
the promotion of the economic and
social advancement of all peoples,

Accordingly, the Charter of the
United Nations adopted at San
Francisco in 1945, having now been
revised, the United Nations is hereby
continued under this revised Charter
with the structure, functions and
powers set forth in the following
Articles and Annexes.

BRITAIN
CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED NATIONS

WE THE PEOPLE OF THE UNITED NATIONS
DETERMINED

to save succeeding generations from the
scourge of inequality which brought
untold sorrow to mankind, and

to establish conditions under which
justice and respect for the obligations
arising from treaties and other sources
of world law can be maintained, and

AND FOR THESE ENDS

to practice tolerance and live to-
gether in <u>equality</u> and peace with one
another as good neighbors, and

to unite our strength to maintain
<u>world equality</u>, peace and security,
and

to ensure, by the acceptance of world
law and through adequate institutions
for its enforcement, that armed force
shall not be used save in the common
interest, and

to employ <u>world resources</u> for the
<u>achievement of equality and happiness</u>
<u>and love for all people</u>,

Accordingly, the Charter of the
United Nations adopted at San
Francisco in 1945, having now been
revised, the United Nations is hereby
continued under this Constitution with
the structure, functions and powers set
forth in the following Articles and
Annexes.

H. Newcombe

NOTES:

war and inequality

[10]

The Province of Public Health Determined.

(1)

Austin in The Province of Jurisprudence Determined dealt with the most fundamental questions of law, its goal, and underlying philosophy. In health the question of the ultimate goal and philosophy has been less adequately studied, in part because of the relative political aversions and "pragmatism" of most health workers. The 1940 American Public Health Association's pragmatic statement of six minimum functions of local health departments (2) became in practise a statement of their maximum functions. The 1956 A.P.H.A. Arden House Declaration of Principles (3) went to the opposite extreme. Its idealism is summed up in the first and last principles: "1. The goal of Public Health practice is the achievement of the physical, mental, and social well-being of all people.

5. All peoples and nations are interrelated and interdependent in the advancement of public health."

But health and especially Public health has always seen itself as constrained by borders, either because that is how it was administratively drawn up or because the data upon which it is based its actions was collected in accord with one or other boundary. The notion of separating the people in accord with any type of boundary is out of accord with the Arden House Declaration. It is also out of accord with any moral justification.

The World Health Organisation's definition of health was a great improvement over the twentieth century individual-based definition. W.H.O. define health as "...physical, mental and social wellbeing..." It is time to re-examine that definition in view of the recent spate of literature stressing a holistic

-2-

view of the world and universe.(4,5) This recent writing was preceed-
ed by a continous outflow of works stressing similar holistic or eco-
logic points of view, from Aristotle & Hippocrates on(5). If health
were redefined as optimal physical, mental,social,spiritual and eco-
logic well-being, it would resolve the absolutist:vs. relativist view
in favour of the relativist.(6,7)

It was René Dubos (8,9,10) who popularised the relativ-
ist view of health in the twentieth century. In a recent panel dis-
cussion (11) Dubos and Hans Morgenthau came to similar conclusions reg-
arding what the "problem" is, and how it should be solved. Essent-
ially the problem is to discover the optimal but dynamic organisation
for the Earth, to use the world's resources to solve the world's prob-
lems, in order of their priorities. Morgenthau saw the ultimate sol-
ution in a strengthened world government, and Dubos observed that
such an improved world government would consist of federations des-
igned to be of the size required by the nature of the problem in-
volved. Thus global problems would be solved at a global level, regional
ones at regional level, national at the national level, state at state
town at town, down to families and individuals at their own levels.
Thus there was no contradiction between Morgenthau's emphasis on
centralisation and Dubos' on decentralisation.

All the foregoing is as preamble to the central theme
of this study, which takes as axiomatic the above revised definition
of health. Where the population at risk is large, nearly four bill-
ion, and thirty million of them per year (one per second) is dying of
starvation, any man truly concerned with health in this larger sense
cannot do else but confront at every opportunity the obstacles which
keep all men from being world citizens able and desirous of dealing
with world problems in order of their priorities.

-3-

[ic]

This was stated in the Arden House report but never implemented. A study of why it was never implemented and a conclusion regarding the first steps necessary for its implementation is the goal of this study.

The entire history of our world government as such (2000B.C. to 2000A.D.) has been compiled and analysed. (12) Warren Kuehl has done an extensive and scholarly study of the history of progressive strengthening of world government throughout the 200 year history of the U.S.A. (13), and is currently updating this study in a second volume. A thorough analysis of all plans for strengthened world government (14,15) and proportional representation (16) has been done by Hanna Newcombe and others.

A new phase in world government was initiated with the publication of *World Peace through World Law* (17) This as seen in its 3 editions in the 1960's is monumental and unprecedented in its goal of setting down in specific and concrete form the foundations for strengthening our world government. Clark and Sohn called it "a comprehensive plan whereby there would be established on a world scale institutions corresponding to those which have been found essential for the maintenance of law and order in local communities and nations."

-4-

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word and concept of peace. Most of the people pursuing peace as their fundamental goal have discovered that peace is as elusive and delusive as it is attractive. War is a symptom of an underlying cause. Peace, the absence of that symptom, does not guarantee that the cause does not remain ready to erupt as soon as the causal forces swell to adequate strength.

The attraction of peace lies in its almost universal acceptance as a goal. The fundamental, implicit assumption that accompanies the acceptance of the pacific goal is that the pacific world will be pleasant to those who people it. And so we are brought to the more controversial task of making explicit the essence of the requirement for maintenance of peace. That is, what positive achievement will rid us not only of the symptom but also the *cause* of war ?

That essential at the top of the world's pyramid of priorities is equality. It is no more sufficient to say simply that one wants to abolish poverty than it was to say simply that one wanted to abolish war. The word poverty, while stressing that the poor are poor, does not stress the relativity of this concept. Nor does it stress the opposite member of the pair, i.e. the rich.

The goal of equality stresses the need for both rich and poor to confront directly the hiatus between them and to act to close it. World Equality as a goal emphasizes the fact that the problem knows no boundaries. It is a problem of people, the world's people, not of nations. If the intent, purpose, and provisions of this constitution be accepted, then none of us - the People - will ever be able again to withdraw behind the rationalization and barrier of any territorial, temporal or ideological boundary.

(*to follow the literature survey.)

-5-

There is reason to reexamine *growth* of affluence in
addition to *inequality* of affluence. Affluence itself, with-
out direct reference to its relation to poverty is a threat
to world welfare as well as a cause of world warfare. (4,5)

Growth of affluence in the industrialized countries consumes
our natural resources at a rate which makes that affluence
and its concomitant pollution at least as great a threat
as the physical violence which results from poverty and pop-
ulation. If one accepts both premises: that excessive *growth*
of affluence and inequality of affluence constitute major
threats to world stability, then it is interesting to note
that solution of either of these two entails the solution of
the other.

The advocates of Equality would use the world's resources
to solve the world's problems in order of priorities. The ad-
vocates of limitation of growth would do the same and would
redistribute capital investment accordingly. They both deal with
problems which transcend national boundaries. Both problems re-
quire global solutions and global institutions capable of im-
plementing those solutions.

In a document as fundamental as a world constitution, it
is not sufficient merely to state the single ultimate goal of
world equality. One must state specifically what dimension of
experience is to be equalized. That dimension is the *quality*
(21-30)
*of our lives*. It is the *quantity* of that *quality* which we

[LC]

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strive to equalize and then to maximize. This dimension of quality of life ranges from the abject misery of barest survival at one end of the scale to sublime ecstasy at the other. Intervening steps between these extremes include satisfaction, pleasure, happiness, and joy.

It is appropriate then to declare that the ultimate unalienable right of people is **equality of the quality of life**. It is not just pursuit of equality but its equal establishment and maintenance. That equality creates the foundation for all the other goals which people have pursued - peace and happiness, freedom and fraternity, liberty and love.

It is one purpose in this study to contribute another volume to the "extensive discussions" and "alternative plans" which Clark felt are required for effective world democracy. It proposes an alternative to World Peace through World Law. That alternative is World Equality through World Democracy.

(18) Here the concept of democracy is crucial. While Myrdal mentions most of the unstated and often unrealised biases in research models, methods and goals, he fails to stress the most important single reason that all people, including those in public health, constantly pay lip service to the need for a global holistic approach, but then proceed to act in their own area of interest in isolation, and especially in a national context.

The reason for a discrepancy between promise and practice is that there is **no** nation which permits its citizens to have **direct** control over extra-national policy. Thus the most

[L.C]

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important first step in implementing the Arden House principles nos.1 & 5 would be direct democratic election of United Nations representatives. This would permit participatory democracy in a world government. It would foster the psychological set necessary to a global view that will enable us to see global health as part of a whole. It will also force upon us the realisation that we cannot afford the short term luxury of burying our heads in nationalistic sands creating short term, small area plans (31) until global crises are upon us, as they are allegedly upon two-thirds of the world's population.

Public Health has traditionally avoided political issues, especially international ones. The almost totally unexplored political area of strengthening our world government, through democratic election of U.N. representatives to obtain world equality through world democracy, is a legitimate area of, not only study, but also action for public health.

[lc]

REFERENCES.

1. Austin: *The Province of Jurisprudence determined*. John Murray; London. 1861-3.

2. American Public Health Assn. *Desirable Minimum functions & principles for Health Activities*. 1940.

3. A.P.H.A. Task Force Report, Arden House Conference: A.J.P.H.47, p.218-234.1957

4. Meadows,D: *Limits of Growth*. Univers Books; New York. 1972.

5. Forrester,J: *World Dynamics*.Wright Allen Press. Cambridge,Mass. 1971.

6. Grigg,E: *Biologic Relativity*.Amaranth Books;Chicago. 1967.

7. Brittain,R.D; Universal Relativity- a concept unifying Physical and Biologic Relativity. Paper presented to the A.A.A.S. Philadelphia.December 26th. 1971.

8. Dubos,R: *Mirage of Health*.Anchor Books; New York. 1961.

9. Dubos,R: *Man Adapting*.Yale University Press. 1965.

10.Dubos,R and Ward,B: *Only One Earth*. W.W.Norton;New York.1972.

11.Proceedings of The International Convocation,Education for Peace. Pacem In Terris Institute,Manhattan College. October 15th.1972. (In Press)

12.Wynner,E. and Lloyd,G: *Searchlight on Peace Proposals*.E.P.Dutton andCo; New York. 1946.

13.Kuehl,W.F: *Seeking World Order*.Vanderbilt University Press. 1969.

14.Newcombe,H: Alternative Approaches to World Government.Peace Research Reviews. Dundas, Ontario.

15.Green,L. & Yudell,E: *Worried Woman's Guide to Peace through World Law*. Committee on World Law.Piedmont.Calif. 1965.

16. Barrett,C. & Newcombe,H: Weighted Voting in International Organisations. Peace Research Rev. Dundas.

17. Clark,G. & Sohn,L: *World Peace through World Law*. Harvard University Press.1966.

18. Myrdal,G: *Asian Drama; an enquiry into the poverty of Nations*. Pantheon Press.1968.

19. Brittain,R.D: International Inequality. Dept. of H.E.W. Publication No. (HSM) 72-79. 1971.

20. Brown,L: *World without borders*.Random House,New York. 1972.

21. Hester, J.: Indicators of the Quality of Life: some practical problems, Paper presented to the A.A.A.S. Philadelphia. December 1971.

22. Nordhaus, W.: G.N.P. and the Quality of Life. Paper presented to the A.A.A.S. Philadelphia. December. 1971.

23. Thomas, J.F.: Relationship between the Index and the G.N.P. as a Measure of Social and Economic Welfare. Paper presented to the A.A.A.S. Philadelphia. December 1971.

24. Spautz, M.E.: The Socio-Economic Gap. Social Science Research. (In Press).

25. Olson, M.: The Plan and Purpose of a Social Report. The Public Interest. 15, Spring 1969.

26. Olson, M.: An Analytic Framework for Social Reporting & Policy Analysis. Annals Amer. Acad. Political & Social Sci. 1970. 388, p. 112-126.

27. Andrews, F.: Is the G.N.P. an accurate measurement? Wall Street Journal. December 16th. 1971.

28. Hester, J.: Urban Development Models for Policy Applications: Needs State of the Art and Prospects. Presented at a meeting of the American Inst. of Planners. San Francisco, October 25th. 1971

29. Singer, F.: Welfare Measurement and the G.N.P. Paper presented to the A.A.A.S., Philadelphia, December 1971.

30. Nordhaus, W. & Tobin, J.: Is Growth Obsolete? Cowles Foundation Discussion Paper No. 319. October 1971.

31. Newitt, J.: Alternative Federal Roles in Health Care in the 1980's Dept. H.E.W. Contract Statement. (HSM-110-72-158). 1972.

OBTAINING WORLD EQUALITY THROUGH WORLD DEMOCRACY

Dr. Roger Brittain of New Haven recently submitted the following. Dr. Brittain is at-
tempting to institute a new world federalist chapter at Yale and would appreciate our support.

This year the Yale University world federalists will coordinate two projects that are
intimately linked.

We in all nations progressively stress the organizational aspect of our work in caring for
people, while at the same time we tend to lessen the emphasis on the person-to-person
relationship that no organization or bureaucracy can substitute for.

The way we at Yale propose to join the two disparate goals of person-to-person problem
solving and an institutional framework to sustain the solutions on a larger and global level is:

1. By continuing the work of building regional programs to supply food, clothing, housing, and medical supplies already begun in Bangladesh and Calcutta by Operation Omega. Individuals may either go directly to the subcontinent to participate on a person-to-person basis or serve in the Yale or London offices coordinating activities or collecting funds.

2. By insuring that in the U.S. bicentennial election year, 1976, we see issued a Declaration of Interdependence and the introduction of popular, participatory democracy in world affairs, where at least one of the political parties and its candidates permits us to vote for our representative to the United Nations General Assembly as we are now permitted to vote for our representatives to the United States Senate.

This strengthened democratic world government will be able to bring us nearer the
goal manifested by personal commitment in Operation Omega, for example, "to allow no
barrier to keep those who can help from those who need help."

As the missions of Albert Schweitzer and Dr. Dooley joined the message of personal commitment with a Biblical message, our message will be: "The Age of Nations is past. The time to build the earth is upon us."

Even if "we the people" can express our concern only through a vote, we will at
least be able to participate in world affairs and not withdraw behind artificial barriers and
pleas of bureaucratic impotence.

ROGER DEAN BRITTAIN, M.A. (CANTAB), M.D.
MEDICAL ADVISOR TO OPERATION OMEGA
YALE UNIVERSITY WORLD FEDERALISTS
1 SOUTH STREET, NEW HAVEN

World Citizen welcomes your comments and contributions. Address all communications to the editor.

3

this way must be the first priority of WFUSA. There are still youth interested enough in
universal peace to appeal to. There are enough of us to do the work.

If each member, old and new, could convince one person each year to join, we would
double our membership each year. But this is too simple. We must investigate and decide
why people do not join. We must know why people do not remain members. The goal is
ambitious and should be. We cannot rely on a minor grass roots campaign or a few hit-or-miss
advertisements. The campaign must be strategic, considering timing, people-to-people
contact, and continuous exposure.

EXCERPTS FROM AN ESSAY BY
RALPH LEBLANC, NATIONAL COUNCIL DELEGATE
NEWTON, MASS.

UNITED NATIONS DAY

The Fairfield County Federalists will be collecting signatures for planetary citizenship at the celebration of U.N. Day, October 28th, in Westport. If you have not become an official planetary citizen, here's your chance to sign a declaration of same. The booth will be located on Main Street.

world
Citizen

21 Bridge Street
Westport, Conn--
necticut 06880

4

# Students to Participate in Peace Convocation

By MEREDITH EIKER
Managing Editor

Dr. Roger Brittain, a graduate student at the Medical School in the Department of Epidemiology and Public Health, will convene a session on world government this weekend at the International Convocation: Education for Peace. The three-day conference sponsored by the Pacem in Terris Institute, will be held October 13-15, at Manhattan College.

Brittain, who is Medical Advisor to Operation Omega in Bangladesh and President of the Yale University World Federalists, spoke last night to a number of undergraduate students interested in organizing a peace studies course at Yale. Stefan Presser, chairman of the undergraduate group, will also attend this weekend's Convocation and plans to

present a brief paper sanctioning and encouraging "the growth of (university) programs of peace studies." The paper, known as the Grindstone Statement, was the work of 20 international students who attended the Canadian Peace Research Institute's recent three-week summer seminar.

Among the participants in the International Convocation will be Rene Dubos, Hans Morgenthau, and former Massachusetts Governor Endicott Peabody, as well as a number of other noteworthy individuals concerned with world planning. Convocation sessions will include discussions on teaching peace studies, conflict theory, contemporary conflict, the Third World, conflict resolution and war prevention, global politics, world systems, and global culture, social

transformation, and the environment.

Brittain's particular discussion and panel session will focus on the democratic election of representatives to the United Nations. "We will concentrate on the strategy and tactics and the actual preparations to be made during the next four years to assure that the next United States representative to the United Nations will be democratically elected. Our goal is the bicentennial election year, 1976."

The problems of inequality and ultimate peace and order must be solved, Brittain is convinced, "On a global level by a strengthened United Nations. One of the ways of beginning this task is to gain direct democratically elected, proportional representation in a United Nations World Government. Our aim must be

world equality through world democracy rather than simply a 'world peace through world law' which would not necessarily guarantee a high quality of life standard for everyone."

A current and continuing task of the Yale World Federalists is Operation Omega, "a nonviolent direct action project" designed to provide economic relief and education for the citizens of Bangladesh. "Omega volunteers here and abroad," Brittain said, "have been working to bring about contact between the Bengali and Bihari communities and to stimulate a long-term coalition by promoting joint Bengali-Bihari development projects."

Presser, in discussing the goals of the undergraduates interested

in a peace studies program, said that last year more than 60 students were organized and that over 40 peace-oriented courses were found to be offered already at Yale. However, Presser said, "few professors appeared willing to participate in a specific peace studies lecture series. This year we just hope to get one introductory lecture course recognized by the University and eventually move to a broader program from there."

Interested students can contact Presser at 432-3264.

The next meeting of the Yale World Federalists will be held next Tuesday, October 17 at 7:30 p.m., at 104A Harkness. Interested students and members of the Yale-New Haven community should call Dr. Brittain at 777-5388, ext. 104A.

## the new yale
GRADUATE-PROFESSIONAL

Vol. 2

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Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut, Thursday, October 12, 1972

No. 4

Republican Senate-House Dinner - 1974

January 22, 1974

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Department of State
2201 C Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20520

Dear Mr. Secretary:

Are you planning to accept our recent invitation to be one of our honored guests at the dinner to be held March 27 in Washington?

The purpose of the dinner is, of course, to signal the beginning of active campaigning for Congressional candidates by the Republican Senatorial Committee and the Republican Congressional Committee. These two committees, along with the Republican National Committee, join together on this one night to raise the necessary funds to get control of the Congress in 1974. Our future fund raising efforts for individual campaigns are often directly affected by the success of this annual dinner.

The record of our joint dinner is excellent. As Chairmen, we are very proud of the low overhead and effective use of funds. You can help us improve our record by sending in your subscription promptly, thus saving time and follow-up expense.

Your Republican Members of Congress are facing difficult challenges this year. They must know that you are behind them...supporting them...encouraging them and giving them your financial support.

Please send us your acceptance by reserving one or more tables at $10,000 each for your party or for individual tickets at $1,000 each.

We believe that, with the necessary backing, we can substantially improve our numerical standing in the Congress. We hope you agree and will indicate your enthusiasm by responding quickly.

Sincerely,

Bill Brock

George Bush

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BULLETIN POLITIQUE QUOTIDIEN

COMMENTAIRES, ANALYSES, INFORMATIONS

Mercredi 4 décembre 1968

n° 632

La nomination de M. Kissinger : une décision qui va dans le sens du rapprochement entre Paris et Washington -

Du point de vue des orientations futures de la politique étrangère et de la politique de défense des Etats-Unis, comme du point de vue de l'évolution des relations entre Paris et Washington, la nomination de M. Henry Kissinger comme assistant spécial pour la sécurité nationale par M. Nixon présente un intérêt indiscutable pour les observateurs.

Cette nomination permet tout d'abord de constater que, contrairement aux idées les plus généralement répandues, le Président élu souhaite s'entourer d'une équipe au sein de laquelle les intellectuels joueront les premiers rôles.

Par ailleurs, en prenant auprès de lui un homme aussi peu conformiste que M. Kissinger, M. Nixon confirme une impression que l'on pouvait recueillir pendant la campagne électorale : le nouveau Président s'efforcera très rapidement de se donner une stature internationale de tout premier plan, il ne se bornera pas dans ce domaine à suivre les sentiers battus, mais il entend innover et faire appel à l'imagination créatrice de ses collaborateurs pour découvrir la solution des grands problèmes auxquels les Etats-Unis sont confrontés, sur des bases nouvelles.

Dans le cadre des données permanentes de la politique américaine, M. Nixon dispose d'une liberté de manoeuvre dont il paraît décidé à user -

Personne cependant n' imagine que ces éventuelles modifications de la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis pourraient aller jusqu'à un réexamen complet des objectifs et des méthodes de la politique américaine dans le monde.

Les engagements pris par les Etats-Unis, les réalités, les intérêts auxquels répond la politique suivie jusqu'à présent par les dirigeants américains, subsistent et constituent toujours des données permanentes dont le nouveau Président ne pourra pas ne pas tenir compte. Toutefois, le nouveau Président dispose dans ce cadre déterminé d'une certaine liberté de manoeuvre. La nomination de M. Kissinger permet de penser que cette liberté de manoeuvre sera mise à profit.

Evolution vis-à-vis de l'OTAN -

C'est ainsi notamment que les idées de M. Kissinger sur l'OTAN pourrait conduire à une évolution de la politique américaine à l'égard de cette Organisation militaire comme d'une manière plus générale à l'égard de l'Europe.

L'article publié par M. Nixon dans le périodique allemand Europe Archiv publié à Bonn, malgré sa rédaction très prudente et très nuancée, paraît d'ailleurs confirmer l'idée selon laquelle un certain renouveau se manifesterait dans les vues américaines sur la structure et le rôle de l'Alliance Atlantique.

Tandis que M. Kissinger estime que l'OTAN est une organisation militaire défensive qui n'a aucune raison d'intervenir en tant que telle dans les problèmes politiques et notamment dans celui de la détente ou de la coexistence pacifique, M. Nixon se prononce en faveur de consultations politiques, éventuellement au sommet, entre les dirigeants des membres de l'Alliance.

.....

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" LA POLITIQUE DE MATIN .... "

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Mais, plus encore que les prises de position de caractère général, toujours très délicates et souvent trop balancées pour être réellement significatives, c'est tout un climat nouveau que la nomination de M. Kissinger peut contribuer à créer entre Paris et Washington.

On sait en effet que M. Kissinger a toujours préconisé l'établissement d'un "dialogue" entre Paris et Washington. On sait aussi qu'il a sur un certain nombre de problèmes, comme celui de l'OTAN en particulier ou de la défense en général, approuvé certaines des prises de position françaises. En un temps où les rapports entre Paris et Washington étaient disons, difficiles, à cause de la volonté de la France de se doter d'une force nucléaire de dissuasion, à cause du retrait de la France de l'Organisation militaire atlantique, à cause des prises de position françaises sur le Vietnam, M. Kissinger, à l'encontre du courant de pensée auquel adhérait l'administration américaine, conservait un contact personnel et étroit avec Paris.

Dans les dernières semaines de la campagne électorale américaine, nous pensions que l'élection de M. Nixon favoriserait un rapprochement entre Paris et Washington (voir "La Politique de Matin ..." des 22 et 25 octobre dernier). Il est clair qu'en désignant M. Kissinger à un poste aussi important pour les relations franco-américaines, M. Nixon vient de prendre une première décision concrète qui va nettement dans cette direction.

## Vers une concertation entre Washington, Moscou et Paris ?

Il est évidemment trop tôt pour définir d'une façon précise ce que sera la politique étrangère de M. Nixon.

Pourtant, dès à présent, quelques lignes commencent à se dégager. On peut constater une nette volonté de poursuivre la politique de détente avec l'URSS, et même d'engager le dialogue avec Moscou sur les grands problèmes. On peut noter une prise de position en faveur d'une "Europe forte et indépendante". On peut percevoir le souci d'un rapprochement entre Washington et Paris.

Sur ces trois points : détente, Europe et relations entre Paris et Washington, les positions françaises correspondent à ce que l'on discerne des intentions américaines.

Cette sorte de convergence permet de penser que, pendant la durée du mandat de M. Nixon, un pas pourrait être accompli dans la direction d'une organisation du Monde conforme aux grandes idées françaises. La France refusait le "monde bipolaire des théologiens" atlantiques. C'est sur un monde basé sur le concert entre les cinq grandes puissances (y compris la Chine) que les dirigeants français fondaient leur vision de l'avenir.

Déjà, une sorte de concertation entre Washington, Moscou et Paris s'esquisse en filigrane. Un jour ou l'autre, Londres, renonçant au "strapontin atlantique", s'associera à cette entreprise. On s'aperçoit que Pékin ne tient pas à rester en dehors.

Des idées qui semblaient utopiques il y a quelques années ne seraient-elles pas sur le point de prendre forme ?

-o-o-o-o-o-

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BULLETIN POLITIQUE QUOTIDIEN

lundi 11 décembre 1968

n° 637

Le "dégel" européen se confirme...

Les travaux du Conseil des Ministres de la C.E.E., réuni à Bruxelles hier, confirment l'impression que l'on avait déjà ressentie en novembre dernier. Les membres du Marché Commun semblent avoir surmonté la crise provoquée par les divergences d'opinion sur l'élargissement de la Communauté, et notamment sur l'adhésion éventuelle de la Grande-Bretagne.

C'est dans le domaine de la technologie que les décisions des "Six" prennent le caractère symbolique et psychologique le plus significatif. On sait en effet que certains des partenaires de la France, et particulièrement les Hollandais, refusaient de participer à une tentative de mise en oeuvre d'une coopération technologique entre les Six tant que la Grande-Bretagne n'y serait pas associée d'emblée. Le Gouvernement français estimait au contraire que, sans écarter les pays tiers, les membres de la C.E.E. devaient d'abord établir entre eux les règles générales d'une coopération technologique, sauf à inviter les Nations européennes qui pourraient être intéressées à participer à des projets précis.

## Déblocage du Groupe Marchal -

Cette différence d'approche du problème technologique prenait une allure symbolique et presque d'une épreuve de force entre la France et certains de ses partenaires européens. Face au représentant de la France qui déclarait : "que nos divergences sur l'adhésion anglaise ne nous empêchent pas de poursuivre la construction de notre Communauté", les partisans de l'adhésion anglaise, ou tout au moins de l'ouverture rapide des négociations avec le Gouvernement de M. Wilson, répondaient : "tant que le problème anglais n'aura pas été résolu, le Marché Commun ne progressera plus". Cette opposition avait provoqué ce que, dans le jargon communautaire, on nommait le "blocage du Groupe Marchal".

Hier, un accord a été réalisé sur ce point. L'opposition des adversaires des thèses françaises sur l'élargissement a été levée, moyennant une concession de principe. C'est bien entre eux que les "Six" établiront leur coopération technologique mais, lorsqu'ils examineront avec des pays tiers tel ou tel projet précis, ils lui communiqueront le rapport général qu'ils vont être en mesure d'achever désormais. La réunion des Ministres de la C.E.E. a donc abouti au "déblocage du Groupe Marchal". Il s'agit d'un résultat auquel la délibération française attachait une importance considérable.

## Prise en considération des arrangements...

Par ailleurs, il semble bien que les discussions d'hier aient également abouti à un autre résultat important pour le Gouvernement français. Lss idées franco-allemandes au sujet des "arrangements" industriels et commerciaux paraissent avoir fait l'objet d'échanges de vue sérieux. Certes, il existe encore des nuances entre les positions des uns et des autres. Pour M. Luns par exemple, il faudrait sur ce sujet prendre contact le plus vite possible avec les Anglais. M. Debré, lui, fidèle à la thèse constante de la France, considère que les "Six" doivent au préalable se mettre d'accord sur ce qu'ils entendent proposer aux pays tiers en matière d'abaissement réciproque des droits de douane, etc... Par ailleurs, il existe encore des difficultés en ce qui concerne le "volet" agricole de ces "arrangements". Pour le Minsitro français, il va de soit que les "arrangements" doivent, en contre-partie des facilités douanières dans le domaine industriel que les six accorderont aux pays tiers, des clauses qui favoriserott la vente des produits agricole de la Communauté à ces pays.

.....

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Georges BROUSSINE

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BULLETIN POLITIQUE QUOTIDIEN

Lundi 16 décembre 1968

n° 640

La politique du Président de la République constitue l'élément clé de la situation politique actuelle -

Dans le climat quelque peu incertain qui règne aujourd'hui en France, une chose est certaine : comme dans toutes les épreuves qu'a traversées la V° République, c'est de Gaulle personnellement qui mène le combat. Alors que la "classe politique" ne sait plus très bien ce qu'elle veut, ni par quels moyens elle sera en mesure d'atteindre des objectifs encore bien imprécis, tout dépend de l'analyse et des décisions du Président de la République. C'est ce que certains appellent "l'exercice solitaire du pouvoir". Mais, en réalité, il s'agit de bien autre chose.

De tout temps, la volonté, le dynamisme, ou au contraire la passivité, la lassitude ou le découragement du peuple français, ont fait pencher la balance du côté du succès ou du côté de l'échec. Lorsque les Gouvernements étaient faibles, lorsque le pouvoir de décision était si réparti entre des coalitions passagères que plus personne n'assumait de responsabilité, les forces profondes qui animaient les Français, qui les conduisaient à inventer, à travailler, à produire, suppléaient, en temps normal, à la carence des équipes dirigeantes. Pendant les temps difficiles, en revanche, ces forces profondes ne suffisaient pas à résoudre les grands problèmes. Ceux-ci finissaient en fin de compte par aboutir à un résultat, soit par le pourrissement, soit par la crise politique aigue. C'était la faiblesse bien connue et souvent étudiée des régimes démocratiques fondés sur la coalition.

Dans le régime démocratique actuel, fondé sur l'existence d'une majorité, la décision, c'est-à-dire la responsabilité, appartient au Président de la République élu par la majorité du corps électoral. Mais il est bien évident que si, en dernier ressort, les choix ou les arbitrages lui appartiennent, le succès de son action, la réalisation de ses objectifs, dépendent de la coopération des Français, de leur confiance. Ce bref rappel devrait permettre de comprendre ce qui, que le plan politique, est en jeu à l'heure actuelle.

Dans le régime démocratique majoritaire, le fonctionnement de la machine peut être affecté par un certain nombre de causes. La cause la plus évidente du blocage est évidemment le conflit entre le Président (élu par la majorité des Français) et la majorité parlementaire, elle aussi élue au suffrage universel. Dans ce cas la, le recours à l'arbitrage populaire s'impose. Le renversement de l'opinion populaire à l'égard du Président élu est une autre cause éventuelle de blocage des Institutions. Au contraire, le maintien de la confiance populaire et l'existence d'une majorité parlementaire décidée à soutenir l'action du Président créent les conditions d'un fonctionnement aussi efficace que possible de la machine.

La "classe politique" ne croit pas à l'ordre social nouveau -

Aujourd'hui, la situation politique de la France revêt un aspect assez paradoxal. D'une part, rien ne permet de penser que la majorité populaire n'a plus confiance dans le Président. Les sondages d'opinion publique démontrent qu'il peut toujours compter sur la compréhension et l'appui de la majorité des Français. En outre, et c'est peut-être le test capital : les affaires reprennent, la production augmente, les capitaux reviennent, le chômage ne s'aggrave pas et les manifestations du nihilisme étudiant, pour irritantes qu'elles puissent être, paraissent encore relativement marginale.

De plus, il n'y a aucune raison de deuter de la loyauté de la majorité parlementaire à l'égard de la politique déterminée par le Président. Le Gouvernement ne risque pas d'être renversé. Le vote d'une éventuelle motion de censure est inimaginable. Qu'il s'agisse du budget ou des projets de lois élaborés par le Gouvernement, leur adoption est acquise. Techniquement donc, le Président de la République est en mesure d'agir et d'assumer sa mission.

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Mais, d'autre part, ce tableau comporte un élément supplémentaire qui, s'il n'est pas vraiment nouveau, n'en crède pas moins une situation politique plus complexe. La "classe politique", et il s'agit bien entendu de la majorité, est inquiète, insatisfaite, anxieuse. Elle ne s'opposera pas aux projets du Gouvernement, et notamment aux réformes comme la réforme régionale ou même comme l'intéressement, mais tout se passe comme si la plus grande partie de cette classe politique n'y croyait pas, n'y adhérait pas vraiment. Pour les uns, ces réformes sont dangereuses par elles-mêmes. Pour d'autres, elles ne sont pas opportunes. Pour d'autres encore, l'équipe gouvernementale qui devrait les mettre en oeuvre n'est pas faite pour cette tâche immense.

Mais l'essentiel, c'est que ces réserves à l'égard des réformes elles-mêmes ou à l'égard de l'équipe gouvernementale aboutissent à la création d'une sorte de fossé entre la classe politique, et notamment entre la majorité parlementaire, et le Président. L'originalité de la situation réside en ceci : il ne s'agit pas d'un fossé qui peut entraîner, en tout cas àbrève échéance, des conséquences politiques, il s'agit d'un fossé intellectuel et psychologique. Dans ces conditions, comme ce fut le cas pour la bataille de la "décolonisation" ou pour la bataille des "institutions", ou pour la bataille de "l'indépendance" ou pour l'affaire de la dévaluation, ce qui est en jeu, une fois de plus, c'est la politique, ce sont les choix du Président de la République.

## La confiance indispensable —

Mais, pour que le politique du Président, c'est-à-dire au bout du compte la création d'un ordre social nouveau fondé sur la participation puisse aboutir à des résultats concrets, la confiance est un élément fondamental. C'est sans doute parce qu'ils pensent qu'il n'est pas possible d'établir cet "ordre social nouveau", dont les contours sont sans doute encore assez flous, avec l'appui des masses populaires françaises, que de nombreux dirigeants politiques, y compris dans la majorité, sont pessimistes. Il est donc clair qu'ue le succès de l'entreprise, d'une entreprise considérable, puisqu'il s'agit de modifier les bases mêmes de la société française, dépend de la capacité du Gouvernement de convaincre les Français. C'est sur ce plan qu'il doit se battre et qu'il se battra sans doute.

## Mettre fin au désordre monétaire mondial —

Mais, en outre, il est probable que le Général de Guulle s'efforcera de créer des conditions politiques, notamment dans le domaine international, qui favoriseraient cette mutation. Celle-ci suppose en effet un climat international serein dans le domaine économique et monétaire. Il serait impossible d'accomplir des progrès dans une situation monétaire et économique internationale par trop incertaine et troublée. Il est bien évident que si la crise du Franc a eu des causes françaises, elle en a eu d'internationales aussi, et peut-être surtout. Dans ces conditions, un accord international pour la lutte contre l' spéulation et pour la limitation de l'inflation mondiale contribuerait largement au renforcement de la confiance en France et favoriserait de cette façon le succès de la grande entreprise du Général de Gaulle.

## Les chances d'un accord international sur une réforme limitée, mais suffisante, du système monétaire international existent —

Or, sur ce point, des chances d'accord apparaissent. Les nations occidentales, les nations européennes, y compris l'Allemagne Fédérale, les Etats-Unis, ont elles aussi intérêt au rétablissement d'un équilibre monétaire. La réévaluation de l'or par rapport au Dollar n'est pas probable. En revanche, des mesures communes contre la spéculation et peut-être contre l'inflation, pourraient bien être adoptées. Mais, pour que le débat s'engage vraiment, il faut que le Président Nixon soit installé à la Maison Blanche. A ce moment là, entre Américains et Européens, un grand débat s'engagera sûrement. Bien des choses dépendront en France des résultats de ce débat. On peut l'admettre sans pour autant imaginer une modification de la politique française d'indépendance. L'indépendance, ce n'est pas la solitude.

Toutes les nations aujourd'hui sont affectées à des degrés divers par l'action des autres et surtout par l'action des plus puissantes. Une remise en ordre du système monétaire international serait une bonne chose pour la France (comme pour les autres) de même que le désordre monétaire mondial est une mauvaise chose pour les unes et pour les autres. L'avenir de la grande entreprise française de renouveau et de réformes est donc largement liée aux résultats de la confrontation monétaire internationale qui va s'ouvrir au début de l'année prochaine.

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LA POLITIQUE
CE MATIN...

Georges BROUSSINE

400, RUE SAINT-HONORÈ - PARIS-1ER

TÉL. : 742 07-11

BULLETIN POLITIQUE QUOTIDIEN

Mardi 17 décembre 1968

n° 641

Les déclarations prêtées au Roi Hussein : les observateurs sont prudens ...

Il est bien difficile, voir même impossible, à l'heure actuelle, de mesurer la portée, et à plus forte raison les conséquences, des déclarations prêtées par le représentant d'un hebdomadaire français au Roi Hussein au sujet de la création d'un Etat palestinien de Cisjordanie.

Certains observateurs ont le sentiment qu'il s'agit d'un élément vraiment nouveau susceptible de hâter la solution du conflit arabe-israélien.

D'autres, au contraire, voient dans ces déclarations une prise de position habile destinée à mettre les Israéliens au pied du mur en montrant que tout serait possible, à condition que leurs troupes évacuent les territoires arabes qu'ils occupent et, en premier lieu, le territoire jordanien situé à l'ouest du Jourdain.

De côté français, on fait preuve de prudence et de discrétion.

Dans l'ignorance de ce qui a pu être réellement dit par le Roi Hussein, on ne veut visiblement rien faire qui puisse par contre-coup aggraver encore une situation que beaucoup considèrent comme explosive.

Pas d'autre issue au conflit du Moyen-Orient qu'un accord international -

Il est en tout cas permis de penser que ce dernier épisode du conflit israélo-arabe ne modifie nullement la façon de voir française.

Seul un accord entre les quatre grandes puissances, sur la mise en oeuvre de la résolution du 22 novembre 1967 et sur les garanties qu'elle pourrait apporter pour son application, pourrait rétablir la paix dans cette région du Monde.

Or, à cet égard, il est peu probable que le Président Johnson puisse prendre des initiatives qui permettraient d'engager le dialogue entre les quatre, et notamment entre Washington et Moscou. D'autant moins qu'à la suite du voyage au Moyen-Orient de M. Scranton, le Président élu est en train de déterminer sa propre doctrine politique sur cette affaire.

On ne sait pas encore ce que sera cette doctrine. Il semble seulement qu'elle sera différente de celle de l'administration démocrate. Certes, il peut encore se passer bien des choses jusqu'au 20 janvier prochain. Mais c'est seulement après cette date que l'on saura si un accord entre Moscou et Washington peut être envisagé. Faute d'un tel accord, des progrès dans la voie d'un règlement véritable du problème du Moyen-Orient ne paraissent pas imaginables.

D'ici là, on assistera peut-être à des manoeuvres, à des déclarations de caractère plus ou moins spectaculaire. Il s'agit pour les intéressés de se placer le mieux possible en vue de la grande confrontation attendue.

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En revanche, et comme toujours 1 risque l'on se trouve en présence d'une situation explosive, on ne saurait écarter l'éventualité d'une nouvelle aggravation de la situation.

La nervosité de part et d'autre risque en effet de croître à mesure que le moment de l'installation de l'Administration américaine nouvelle approche. De même qu'approche le moment où les thèses russes et américaines vont être confrontées.

La confrontation des points de vue de Moscou et de Washington deviendra probablement possible après le 20 janvier -

Cette confrontation paraît assez probable.

D'une part, si l'on n'éait pas encore ce que sera la doctrine politique de M. Nixon au sujet du Moyen-Orient, on sait déjà que cette doctrine sera plus équilibrée" que celle du Président Johnson.

D'autre part, les Russes qui font preuve de modération dans le conflit du Moyen-Orient viennent de retirer une partie de leur flotte de la Méditerranée orientale. Ils cherchent peut-être à créer les conditions d'un dialogue avec Washington d'abord, d'une concertation à quatre ensuite.

En somme, les déclarations du Roi Hussein qui pourraient bien constituer un élément nouveau à verser au dossier du Moyen-Orient, ont contribué jusqu'à présent à "meubler" une période de transition qui ne prendra fin qu'après le 20 janvier prochain.

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Responsable de la publication : Georges Broussine
Imprimerie spéciale de "LA POLITIQUE CE MATIN ..."
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