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In Search of a Foreign Policy PAGE 28

After nearly a decade of bloody military involvement in Southeast Asia and growing social turmoil at home, many Americans have been left with the urge to simply tune out foreign affairs. And recognizing that fact, President Richard Nixon has turned special attention to the task of gradually whittling down U.S. military entanglements overseas and constructing a "low profile" foreign policy. But now, almost seventeen months since the President proclaimed it, the Nixon doctrine still seems to shed more confusion than light on the U.S. role in world affairs.

To come to grips with just what the Nixon doctrine is and is not, Senior Editor Edward Klein directed an exhaustive examination of American foreign policy, calling in extensive files from diplomatic correspondent Henry L. Trewhitt and Pentagon correspondent Lloyd Norman and reports from other correspondents. From their files, General Editor Russell Watson describes the Nixon doctrine and assesses its place in post-World War II history; Associate Editor Richard M. Smith analyzes Mr. Nixon's defense policy as executed by Defense Secretary Melvin Laird, and General Editor Rafael Steinberg sums up the Administration's foreign-policy strengths and weaknesses and weighs possible alternatives. In by-lined articles, two distinguished Americans—journalist Walter Lippmann and former Under Secretary of State George Ball—present their assessments of specific aspects of U.S. policy. (Newsweek cover drawing of the President flanked by Secretary of State William P. Rogers, Secretary Laird and Presidential foreign-policy adviser Henry Kissinger by David Levine.)

Nixon: Jawboning or Wishboning? PAGE 45

With unemployment hitting a seven-year high—5.8 per cent—and the economy still puffed with inflation, Richard Nixon announced his most aggressive moves to meet the economic dilemma. With files from Washington correspondents Rich Thomas and Henry Hubbard, General Editor Kenneth Auchincloss traces the Administration's course toward "a new prosperity."

Americans in Paris PAGE 80

Two pages of color pictures accompany Art editor Douglas Davis's story based on the Museum of Modern Art's exhibition, "Four Americans in Paris: Gertrude Stein and Her Family," which displays more than 200 works of art collected by the Steins.

Klein

Norman

Trewhitt

Watson

Smith

Steinberg

Contents

December 14, 1970

<table><tbody><tr><td><strong>SPECIAL REPORT</strong></td><td><strong>28</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">The U.S. in search of a foreign policy (the cover)</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">After the war ends, by Walter Lippmann</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Melvin Laird, diplomat at the Pentagon</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">George W. Ball on economic policy</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Toward a new global activism</td></tr><tr><td><strong>NATIONAL AFFAIRS</strong></td><td><strong>45</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Inflation: jawboning or wishboning?</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Case of the rejected defector</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Luring more volunteers to the military</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">The Calley court-martial heats up</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Plight of the Congressional lame ducks</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">The Seattle Seven trial begins</td></tr><tr><td><strong>INTERNATIONAL</strong></td><td><strong>59</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Canada: the liberation of James Cross</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Pakistan's first free election</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Spain's divisive Basque problem</td></tr><tr><td><strong>RELIGION</strong></td><td><strong>68</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Pope Paul presses for social reform; with two pages of color photos</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">The clerical conspirators</td></tr><tr><td><strong>THE MEDIA</strong></td><td><strong>72</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Self-criticism at The Washington Post</td></tr><tr><td><strong>MEDICINE</strong></td><td><strong>77</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Combating sickle-cell anemia</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">The making of a surgeon</td></tr></tbody></table>

<table><tbody><tr><td><strong>EDUCATION</strong></td><td><strong>78</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">The "greatest financial crisis ever" in the colleges</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">The White House Children's Conference</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Harvard's search for a new president</td></tr><tr><td><strong>BUSINESS AND FINANCE</strong></td><td><strong>83</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Setback in the Senate for the SST—a coup for the environmentalists</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">How Railpax would cut passenger trains</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Rejuvenating the FTC</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">The automaker's toughest year</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Firestone invests in a brokerage firm</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Closing out Kleiner, Bell & Co.</td></tr><tr><td><strong>SPORTS</strong></td><td><strong>92</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Lew Alcindor and the Milwaukee Bucks</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Which is the true Horse of the Year?</td></tr><tr><td><strong>THE CITIES</strong></td><td><strong>94</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">A small town resists the Olympics</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Washington's urban-renewal tragedy</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Yugoslavia: the rebuilding of Skopje</td></tr><tr><td><strong>LIFE AND LEISURE</strong></td><td><strong>103</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">The creepy-boppers' monster mania</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">The sound of Spiro Agnew</td></tr><tr><td><strong>SCIENCE AND SPACE</strong></td><td><strong>118</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">A meteorite brings new signs of life beyond the earth</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Scientists and social issues</td></tr></tbody></table>

<table><tbody><tr><td><strong>THE ARTS</strong></td><td><strong>80</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">The Stein collection at the Museum of Modern Art; with two-page color portfolio</td></tr><tr><td><strong>MOVIES</strong></td><td><strong>104</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">George Segal—"Leave them laughing"</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">"Scrooge": perfect for kiddies</td></tr><tr><td><strong>BOOKS</strong></td><td><strong>106</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">A selection of books for Christmas</td></tr><tr><td><strong>MUSIC</strong></td><td><strong>117</strong></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">George Balanchine's dream of reality</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Seiji Ozawa, the San Francisco Symphony's young new conductor</td></tr><tr><td><strong>OTHER DEPARTMENTS</strong></td><td></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Letters</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Where Are They Now?</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Periscope</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Newsmakers</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Transition</td></tr><tr><td><strong>THE COLUMNISTS</strong></td><td></td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Kenneth Crawford</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Clem Morgello</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Henry C. Wallich</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">Stewart Alsop</td></tr><tr><td colspan="2">© 1970 by Newsweek, Inc., 444 Madison Avenue, New York, N.Y. 10022. All rights reserved.</td></tr></tbody></table>

3

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LETTERS

Candidates for '72

Whoa! In your naming of 1972 Presi-
dential hopefuls, one horse was so dark
you even failed to put him on the track!
And that's Sen. William Proxmire, the
senator who answers every roll call. His
plurality has increased every election,
this time reaching a whopping 71 per
cent. (The only higher percentage was
Wallace's 76 per cent in Alabama, but
that's a horse of another color.) His coat-
tails not only helped elect a Democratic
governor but a Proxmire-style represent-
ative in the First District. There Les As-
pin, liberal Democrat, defeated Henry
Schadeberg, a staunchly conservative Re-
publican, by a large margin. A Milwau-
kee-based organization has now been
formed to promote "Proxmire for Presi-
dent in '72!" Another dark horse is at the
starting gate!

The Rev. W.M. S. AVERY

Racine, Wis.

✔ Both Sen. Henry Jackson of Washington (who won 84 per cent of the vote cast) and Sen. Robert Byrd of West Virginia (who won 78 per cent) outpolled Senator Proxmire.

■ As a smug, self-righteous ideologue of 1968, committed to a stance of purity behind Eugene McCarthy, I say that even though I still prefer McCarthy, I will go with any Democrat against Richard Nixon in 1972.

JUDITH GELBER

East Stroudsburg, Pa.

A New Zionism

NEWSWEEK's article on "Faint Flutter-
ings" of peace in the Middle East (INTER-
NATIONAL, Nov. 30) states that an "im-
portant segment" of American Jewish
youth has become disenchanted with
what is termed "Israeli militance." The
most significant development since the
six-day war has been a new sense of
Jewish identity and commitment to Israel
on the part of the most vital segment of
American Jewish youth. This phenom-
enon has embraced religious and secular,
political moderates and radicals. A new
"radical Zionism" has begun to emerge
and is rapidly growing across the campus
es of the nation. The alienated New Left
types who use their Jewish origins as a
license for attacks on Israel are our "Un-
cle Jakes."

NORMAN BERDAY

Madison, Wis.

A Great Institution Destroyed?

As University of California graduates,
my husband and I read with sadness
your description of political interference

NEWSWEEK, December 14, 1970, Volume LXXVI,
No. 24. NEWSWEEK is published weekly, $12 a year,
by NEWSWEEK, INC., 350 Dennison Ave., Dayton,
Ohio 45401. Printed in U.S.A. Second Class postage
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Registrado como artículo de segunda clase en la
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POSTMASTERS: Send form 3379 to NEWSWEEK,
117 East Third Street, Dayton, Ohio 45402.

4

"Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe to assure the survival and the success of liberty."

President Kennedy's Inaugural Address, 1961

IN SEARCH OF A

After three decades of bearing all the hardships and burdens, Americans seem to have grown weary of the world. They are tired of waging wars, hot and cold—perhaps even tired of waging peace. Many of them seem almost beyond caring that the world is as cruel and dangerous as ever—that 2 million men, women and children have starved to death in Nigeria, that Russians man missile batteries along the Suez Canal, that a Marxist has taken over on their doorstep in Chile. And they would prefer to forget that they live in an age of interdependence, electronically plugged into the global city. Americans these days have an irresistible impulse to head for the suburbs, and they thought they had found the man to lead the retreat. For soon after taking office, Richard Milhous Nixon unveiled a new policy that provided Americans with a doctrine for disengagement—and one designed to avoid withdrawal pains along the way.

Or did he? His countrymen assume that the President is committed to leaving Vietnam and to turning over the conduct of that tragic war to the South Vietnamese. They assume that his talk of a "low profile" means that the U.S. will no longer bolster its affluent allies in Western Europe with legions of American troops. They assume that his promise of an "era of negotiation" with the Soviet Union foreshadows a reduction in the staggering cost of the nuclear arms race. Yet these are not necessarily safe assumptions. The fact is that, up to now, President Nixon's approach to the conduct of foreign policy has fallen short of its promise. By underscoring the impression that America's resolve is on the wane, he has unsettled his allies and perhaps given false encouragement to his adversaries.

On occasion, moreover, the President has also confused many of his countrymen. In moments of crisis, the brinksman of the 1950s seems to overwhelm the brake-man of the '70s. The path of American disengagement has been studded with sudden, unexpected lunges in the other direction—the invasion of Cambodia, the threat to intervene in Jordan and the recent bombing of North Vietnam. Last week, the Administration turned away from withdrawal again. Overriding a recommendation by Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird that the U.S. cut its NATO manpower commitment, Wash-

ington promised to maintain American troop strength in Europe.

As a result, the Administration, the Congress, the academic community and the traumatized public have been dragged back into what one student of diplomacy calls "the most fundamental and intense debate on foreign policy since the nation broke out of isolationism in World War II." A principal reason for that debate is that when Mr. Nixon unveiled his foreign policy, it appeared to represent a historic break with the postwar tradition of U.S. activism around the world. But the policy's supporters now maintain that it was never meant to be the last word. "It is not a cookbook," says Henry Kissinger, the President's Talleyrand. "It states a philosophy, not a detailed set of policies." But as the critics see it, the problem lies as much with the chef as with his recipe. "There are so many contradictions in Nixon's behavior," complains historian Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. "Under pressure, he reverts to his old way of thinking."

If the President's foreign policy, as it has emerged so far, is full of disturbing self-contradictions, it does at least acknowledge that many of the hoarier truisms of the past are no longer valid. What it fails to offer is any clear-cut substitutes for those outdated assumptions. The lack of precise direction is critical, for at what appears to be a turning point in U.S. foreign policy there already is less domestic support for activism overseas than at any time during the last 30 years. In Congress, the attempts by dovish legislators to force an accelerated U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam have spilled over into other areas; last week, in direct opposition to Mr. Nixon's pledge to NATO, Senate Majority Leader Mike Mansfield announced that he would revive his resolution designed to compel a reduction of U.S. troop strength in Europe. And the doves are not alone in their clamor. "I guess I felt after World War II that we were the salvation of the world," admits Rep. Thomas E. Morgan, the hawkish chairman of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. "But as we've moved into the '60s my own views have changed. I feel now that we can't police the whole world. We simply don't have enough people or enough money."

In some ways, the new introspection recalls the out-

28

Newsweek

THE PERISCOPE

NIXON MEN ON THE WAY UP

Who are the Nixon appointees that the President
has ticketed for bigger things? The list includes
Treasury Under Secretary Charls E. Walker (rated
as Cabinet-level material); Assistant Secretary of
State (for Near Eastern and South Asian affairs)
Joseph J. Sisco; White House assistant Peter M.
Flanigan (a strong possibility to head the Securi-
ties and Exchange Commission); Deputy Defense
Secretary David Packard; and Donald Rumsfeld,
the antipoverty chief, who is now being talked of
as the next chairman of the Republican National
Committee.

THE OLD HANDS HANG ON

The U.S. commander in Vietnam, Gen. Creighton Abrams, may not come home as quickly as has been predicted. (His successor, Gen. Frederick Weyand, has already been named.) The reason is twofold: Abrams's health has shown a remarkable comeback (he now gets in an hour of badminton daily); and the White House still has not found a suitable new assignment for the four-star general. Another old hand who knocks down speculation about his own early return from the Saigon embassy is Ambassador Ellsworth Bunker.

ALL IN THE FAMILY

Chile's new President Salvador Allende will get
more than a son-in-law in the planned marriage
of his daughter Beatriz to Cuban Luis Fernandez.
Nominally a veterinarian, Fernandez is a top
agent in Fidel Castro's secret police. In Santiago
he will organize personal security arrangements
for Allende as well as a new security-police setup.

SCRAMBLE IN THE SENATE

A scramble is on in the Senate for the powerful post of chairman of the Senate Republican Campaign Committee. Unlike other party jobs, this one is by appointment, with the final say coming from Maine's Margaret Chase Smith, head of the Senate GOP Conference. The two front runners are Peter Dominick of Colorado and Marlow Cook of Kentucky; Cook is conceded the edge.

THE HEALTH OF HAITI'S PAPA DOC

Haiti's dictator-President, François (Papa Doc) Duvalier, seems to be preparing to pass on his one-man rule. Long ill (with diabetes), he was recently reported in a coma. And at last month's Army Day celebration, the 63-year-old Duvalier passed up his usual practice of reviewing the

troops and haranguing the citizenry and let his
20-year-old son, Jean Claude, do the honors. Any
heir apparent (Duvalier's son-in-law, Max Domi-
nique, is also a possibility) faces trouble. If Du-
valier dies, the Haitian army commander, Gen.
Gerald Constant, is expected to move in.

A PRESIDENTIAL PORTFOLIO

What kind of a stock-market handicapper is Rich-
ard Nixon? Last spring, the President commented
that he would buy stocks then if he had the mon-
ey. Last week, a White House aide did some fig-
uring and told the President that had someone
followed his advice and invested $10,000 in, say,
the 30 stocks in the Dow Jones Industrial Aver-
age, he would now be ahead $1,080.

DESEGREGATION WITHOUT BUSES

Civil-rights lawyers in and out of government think the U.S. Supreme Court may well buy one solution to the "neighborhood school" and busing problem presented to the Justices in recent arguments. This is the idea of having black and white pupils share at least part of their precollege schooling. Most junior and senior highs are integrated now and are not "neighborhood" schools. Requiring their desegregation and allowing local, one-race elementary schools to continue (provided their segregation was not mandated by law) would avoid the controversial forced busing plans.

SOLACE AFTER SON TAY

After the first anxious weeks following the futile
attempt to rescue U.S. POW's in North Vietnam,
Washington's high command has put aside one
big worry. That was the possibility—admittedly a
calculated risk in the Son Tay operation—of post-
raid reprisals against the prisoners. Now, top U.S.
officials say, nothing has changed: "Packages are
still going in, messages from prisoners are still
coming out at about the same level, and there has
been no threat of reprisals."

WHEN A VACATION DOESN'T PAY

Whatever chance Missouri's Rep. Richard Bolling
had for a niche in the Democratic House leader-
ship vanished with his refusal to fly back from a
West Indies vacation to vote on the proposed
new Federal consumer agency. Bolling's vote
would have broken a tie in the House Rules Com-
mittee and allowed the bill (already passed by
the Senate) to come to the floor. Bolling has
been anxious for a leadership post, up to and in-
cluding the Speaker's chair.

Newsweek, December 14, 1970

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