Draft II
(Minneapolis)

Today, as throughout our history, America's foreign
policy is dedicated to peace. In an age of nuclear weapons
of terrifying destructiveness, the attainment of peace
is a profound undertaking. Indeed, it is the paramount
moral issue of our time.

But peace cannot be our only concern. While no
nation can give up survival for principle, neither can
survival be the only principle. America cannot be true
to itself without a concern for moral purpose across the
broadest range of its dealings with the world. We must
never cease to ask ourselves what it is we must seek be-
yond stability and the management of conflict.

For 200 years America has been confident of its purposes,
secure in its strength, and certain of its growing
prosperity.

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Throughout most of our history, isolation made possible an uncomplicated view of the world. In the period following World War II, our preeminent power encouraged us to believe we could shape the globe according to American designs.

Today, as we approach our third century, we find -- like most other nations in history -- that we can neither escape from the world nor dominate it. America is destined to cope with a shrinking planet of dispersed power, diverse goals, and interdependent economies.

We must define our national purposes in an ambiguous age:

-- Our traditional partners have regained power and self-confidence. This can enlarge our common capacity for shaping events, or it can result in tests of strength among us.

-- Ideological conflict with communist powers has diminished, and cold war tensions have decreased. But

diminished, and cold war tensions have decreased. But
ideological conflict with communistic powers has
arisen.

for absorbing events, or it can result in threats of attack
self-confidence. This can enhance our common capacity

-- Our traditional partners have retained power and
size:

We must define our national purposes in an ambitious
diverse world, and interdependent economies.

to cope with a springing planet of deformed power,
scape from the world war dominate it. America is declining
like most other nations in history. -- That we can neither

American designs.

to believe we could shape the globe according to
following World War II, our present power considered
an uncomplicated view of the world. In the period

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serious differences remain, and a renewal of confrontation
would be even more treacherous than before.

-- Nuclear superiority has given way to nuclear parity
and the specter of proliferation. These new dimensions
of power could compel restraint, or unleash a cataclysm.

-- National prosperity increasingly must be seen in
the context of the world economy. Economic interdependence can enrich, or it can impoverish.

Each of these elements imposes dilemmas between the
responsibilities of power, the needs of pragmatism and
the claims of moral purpose.

Tonight I want to discuss the dilemmas we face in
seeking our national purposes at a time when the perennial
tension between power and principle, idealism and prag-
matism is more marked than ever.

The questions posed by these issues are of particular
concern to Americans. As a nation of immigrants pur-
suring the dream of a more just and humane world, we have

arriving the dream of a more just and humane world, we have
concern to America. As a nation of immigrants but

The question posed by these issues are of particular
importance if more marked than ever.

tenation between power and principle, idealism and brash-
assessing our national purposes at a time when the perennial
tomorrow I want to discuss the dilemma we face in

the claims of world purposes.

reasonableness of power, the needs ofORDER and
Each of these elements imposes a dilemma between the
demands can arise, or it can unbecome.

the context of the world economy. Economic interdependence-

-- National prosperity increasingly must be seen in
of power could combat materialist or unreason a outlook,
and the speaker of proliferation. These new dimensions

-- Ancient authority has driven way to nuclear power
would be even more dangerous than before.

arious differences remain, and a renewal of confrontation

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always been deeply concerned with moral issues. And in
this new era when our ideas, our prosperity, indeed, our
very survival are so undeniably intertwined with those of
other nations, decisions on international problems have a
direct and striking effect on the pocketbooks, plans and
purposes of individual American citizens.

The General Dilemma

From Plato to Machiavelli to Woodrow Wilson, statesmen
of all nations have struggled to find a link between
the often contradictory demands of power and principle,
to find the relationship of peace and stability to justice.

Our nation's recent experience and the rapidly
changing international scene make clear that to search
for absolutes in world affairs is self-deluding. There
can be no absolute security, absolute amity, absolute
harmony, absolute good. We have learned that international
debates are not always between right and wrong but
between contending versions of what is right. Many years

between contending versions of what is right. Many years
debate are not always between right and wrong but

harmony, absolute good. We have learned that international
can be no absolute security, absolute unity, absolute
for an absolute in world affairs is self-defeating. There
continuing international action makes clear that to search
Our nation a recent experience and the rapidly

to find the relationship of peace and stability to justice,
the cotton contradictory demand of power and principle,
of all nations have struggled to find a link between

From Plato to Machiavelli to Woodrow Wilson, statesmen
The General Dilemma

purposes of individual American citizens.
direct and striking effect on the pocketbooks, plans and
other nations, decisions on international problems have a
very survival are so undeniably interwined with those of
this new era when our ideas, our prosperity, indeed, our
always been deeply concerned with moral issues. And in

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ago, Chaim Weizmann, the founder of the State of Israel, illustrated this dilemma when he spoke of the problem facing the zionists in their attempt to create a homeland in Palestine. He said that the tragedy of Palestine was that the issue was not one of right and wrong -- something that is easy to cope with in moral terms -- but the conflict of two "rights", the rights of both the Jewish and Palestinian people in the same land. Thus no nation has a monopoly on justice or rectitude.

Equally, we have been freshly compelled to an awareness of the distinction between the moral principles applicable to the conduct of individuals within a nation and those applicable to behavior among nations. Foreign policy involves relationships between sovereign countries which increasingly do not share a homeogeneous political or moral culture. Each may measure the ethical by its own standard. And no common standard exists. Foreign

own standards. And no common standard exists. Foreign
or moral culture. Each may measure the ethical by its
which increasingly do not share a homogeneous political
policy involves relationships between European countries
and those applicable to behavior among nations. Foreign
principles of individuality within a nation
arise of the distinction between the moral principles so
finally we have been freely compelled to an aware-
s a monopoly on justice or rectitude.

Palestinian people in the same land. Thus no nation has
flict of two "rights," the rights of both the Jewish and
that is easy to cope with in moral terms -- put the con-
that the issue was not one of right and wrong -- something
in Palestine. He said that the truce of Palestine was
facial the situation in their struggle to create a homeland
illustrated this difference when he spoke of the problem
so, Chairman Moskowitz, the founder of the State of Israel,

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policy is explained domestically in terms of justice.

But what is defined as justice at home becomes the subject of dispute abroad. In such a situation, disagreements between sovereign states can only be settled by power or by negotiation; by compromise or by imposition. Neither can ever satisfy the standards of personal morality -- for one method seems brutal, the other an evasion. As Santayana said, "Compromise is odious to passionate natures because it seems a surrender, and to intellectual natures because it seems a confusion."

But statesmen and foreign policies are not omnipotent; they can only approach the good imperfectly and indirectly. Every course of action may seem moral in some terms but require costs in others. Thus, if we are not to condemn ourselves to frustration or fruitless posturing, we must strike a balance between what is desirable and what is possible. The observer expresses his morality by the loftiness of his ideals; the policymaker expresses

by the totality of his ideas; the policy which expresses
and what is possible. The observer expresses his morality
we must strike a balance between what it deems
possible to condemn ourselves to transgression or truethless bearing,
terms but require coats in others. Thus, if we are not
directly. Every course of action may seem moral in some
tent; they can only approach the good imperfectly and in-
but statements and foreign policies are not omnipo-
nal because it seems a contradiction.

Gautysaus said, "Compromises is an option to compensate
for one method seems brutal, the other an escalation. Ya
can ever astutely the standard of personal morality --
by negotiation: by compromise or by imposition. Neither
between sovereign states can only be settled by power on
of dispute abroad. In such a situation, disagreements
But what is defined as justice at home becomes the subject
policy is explained domestically in terms of justice.

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his morality by implementing a series of imperfect and
partial solutions aimed at furthering these same ideals.
Progress can be made, but we often have no choice but to
measure it in partial steps and relative satisfactions.
If our foreign policy is to be capable of meeting today's
challenges, it must have the support of the people, forged
through a dialogue on the issues of policy and principle.

The prerequisite for a fruitful national debate is that the
policy makers and critics appreciate each other's
perspectives and respect each other's purposes. The
policy maker must understand that the critic is obliged
to stress imperfections in order to challenge assumptions
and to stimulate action. But equally the critic should
acknowledge the complexity and inherent ambiguity of the
policymaker's choices. What we need is the confidence to
discuss issues without bitter strife, the wisdom to
define together the nature of the world, and the vision
to chart together a more just future.

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## America's Special Vision

For Americans, these issues have an extra dimension. Our citizens have always given special weight to moral considerations in the conduct of foreign policy. We began life as an independent nation with a strong sense that the purposes and ideals of the revolution had universal applicability, that they embodied the deepest aspirations of mankind and imposed a mission upon us to work in their service. More than any other nation we sought to conform our goals and actions both at home and abroad to the great ideals that gave impulse to our revolution.

Paradoxically, perhaps, while proclaiming and believing in the universality of our ideals, we sought to shield our country and hemisphere from the rest of the world. We sought to keep it free of both the corruptions that involve-ment in the traditional diplomatic game of foreign powers was seen to entail and of the intrusions into our own lives and values that greater involvement in the world

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might bring, Geography and the bounty of nature favored
this separateness. Shielded by the oceans and British
seapower, we could assert moral convictions in absolute,
often utopian, terms. Our distance from the rough-and-
tumble world of international rivalry made it difficult to
see that the standards we expected others to meet were
often unrealistic.

While many nations and governments see themselves as
following the dictates of morality, our country was long
known for the fact that others believed us and in us. We
were seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in
Europe; a place where the injustices, inequities, priva-
tions and abridgements of human dignity which they had
suffered in their previous daily lives were thought to be
minimal or even altogether absent. In sum it was not only
we ourselves who saw our nation as a great moral force in
the world, but the outside world as well. Whatever in-
justices and violations of our moral principles may have

principles and violations of our moral principles may have
the world, but the outside world is well. Whatever in-
usurated in their previous daily lives were thought to be
tions and abridgements of human dignity which they had
mineral or even artificial ablation. In any case not only

Europe: a place where the infidelities, iniquities,
were seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in
known for the fact that others believed us and in us. We
following the dictates of morality, our country was lond

While many nations and governments see themselves as
often unrelenting.

see that the standards we expected others to meet were
temple world of international rivalry made it difficult to
often utopian, terms. Our distance from the rough-and-
rough, we could assert moral convictions in absolute,
this egarustenea. Sherefled by the oceans and British
might prin.

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been associated with manifest destiny, and the westward
advance of the frontier did not detract from the continuing
view of the United States as virtually unique among nations.

We have always been uncomfortable with the uses of
power and with our involvement in the diplomatic game.
We need only look at the debates and soul-searching at
the turn of the century in connection with the Spanish-
American War and our first acquisition of non-contiguous
territories. Although many of our political leaders saw
our policies at that time as dictated by our interests,
others saw a break with our tradition of avoiding the
pitfalls of a morally questionable world. They doubted
whether such involvement could long permit us to preserve
our own values intact.

Woodrow Wilson sought to resolve this argument by
translating our domestic values and aspirations into
universal policies. World War I was fought in the name
of making the world safe for democracy. Millions of Americans
served under these banners and were admired for it abroad.

served under phase banners and were agitated for it abroad.

of making the world safe for democracy. Millions of Americans
universarl policies. World War I was fought in the name
translating our domestic values and aspirations into

Woodrow Wilson sought to resolve this segment by
our own values intact.

Whether such involvement could found permit me to preserve
bitterness of a morally questionable world. They deemed
others as a preck with our tradition of avoiding the
our policies at that time as dictated by our interests,
territories. Although many of our political leaders saw
American War and our first acquisition of non-contiguous
the turn of the century in connection with the Spanish-
We need only look at the destates and conf-ascending at
power and with our involvement in the diplomatic game.

We have style been uncomfortable with the race of
view of the United States as virtually unique among nations.
Advance of the frontier did not detract from the continuing
been associated with manifest destiny and the westward

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This experience produced one of the great dilemmas in American history. For while other nations wanted us to maintain our global involvement, most of our own people continued to feel that our proper role was to deal with the problems of our own society, to remain detached from the quarrels of the world outside. We were not ready for the responsibilities of power -- power that had come to us partly by our own design and actions and partly conferred upon us by events. Our idealism again took the form of isolation, at least in the political sense. Those areas, such as foreign relief in which we did take a strong and active lead, only reinforced the moral components of our policies.

We emerged from isolation to oppose an unmistakably evil totalitarian threat in the Second World War. Our victory further strengthened our sense of moral rectitude. And in the postwar bipolar world of cold war confrontation we faced a seemingly monolithic ideology

whose is

contradiction we faced a seemingly monolithic ideology
rigidity. And in the postwar bipolar world of cold war
victory further strengthened our sense of moral

We emerged from isolation to oppose an unm批ably
bombed of our policies.

strong and active lead, only reinforced the moral com-
ponents of our sense of moral
areas, such as foreign relief in which we did take a
form of isolation, at least in the political sense. Those
ferred upon us by events. Our idealism again took the
us partly by our own health and actions and partly con-
the responsibilities of power -- power that had come to
disarm the world outside. We were not ready for
the problems of our own society, to remain detached from
continued to feel that our proper role was to deal with
maintain our global involvement, most of our own people
American history. For while other nations wanted us to

This experience produced one of the most diffi-

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whose ambitions and values were odious to our own.

Throughout our history, then, it has been especially
important to us as a nation to be able to justify our
foreign policy in moral terms. Our self image as a nation
did not permit us to consider ourselves to be just another
nation-state pursuing pragmatic, perhaps even greedy goals.
This sense of moral purpose provided a force behind which
the country could unite, and this sense of special moral
value has been an important contribution to our greatness
as a nation.

Today's Issues: The Moral Context

This deep historical commitment to high purpose to-
day encounters dilemmas of the utmost complexity. As we
seek the balance between admirable but often partially
compatible moral concerns, a certain framework emerges:

-- Our nation's values define what is just;

-- Our strength determines what is possible;

-- Our domestic structure deterines what actions

can be sustained;

can be assumed;

-- Our domestic architecture determines what actions

-- Our strength determines what he possible;

-- Our nation's values define what he just;

compulsory moral concerns, a certain framework emerges:
seek the balance between admirable but often partially
day encounters of the most complexity. As we
This deep historical commitment to high purpose for-

as a nation.

value has been an important contribution to our greatness
the country could unite, and this sense of special moral
This sense of moral purpose provided a force behind which
nation-state burning rhetoric, perforce even greedy dollars,
did not permit us to consider ourselves to be just another
foreign policy in moral terms. Our self inside as a nation
important to us as a nation can be able to justify our
throughout our history, then, it has been especially
whose ambitions and affinities were inclined to our own.

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-- And our role in the international community imposes accommodations between differing visions of morality.

Let me turn to specific situations which illustrate
the ways these factors impact upon each other and
affect the course of our foreign policy:

-- In *detente*, where the imperatives of peace
and stability overlap with basic human rights and
accepted international principles,

-- In the matter of *legislative sanctions*,
where cosmetic structure and concerns affect a foreign
policy designed to serve the broader interests of our
nation,

-- In *international law*, where our hope for a
world legal order sometimes conflicts with our
sense of justice or equity,

-- In *foreign aid*, where humanitarianism and pragmatism
often conflict, and international and domestic concerns
are difficult to reconcile, and

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-- In relations with _authoritarian governments_ or those which do not adhere to certain democratic values.

Each of these areas poses genuine and difficult choices in the conduct of our foreign policy.

## Detente

Nothing delineates the moral complexities of our time more clearly than our relationship with the Soviet Union.

Until recently the goals of detente were not an issue. The prevention of nuclear war was accepted as an overriding imperative. The necessity of shifting from confrontation toward negotiation seemed so overwhelming that goals beyond the settlement of international disputes were hardly raised. But now progress has been made -- and already taken for granted. The imperative of peace now is confronted by concerns for other elements of moral purpose. It has given rise to an intense debate on whether we should seek changes in Soviet society as a precondition for

The changes in Soviet society are a precondition for
It has given rise to an intense debate on whether we should
contradict by conscience for other elements of moral purpose.

The imperative of peace now is
already taken for granted. The imperative of peace now is
that goals beyond the settlement of international disputes
contradict toward negotiation deemed so overwhelming
overriding imperative. The necessity of shifting from

trade. The prevention of nuclear war was accepted as an
undue recently by the peoples of defense were not an

time more clearly than our relations with the Soviet Union.

Nothing addresses the moral complexities of our
defence the concerns of the peoples of the world.

Choice in the conduct of our foreign policy.

Each of these areas demands and difficult

In relations with authoritarian governments

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further progress -- or indeed for following through on commitments already made.

There are genuine moral concerns on both sides of the argument. Thus it is not a debate between those who are morally sensitive and those who are not, between those who care for justice and those who are oblivious to humane values.

We shall never condone the suppression of fundamental liberties, such as the right of Jewish emigration. We shall urge humane principles and use our influence to promote justice. But the issue comes down to the limits of such efforts. We have seen how gratifying progress in increasing the flow of Soviet emigrants was quickly reversed when Congress attached excessive conditions to the U.S. Trade Bill.

How far can we press on such issues without provoking a return to tensions we hoped to alleviate? Are we ready

is ready to return to tensions we hoped to alleviate. Are we ready to return to tensions we hoped to alleviate? Are we ready for a return to tensions we hoped to alleviate?

How far can we press on and issue without provoking U.S. Trade Bill.

vered when Congress attached excessive conditions to the increasing the flow of Soviet emigrants was quickly resulting efforts. We have been how frustrating progress in such efforts. But the issue comes down to the limits of trade justice. But the issue comes down to the limits of individual liberties, such as the right of Jewish emigration. We shall order humane principles and see our influence to protect

We shall never condone the oppression of fundamental Asylum.

who care for justice and those who are opinions to human are morally sensitive and those who are not, between those the argument. That it is not a debate between those who there are genuine most concern on both sides of commitments already made.

Further progress -- or indeed for following throng on which the issue of the UN is being discussed -- is not made.

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to face the crises and increased defense budgets that a
return to cold war conditions would spawn? And will this
encourage full emigration or enhance the well-being or
nourish the hope for liberty of the people of Eastern
Europe and the Soviet Union? Is it detente that has
prompted repression -- or is it detente that has generated
the ferment and the demand for openness which we are now
witnessing?

These questions have no easy answers. The Govern-
ment may underestimate the margin of concessions available
to us. But a fair debate must admit that they _are_ genuine
questions, the answers to which could affect the fate of all
if us.

Our policy with respect to detente is clear: we shall
resist aggressive foreign policies. Detente cannot be a
license for the selective exploitation of opportunities.
As for the internal policies of closed systems the United

Yes for the international policies of closed economies the United
 license for the selective exploitation of opportunities,
 resultative addressative foreign policies. Detente cannot be a

if not...

queational, the answers to which could affect the late of all
to us. But a fair debate must admit that they are genuine
ment may underestimate the margin of conciliation available
These questions have no easy answers. The Gover-
withstanding.

wherein

the ferment and the demand for openness which we are now
prompted repression -- or is it detention that has generated
Europe and the Soviet Union? Is it detention that has
necessitated the hope for fidelity of the people of Eastern
en Community, full emigration or enhance the well-being or
return to cold war conditions would beam? And will this
to face the crisis and increased defense expenditures that a
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States will never forget the antagonism between freedom and its enemies. We are not neutral in that struggle. As long as we remain powerful we will use our influence to promote freedom, as we always have. But in the nuclear age we are obliged to recognize that the issue of war and peace also involves human lies and that the attainment of peace is a profound moral concern.

Domestic Legislative Restraints

Domestic American concerns as reflected in congressional
actions increasingly have brought about contradictions
with our country's international interests. U.S. foreign
policy, once considered excessively moralistic, is now
looked upon by some as excessively pragmatic. One
consequence of this intellectual shift is a gap between
conception and performance on some major issues of policy:

-- Expressions of concern for human values in other
countries are coupled with failure to provide foreign aid

Expressions of concern for human welfare in other

consequence of this ineffective shift is a dsb between

with our country's international interests. U.S. foreign
sactions increasingly have prompted apart contractions

Domestic American concerns are reflected in congressional

Domestic legislative requirements

Peace also involves human life and that the attainment

promote freedom, as we always have. But in the uncertain age
and its enemies. We are not neutral in that struggle. As

states will never forget the抗争 between freedom
and its enemies. We are not neutral in that struggle. As

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support for the very programs designed to help developing areas improve their living standards and social progress;

-- The declared objective of maintaining a responsible American international role clashes with nationalistic pressures in trade and monetary negotiations and with calls to abandon alliance obligations,

-- Measures designed to influence other governments' conduct in negotiations have only stiffened their resistance, and

-- Moral values asserted to be universal are selectively advocated and pursued to advance often unstated political, economic or ethnic interests.

It is clear that we face genuine moral dilemmas and important policy choices. But it is also clear that we need to define the framework of our dialogue more per-ceptively and understandingly.

American policy -- given the wide range of our interests and responsibilities -- must be a coherent and a purposeful

and responsibilities -- what he is a coherent and a purposeful

American policy -- given the wide range of our interests
cooperatively and understandingly.

need the framework of our dialogue more per-
important policy choices. But it is also clear that we
If it is clear that we face genuine moral dilemmas and
political, economic or ethnic interests.

truly advocated and pursued to advance often unmet
-- Moral values sacred to be universal are selec-
tive, and

confront in negotiations have only attained their realia --
-- Measures devised to influence other governments.

effort to sprougou alliance obligations,
-- Measures devised to influence other governments,
-- The declared objective of maintaining a reasonable
-- Areas improve their living standards and social progress;
-- Ambition for the very programs devised to help developind

and reasonable

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whole. The way we act in our relations with one
country almost inevitably affects our relationship with
others. To single out individual countries for special
legislative attention has unintended but inevitable con-
sequences -- and the cumulative impact of various
measures risks unraveling the entire fabric of our
foreign policy.

Paradoxically the President and the Congress share
the same immediate objectives on most of the issues that
have recently become sources of dispute. Too often,
differences on tactics have defeated the very purposes
that both branches meant to serve, because the legislative
sanctions were: too public or too drastic or too undiscrim-
inating. Our inability to implement the trade agreement
with the Soviet Union is a case in point. Another is
the impact of restrictions on aid to Turkey on our efforts
both to advance the Cyprus peace negotiations and to safe-
guard our wider security interests in NATO and the Eastern

to guard our wider security interests in NATO and the Eastern
both to advance the Cyprus peace negotiations and to safe-
the impact of restrictions on aid to Turkey on our efforts
with the Soviet Union is a case in point. Another is
insting. Our inability to implement the trade agreement
securities were too public or too dramatic or too undiscrim-
inating both branches meant to serve, because the legislative
differences on tactics have defeated the very purposes
have recently become sources of dispute. Too often,
the same immediate objectives on most of the issues that
Paradoxically the President and the Congress share
foreign policy.

measures raise unraveling the entire fabric of our
sequences -- and the cumulative impact of various
legislative amendments has unattended but inevitable com-
others. To simple out individual countries for special
country almost inevitably affects our relationship with
wholes. The way we set in our relations with one

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Mediterranean. Yet another is the damage to our
Western Hemisphere relations, specifically in Ecuador and
Venezuela, caused by an amendment designed to withhold
special tariff preferences from OPEC countries.

In fairness it must be pointed out that Congressmen
and Senators must represent the particular views of their
constituencies. They reflect an electorate impatient
with foreign turmoil and insistent that international
responsibilities be shared more equitably. In a period
of domestic recession the case for foreign aid and other
international economic measures become increasingly
difficult to make. And yet the reality of interdependence
links both our security and prosperity ever more closely
with the rest of the world.

On all these issues the President intends to work
with Congress to find a solution to the problems caused
by individually valid but often competing American interests
and values. It is imperative that differences between

and values. It is imperative that differences between
by individually valid but often competing American interests
with Canada to find a solution to the problems caused
On all these issues the President intends to work
with the rest of the world.

It takes both our security and prosperity even more closely
gifts to make. And yet the reality of interdependence
international economic measures become increasingly
of domestic recession the case for foreign aid and other
reasons. It is argued more explicitly. In a period
with foreign turmoil and inanimate that international
constitencies. They reflect an electorate impatient
and Sanders what represent the particular views of their
In fairness it what he pointed out that Congressmen
special tariff preferences from OPEC countries.

Senators, caused by an amendment designed to withhold
Western hemisphere relations, specifically in Ecuador and
Mediterranean. Yet another is the damage to our

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Domestic American groups or the excessive influence of parochial concerns do not paralyze our country's ability to act on issues of both global and national importance.

## International Law

We face as well genuine dilemmas in areas where our commitment to international law fails to satisfy the demands of conscience -- especially in domains where the law is ambiguous or just beginning to take hold.

In international business the rights of foreign investors clash with a nation's exercise of its sovereignty through acts of expropriation. Both rights are upheld by all states in one form or another. We must protect our investors, yet it is in our own national interest to defend the principle that a state may determine its own internal economic policy.

In communications, the right of nations to regulate communications and their content within their borders

communications and their content within their borders.

In communications, the right of nations to regulate
own internal economic policy.

refer to defend the principle that a state may determine its
protect our investors yet it is in our own national in-
by all states in one form or another. We what
through acts of expropriation. Both rights are eligible
investors clean with a nation's exercise of its sovereignty
In international business the rights of foreign
law is absurd or just beginning to take hold.

demands of conscience -- especially in domains where the
commitment to international law fails to satisfy the
We face a well-delineated dilemma in areas where our
**International Law**

to act on issues of both global and national importance.
of commercial concerns do not paralyze our country's spillover
domestic American economies or the excessive influence

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clashes with the principle of free dissemination of in-
formation. This conflict could become most evident with
the use of direct broadcast satellites which may be able
to reach a nation's audience independent of that nation's
own communications network.

On the issue of the use of the oceans, our desire
to protect our coastal fishermen from foreign exploration
cannot ignore our desire to maintain the internatonal
legal rights of our distant water fishermen. Our
coastal fishermen want unilaterally to extend our juris-
diction out to 200 miles to prevent foreign fishing
while forbidding other countries from doing the same
off their own coasts.

And there is the conflict between the traditional
rights of individuals and nations to gather for them-
selves whatever they can from the open sea, and the newly
perceived right of all the peoples of the world to benefit
in common from the material riches of the ocean floor.

in common from the material riches of the ocean floor.
perceived right of all the peoples of the world to benefit
selves whatever they can from the open seas, and the newly
right of individuals and nations to gather for them-

And there is the conflict between the traditional
off their own coasts.

while forbidding other countries from doing the same
direction out to 200 miles to prevent foreign fishing
coastal fishermen want militarily to extend our juri-
seal rights of our distant water fisherman. Our
cannot ignore our desire to maintain the international
to protect our coastal fishermen from foreign exploration
On the same of the use of the oceans, our desire
our communications network.

to reach a nation's audience independent of that nation's
the use of direct broadcast satellites which may be able
formation. This conflict could become most evident with
clashes with the principle of free dissemination of in-

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The UN Law of the Sea Conference has been grappling with this problem for some time. The United States is committed to the search for cooperative solutions in this and other key areas where an international legal regime which seeks to preserve essential freedom while ensuring rational use of the world's resources may be of vital importance to the future of our planet.

## Foreign Aid

The global food problem is an example of foreign aid which presents equally perplexing issues of legitimate yet incongruent principles.

To fight the scourge of hunger the amount of food aid provided by the United States is an important moral and humanitarian issue. America's record in food aid is unsurpassed -- for which we and the world owe much to Senator Humphrey and his Food for Peace Legislation drafted some twenty years ago. But over the long-term the world

some twenty years ago. But over the long-term the world
Senator Humphrey and his Food for Peace Association, graced
uniquely based -- for which we and the world owe much to
humanitarian issues. America's record in food aid is
unquestioned by the United States in an important way
and humanitarian issues. It is provided by the United States
To fight the scourge of hunger the amount of food
yet inconvenient principles.

which presents adroitly perplexing issues of legitimate
The global food problem is an example of foreseen
Foreign Aid

rational use of the world's resources may be of vital
which seeks to preserve essential freedom while ensuring
and other key areas where an international effort requires
united to the ends for cooperative solutions in this
civil problem for some time. The United States is a com-
The UN law of the Sea Conference has been drubbing with
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will never have enough food for all unless food production
in developing countries is dramatically increased and a
system of grain reserves established to help defend
against the cycle of feast and famine brought by the un-
certainty of annual harvests. In our efforts we must address
not only our humanitarian obligation to our fellow man,
but our concern to avoid humanity's excessive dependency upon
the bounty of a handful of nations. If a country becomes
excessively dependent on food aid it may delay
food projects of its own or fail to provide incentives
for increased domestic production. In the long run, then,
a food aid dependency relationship may only cause more
hunger and starvation. It is necessary to balance
food aid with measures to help countries improve
their own agricultural development.

Furthermore, food aid may under certain circumstances
bring increases in our own agricultural prices. And this
may work a hardship on our own people, especially the

may work a hegemony on our own people, especially the
print increases in our own agricultural prices. And this
Furthermore, food aid may under certain circumstances
tend our own agricultural development.

food aid with measures to help countries improve
pioneer and oscillator. It is necessary to balance
a food aid dependency relationship may only cause more
for increased domestic production. In the long run, then,
food projects of its own or, at least to provide incentives
excessively dependent on food aid it may delay

the point of a hand full of meters. If a country becomes
part our concern to avoid humanity's excessive dependency upon
not only our humanitarian obligation to our fellow man,
certainty of annual harvest. In our efforts we must address
against the cycle of heat and famine brought by the un-
system of drain reservoirs supplied to help defend
in developing countries is dramatically increased and a
will never have enough food for all unless food production

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neediest who spend a large proportion of their income on
food.

The United States has taken the lead in acting to
meet the global food problem. We called for the World
Food Conference which met last November in Rome. There
we engaged other nations in a multilateral commitment
to increase food aid, to raise food production in develop-
ing countries, to improve agricultural financing and
distribution, and to set up an international system of
nationally-held grain reserves. We are dedicated to con-
tinue to try to meet this global challenge and to make a
cooperative solution on food a model of how nations
should cooperate on the issues of all vital resources.

## Authoritarian Governments

And, finally, how do we maintain durable and mutually
productive relations with friends; allies, and even
neutrals whose domestic practices violate our own con-
cepts of domestic procedures and civil rights? This is

["caption of domestic procedures and civil rights? This is\nneutrals, whose domestic procedures are almost our own con-\nproductive relations with friends, allies, and even", "And, finally, how do we maintain stable and mutually", "## Authority in Government", "should cooperate on the issue of all vital reasons.", "cooperative solution on food a model of how nations\nought to try to meet this global challenge and to make a\nnationally-held grain reserves. We are dedicated to con-\nduction, and to set up an international system of\nfood commodities, to improve agricultural financing and\nto increase food aid, to raise food production in develop-\ning countries, and to increase agricultural financing and\nto increase food aid, to raise food production in develop-\ning countries, and to set up an international system of\nfood commodities, and to meet this global challenge and to make a\nnationally-held grain reserves. We are dedicated to con-\nduction, and to set up an international system of\nfood commodities, and to meet this global challenge and to make a\nnationally-held grain reserves. We are

[4]

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a problem we confront throughout the world. It has been
a familiar feature of our relationship with Latin America,
for example. It is now a particularly acute concern in
Asia.

The issue is not a new one. The founding fathers
believed that we possessed a natural kinship with other
republican governments, and preferred to shun political
connections with autocratic monarchies.

Clearly our foreign policy must reflect those ideals
and purposes that are embodied in our constitution. We
must never acquiesce in the suppression of human liberty
nor in the systematic violation of those political rights
which assure the survival of open societies. Moreover,
concern with human rights reflects more than our own tra-
ditions, and the realization that the respect for such
rights is a valid foreign policy objective in its own
right. An America which stands mute when friends or
associates systematically violate such rights is no longer

associates systematically violate and exploit any right it has no longer
right. An America which stands mute when friends or
rights is a valid foreign policy objective in its own
ditions, and the realization that the respect for such
concern with human rights reflects more than our own tru-
which säume the arrival of open societies. Moreover,
nor in the automatic violation of these political rights
must never coexist in the oppression of human liberty
and purposes that are embodied in our constitution. We
Clearly own foreign policy must reflect those ideas
connections with autocratic monarchies.
republican governments, and preferred to aim political
believed that we botanized a natural kinship with other
The issue is not a new one. The founding father
is not a problem we confront throughout the world. It has been
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true to itself. Societies that lack commitment to social justice cannot for long withstand subversive challenges; nor can they prove reliable or congenial partners for us over the long run. No international structure of cooperation can flourish unless its benefits are widely shared and it is perceived as just.

Yet these concerns are not absolute. Our policies toward individual countries inevitably represent a variety of interests and objectives. Neglect of human rights concerns may well affect the advancement of other important aims. Yet single-minded preoccupation with human rights alone can also jeopardize significant national objectives -- in some cases vital security and political interests.

We must remember, moreover, that foreign policy is by definition conducted with peoples beyond our territorial domain and legal jurisdiction -- peoples who possess different traditions and face different national situations.

down and federal jurisdiction -- people who possess

by definition connected with people beyond our territory.

We must remember, moreover, that foreign policy is political interests.

National objectives -- in some cases vital security and human rights alone can be so nebulous an significant

important aim.

Yet subtle minded preoccupation with variety of interests and objectives. Select of human toward individual countries inevitably represent a

Yet these concerns are not absolute. Our policies shared and if it be perceived as just.

cooperation can flow unless its benefits are widely
as over the long run. No international structure of

nor can they prove reliable or confidential partners for

social justice cannot for long withstand arbitrary challenges;
take no itself. Societies that lack commitment to

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Our ability to predict, let alone shape, social and political change in foreign societies is at best limited.

And we have learned through painful experience that we do not possess a monopoly of insight with which to guide the affairs of others. Excessive confidence in our capacity to engage in social engineering in foreign countries led to some of the more unfortunate episodes in our foreign policy over the past decade.

The task is to strike a responsible balance between the necessities of security and our need to remain faithful to our own ideals. This is no easy task. It requires a realism which avoids the pitfalls of excessive cynicism and an idealism which does not lapse into sentimentality. Excessive pragmatism and excessive moralism are equally to be shunned.

To acknowledge the complexity of the dilemma regrettably does not resolve the specific choices. But there are some guidelines. We must remain concerned about

are some guidelines. We must remain concerned about
rightly does not resolve the specific choices. But there
To acknowledge the complexity of the dilemma requires
advisely to be aimed.

Excessive relativism and excessive moralism are
and an idiosyncrism which does notORB into sentimentality,
a realism which avoids the bias of excessive cynicism
and to our own idiosyncrism. This is no easy task. It requires
the necessities of security and our need to remain flexible-
The task is to strike a reasonable balance between
our foreign policy over the past decade.

And we have learned through painful experience that
political change in foreign societies is at best limited.
Our ability to predict, let alone imagine, social and

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human rights. We have -- and will -- forcefully express our concerns not only in appropriate international forums but also in our private exchanges with other governments where this can be useful. In many cases, we can exert our influence more effectively through confidential diplomatic exchanges than through public exhortation. In an age of nationalism, public advice is likely to be considered gratuitous; it stimulates resentment and resistance and may tend to increase repression rather than alleviate it. In our foreign policy decisions we are taking the human rights factor increasingly into account.

When other peoples of democratic traditions lose any part of their freedom, we are deeply distressed. We are concerned when this happens anywhere -- in Asia, in Europe, in Africa or in our own hemisphere. And we will continue to use our influence wherever possible on behalf of the restoration of freedom and human dignity.

In Africa or in our own hemisphere. And we will continue to use our influence wherever possible on behalf of all peoples everywhere -- in Asia, in Europe, of their freedom, we are deeply gratified. We are pleased with the progress of democratic traditions in any part of the human rights factor increasingly into account.

In one foreign policy decision we are taking and may tend to increase representation rather than alleviate any side of administrative; it stimulates resentment and resistance an age of nationalism, public advice is likely to be considered appropriate. In our influence more effectively through public exportation. In other private exchanges with other governments are not only in appropriate international formulae put human rights. We have -- so will -- forcefully express our

[4]

## Conclusion

Faced with these tensions between the realities of a new global era and America's commitment to cherished values, what course can we pursue? To deny the presence or the power of values in the affairs of nations is fruitless. The humane principles of justice, liberty and individual dignity are indispensable goals. But the roads leading to them are, of necessity, various and winding, for we are compelled to pursue our interests and purposes in an imperfect international system. There is no global constitution or statutes which are binding and to which we have recourse.

But although progress must, by necessity, be measured in partial steps and relative satisfactions, America could not, and should not, abandon adherence to principle in international affairs. At times our concern for moral purpose has led us to intemperate over-involvement; morality has turned into excessive moralism. But our moral

["mortality has turned into excessive mortality. But our worst\npurposes have led us to interpose over-involvement;\nin international affairs. At times our concern for moral\nmight not, and should not, suspend adherence to principle\nin partial steps and 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-31-

purpose has also provided a cornerstone of the peace,
prosperity and justice, however incomplete, which mankind
has achieved in the modern era. We should not let the
shortcomings of our achievement obscure the accomplish-
ments. We must recognize that our nation's concern for
moral purpose is our true strength -- the source of our
self-esteem and the inspiration of our program. Our
response to political, economic or social problems is
founded upon, and dedicated to, the cultural, moral and
human values we cherish. They underlie all our nation's
enterprises in the world. Were American foreign policy
to be cut adrift from the moorings of this great heritage
our nation and its purpose would founder.

The great American philosopher William James
urged the nation to find a moral equivalent for war --
some concept of activity that would elicit the same
dedication to a higher cause, the same spirit of sacrifice,
the same passionate ardor that Americans had demonstrated
during times of war.

during times of war.

the same passionate regard that Americans had demonstrated
dedication to a higher cause; the same spirit of sacrifice,
some concept for activity that would elicit the same
urged the nation to find a moral equivalent for war --

our nation and its purpose would founder.
to be out drift from the mornings of this ancient heritage
enterprises in the world. Were American foreign policy
human values we cherish. They underlie all our nation's
tombed upon, and dedicated to, the cultural, moral and
response to political, economic or social problems is
self-sustained and the inspiration of our program. Our

moral purpose it owns true strength -- the source of our
menta. We must recognize that our nation's concern for
shortcomings of our self improvement obviate the accomplish-
ment achieved in the modern era. It should not let the
prosperity and justice, however incomplete, which manning
purpose has also provided a commentary on the peace.

-31-

-32-

The agenda we face today may provide the best answer to William James' quest. For no war in history ever provided a cause so exhilarating and so important to the future of mankind as do the challenges of this new era of global interdependence. We are called:

- To end the spiral and the spread of nuclear arms,

- To find durable international solutions to dangerous regional conflicts,

- To seek a new era of economic cooperation to propel the progress of all mankind equitably,

- To use our resources, skills and ingenuity to overcome ancient scourges of mankind: famine, disease, and natural disaster,

- To create an environment -- in the seas and the atmosphere -- which will permit our planet to endure and our children to live in health, and

- To foster the great human values: freedom of expression, opportunity, equal justice, and the dignity of

-33-

the individual; values which we and our traditional allies
especially hold in trust.

To meet these challenges and opportunities, no one
nation is morally or intellectually adequate. Yet America
is uniquely placed for the task. In a world in which physi-
cal distances decrease while ideological and social divergences
widen, it is our nation which is the most experienced in
the difficulties and the blessings of foregoing a common
purpose out of cultural, racial and social variety.
More than any, we have shown ourselves capable of unity
without destroying our creative diversity.

While we are far from living in a single world com-
munity, the basic features of technical, industrial civi-
lization are rapidly becoming universal. This is bringing
about a renewed diversity in national cultural,
social and intellectual activity, and a new stress be-
tween our nation's values and those of the non-western
world. In our time there is no greater need than to

[4]

-34-
uphold and strengthen our -- and humanity's -- core
values while seeking the synthesis needed for the world
civilization of the future.

If we take up the opportunities before us, if we ex-
plore the potentialities of our time, then it may not be
illusory to look forward to the global synthesis which
now eludes us -- the development of a world community, a
culture truly universal in its connotations yet protective
of, and invigorated by, specific national and regional
expressions.

The answer will be given not by one salon, or school,
or city or culture as in past centuries, but by humanity
as a whole. Those who decline to join in the effort may
wake up to find the state of their values and the shape
of the future unrecognizable. Those who summon the de-
termination and the creativity to join this great enter-
prise will be remembered by history as among the pioneers
of mankind's progress and by posterity as a standard for
true greatness.

Draft II
(Minneapolis)

But peace cannot be our only concern. While no
nation can give up survival for principle, neither can
survival be the only principle. America cannot be true
to itself without a concern for moral purpose across the
boradest range of its dealings with the world. We must
never cease to ask ourselves what it is we must seek be-
yohd stability and the management of conflict.

broadness.

For 500 years America has been confident of its purposes.

Young stability and the management of conflict.

Never cease to ask ourselves what it is we must seek be-

porridge range of its desolations with the world. We must

to itself without a concern for worst purpose across the

worst frame of our time.

is a brooding undertaking. Indeed, it is the paramount

policy is dedicated to peace. In some of unclear weapons

(MinnesOTA)
Draft II

-2-

diminished, and cold war tensions have decreased. But
-- Ideological conflict with communist powers has
among us.

for arising events, or it can result in terms of strength
self-confidence. This can outside our common capacity

-- Our traditional partners have retained power and
side:

We what define our national purposes in an ambitious
divisional, and interdependent economies.

to cope with a shrinking planet of diminished power,
events from the world nor dominate it. America is destined
like most other nations in history -- that we can neither

American decline.

na to believe we could abuse the globe according to
to following World War II, our preeminent power encountered
an uncomplicated view of the world. In the period

-3-

-3-

The question posed by these issues are of particular
concern to Americans. As a nation of immigrants pur-
suring the dream of a more just and humane world, we have

during the dream of a more just and humane world, we have
concern to Americans. As a nation of immigrants pur-

The question posed by these issues are of particular
import if more marked than ever.

tenation between power and principle, idealism and prag-
seeking our national burpoles at a time when the perennial
Toutant I want to discuss the dilemmas we face in

the claims of moral burpoles.

reasonabilities of power, the needs of propaganda and
Each of these elements implores between the
dence can arise, or it can impoverish.

-- National prosperity increasingly must be seen in
of power could compel restraint, or unless a庶oflyam.

-- Unclear ambiguity has given way to unclear parity
would be even more tenuous than before.

-3-

[Y]

-4-

## The General Dilemma

From Plato to Machiavelli to Woodrow Wilson, statesmen
of all nations have struggled to find a link between
the often contradictory demands of power and principle,
to find the relationship of peace and stability to justice,

between contending versions of what is right. Many years
depose are not always between right and wrong but
harmony, spolatute good. We have learned that international
can be no spolatute security, spolatute amity, spolatute
tor spolatute in world affairs is self-defining. There
changing international scene make clear that to search
our nation's recent experience and the rapidly

to find the relationship of peace and stability to justice,
the often contradictory demands of power and principle,
of all nations have strangled to find a link between

<u>The General Dilemma</u>

burden of individual American citizens.

direct and striking effect on the pocketbooks, plans and
other nations, decisions on international problems have a
very survival are so undeniably intertwined with those of
this new era when our ideas, our prosperity, indeed, our
always been deeply concerned with moral issues. And in

-4-

-5-

ago, Chaim Weizmann, the founder of the State of Israel,
illustrated this dilemma when he spoke of the problem
facing the zionists in their attempt to create a homeland
in Palestine. He said that the tragedy of Palestine was
that the issue was not one of right and wrong -- something
that is easy to cope with in moral terms -- but the con-
flict of two "rights", the rights of both the Jewish and
Palestinian people in the same land. Thus no nation has
a monopoly on justice or rectitude.

Equally, we have been freshly compelled to an awareness of the distinction between the moral principles applicable to the conduct of individuals within a nation and those applicable to behavior among nations. Foreign policy involves relationships between sovereign countries which increasingly do not share a homegeneous political or moral culture. Each may measure the ethical by its own standard. And no common standard exists. Foreign

own standard. And no common standard exists. Foreign
or moral culture. Each may measure the ethical by its
which increasingly do not approve a homogenous political
policy involves relationships between some foreign countries
and those applicable to behavior among nations. Foreign
principle to the conduct of individuals within a nation
area of the distinction between the moral principles ab-
edify, we have been treauly compelled to an aware-

Palestinian people in the same land. Thus no nation has
right of two "rights," the rights of both the jewan and
that is easy to cope with in moral terms -- put the con-
that the issue was not one of right and wrong -- something
in Palestine. He said that the tragedy of Palestine was
taking the zionists in their attempt to create a homeland
illustrated this dilemma when he spoke of the problem
so, Chaim Weizmann, the founder of the State of Israel,

-2-

M

-6-

But statesmen and foreign policies are not omnipo-
tent; they can only approach the good imperfectly and in-
directly. Every course of action may seem moral in some
terms but require costs in others. Thus, if we are not
to condemn ourselves to frustration or fruitless posturing,
we must strike a balance between what is desirable
and what is possible. The observer expresses his morality
by the liftiness of his ideals; the policymaker expresses

by the littleness of his ideas; the policymaker expresses
and what is possible. The operator expresses his morality
we must strike a balance between what is desirable

to condemn ourselve to frustration or truittless boating,
terms but require coata in others. Thus, if we are not
directly. Every course of action may seem morst in some
tent; they can only approach the good imperfectly and in-
but atteme and foreign policies are not omnipo-
nities because it seems a confusion.

natures because it seems a surrender, and to intellectual
satisfy said, "Combrowrie is options to beatitudes
for one method seems prutst, the other an evasion. Ya
can ever satisfy the standards of berausil morsify --
by negotiation; by combrowrie or by imposition. Neither
between sovereign states can only be settled by power or
of dispute abroad. In such a situation, disagreements

-d-

M

[Y]

-7-

The prerequisite for a fruitful national debate is that the
policy makers and critics appreciate each other's
perspectives and respect each other's purposes. The
policy make must understand that the critic is obliged
to stress imperfections in order to challenge assumptions
and to stimulate action. But equally the critic should
acknowledge the complexity and inherent ambiguity of the
policymaker's choices. What we need is the confidence to
discuss issues without bitter strife, the wisdom to
define together the nature of the world, and the vision
to chart together a more just future.

define together the nature of the world, and the viaion
discourse issues without bitter atrike, the wisdom to
policymaker's a choices. What we need is the confidence to
acknowledge the complexity and inherent ambiguity of the
and to affirmate action. But equally the critic should
to stress imperfections in order to challenge assumptions
policy make must understand that the critic is obliged
perspectives and respect each other's purposes. The
policy makers and critics appreciate each other's a

The prerogative for a fruitful national debate is that the
through a dialogue on the issues of policy and principle.
challenges, it must have the support of the people, forged
It our foreign policy is to be capable of meeting today's
measure it in partial steps and relative satisfactions.
Progress can be made, but we often have no choice but to
partial solutions aimed at furthering these same ideas.
the morality by implementing a series of imperfect and

-7-

Y

-8-

## America's Special Vision

Paradoxically, perhaps, while proclaiming and believing in the universality of our ideals, we sought to shield our country and hemisphere from the rest of the world. We sought to keep it free of both the corruptions that involve ment in the traditional diplomatic game of foreign powers was seen to entail and of the intrusions into our own lives and values that greater involvement in the world

five and values that greater involvement in the world
was seen to entail and of the intrusions into our own
ment in the traditional diplomatic game of foreign powers
ought to keep it free of both the corruptions that involve
our country and hemisphere from the rest of the world. We
find in the universality of our ideas, we sought to shield
paradoxically, perhaps, while proceeding and believ-
ideas that save implies to our revolution.

our ideas and actions both at home and abroad to the great
service. More than any other nation we sought to conform
mankind and imposed a miasma upon us to work in their
abnegability, that they embodied the deepest aspirations of
the purposes and ideas of the revolution and universal
an life as an independent nation with a strong sense that
considerations in the conduct of foreign policy. We pe-
Our citizens have always given a special weight to moral
For Americas, these issues have an extra dimension.

Americas' Special Vision

A

M

-9-

might bring. Geography and the bounty of nature favored
this separateness. Shielded by the oceans and British
seapower, we could assert moral convictions in absolute,
often utopian, terms. Our distance from the rough-and-
tumble world of international rivalry made it difficult to
see that the standards we expected others to meet were
often unrealistic.

["principles and violations of our moral principles may have\nthe world, put the outside world at risk. Whatever in-\nuselves who saw our nation as a great moral force in\nminimal or even strongest apart. In any it was not only\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was found\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nenlisted in their previous daily lives were thought to be\ncious and springboards of human dignity which they had\nEurope: a place where the injuries, inequalities, priva-\nwere seen as a haven by millions of people, especially in\nknown for the fact that others believed us and in us. We\nfollowing the dictates of morality, our country was

-10-

served under these ppaners and were adwired for it abroad.
of making the world safe for democracy. Millions of Americans
universal policies. World War I was fought in the name
translating our domestic values and aspirations into
Woodrow Wilson sought to resolve this arduous task by
our own values in fact.

whether and involvement could load permit us to preserve
bitfalls of a morally unreasonable world. They doubted
others as a preck with our tradition of avoiding the
our policies at that time as dictated by our interests,
territories. Although many of our political leaders saw
American War and our first acquisition of non-contiguous
the turn of the century in connection with the Spanish-
We need only look at the debates and soul-searching at
power and with our involvement in the diplomatic game.

We have always been uncomfortable with the ease of
view of the United States as virtually unique among nations.
advance of the frontier did not detract from the continuing
been associated with manifest defeat and the westward

-10-

-11-

whose ai

wherein

contradiction we faced a seemingly monolithic ideology
recognition. And in the bearish polar world of cold war
victory further strengthened our sense of worst
evil totalitarian threat in the Second World War. Our

We emerged from isolation to obviate an unmitigatedly

bonyents of our policies.
strong and active lead, only reinforced the worst com-
tarea, and as foreign relief in which we did take a
form of isolation, at least in the political arena. Those

ferred upon us by events. Our idealism again took the
we barely dy our own design and notions and barfly con-
the restraints of power -- power that had come to
the disarray of the world outside. We were not ready for
the problems of our own society, to remain detached from
continued to feel that our proper role was to deal with
maintain our global involvement, most of our own people
American history. For while other nations wanted us to

This experience produced one of the greatest dilemmas in

-11-

Y

can be assumed;

-- Our domestic structure determines what actions

-- Our strongly determines what is possible;

compatible worst concerns, a certain framework emerges:
seek the balance between desirable but often partially
disturbing differences of the most complex. As we
This deep historical commitment to high purpose for-
Today's issues: The Worst Context
as a nation.

value has been an important contribution to our greatest
the country could unite, and this sense of a special worst
This sense of worst purpose provided a force behind which
nation-state burning bristling, perhaps even greedy doles.
Did not permit us to consider ourselves to be just another
foreign policy in worst terms. Our self inside as a nation
important to us as a nation can be able to justify our
Throughout our history, then, it has been especially
whose ambitions and airlines were options for our own.

-13-

M

-13-

-- In *international law*, where our hope is for a
world legal order sometimes conflicts with our
sense of justice or equity,

other conflict, and international and domestic concerns

-- In foreign law, where民 law and common law are in conflict, or unity

world federal order supersedes conflicts with our

-- In international law, where our jurisdiction a nation

beyond jurisdiction to serve the broader interests of our
where cosmic structure and concerns affect a foreign

-- In the matter of injunctive sanctions, accepted international principles

and asaplicity overarch with past human records and

-- In general, where the imperatives of peace affect the course of our foreign policy.

the ways these factors interact upon each other and

refuse us to abstract situations which illustrate

bases of communications between differing nations of society.

-- And our role in the international community is

-13-

Y

-14-

## Detente

It has given rise to an intense debate on whether we should
confronted by concerns for other elements of moral purpose.

Wisely taken for granted. The imperative of peace now is

were hardly raised. But now progress has been made -- and
that does beyond the settlement of international conflicts
confrontation toward negotiation seemed so overwhelming
overriding imperative. The necessity of shifting from

Until recently the does of detente were not an

Time more clearly than our relationship with the Soviet Union.

detente

--- In relations with authoritarian governments

-14-
In relations with authoritarian governments

-15-

a return to tensions we hoped to alleviate? Are we ready
How far can we press on such issues without brooking
U.S. Trade Bill.

agreed when Congress attached excessive conditions to the
increasing the flow of Soviet emigrants was quickly re-
sumed efforts. We have seen how arduous progress in
more justice. But the issue comes down to the limits of
assessing humane principles and use our influence to pro-
liberties, and as the right of Jewish emigration. We

We shall never confine the suppression of fundamental
values.

who care for justice and those who are obvious to humane
are morally sensitive and those who are not, between those
the argument. Thus it is not a debate between those who

These are genuine moral concerns on both sides of
commitments already made.

Further progress -- or indeed for following through on

[Y]

These questions have no easy answers. The Govern-
ment may underestimate the margin of concessions available
to us. But a fair debate must admit that they _are_ genuine
questions, the answers to which could affect the fate of all
if us,

As for the internal policies of closed systems the United
Republic for the selective exploitation of opportunities.
resists aggressive foreign policies. Detente cannot be a
our policy with respect to defense is clear: we shall
it be, ...

questions, the answers to which could affect the fate of all
to us. But a fair debate must admit that they are genuine
ment may underlie the margin of concessions available
These questions have no easy answers. The govern-
winning?

the question and the demand for openness which we are now
brought repression -- or is it detention that has generated
Europe and the Soviet Union? Is it detention that has
united the peoples forliperty of the people of Eastern
Europe and the Soviet Union? Is it detention that has
enables full emigration or emigration the well-being or
return to cold war conditions would beam? And will this
to face the crisis and increased defense budgets that a
-16-

-17-

Domestic American concerns as reflected in congressional
actions increasingly have brought about contradictions
with our country's international interests. U.S. Foreign
policy, once considered excessively moralistic, is now
looked upon by some as excessively pragmatic. One
consequence of this intellectual shift is a gap between
conception and performance on some major issues of policy:

countries are coupled with failure to provide foreign aid.
-- Expressions of concern for human values in other

conception and performance on some major issues of policy:
consequence of this intellectual shift is a dsb between
looked upon by some as excessively dramatic. One
policy, once considered excessively morbidistic, is now
with our country's international interests. U.S. foreign
scenarios increasingly have brought about contradictions

Domestic American concerns as reflected in congressional
Domestic Legislative Restraints

of these is a profound moral concern.

because also involves human lives and that the attainment
we are offered to recognize the issue of war and
promote freedom, as we always have. But in the uncertain age
fond as we remain powerful we will use our influence to
and its enemies. We are not neutral in that struggle. We
 States will never forget the autodromia between freedom

-f-

[Y]

-- Measures designed to influence other governments'
conduct in negotiations have only stiffened their resis-
tance, and

-- Moral values asserted to be universal are selec-
tively advocated and pursued to advance often unstated
political, economic or ethnic interests.

It is clear that we face genuine moral dilemmas and
important policy choices. But it is also clear that we
need to define the framework of our dialogue more per-
ceptively and understandingly.

American policy -- given the wide range of our interests
critically and underpinningly.

used to define the framework of our dialogue more ber-
important policy choices. But it is also clear that we
If it is clear that we face genuine must diffuse and
political, economic or ethnic interests.

fively advocated and pursued to advance often unmet
-- Moral values asserted to be universal and elec-
tive, and

conduct in negotiations has only strengthened their resis-
tance to apportion alliance obligations.

batteries in trade and monetary negotiations and with
American international role classes with nationalistic
-- The declared objective of maintaining a reasonable
-- areas improve their living standards and social progress
support for the very programs designed to help develop

and the very programs designed to help develop

-18-

-19-

Paradoxically the President and the Congress share
the same immediate objectives on most of the issues that
have recently become sources of dispute. Too often
$differences$ on tactics have defeated the very purposes
that both branches meant to serve, because the legislative
sanctions were too public or too drastic or too undiscrim-
inating. Our inability to implement the trade agreement
with the Soviet Union is a case in point. Another is
the impact of restrictions on aid to Turkey on our efforts
both to advance the Cyprus peace negotiations and to safe-
guard our wider security interests in NATO and the Eastern

dust our wider security interests in NATO and the Eastern
part to advance the Cyprus peace negotiations and to assure-
the impact of restrictions on aid to Turkey on our efforts
with the Soviet Union is a case in point. Another is
instating. Our inability to implement the trade agreement
asulations were too bungled or too drastic or too undiplom-
atic that both branches meant to serve, because the legislative
differences on tactics have defeated the very purposes
we recently became sources of debate. Too often
the same immediate objectives on most of the issues that
paradoxically the President and the Congress share
foreign policy.

measures risks unraveling the entire fabric of our
sequences -- and the cumulative impact of various
legislative attention has unintended but inevitable con-
sequences. To sindie our individual countries for exceptional
country almost inevitably affects our relationship with
whole. The way we act in our relations with one

-18-

M

-20-

Y

-21-

domestic American groups or the excessive influence
of parochial concerns do not paralyze our country's ability
to act on issues of both global and national importance.

## International Law

In international business the rights of foreign
investors clash with a nation's exercise of its sovereignty
through acts of expropriation. Both rights are upheld
by all states in one form or another. We must
protect our investors yet it is in our own national in-
terest to defend the principle that a state may determine its
own internal economic policy.

In communications, the right of nation to regulate

own international economic policy.

toward to defend the principle that a state may determine its
protect our invasions yet it is in our own national interest
all states in one form or another. We must
cherish the cause of expropriation. Both rights are eligible
investors clash with a nation's exercise of its sovereignty
In international business the rights of foreign

law isSupposed or just pending to take hold.

is a supposition or just pending to take hold.

We face a well-documented dilemma in areas where our

## International law

to act on issues of both global and national importance.
of baroque concerns do not paralyze our country's ability
domestic American influence or the excessive influence

-31-

-22-

On the issue of the use of the oceans, our desire
to protect our coastal fisherman from foreign exploration
cannot ignore our desire to maintain the internatonal
legal rights of our distant water fisherman. Our
coastal fishermen want unilaterally to extend our juris-
diction out to 200 miles to prevent foreign fishing
while forbidding other countries from doing the same
off their own coasts.

in common from the material riches of the ocean floor.
perceived right of all the peoples of the world to benefit
safely whatever they can from the open sea, and the newly
rights of individuals and nations to father for them-

while forbidding other countries from going the same
direction out to 100 miles to prevent foreign fishing
cosmetic fishermen want militarily to extend our juri-
feudal rights of our distant water fishermen. Our
cannot ignore our desire to maintain the international
to protect our coastal fisherman from foreign exploration
On the issue of the use of the ocean, our desire
own communications network.

to rescue a nation's audience independent of that nation's
come of direct broadcast satellites which may be able
formation. This conflict could become most evident with
classroom with the principle of free dissemination of in-

-23-

## Foreign Aid

some twenty years ago. But over the long-term the world
Senator Humphrey and his team for Peace Negotiation drafted
mambasаяg -- for which we and the world one much to
and humanitarian issue. America's record in food aid is
aid provided by the United States is an important moral
To fight the floods of hunger the amount of food
yet incumbent principles.

which presents equally perplexing issues of legitimate
The global food problem is an example of foreign aid
Foreign Aid

rational use of the world's resources may be of vital
which seeks to preserve essential freedom while ensuring
and other key areas where an international federal regime
witted to the search for cooperative solutions in this
this problem for some time. The United States is com-
The UN task of the United Nations has been drizzling with
-33-

-24-

may work a handath in our own people, especially the
print increases in our own agricultural brices. And this
furthermore, food aid may under certain circumstances
fright our agricultural development.

food aid with measures to help countries improve
under and attraction. It is necessary to balance
a food aid dependency relationship may only cause more
for increased domestic production. In the long run, then,
food projects of its own or fail to provide incentive
excessively dependent on food aid it may delay

the power of a handful of nations. It is a country becomes
poor our concern to avoid humanity's excessive dependency upon
not only our humanitarian obligation to our fellow man,
certainty of annual harvests. In our efforts we must address
against the cycle of fear andamine prompt by the un-
system of grain reserves satisfied to help defend

in developing countries is dramatically increased and a
will never cease enough food for all unless food production

-34-

-25-

## Authoritarian Governments

changes of domestic procedures and civil rights? This is
neutrales whose domestic practices violate our own con-
proactive relations with friends; allies, and even
And, finally, how do we maintain durable and mutually
Authoritarian Governments

should cooperate on the issue of all vital resources.
cooperative solution on food a model of how nations
time to try to meet this global challenge and to make a
nationally-held grain reserves. We are dedicated to con-
distribution, and to set up an international system of
ind countries, to improve agricultural financing and
food aid, to raise food production in develop-
ing countries in a multilateral commitment
we engaged in other nations in a multilateral commitment
Food Conference which met last November in Rome. There
meet the global food problem. We called for the World
The United States has taken the lead in acting to
food.

needy who ask a far greater proportion of their income on
food.

-32-

[y]

associates systematically violate and abuse rights is no longer

right. In America which stands mure when friends or
rights is a valid foreign policy objective in its own
directions, and the realization that the respect for such
concern with human rights reflects more than our own ex-
traordinary and burdensome that are embodied in our constitution.
We

Clearly our foreign policy must reflect those ideas
connections with autocratic monarchies.
reigning monarchies, and preferred to any political
believed that we possess a natural kinship with other
The issue is not a new one. The founding fathers
Alsas.

for example. It is now a particularly acute concern in
a familiar feature of our relationship with Latin America,
a problem we confront throughout the world. It has been

[Y]

-27-

Yet these concerns are not absolute. Our policies toward individual countries inevitably represent a variety of interests and objectives. Neglect of human rights concerns may well affect the advancement of other important aims. Yet single minded preoccupation with human rights alone can also jeopardize significant national objectives -- in some cases vital security and political interests.

different traditions and face different national situations.
domain and federal jurisdiction -- peoples who bossaas

by definition conducted with beobles beyond our territories.
We must remember, moreover, that foreign policy is
political interests.

national objectives -- in some cases vital security and
human rights alone can also jeopardize significant
important aims. Yet single winged preoccupation with
rights concerns may well affect the advancement of other
variety of interests and objectives. Mere fact of human
toward individual countries inevitably represent a
Yet these concerns are not separate. Our policies
shared and it is perceived as just.

cooperation can flourish unless its benefits are widely
over the land run. No international structure of
nox can they prove reliable or confidential partners for
social justice cannot for land withheld and imperative challenges;
to itself. Societies that lack commitment to

-57-

-28-

To acknowledge the complexity of the dilemma regret-
tably does not resolve the specific choices. But there
are some guidelines. We must remain concerned about

are some guidelines. We must remain concerned about
typically does not resolve the specific choices. But there
To determine the complexity of the dilemma requires
cautiously to be aimed.

Excessive pragmatism and excessive moralism are
and an idealism which does not Isabe into sentimentality.
a realism which abducts the bitails of excessive cynicism
to our own ideas. This is no easy task. It requires
the necessities of security and our need to remain faithful
to strike a reasonable balance between
our foreign policy over the past decade.

countries fed to some of the more unfortunate episodes in
our capacity to endue in social engineering in foreign
unlike the stairs of others. Excessive confidence in
we do not boase a monopoly of insight with which to
And we have learned through painful experience that
political chaos in foreign societies is at best limited.

Our spirtity to predict, let alone assume, social and
politics to be umptied.

-38-

-29-

human rights. We have -- and will -- forcefully express our concerns not only in appropriate international forums but also in our private exchanges with other governments where this can be helpful. In many cases, we can exert our influence more effectively through confidential diplomatic exchanges than through public exhortation. In an age of nationalism, public advice is likely to be considered gratuitous; it stimulates resentment and resistance and may tend to increase repression rather than alleviate it. In our foreign policy decisions we are taking the human rights factor increasingly into account.

time to use our influence wherever possible on behalf of
in Africa or in our own hemisphere. And we will con-
cerned when this happens anywhere -- in Asia, in Europe,
of their freedom, we are deeply distressed. We are
When other peoples of democratic traditions lose any part
the human rights factor increasingly into account.

It. In our foreign policy decisions we are taking
and may tend to increase repression rather than alleviate
altered circumstances; it stimulates resentment and resistance
an age of nationalism, public advice is likely to be con-
diplomatic exchanges than through public exportation. In
our influence more effectively through confidential
where this can be useful. In many cases, we can exert
siao in our private exchanges with other governments
concerns not only in appropriate international formula but
human rights. We have -- and will -- forcefully express our
-39-

-30-

## Conclusion

mortality has turned into excessive mortality. But our moral
burden has led us to intemperate over-involvement;
in international affairs. At times our concern for moral
could not, and should not, apportion adherence to principle
in partial steps and relative attractions. America
But ultimately progresses must, by necessity, be measured
we have recovered.

conclusion or statutes which are binding and to which
in an imperfect international atom. There is no global
we are compelled to burp our interests and burials
to them are, of necessity, various and winding, for
dignity are indigeneous dosis. But the roads leading
lesse. The human principle of justice, liberty and individual
or the power of values in the affairs of nations is fruit-
values, what course can we burp? To deny the precedence
new global era and America's commitment to cherishing

Faced with these tensions between the realities of a
Conclusion

-30-

-31-

The great American philosopher William James
urged the nation to find a moral equivalent for war --
some concept for activity that would elicit the same
dedication to a higher cause, the same spirit of sacrifice,
the same passionate ardor that Americans had demonstrated
during times of war.

during times of war.

the same basic attitude toward that Americans had demonstrated dedication to a higher cause, the same spirit of sacrifice, some concept for activity that would effect the same urged the nation to find a moral equivalent for war --

The great American bulwacker William James

To be our drift from the moods of this great heritage enterprises in the world. Were American foreign policy human nature we cherish. They underlie all our nation's founded upon, and dedicated to, the cultural, moral and reasonable to political, economic or social problems is self-evident and the inappropriation of our program. Our

moral purpose is our true attitude -- the source of our
menta. We must recognize that our nation's concern for
shortcomings of our achievement opens the accomplished
path achieved in the modern era. We should not let the
broadness and justice, however incomplete, which mauling
burden has also provided a cornerstone of the peace,

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-- To end the spiral and the spread of nuclear arms,

-- To find durable international solutions to dangerous
regional conflicts,

-- To seek a new era of economic cooperation to propel
the progress of all mankind equitably,

-- To use our resources, skills and ingenuity to
overcome ancient scourges of mankind: famine, disease,
and natural disaster,

-- To create an environment -- in the seas and the
atmosphere -- which will permit our planet to endure
and our children to live in health, and

-- To foster the great human values: freedom of ex-
pression, opportunity, equal justice, and the dignity of

breast cancer, opportunity, equal justice, and the dignity of

freedom of ex-
and our children to live in health, and

atmosphere -- which will permit our planes to ensure

freedom of air -- To create an environment -- in the area and the

and natural disaster,

overcome ancient diseases of mankind: famine, disease,

the progress of all mankind equally,

To seek a new era of economic cooperation to build
regional communities,

era of global interdependence. We are called:
To end the spiral and the spread of nuclear arms.

the future of mankind as do the challenges of this new
provided a cause so exalting and so important to
to William James' dream. For no war in history ever

The ages we face today may provide the best answer

to the question we face today.

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-33-

To meet these challenges and opportunities, no one
nation is morally or intellectually adequate. Yet America
is uniquely placed for the task. In a world in which physi-
cal distances decrease while ideological and social divergences
widen, it is our nation which is the most experienced in
the difficulties and the blessings of living a common
purpose out of cultural, racial and social variety.
More than any, we have shown ourselves capable of unity
without destroying our creative diversity.

world. In our time there is no greater need than to
tween our nation's values and those of the non-western
social and intellectual activity, and a new stress be-
about a renewed diversity in national cultural

ritualism are rapidly becoming universal. This is bringing
munity, the basic features of technological, industrial civil-

While we are far from living in a single world com-
without destroying our creative diversity.

More than any, we have shown ourselves capable of unity
burdened out of cultural, racial and social variety.

the difficulties and the problems of living a common
wide, if it is our nation which is the most experienced in
cal distance decreases while ideological and social divergences
is uniquely placed for the task. In a world in which buyat-
nation is merely or intellectually adequate. Yet America
To meet these challenges and obstacles, no one
especially hold in trust.

the individual, whose which we and our traditional allies
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[Y]

true greatness.

of manning a progress and by posterity as a standard for
briar will be remembered by history as among the pioneers
termination and the creativity to join this great enter-
into the future unpredictable. Those whoseunlimited the ge-
 wake up to find the state of their values and the abuse
as a whole. Those who decline to join in the effort may
or city or culture as an basic culture, but by humanity
The answer will be given not by one alone, or afoot,
expressions.

now eingeset as -- the development of a world community, a
influency to look forward to the federal synthesis which
bore the potentialities of our time, then it may not be
If we take up the opportunities before us, it we ex-
civilization of the future.

values while seeking the synthesis needed for the world
uphold and strengthen our -- and humanity's -- core

MORAL VALUES AND FOREIGN POLICY

Hill 6/27/75

A decade ago Dean Acheson noted that "the discussion of ethics or morality in our relations with other states is a prolific cause of confusion." His comment remains true today, but has taken on more serious implications.

America cannot be true to itself without a concern for moral purpose in its dealings with the world. Today more than ever, Americans are questioning whether our nation's relations with others properly reflect our values. Indeed, continuing uncertainty and conflicting assertion over the place of morality in foreign policy could increasingly paralyze or polarize our nation's approach to the world.

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Today I want to discuss the place of morals in our
international affairs, to examine the great complexity
of this question, and to suggest that America's concern
for moral purpose -- perhaps our nation's greatest strength --
can not only be fulfilled, but is vital if we are to successfully
encounter the problems of interdependence while sustaining
the ideals which have inspired our people for two hundred
years.

For Plato, morality decided politics. For Machiavelli,
politics were independent of morality. In our century, it has
all too often been the case that politics decide morality.
National self-interest or self-aggrandisement has become
the touchstone of ethics in the international arena.

For Americans, this inclination of the modern era has never been satisfactory. Since the time of the Pilgrims, Americans have felt themselves part of a covenant in which each individual participates in, and is responsible for, the actions of government. More than most other peoples, it is hard for Americans to separate foreign policy and moral purpose.

Throughout most of the period since the United States became a world power early in this century, Americans have felt and expressed a comforting moral assurance about the role of this nation in international affairs.

In the first decades of the twentieth century, shielded from foreign conflict and politics by the oceans and British sea power, America was free to assert its moral convictions in absolute, often utopian terms.

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Our distance from the rough-and-tumble world of
international power politics made it difficult for us to see
or accept that the standards we expected others to meet
were unrealistic.

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We emerged from isolation to oppose an unmistakably evil totalitarian threat in the Second World War. Our victory strengthened our sense of moral rectitude. And in the postwar bipolar world of Cold War confrontation we faced a seemingly monolithic ideology whose ambitions and values were no less odious to our own.

While these years saw our tactical thinking swing from abstract moralism to pragmatic realism, and our stated goals from utopian principle to national self-interest, moral self-certitude never ceased to infuse our outlook and activities. Only rarely were we led to question our motives, actions, means or ends.

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[v]

But the era we now have entered is far too complex
to permit moral ingenuousness. We are unlikely to soon
recover the untroubled certainty of the past.

-- We have long since been stripped of the shields
which made isolation possible; and of the
confidence that national self-sufficiency was
ultimately our insurance against an intractable
world. We know now that America's security
and well-being is inextricably bound up with
the course of events elsewhere in the world;

-- The paradoxically comforting certainties of the
Cold War era have dissolved into a baffling
world of multiple centers of power. We face
not one morality, or two, but many, in an

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[4]

international society of some 140 nations,
each with its own values and vision of right.
Thus, internationally, debates are not between
right and wrong, but between conflicting versions
of right. Neither we nor any country has a
monopoly on justice or rectitude;

-- Words once innocuous or comforting: food,
health, energy, population, environment, have
become challenging and disturbing concepts which
threaten to undermine not only the familiar
moral precepts to which we traditionally have
turned to solve the problems of men and
nations, but the very concept of progress itself,
the central theme of the modern era since its
inception;

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-- And we have become increasingly aware, indeed fixated, on those actions taken by our nation in recent years which have had regrettable consequences.

Unlike earlier national endeavors, Vietnam and similar involvements have been scrutinized balance, remorselessly, without/leeway or allowance.

If we have emerged more mature and more realistic, we also may have become unable to distinguish between those who, without malice, do wrong from good motives and those who, without benevolence, do good from bad motives.

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American
In sum, only a quarter-century ago/men and
women of good will and good sense, responsibly
concerned about the future of humanity, were in
substantial agreement about the kind of world they
wanted and how it should be created and maintained.
This agreement has been lost.

Thus we have been freshly compelled to an
awareness of the distinction between the moral
principles applicable to the conduct of individuals
within a nation and those applicable to behavior among
nations. Foreign policy involves relationships between
sovereign countries which increasingly do not share
a homogeneous political or moral culture. Each may

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measure the ethical by its own standard. And no common
standard exists. In such a situation, disagreements can
only be settled between sovereign states by power or by
negotiation; by compromise or by imposition. Neither can
ever satisfy the standards of personal morality -- for one
method seems brutal, the other an evasion. As Santayana
said, "compromise is odious to passionate natures because
it seems a surrender, and to intellectual natures because
it seems a confusion."

Yet many Americans in this more complex era
continue to cast their opinions on international questions
in terms of absolute right and wrong. In particular, our
nation's leaders of public opinion -- those who influence
what Walter Lippmann called "the pictures in people's

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[Y]

heads" -- the ideas, images and notions of the world that affect reality -- continue to approach moral aims directly. In the past this tendency to absolutism has led our country toward dangerous crusading or, at the other extreme, to fruitless abdication. In today's complicated world, the result has been a wilderness of conflicting assertion of rights and values; a growing disparity between moral urge and humane accomplishment.

-- We accept the necessity for accommodation with potential adversaries, but cannot be insensitive to the moral antagonism between communism and freedom;

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-- we accept the principle of non-intervention, but encourage pressure on other nations to alter their domestic policies which are repugnant to our values;

-- we recognize that stability and order are preconditions for material and moral well-being, but challenges to authority in the name of progress gain our support more easily than moves to resist such challenges; we desire peace, but avert our eyes to revolutionary violence;

-- we applaud cooperation and integration, but foster narrow and often suspicious ethnic and cultural separatism, the assertion of multitudinous national identities and statehoods;

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-- we seek to protect our values, but denounce
the military strength required to do so. While
security without principle is pointless,
principle without security means impotence.

And finally, in all our moral concerns we are
troubled by the inescapable selectivity of our concern.
We focus on certain injustices, uneasily aware that the
complexity of the world compels us to neglect other
causes equally deserving but less understandable or
manageable.

Thus, clarity eludes us because of our tendency to
fall prey to inflated moralism or frustrated cynicism
about the place of moral purpose in international relations
today.

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And, we are faced with the inescapable fact that scarcely
any major issue of international relations can be said to be free
of a genuine moral dilemma.

In relations with the Soviet Union for example. The goals
of detente were not, until relatively recently, an issue. The
necessity of shifting from confrontation toward negotiation at first
seemed so overwhelming that additional aims and values were
never raised. But progress in detente was soon taken for
granted and debate began on whether we should press for
changes in Soviet society -- specifically on the right of Soviet
citizens to emigrate -- as a precondition for further progress
in easing tensions.

More recently we have had to face the question of to what
extent the Soviet Union's selective exploitation of opportunities --

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in areas such as Southeast Asia -- can be tolerated without
straining the overall fabric of detente.

Should the United States in the name of the human right
to emigrate or in defense of the principle of the sanctity of
international agreements turn away from the policy of seeking
reconciliation with the Soviet Union?

There is no easy answer to such questions. These are
examples of the rights and principles which must be placed
on the scales when the costs, benefits and ultimate moral
purpose of any policy are weighed, and when specific ways
of implementing that policy are determined.

In the nuclear age we are obliged to recognize that the
issue of war and peace involves human lives and that the

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attainment of peace is a profound and paramount moral issue.

Yet the exploitation of some issues and the violation of some principles strikes so close to the heart of the effort to promote peace that we cannot but be concerned that progress attained is being fundamentally threatened.

Let me briefly mention some other international issues with a significant moral dimension.

Our nation's security and the effective conduct of our foreign affairs demands that we have a strong, flexible intelligence effort. Throughout history nations have been compelled to go beyond conventional methods of international relations to ensure their security and advance their purposes.

No one can pretend otherwise. There have been times in

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recent history when the national interests which such activities
serve are regarded as so vital that virtually no price is
regarded as too high to secure them. But there are times
when such activities may tend to undermine the very values
and national interest which they serve. No nation can abandon
security and survival for principle. Equally, security and
survival cannot be the only principle. Again, competing values
must be weighed and activities scrutinized. But the process
of examination and regulation must not be allowed to destroy
our nation's intelligence capability. America has been well
served by our professional intelligence community for a gener-
ation. Indeed, their heroic dedication, carried out often

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without public recognition, has been indispensable. While our
nation's ideals and values required a careful accounting of
intelligence activities, our nation's survival would be at risk
should their existence be threatened.

And let me mention our effort to help shape a new era of
international economic cooperation. The global economy is
large enough to encompass the well-being of consumer and
producer, rich and poor nations alike. We have a moral
obligation to make its benefits available to all peoples. Indeed,
if the economic system is not mutually beneficial, the world
faces a generation of economic warfare and political instability
in which democratic institutions and values are unlikely to
survive.

[4]

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The U.S. has already taken the lead with new proposals on a range of vital issues, such as the global food problem.

To fight the scourge of hunger the amount of food aid provided by the United States is an important moral and humanitarian issue. America's record in food aid is unsurpassed -- for which we and the world owe much to Senator Humphrey and his Food for Peace legislation drafted some 20 years ago. But over the long-term the world will never have enough food for all unless food production in developing countries is dramatically increased and a system of grain reserves established to help defend against the cycle of feast and famine brought by the uncertainty of annual harvests. In our effort in food we must address not only our humanitarian obligation to our fellow man, but our concern to avoid humanity's excessive dependency upon the bounty of a handful of nations. And we must uphold as well our commitment to the free market and to the prosperity of the American people.

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Faced with this tension between the realities
of a new global era and America's commitment to cherished
values, what course can we pursue?

Like Montesquieu, we must recognize that to deny
the presence or the power of values in the affairs of nations
is fruitless. The humane principles of justice, liberty and
individual dignity are indispensable goals, but the roads
leading to them are, of necessity, various and winding.

First, we must recognize the imperfection of
the international system in which we carry out our interests
and purposes. Statesmen and foreign policies are not
omnipotent; they can only approach the good imperfectly
and indirectly. Every course of action may seem moral
in some terms but require costs in others. Perfect
consistency is not possible, and not desirable.

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Second, we must recognize that America cannot, and should not, tolerate an abandonment of adherence to principle in international affairs. All we do in response to political, economic and social problems is founded upon, and dedicated to, another dimension -- the cultural, moral, and human values we cherish. They underlie all our nation does in the world. Were American foreign policy to be cut adrift from the moorings of this heritage it would founder.

Thus what is vital in international politics is our perception of ourselves and our interests as a people and a nation, of the interests and commitments of others, and of our common interests. These perceptions are

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determined not by interests alone but by a careful assessment
of resources, needs, commitments, traditions, and political
and cultural horizons -- in short, the entire calendar of our
values and purposes.

What is equally vital, if we are not to destroy
ourselves in frustration or fruitless posturing, is
the understanding that a balance must be
struck between what is desirable and what is possible.

The observer expresses his morality by the loftiness
of his ideals; the policymaker expresses his morality
by implementing a series of imperfect and partial
solutions aimed at furthering those same ideals.

Progress can be made, but measured in partial steps and
relative satisfactions.

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The great American philosopher William James urged the nation to find a moral equivalent for war -- some concept or activity that would elicit the same dedication to a higher cause, the same spirit of sacrifice, the same passionate ardor that Americans had demonstrated during times of war.

From the time of the Jay Treaty with England in 1794, our country has been in the forefront of nations seeking alternatives to force for settling international disputes. And as a world power, since the time of Woodrow Wilson, American power and influence has been used to structure a global order based on liberal and democratic principles. At times this cause has led us to intemperate over-involvement. But it has

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also been the cornerstone of the peace, prosperity and justice,

obscure the accomplishments. They have been substantial and

we must continue this work.

But far more than this effort, the agenda we face today
provides the answer to William James. For no war in history
ever provided a cause so exciting, so massive, so crucial to
the future of mankind as do the challenges of this new era of
global interdependence. We are called:

-- to end the spiral of nuclear arms, and find
durable international solutions to dangerous
regional conflicts;

-24-

-- to foster the great human values: freedom of expression, opportunity, equal justice, and the dignity of the individual; values which we and our traditional allies especially hold in trust;

-- to seek a new era of economic cooperation to propel the progress of all mankind equitably;

-- to use our resources, skills and ingenuity to overcome ancient scourges of mankind: famine, disease, and natural disaster;

-- to create an environment -- in the seas and the atmosphere -- which will permit our planet to endure and our children to live in health.

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[Y]

No nation, no era in world history has faced issues so massive or so vital. And never before has mankind possessed the tools and the organization needed to address problems of such scope. Today, challenge and capability come hand-in-hand.

To recognize and employ this new world of challenge and opportunity, no one nation is morally or intellectually adequate. Yet America is uniquely placed for the task. In a world which physical distances decrease while psychic diversions widen, it is our nation which is the most experienced in the difficulties and the blessings of forging a common purpose out of cultural, racial and social variety. More than any, we have shown ourselves capable of unity without destroying our creative diversity.

[Y]

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What we need is the confidence and vision to discuss the
issues before us in all their complexity and implication,
without bitterness and with the wisdom to define together
the nature of our world and to chart a better future.

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[Y]

While we are far from living in a single world community, the basic features of technical, industrial civilization are rapidly becoming universal. This is bringing about a renewed diversity in national cultural, social and intellectual activity, and a new stress between our nation's values and those of the non-Western world. In our time there is no greater need than to uphold and strengthen our, and humanity's, core values while seeking the synthesis needed for the world civilization of the future.

Progress implies problems. Challenges never cease. As long as we meet successive challenges with energetic and purposeful responses, we will be working to construct a finer world than any of us heretofore

-27-

imagined. If we take up the opportunities before us,
if we explore the potentialities of our time, then it may
not be illusory to look forward to the global synthesis which
now eludes us -- the development of a world community,
a culture truly universal in its connotations yet protective
of, and invigorated by, specific national and regional
modes of expression.

Hill 6/27/75

[Y]

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For Americans, this inclination of the modern era has never been satisfactory. Since the time of the Pilgrims, Americans have felt themselves part of a covenant in which each individual participates in, and is responsible for, the actions of government. More than/most other peoples, it is hard for Americans to separate foreign policy and moral purpose.

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[Y]

M

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repugnant to our values;

revolutionary violence;

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To fight the scourge of hunger the amount of food aid provided by the United States is an important moral and humanitarian issue. America's record in food aid is unsurpassed -- for which we and the world owe much to Senator Humphrey and his Food for Peace legislation drafted some 20 years ago. But over the long-term the world will never have enough food for all unless food production in developing countries is dramatically increased and a system of grain reserves established.to help defend against the cycle of feast and famine brought by the uncertainty of annual harvests. In our effort in food we must address not only our humanitarian obligation to our fellow man, but our concern to avoid humanity's excessive dependency upon the bounty of a handful of nations. And we must uphold as well our commitment to the free market and to the prosperity of the American people.

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we must continue this work.

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