February 12, 1964

CYPRUS

QUESTION:

What should U.S. policy be towards Cyprus?

FACTS:

1. The present unrest in Cyprus reflects an issue dating back many centuries. The basic problem is that the two communities on Cyprus, Greek and Turkish, are separated by both nationality and religion and are deeply hostile to each other.

- The problem is particularly difficult for the Turkish community, since they are outnumbered 4-1 by the Greek Cypriotes;

- The problem has been accentuated since Cyprus gained its independence from Britain in August 1960; there is no longer an outside arbiter to settle disputes.

Part of the agreement giving Cyprus independence was the signing of two international treaties:

- Britain, Greece and Turkey endorsed the territorial integrity and independence of Cyprus and were given the power to act either together or singly to prevent partition or annexation;

- Under a second treaty, Cyprus, Greece and Turkey undertook to defend the island against aggression; the treaty provided for the stationing of 950 Greek and 650 Turkish troops on the island, and Britain was given two military bases.

In addition to the treaties, Turkish minority rights were protected by various clauses in the Constitution which cannot be changed without Turkish Cypriote consent.

- They guarantee to the Turkish community the Vice Presidency of the island, and substantial representation in the Cabinet, House of Representatives, civil service and Army;

- The Turkish Vice-President can veto any legislative decision in foreign affairs, defense and security;

- The Turkish community can veto any changes in electoral or taxation legislation;

- In the five largest towns separate municipalities were to be created by their Turkish inhabitants.

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## 2. Issues between Greek and Turkish Cypriotes

a. The Greek Cypriotes want constitutional revisions so that their program is not paralysed by the Turkish veto.

-- They also demand abrogation of the 1960 treaty clauses that permit Britain, Greece and Turkey to send troops to Cyprus to preserve peace.

b. The Turkish Cypriotes want partition, or, at the least, a substantial exchange of population on Cyprus, in order to move the most exposed groups of Greek or Turkish Cypriotes to safer positions.

3. In 1960 the Greek population in the newly independent Cyprus strongly supported a policy of union with Greece. This issue by now has been largely dropped, except by extremists, but it has added to Turkish mistrust. The Turkish population feels that, if there is to be unification with any outside nation, it should be with Turkey.

4. Armed conflict broke out between Greek and Turkish Cypriotes in December 1963. The reason was an attempt by President Makarios to change the Cypriote constitution to reduce or eliminate Turkish autonomy. More than 200 lives were lost before Britain intervened with 2500 troops to police an uneasy truce. Greece and Turkey have both threatened to intervene on opposite sides of the dispute, and there is danger of a Balkan war between them.

5. The parties concerned met in London in mid-January 1964 to negotiate a settlement. The conference has been repeatedly on the verge of collapse.

6. The British, faced with other military commitments in the Far East and Africa, have proposed that the US and other members of NATO send troops to Cyprus to help maintain order. The US has agreed to contribute troops to a NATO force provided:

a. that the Government of Cyprus gave its approval (this is still a serious stumbling block);

b. that the treaty of guarantee under which Britain, Greece and Turkey have the right to intervene in Cyprus to maintain the status quo be suspended for 3 months;

c. that there be a time limit to the operation, in order to avoid a protracted occupation;

d. that there be reasonable signs that a settlement of the communal strife is negotiable.

A force of approximately 10,000 men is needed, of whom 1,200 would be Americans.

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7. The governments of Greece and Turkey have given tentative approval to the NATO force, though both the Turks and the Greeks have set conditions which are unlikely to be acceptable to the other side. In particular, Turkey wishes the number of troops she may station on Cyprus raised from 650 to 950, the number the Greeks may station there.

8. France has refused to send troops to Cyprus. Belgium, Canada, Denmark, the Netherlands and Norway have agreed to join the US and Britain in establishing the peace-keeping force. West Germany is divided over the issue.

9. Archbishop Makarios, representing the Cypriote government, has proposed that the international force be placed under the UN Security Council and that the UN guarantee the island's "territorial integrity."

-- Such a UN guarantee would automatically rule out the Turkish Cypriotes' chief objective, partition.

-- Britain, the US and Turkey are not eager to involve the UN in a peace-keeping role in Cyprus because this would enhance Soviet influence in the Mediterranean. It would enable the Soviets to play Greeks against Turks.

-- In order to avoid the Soviet veto and still satisfy Makarios and the Greek Cypriotes, Britain and the US have proposed that the NATO force on Cyprus be sanctioned by the UN without giving the UN a voice in its operations.

10. The US and Britain as of February 11th have prepared a new plan for an international peace-keeping force. Under Secretary of State George Ball has been sent to London, Athens, Ankara, and Cyprus to outline the plan. British Foreign Secretary Butler has presented it to the UN Secretary-General U Thant.

-- The plan establishes a "link" between the Security Council and the proposed international peace-keeping force. The link would be provided by written reports to members of the Security Council and a "consensus" regarding the force's operations.

11. Premier Khrushchev, on February 7th, sent letters to President Johnson and the other Western leaders warning them to refrain from interfering in the internal affairs of Cyprus. He declared that attempts to encroach on Cyprus's sovereignty would present a "serious danger to general peace" and could become "the source of international complications fraught with grave consequences."

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-- Khrushchev stated that the dispatch of NATO forces, or of troops of any particular NATO countries, would amount to "an actual occupation" intended to bring a "neutral state under the control of NATO."

-- One of the reasons behind the Soviet position is that Moscow sees Archbishop Makarios as a potential neutralist.

-- Soviet backing of the cause of the Greek Cypriotes is conditioned by the fact that the Communist party in Cyprus exists only within the Greek majority.

## RECOMMENDED POSITION:

1. Both Greece and Turkey are in NATO, and their security depends on NATO. Their dispute over Cyprus must not be allowed to weaken NATO.

a. If the plan has Greek, Turkish and Cypriote approval, NATO troops should be used to assure the safety of both national elements on Cyprus, and NATO officials or representatives should attempt to help local officials to build a viable political entity.

b. If the use of such a NATO force is not approved by the parties involved, the United States should support continued British peace-keeping machinery on the island of Cyprus.

2. We should realize, however, that the dispatch of troops to Cyprus, whether by Britain, the US, NATO or non-NATO powers, will not in itself bring peace to Cyprus. Unless some progress is made toward solving the long-term problems of the island, the same nationalistic and religious rivalries will break out again as soon as foreign troops are withdrawn.

3. While it would be ideal if the people on the island could subordinate their national identity as Greeks or Turks to their identity as Cypriotes, it is unlikely in view of centuries of Graeco-Turkish animosity.

4. Under no circumstances should the US permit the presence of Communist power in the Mediterranean. If necessary, we should oppose this development together with those allies who will cooperate.

5. It is a mistake to ask West Germany to send troops to Cyprus. It will cause immense internal discord within NATO.

6. The Administration has shown its characteristic lack of firmness by not pressing for acceptance of the first US-British proposal. By allowing President Makarios to dictate the make-up of the peace-keeping force, the US has left an opening wedge for the introduction into the eastern Mediterranean of forces we cannot control. Once more, the Administration is the prisoner and not the master of events.

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-- It is believed that one of the reasons behind the Soviet position is that Moscow sees Archbishop Makarios as a potentially ~~influential~~ neutralist, leader in an area otherwise dominated by NATO.

-- It is also believed that Soviet backing of the cause of the Greek Cypriotes is conditioned by the fact that the Communist Party in Cyprus exists only within the Greek majority.

11. The U.S. dispatched Under Secretary of State George Ball to London on February 8th to help prevent a breakdown of negotiations. It was feared that the collapse or even the deadlock of the negotiations would lead to new violence on Cyprus. Mr. Ball went from London to Athens and is then to go on to Ankara. The U.S. "does not wish to impose anything on anybody," that has "a major interest" in preventing a full scale explosion in the Eastern Mediterranean.

12. As of February 10th, the U.S. and Britain have prepared another proposal to put an international peacekeeping force in Cyprus.

-- It differs from its predecessors mainly in that it leaves open completely to agreement with the Cyprus government the question of which nation would contribute to the peacekeeping force. All mention of the U.S. and other NATO nations has been dropped.

10. The U.S. and Britain, as of Feb. 11th, have prepared a new plan for an international peacekeeping force. Under Sec. of State George Ball has been sent to London, Athens, Ankara and Cyprus to outline the plan. British Foreign Secretary Butler has presented it to the U.N. Sec. Gen. U Thant.

The plan established a "link" between the Sec. Council and the proposed international peacekeeping force. The "link" would be provided by written report to members of the Sec. Council and a "consensus" regarding the forces' operation

the XXXIX original no. 10 becomes 11

eliminate the old 11 and 12

Feb. 12 instead of 11th

end of para. 6 a, b, c, d, e,
add "A force of approximately 10,000 men is needed, of whom 1,200 would be
Americans."

para. 8

troops to Cyprus. Belgium, Canada, Denmark, Netherlands, cxx and Norway
have agreed to join the U.S. and Britain in establishing the peacekeeping
force/ (cross out and go on

para. 9

Arch. Makarios . . . under the u.n. (first time) Security Council

second subpara. add at very end veto in the Security Council (move paren)

[Y]

June Goldthwait

January 31, 1964

CYPRUS FACTS

  - The problem is particularly difficult for the Turkish community, since they are outnumbered 4 to 1 by the Greek Cypriotes.

2. In 1960 the Greek population in the newly independent Cyprus strongly supported a policy of union with Greece. This issue by now has been largely dropped except by extremists, but it has added to Turkish mistrust. The Turkish population feels that, if there is to be unification with any outside nation, it should be with Turkey.

3. Armed conflict broke out between Greek and Turkish Cypriotes in December 1963. More than 200 lives were lost before Britain intervened with 2,500 troops to police an uneasy truce. Greece and Turkey have both threatened to intervene on opposite sides of the dispute, and there is danger of a Balkan War between them.

[y]

February 4, 1964

CYPRUS

QUESTION:

FACTS:

    -- The problem is particularly difficult for the Turkish community, since they are outnumbered 4-1 by the Greek Cypriotes.

    -- The problem has been accentuated since Cyprus gained its independence from Britain in August 1960; there is no longer an outside arbiter to settle disputes.

2. In 1960 the Greek population in the newly independent Cyprus strongly supported a policy of union with Greece. This issue by now has been largely dropped, except by extremists, but it has added to Turkish mistrust. The Turkish population feels that, if there is to be unification with any outside nation, it should be with Turkey.

3. Armed conflict broke out between Greek and Turkish Cypriotes in December 1963. More than 200 lives were lost before Britain intervened with 2500 troops to police an uneasy truce. Greece and Turkey have both threatened to intervene on opposite sides of the dispute, and there is danger of a Balkan war between them.

4. The parties concerned met in London in mid-January 1964 to negotiate a settlement. The conference has been repeatedly on the verge of collapse.

5. The British, faced with other military commitments in the Far East and Africa, have proposed that the U.S. and other members of NATO send troops to Cyprus to help maintain order. It is likely that the U.S. will contribute troops to the proposed international peace-keeping force provided:

    a. that the Government of Cyprus gives its approval (this is still a serious stumbling block);

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7. The governments of Greece and Turkey have given tentative approval to the international force, though the Turks have set conditions which are unlikely to be acceptable to the Greeks. In particular, Turkey wishes the number of troops she may station on Cyprus raised from 650 to 950, the number the Greeks may station there.

8. Britain also has gained tentative promises to furnish troops from Italy, France and West Germany.

2.8. Issues between Greek and Turkish Cypriotes.

a. Independence for Cyprus was achieved only by drawing up a constitution which contained so many clauses to protect the rights of the Turkish Cypriote minority that effective government became impossible.

-- Turkish Cypriotes have the power of veto over a large number of extremely important sectors of government, e.g., foreign affairs, defense, security, taxation and other revenue measures.

-- Because they have felt their rights threatened, the Turks have used their veto rights simply to obstruct the program of Archbishop Makarios, the Greek President. His reaction -- to put through measures without legislative sanction -- has only provoked more Turkish vetoes.

b. The Greek Cypriotes want constitutional revisions so that the normal processes of government are not paralyzed by Turkish intransigence. The Turkish Cypriotes want partition, or, at the least, a substantial exchange of population on Cyprus, in order to move the most exposed groups of Greek or Turkish Cypriotes to safer positions.

RECOMMENDED POSITION:

1. We should stand behind our British ally and assist her in the peacekeeping operation in Cyprus into which she has been drawn. Britain's widespread military commitments in Malaysia and East Africa make this necessary.

2. We should realize, however, that the dispatch of troops to Cyprus, whether by Britain, the U.S., NATO, or non-NATO powers, will not in itself bring peace to Cyprus. Unless some progress is made

4. Both Greece and Turkey are in NATO, and their security
depends on NATO. Their dispute over Cyprus must not be allowed
to weaken NATO. If the plan had Greek, Turkish and Cypriote
approval, NATO troops should be used to assure the safety of
both national elements on Cyprus, and NATO officials or
representatives should attempt to help local officials to build
a viable political entity.

[L.C.]

February 4, 1964

CYPRUS

QUESTION:

FACTS:

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6. The governments of Greece and Turkey have given tentative approval to the international force, though the Turks have set conditions which are unlikely to be acceptable to the Greeks. In particular, Turkey wishes the number of troops she may station on Cyprus raised from 650 to 950, the number the Greeks may station there.

7. Britain also has gained tentative promises to furnish troops from Italy, France and West Germany.

RECOMMENDED POSITION:

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