1-16-03; 2:02PM; REP ADAM SMITH

202 225 5893

# 2/2

ADAM SMITH

5TH DISTRICT, WASHINGTON
116 CANNON BUILDING
WASHINGTON, DC 20516
(202) 225-0001

DISTRICT OFFICE:

1717 PACIFIC AVENUE, #2105
TACOMA, WA 98407
(253) 593-6660
TOLL FREE 1-800 SMITH9
www.house.gov/writeretop

http://www.house.gov/writeretop/
http://www.house.gov/adamsmith/

January 15, 2003

Dr. Henry Kissinger
350 Park Ave. 26th Floor
New York, New York 10022

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

It is my pleasure to invite you to be a speaker at the second annual Ninth District Day. This year I hope to attract up to two hundred of my district's key civic leaders, social activists and business owners from the Seattle/Tacoma region to attend a half-day-long seminar in Washington DC.

The heart of Ninth District Day undoubtedly lies with its speakers. Last year, speakers included CBS News Anchor Bob Shieffer, then-Minority Leader Dick Gephardt, House Rules Committee Chairman David Dreier, Pentagon Spokeswoman Victoria Clarke, and NPR's national correspondent Mara Liasson and CNN's congressional correspondent John Karl. In addition, we were pleased to have Senators John McCain and John Kerry deliver last year's keynote luncheon address.

This year I would like to present once again a wide array of bipartisan speakers from the political arena, business sector and media community. The objective will be to educate in both an informative and interactive method on issues ranging from technology, trade and the war on terrorism to life in the White House and today's political agenda. This diverse area of topics will appeal to all attendees of Ninth District Day, and will provide my constituents with an outlet for their concerns and a better understanding in these areas.

Given your experience, it would be wonderful if you could discuss the changing role of the United States military.

I would be delighted and highly appreciative if you would be willing to give a small amount of your time on **Thursday, May 15, 2003 between 9am and 1pm.** Your participation would be a major contribution to the success of Ninth District Day and an honor to my constituents and myself.

Thank you very much for your consideration. Kate Gibbons of my staff will be coordinating the day. You can contact her at (202)225-8901 or Kate.gibbons@mail.house.gov. If your staff has any questions please feel free to give her a call.

Congress of the United States
House of Representatives
Washington, DC 20515-4709

COMMITTEE ON ARMED SERVICES

SUBCOMMITTEES
MILITARY PROCUREMENT
MILITARY RESEARCH AND DEVELOPMENT
SPECIAL OVERSIGHT PANEL ON
MERCHANT MARINE

COMMITTEE ON RESOURCES

SUBCOMMITTEES
WATER AND POWER
HANKING MLMULIT
CONGRESSIONAL INTERNET CAUCUS
NEW DEMOCRAT COALITION

PRINTED ON RECYCLED PAPER

JAN-16-2003 13:04

202 225 5893

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P.02

# Eulogy for Fritz Kraemer

By Henry A. Kissinger

October 8, 2003

Fritz Kraemer was the greatest single influence of my formative years, and his inspiration remained with me even during the last thirty years when he would not speak to me.

We met in 1944 in Camp Claiborne, Louisiana. We were both privates in the 84th Infantry Division. I served in G Company of the 335th Regiment, Kraemer in the G-2 section of division headquarters. We were both refugees from Germany, I by necessity, Kraemer by choice. He was thirty-six years of age; I nineteen. He had two Ph. D. degrees. I had two years of night college in accounting.

When I first saw Kraemer, he was dressed in a German uniform, wore a monocle, and carried a riding crop. The occasion was a speech to the regiment in which I was serving. The subject was the moral and political stakes of the war, and the Commanding General thought Kraemer's outfit would endow his presentation with verisimilitude. Kraemer spoke with passion, erudition, and overwhelming force, as if he were addressing each member of the regiment individually. For the first time in my life—and perhaps the only one—at least I can recall no other such occurrence—I wrote to a speaker how much he had moved me. A few days later Kraemer came to where my company was training. Now the uniform was American, but he still wore the monocle around his neck and continued to carry his riding crop. He invited me to have dinner with him at the enlisted men's club at which he questioned me about my views and spoke to me about his values.

Out of this encounter grew a relationship that changed my life. After the division reached Europe, Kraemer arranged to have me transferred to the G-2 section. We worked together and, after work, we walked the streets of battle scarred towns at night during total blackouts while Kraemer spoke of history and postwar challenges in his stentorian voice—sometimes in German, tempting nervous sentries. Over the next decades Kraemer shaped my reading and thinking, influenced my choice of college, awakened my interest in political philosophy and history, inspired both my undergraduate and graduate theses, and became an integral and indispensable part of my life. He was always there to discuss my concerns; he never talked of his own needs to me, and I doubt to anyone else, as if such an admission would derogate from his mission.

Kraemer dedicated his life to fighting against the triumph of the expedient over the principled. "Intellectuals," Kraemer once said, "have always preached that everything is relative and that there are no absolute values... The result is spiritual emptiness. Everything is possible and therefore nothing is." "The worst

2

thing about a loss of faith is not the fact that someone has stopped believing but
that they are ready to believe anything."

Kraemer fought his battle not so much by seeking to influence policymakers--
though on occasion he had that opportunity--but by giving lectures and above all
by discovering in young people qualities they did not always know they
possessed. He would then devote an enormous amount of his time on
encouraging them towards a life of duty and honor. He lived an ascetic, nearly
monastic existence. His learning matched his commitment. For decades he
spent much of his day clipping newspaper articles from all over the world,
marking significant passages, and filing them by major categories--a one-man,
handmade internet. He asked nothing for himself. He refused all promotions
beyond civil service grades.

Kraemer's values were absolute. Like the ancient prophets, he made no concessions to human frailty or to historic evolution; he treated intermediate solutions as derogation from principle.

And therein lay the source of our later estrangement. When I became part of the
world of policymaking, I entered the realm of the contingent. For the prophet,
there can be no gap between conception and implementation; the policymaker
must build the necessary from the possible. For the prophet, values are eternal,
independent of time. For the policymaker, absolute values must be approached
in stages, each of which is by definition imperfect. The prophet thinks in terms of
crusades; the policymaker hedges against the possibility of human fallibility. The
policymaker, if he wants to avoid stagnation, needs the prophet's inspiration, but
he cannot live by all the prophet's prescriptions in the short term; he must leave
something to history.

Kraemer could not accept this distinction. And so we did not speak for thirty
years. He felt he needed to make a demonstration--even a personal sacrifice--to
vindicate the absoluteness of his convictions. It was not personal. During the
decades of silence, he never spoke of me except with respect nor I of him with
anything but devotion.

As Kraemer enters the realm of eternity, and I approach it, I want to thank his
children, Sven and Madeleine, for allowing me this occasion of reconciliation with
an extraordinary man who will be part of my life as long as I draw breath.
Kraemer will remain to me, as to so many in this room whose lives he touched, a
symbol of commitment and dedication, a beacon that, amidst the turmoil of the
moment, guides us to the transcendental.

LIZ SMITH

NEWSDAY

WED 12-3-03

DEC 1 1 2003

Extracting a Remake

“O
ne thing to give thanks
for this morning is not
being Michael or Kobe
or Phil Spector or
Paris Hilton or Martha
Stewart or any of the other celebrity
spectacles of the great American cir-
cus. There should be a celebrity branch
of the Animal Rights League. Media ex-
posure is so pitiless and relentless that
fallen stars might as well go to the
Baghdad Zoo.”

That was Tina Brown's Thanksgiving column, "Kicking the Stuffing Out of Celebrities." Tina concentrated mostly on the world's most fantastic stellar car wreck, Michael Jackson, but did muse on the atmosphere that can create a Jackson: "The gated community is where the rot sets in. Nowhere else is better than California today at producing full-service isolation: infinite permission in an infinitely large space with no repercussions until — surprise, surprise — there are."

Tina winds it up with this salient comment: “We’ve been told it’s OK if we never get Osama or Saddam. In the meantime, get Michael!”

Celebrity is getting a bad rap this
week. New York magazine features
Simon Dumenco's article on why the ce-
legyra culture is spiraling out of con-
trol. Of course, these negative stories
also appeal to the percentile of those
who actually admit that celebrity wor-
ship dominates their existence. We say
again, "Get a life. Divert yourself.
Work for charity."

NICOLE KIDMAN so enjoyed working with Anthony Hopkins in "The Human Stain" that she has her agents out looking for a suitable script to reteam them. I hear one possibility is a remake of "Cactus Flower," with Hopkins taking the Walter Matthau role of the grumpy, philandering dentist and Nic playing the part Goldie Hawn originated — the dizzy girlfriend — for which she won an Oscar.

But it might be more interesting to
have Nicole play "Cactus Flower's" up-
tight dental assistant who comes
spectacularly into her own. Lauren
Bacall did this role onstage and Ingrid
Bergman on screen. After all, Nicole
has become this generation's Ingrid —
ravishing, professionally adventurous,
a box-office queen and constantly
working.

DOWN ON Padre Island on the
Texas coast, the annual Thanksgiving
parade takes place with decorated
shopping carts! The theme of the pa-
rade this year was "Hollywood Goes to
the Beach." Arnold Schwarzenegger
and his lovely Kennedy family were
represented, and, of course, Michael
Jackson. "Love, Actually" was seen as
a gay wedding instead of the mess it is
on screen, and an inflated octopus
water toy was the Halliburton float,
with each tentacle labeled for different
kinds of graft. And you thought Texans
only took the Alamo seriously!

The highlight of the Padre weekend is
a big game of charades conducted by the
former governor Ann Richards. This
year, her son Clark had to pantomime
the Paris Hilton sex tape. His brother,
Dan, egged him on, saying, "Just act out
the general idea of the film."

AP File Photo

NICOLE KIDMAN

She and Hopkins may redo a biting comedy.

I SEE from The New York Times that
my old friend Kinky Friedman, who once
had a band called The Texas Jew Boys,
has become a columnist for Texas Month-
ly. He is also a writer of detective genre
fiction and a true Hill Country cowboy
character. And — he wants to run for
governor of the Lone Star State.

Kinky is a more brilliant philosopher
and thinker than he is ever given cred-
it for, and if Arnold can be governor of
California, I don't see why Kinky won't
succeed as well in his political ambi-
tion. He is head and shoulders, not to
mention kink, above the usual field of
big business-owned candidates who
are just rubber stamps.

THAT WAS some scene at Circo on
West 55th Street Monday night, when
"The Maccioni Family Cookbook," writ-
ten by mama Egi Maccioni with Peter
Kaminsky, made its bow. The cognoscen-
ti crushed in to hold paper-thin pizzas
and glasses of wine to their lips as they
struggled to get in line to buy this Ital-
ian-American masterpiece for Christ-
mas gifts.

None other than Henry Kissinger, that
well-known "Italian," graced this party,
along with Martha Stewart, who told me
she had a wonderful Thanksgiving in
Maine. "We had two turkeys!" she said.
The party was chockablock with food
types —the behatted queen of them all,
Gael Greene, being helped out of her coat
by Bloomberg's food reviewer Peter
Elliot. (Actually, the memoir of Sirio
Maccioni, the creator of Le Cirque, is
also coming off the press soon with an as-
sist byline from Peter. So the Maccionis
will score again!) I glimpsed Gourmet's
Ruth Reichl, Mimi Sheraton, Bill Boggs,
Rick Moonen, Gillian Duffy, Florence
Fabricant, Sottha Khunn, Alain Sailhac,
as well as Iris Love, just back from Italy.
(Her mother, Audrey, of the Guggenheim
millions and one of the Metropolitan Op-
era's supporters, just died in Key Bis-
cayne at the age of 100.) And there was
the Contessa Verde Visconti di
Modrone, as well as those gadabouts,
Donald and Barbara Tober. Any party
with two, tall handsome Maccioni sons in
attendance is party enough for me!

Dr. Kissinger
Love,
liz

DATE

JAN 07 2003

CORR. FILE

Smith, Mary Elizabeth

ACTION:

Alan Stape Dennis

Jessee Theresa

Don Elizabeth Suzanne

COMMENTS:

SUBJ. FILE

CROSS REF.

DC OFFICE:

Christie / Jody / Lisa

INFO COPY TO:

ROUTE CC COPY TO: NMK

TO BE FILED

x

27 January 2003

Maria Ryan, Secretary
Troop Committee Boy Scout Troop 5
428 Benson Road
Middlebury, CT 06762

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Kent, CT

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

The Scouts, Leaders and Members of the Committee Boy Scout Troop #5 take great pleasure in announcing that:

> Having completed the requirements for, and having been examined by an
> Eagle Scout Board of Review
> Michael William Smith
> Was found worthy of the rank of Eagle Scout

In honor of this achievement, we have scheduled an Eagle Scout Court of Honor for Sunday, 16 March 2003, at Middlebury, Connecticut. We would be truly honored by your presence. However, recognizing your schedule, we would sincerely appreciate a letter or certificate acknowledging his achievement. We will compile it with other acknowledgements and bind it into a journal commemorating this special occasion.

Thank you for taking time from your extremely busy schedule to help our community recognize the achievements and service of Eagle Scout Michael "Mike" Smith.

Page 1 of 1

## Theresa Cimino

**From:** Theresa Cimino [tcimino@kmaglobal.com]
**Sent:** Wednesday, January 29, 2003 12:23 PM
**To:** 'chaynes@scowcroft.com'
**Subject:** Photo of Dr. Kissinger and General Scowcroft

Dear General Scowcroft:

Dr. Kissinger is currently in the hospital (he underwent a procedure on Monday but is fine, and is expected to be released today). However, in the interest of time, he asked me to be in touch with you regarding the attached photo.

A journalist named Bruce Hathaway from *Smithsonian Magazine* contacted Dr. Kissinger as he is interested in printing the attached photo alongside his review of Dr. Kissinger's upcoming book, *Ending the Vietnam War*. Mr. Hathaway claims that, according to the photo agency, it was taken on April 29, 1975 by David Hume Kennerly. He says the caption reads: "Secretary of State Henry Kissinger (R) and White House aide Brent Scowcroft (L) in the White House anxiously await news of the evacuation of the last Marines from the embassy in Saigon."

On the contrary, Dr. Kissinger felt strongly that the photograph was taken on May 14, 1975, during the Mayaguez crisis, after a dinner given for the Dutch Prime Minister (on the evening military operations began). He said there were no black-tie functions during the fall of Saigon and conveyed this to Mr. Hathaway both on the telephone and in writing.

Yesterday, we were once again contacted by Hathaway. Evidently, Mr. Kennerly, as well as an archivist from the Gerald R. Ford Library, have confirmed that the photo was taken at about 7:00pm on April 29, 1975, and that the occasion was a formal dinner for King Hussein. Hathaway says the archivist bases his conclusion on notes in President Ford's diary as well as on the official photograph log.

Dr. Kissinger hoped you might be able to shed some light on the circumstances at the time the photo was taken.

Thank you very much,

Theresa Cimino
Assistant to Dr. Kissinger
212/759-7919

1/29/2003

JAN-28-03 18:01

From:SMITHSONIAN MAGAZINE

2027862564

T-871 P.01/01 Job-648

Smithsonian Magazine

VIA FACSIMILE

January 28, 2003

Henry A. Kissinger
350 Park Avenue, 26th Floor
New York, New York 10022

Dear Secretary Kissinger,

Thank you for your letter of January 23, 2003, about the photograph of you and Brent Scowcroft taken by David Hume Kennerly. Responding to your statement that the photograph was taken May 14, 1975, we contacted Mr. Kennerly and the Gerald R. Ford Library in Ann Arbor, Michigan, for additional information. An archivist at the library unambiguously states that the photograph was taken by Mr. Kennerly, then an official White House photographer, about 7 p.m. on the evening of April 29, 1975. The archivist bases that conclusion on notations in President Ford's diary as well as on the official photograph log. Mr. Kennerly agrees with the archivist. As for the matter of a black-tie function, the archivist notes that a formal dinner was held at the White House that evening for King Hussein.

We intend to publish the photograph in question, citing the Ford presidential library that it was taken April 29, 1975. We would be happy to note in the caption that you disagree and that you believe the photograph was taken May 14, 1975. Because of press deadlines, we would need your response by this Thursday, January 30.

Bruce Hathaway
Associate Editor
Tel. 202-275-2212
email: bhathaway@simag.si.edu

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Victor Building
750 9th Street NW Suite 7100
Washington DC 20560-0951
202.275.2000 Telephone
202.275.1972 Fax

Theresa Cimino

From: Jessee Incao [jincao@kmaglobal.com]
Sent: Thursday, January 23, 2003 11:30 AM
To: 'Theresa Cimino'
Subject: FW: Picture of Henry Kissinger and Brent Scowcroft

ImageServer
copy.jpg (64 KB)

From: Bruce Hathaway [mailto:BHathaway@SIMAG.SI.EDU]
Sent: Thursday, January 23, 2003 11:27 AM
To: jincao@kmaglobal.com
Subject: Picture of Henry Kissinger and Brent Scowcroft

JAN 2 3 2003

As we discussed, Smithsonian is publishing the attached picture with a
review of Henry Kissinger's new book, Ending the Vietnam War. Please
confirm right away that you have received this email and are able to view the
jpg.

According to the photo agency TimePix, it was taken on 4/29/1975 by David Hume Kennerly. The caption reads: "Secretary of State Henry Kissinger (R) and White House aide Brent Scowcroft (L) in the White House anxiously await news of the evacuation of the last Marines from the embassy in Saigon."

Can you please confirm or correct this information? The scene appears to be some sort of formal function, or the two of them going to or coming from one. Can you please provide as much information as possible about what that function was? Obviously we also want to confirm that the picture as it is here is not reversed.

Unfortunately we are under an unusually tight deadline with this review, so I will need the above no later than Friday, 1/24, afternoon.

But we will be finishing work on this article next week. If there's a chance of receiving an explanation of what the function was or other insights on the picture or even a brief quote from Dr. Kissinger, we would welcome such up until cob, Wednesday, 1/29.

Might you have an email address for Brent Scowcroft? If possible we
would also like to hear his comments on the picture.

Please feel free to call any of the following numbers collect if you
wish.

Thank you for your assistance.

Bruce Hathaway
Associate Editor
Smithsonian Magazine MRC 951

750 Ninth St. NW Suite 7100
Washington, D.C. 20001
bhathaway@simag.si.edu
202-275-2212 direct dial
877-240-1183 toll free
202-275-1972 fax
home, if need be:
301-229-2370
all current as of 7/02

Theresa Cimino

From: Jessee Incao [jincao@kmaglobal.com]
Sent: Thursday, January 23, 2003 4:03 PM
To: 'Theresa Cimino'
Subject: FW: another picture of Dr. Kissinger

ImageServer2
copy.jpg (85 KB)

From: Bruce Hathaway [mailto:BHathaway@SIMAG.SI.EDU]
Sent: Thursday, January 23, 2003 4:01 PM
To: jincao@kmaglobal.com
Subject: another picture of Dr. Kissinger

In response to a phone message from Teresa (sorry if I've mispelled), I would be delighted to talk with Dr. Kissinger about both pictures. But he should probably see the one attached, which has just been added, before we talk.

It is also from Timepix. Their caption info says that it was taken by Dirck Halstead on 00/00/72, which I believe means they don't know the month or day. They say that it was taken in Paris, and their caption is as follows: "Secy. of State Henry Kissinger (R) sharing a joke with Le Duc Tho (L), N. Vietnamese peace talk delegate, and prob. interpreter, at peace talks."

They apparently sent it to us reversed unless their caption directionals are wrong. We're hoping that you can help determine if it is reversed.

As before, please confirm or correct their caption information. Any additional insights that might be of interest in a caption--perhaps related to a scene described on a specific page of the book?--and a brief quote from Dr. Kissinger will be appreciated. It would obviously be especially interesting for our readers to know what the joke was.

Again, unfortunately we are under an unusually tight deadline with this review, so I will need the above no later than Friday, 1/24, afternoon, but will welcome any additional info up until we close the article on Wed., 1/29. I will be here today until about 7, or all day tomorrow.

Smithsonian Magazine

Carey Winfrey
Editor in Chief

February 10, 2003

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
350 Park Avenue, 26th Floor
New York, NY 10022

FEB 13 2003

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

Thank you for your letters of January 23, 2003 and January 29, 2003, which Bruce Hathaway passed on to me. I understand your concern and want to assure you of the extraordinary measures we took to confirm that the photograph in question was taken April 29, 1975, and not May 14, 1975.

First we checked with the photographer, David Hume Kennerly, who said the
photo was indeed taken the evening of April 29. "The photo curator at the
Gerald R. Ford [Presidential] Library today...provided the exact frame number
of the picture...and the time it was taken," Kennerly wrote to us.

Kenneth G. Hafeli, audiovisual archivist at the Ford Library, sent us copies of Kennerly's contact sheets from April 29 and May 14, both of which were printed from film shot at the White House. In the contact sheet for April 29, there are photographs of you attired in a tuxedo, presumably in anticipation of what is described in the April 29, 1975, Daily Diary of President Gerald R. Ford as a "stag dinner in honor of King Hussein I." Both you and General Scowcroft are listed as having attended the dinner. The *Washington Post* of April 30 says the same.

The April 29 contact sheet includes the photograph that we are publishing of
you and General Scowcroft. On this sheet, Assistant to the President Donald
Rumsfeld wears a business suit. This would seem appropriate, since Mr.
Rumsfeld's name does not appear on the Hussein dinner guest list. Likewise,
Press Secretary Ron Nessen, who also did not attend, wears a dark business
suit. The April 29 contact sheet shows you talking on the telephone. Perhaps
these are the calls recorded in your telephone log. The contact sheet is
labeled: "Various staff candidates before dinner for King Hussein."

SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION
Victor Building
750 9th Street NW Suite 7100
Washington DC 20560-0951
202.275.2202 Telephone
202.275.1986 Fax
cwinfrey@simag.si.edu E-mail

We are also in possession of a photocopy of the guest list for a stag dinner for Johannes den Uyl, the Dutch prime minister, on May 14, which, in addition to your name, includes that of Mr. Rumsfeld, which would explain why he appears, as you do, in black tie on the May 14 contact sheet. Mr. Nessen, whose name is not on the stag dinner guest list, wears a light-colored business suit. The May 14 contact sheet is labeled "GF with senior staff members around the time of the Mayaguez incident."

Archivist Hafeli also forwarded us a copy of the White House photography logs of April 30, 1975. On these, Kennerly's contact sheet of April 29 (showing you and General Scowcroft in tuxedos and Mr. Rumsfeld in business attire) is logged in with the notation: "last night."

I share your concern for historical accuracy and would not run the photograph with our review of your book about Vietnam unless I was absolutely persuaded that it was taken on the date we say it was. I am so persuaded. Nevertheless, we noted in the photo credit that you believe the photo was taken May 14, 1975.

Sincerely,

(Mr.) Carey Winfrey
Editor in Chief

cc: Bruce Hathaway

JAN-29-2003 21:36

KMA

212/590042 P.01/01

HENRY A. KISSINGER

VIA FACSIMILE

(202/275-1972)

January 29, 2003

Dear Mr. Hathaway:

It is obviously very difficult to reconstruct events after thirty
years. My log shows that on April 29, 1975, I was at the White
House the entire day. I held a press conference after 4:53pm
when I thought the last helicopter had left Saigon. Then at
5:45pm I went back, when we discovered that some troops had
inadvertently been left behind. My telephone log shows that I
called the President from the White House at 7:20pm and the
Deputy Secretary of Defense at 8:01pm. It is therefore
impossible that I was in black tie at 7:00pm.

I have checked with General Scowcroft, and he has the same
view. Both of us have a distinct recollection of being with the
President in the Oval Office during the Mayaguez crisis, after a
black-tie dinner for the Dutch Prime Minister, as I have written
in my book, *Years of Renewal*.

Mr. Bruce Hathaway
Associate Editor
Smithsonian Magazine
750 Ninth Street, NW
Suite 7100
Washington, DC 20001

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR · 350 PARK AVENUE · NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 · (212) 759-7910

TOTAL P.01

• Books - Exiting Vietnam

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Smithsonian
MAGAZINE

I will pick up
a copy of the
magazine so we
can see what they
did with the photo.
tc

March 2003

## Exiting Vietnam

### Henry Kissinger's new book revisits America's troubled extrication from Indochina

The Vietnam War was our longest—longer than the Civil War and the two world wars. It rent our society as no other issue had done since the War Between the States, and the wounds it inflicted have yet to completely heal. With its conjoined ordeal, Watergate, it raised distrust of government to new levels. It affects our attitudes toward war to this day; we are still struggling to define our nation's interests abroad.

A less recognized but significant aspect of the Vietnam War is that it was our transitional war: our first war of counterinsurgency, against an enemy in the midst of the very people we were trying to defend and that melted back into the population after striking. A war against both a state (North Vietnam) and an ideological revolution (communism), it frequently involved unorthodox combat. Up against a far weaker opponent—in conventional terms—we learned the limits of traditional military power; our B-52s did not subdue a tough and determined enemy. Since Vietnam, the concept of power has radically changed.

Now we are engaged in a war against terrorism that takes us even further from prior experiences. We are up against what are termed non-state actors. The enemies, more elusive than even those in Vietnam, are using time and space in new ways—and also highly unconventional weapons. We’ve embarked on an open-ended war, and we won’t know at any particular moment whether we’ve been victorious.

Some of the misconceptions that America acted on in the Vietnam War are stunning. Successive administrations—those of John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon—committed some of the same errors made by the French, Vietnam's former colonial power. The French had maintained protected enclaves, like Dien Bien Phu, which American leaders reinvented as "strategic hamlets." The French had a strategy of jaunissement (or "yellowing"), which we reinvented as "Vietnamization"—trying to turn the

web

informative links

Click Here to Buy This Book

http://www.smithsonianmag.com/smithsonian/issues03/mar03/books.html

3/5/2003

· Books - Exiting Vietnam

Page 2 of 7

war over to the local populace. Our leaders' failure to learn from history is a cautionary tale.

The Vietnam War resulted in the deaths of 1.5 million to 3 million Vietnamese and other Indochinese and 58,000 Americans. It was the catalyst for Richard Nixon's self-induced disgrace. And it broke the three other U.S. leaders most associated with it: Johnson; his secretary of defense, Robert McNamara; and, in a way, Henry Kissinger. I say "in a way" because Kissinger went on to sell his name, strategic advice and access to foreign leaders, and because many political figures, businessmen and members of the news media consider him an oracle.

Kissinger's 14th and latest book, *Ending the Vietnam War*, reflects just how tormented he remains over the war and the criticisms of his role in it, first as Nixon's national security adviser and then as Nixon's and Gerald Ford's secretary of state. The book, comprising previously published texts reworked to pull them together, is well worth examining as a thing unto itself.

Ostensibly a history of the Nixon administration's efforts to end the war, the book reads more like Kissinger's case for the defense, and is written with some outrage and not a little self-pity. He takes on the serious charges that have been lodged against his and Nixon's prosecution of the war, saying, "Nothing could be further from the truth." He still wrestles with some decisions—"I have since often anguished," he says of one tactical move—but he doesn't question the basic premises behind his and Nixon's conduct of the war.

Kissinger argues, unpersuasively, against the enduring criticism that the deal in 1973 between the United States and North Vietnam could have been reached as early as 1969, shortly after Nixon took office. The agreement called for a cease-fire, the withdrawal of American troops from South Vietnam and the exchange of prisoners, and it left the composition of a new South Vietnamese government to a commission made up of South Vietnamese officials and their communist opponents. Kissinger and his North Vietnamese counterpart, the high-ranking Le Duc Tho, were awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize for the cease-fire agreement. (Le Duc Tho declined the award. Kissinger didn't collect his at the Oslo ceremony because of the threat of antiwar demonstrations there.) Of course, the agreement soon collapsed, the North Vietnamese overran the South, and in the spring of 1975 the world saw the ignominious pictures of Americans and South Vietnamese nationals being evacuated

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Books - Exiting Vietnam

Page 3 of 7

by helicopters from the roof of the American embassy. The issue of whether the 1973 agreement could have been reached in 1969 gets to the core, searing question about Vietnam: Did it have to last all those years?

It's fair to ask what alternative course Nixon's critics would have followed. Some serious people argued for complete withdrawal, on the grounds that the war was a loser. Some have argued that Nixon, after taking office, should have declared that the situation in Vietnam was far worse than he had thought, blamed it on the Democrats and sought a deal with the North Vietnamese like the one that was ultimately reached. Meanwhile, the argument goes, Nixon could have used tough rhetoric at home to assuage the Right. Whether the approach would have worked can't be known, but had it worked, it certainly would have been preferable to what happened instead.

During the 1968 campaign Kissinger, according to Walter Isaacson's biography, *Kissinger*, spoke scathingly about Nixon—until it looked as though Nixon might win, at which time Kissinger, then allied with Democratic candidate Hubert Humphrey, began to ingratiate himself with the Nixon camp, and even, according to Stanley Karnow's history, *Vietnam*, clandestinely supply it with information about Humphrey's plans.

Once in office, Kissinger and Nixon said they were seeking "peace with honor": the abandonment of our South Vietnamese allies would be a dishonorable betrayal and would undermine our credibility in the world. (We ended up abandoning them anyway.) Even overlooking for the moment how the whole thing turned out, the "peace with honor" formulation was riddled with flaws. And the South Vietnamese regime was known to have been inept and hopelessly corrupt. In writing about the importance of our allies in South Vietnam, Kissinger gives minimal attention to the Vietnamese people but a great deal to South Vietnam's president Nguyen Van Thieu, calling him a great "patriot" and a "dauntless leader."

Kissinger, not unlike some American presidents, including Nixon, had a myopic affinity for strongmen—the Shah of Iran, Philippines president Ferdinand Marcos. A student of Metternich, the 19th-century Austrian statesman, Kissinger was a practitioner of the "realist" (or realpolitik) school of diplomacy, which places emphasis on the state's interests and the use of military power to achieve them, and he preferred to deal with the strong leaders of nation-states who could deliver. Kissinger does say that the Kennedy

3/5/2003

Books - Exiting Vietnam

Page 4 of 7

administration's complicity in the 1963 overthrow of South Vietnam's leader General Ngo Dinh Diem conferred legitimacy on the North Vietnamese claim that the South Vietnamese government was illegitimate.

Kissinger makes almost no mention of the American lives lost while he and Nixon sought "peace with honor," and none of the fact that our pursuit of what many saw as a patently hopeless cause may have damaged our standing in the rest of the world as much as an earlier end to the war would have.

As he took office, Nixon faced two conflicting political exigencies. On one side were the ever-growing number of critics of the Vietnam adventure, a mobilized antiwar movement and increasing doubts among significant congressional figures. On the other side were those, mostly on the Right and substantial in number, who felt that we shouldn't lose. Kissinger slips at one point, saying the "peace with honor" doctrine was also Nixon's way of appeasing the Right. To appease the war's opponents, Nixon commenced the unilateral withdrawal of troops. Kissinger is correct that such withdrawals weakened his bargaining position with North Vietnam, and he admits that, oddly, he and Nixon mistakenly thought that the withdrawals would buy them time "for developing a new strategy." Instead, the military drawdowns simply increased domestic pressure for more of them.

Kissinger is dismissive of leading Senate opponents of the war—including the estimable J. William Fulbright, John Sherman Cooper, Mark Hatfield and Mike Mansfield—treating them as so many misguided pests. He describes the Congress elected in 1974, following Watergate and Nixon's forced resignation, as the "McGovernite congress," though the defining characteristic of the 75 Democrats elected to the House that year (the "Watergate babies") was their zeal for political reform. Kissinger maintains that McGovern lost the 1972 election over Vietnam—whereas a number of factors contributed to his defeat—and that in voting to reduce or cut off funds for actions in Indochina, the Congress was abrogating the last presidential election. Several of his statements in *Ending the Vietnam War* show that Kissinger didn't really understand public and congressional opposition to the war. The war's opponents, he writes, "destroyed our bargaining position"—as if there were no weaknesses in the policies themselves.

In telling his story, Kissinger sheds light on Nixon's peculiar governing style. He hated to give direct orders and sometimes issued orders he hoped or expected would not be

3/5/2003

Books - Exiting Vietnam

Page 5 of 7

carried out. He had an aversion to controversy among his advisers. And after Vice President Spiro Agnew said in one meeting that the South Vietnamese, with American support, should attack two North Vietnamese sanctuaries in Cambodia rather than just one, as had been proposed, Nixon agreed. But, according to Kissinger, Nixon was so annoyed that Agnew had staked out a more hawkish position than his own that he excluded Agnew from the next meeting on the war.

Kissinger isn't above taking swipes at former colleagues. He portrays the politically astute Mel Laird, secretary of defense, as slippery and busy covering his own tracks—though Laird was often proved right about the likely public reaction to proposed U.S. actions. For Kissinger to describe Laird as manipulative takes the pot-kettle formulation to new lengths. Kissinger, an accomplished charmer, was a masterly manipulator in a city where manipulativeness is a job requirement.

The Vietnam War was not without its tragicomic aspects. There was the futile hunt for the elusive COSVN, supposedly the North Vietnamese military headquarters in Cambodia—and a leading rationale for U.S. military incursion into Cambodia in 1970. The South Vietnamese troops and their American advisers found only deserted huts. Nevertheless, Kissinger describes the attack as a success, leading to the capture of documents, arms and ammunition, which, according to Karnow, were quickly replaced. There was also the raid by American commandos on the Son Tay prison in North Vietnam, which was believed to hold American prisoners of war but turned out to be empty. U.S. intelligence had said the prison was "closed," Kissinger says, which it interpreted as "locked."

Like any case for the defense, *Ending the Vietnam War* is selective. Kissinger omits several relevant matters or deals with them in triumphs of understatement. He doesn't mention that two of his senior aides (Anthony Lake and Roger Morris) quit in 1970 in protest over the expansion of the war into Cambodia. And as for the national upheaval and constitutional crisis that was Watergate, Kissinger says that Nixon felt unappreciated for his effort to withdraw troops, that antiwar sentiment "touched Nixon on his rawest nerve" and that he saw enemies all around him and so engaged in "methods of all-out political combat." That's it. No mention of Nixon's "enemies list"; of the White House's hiring a goon squad (the "plumbers") to conduct break-ins; or of Kissinger's supplying names to the FBI for wiretaps of his own aides and of journalists, to trace leaks about the war.

3/5/2003

Books - Exiting Vietnam

Page 6 of 7

Clearly, it's Cambodia that most sticks in Kissinger's craw— with good reason, given the havoc following U.S. military action, and the horrific way things turned out, with more than a million Cambodians slaughtered by the Khmer Rouge. One justification for U.S. military actions in Cambodia was that Vietnam might overrun Cambodia—whether it actually intended to do so isn't yet known—which would have jeopardized the plan for turning the war over to the South Vietnamese.

Yet Kissinger, according to this fascinating and sad book, persisted in believing that, given enough time and resources, his Vietnam policy would succeed. In other words, it was the war opponents' fault that the policy failed. In 1975, after Ford had taken office as president, Kissinger writes that the administration's "sole remaining card to prevent Saigon's collapse" was additional money from Congress to fund the war effort—an appropriation that Congress was resisting. The denial of the money may well have sped the collapse of the South Vietnamese government, but how long it could have been sustained is another matter. Late in the book, Kissinger addresses the crucial question: "Was it worth it?" His reply: "Probably not for us; almost surely for Saigon, about whose survival the war had, after all, been fought." This is at once a monumental admission and an avoidance of the fact that Saigon collapsed despite our five years of waste of human lives and national treasure. Elsewhere in *Ending the Vietnam War*, Kissinger says, "With anything like the support extended to allies in Korea, the Gulf, and the Balkans, they [South Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos] might have survived until the erosion of Communism set in." This assertion assumes that substantial support would have lasted another decade and a half—an extraordinary leap of imagination—and it also is akin to equating apples with zebras. (And despite the collapse of communism elsewhere, Vietnam remains a stable communist state, with capitalist features.) If Kissinger truly continues to believe these things, one is forced to conclude that he was—and still is—deluding himself. Kissinger and Nixon were in a bunker of their own, clinging to the false promise of Vietnamization, holding to a misbegotten concept of national honor and railing at the war's opponents. Great leaders have the insight and longsightedness to make the right decisions in dire circumstances: Abraham Lincoln and Winston Churchill, to name two, got it right. The reputations of Nixon and Kissinger are doomed to carry the heavy freight of the fact that they did not.

*Washington journalist Elizabeth Drew is the author of 14 books, including Citizen McCain (2002), about Republican*

3/5/2003

Smithsonian

MARCH 2003 VOLUME 33, NUMBER 12

FEATURES

76 Architect Daniel Libeskind unveiled his design for the World Trade Center site in December.

100 Can a donkey's hat be high art? Joan Miró's *La caresse d'un oiseau*, detail.

106 Until 1911, the roughly 550-year-old Machu Picchu was unknown to the outside world.

58 THE HUNT FOR HOT STUFF

"Rad rangers" in the former Soviet Union work against time, and terrorists, to locate lost radioactive materials
BY RICHARD STONE / ILLUSTRATIONS BY STEVE MCCRACKEN

66 WHERE THE WILD THINGS ARE

Theodore Roosevelt, the most famous big game hunter of them all, created the nation's vast wildlife refuge system 100 years ago this month

*PHOTOGRAPHS BY JOHN AND KAREN HOLLINGSWORTH*

76 DANIEL LIBESKIND: ARCHITECT AT GROUND ZERO

The Polish-born Libeskind is breaking new ground with his vividly imagined designs for museums and New York City's Ground Zero

BY STANLEY MEISLER

86 ICE CAPADES

An Alaskan couple find freedom, adventure and some measure of fame as avalanche rescuers, authors and Arctic kayakers

BY MICHAEL RYAN

90 TO THE RESCUE

More than a hundred big cats and other wild animals gain sanctuary in Arizona thanks to a Las Vegas showman turned secular Saint Francis

BY PAUL TRACHTMAN / PHOTOGRAPHS BY THOMAS MICHAEL ALLEMAN

100 MISCHIEF MAKER

A rare exhibition of Joan Miró's whimsical, brightly painted bronzes highlights the unbridled playfulness of his later works

BY STANLEY MEISLER

106 WINTER PALACE

Richly embellished pottery, jewelry and other treasures from Machu Picchu, on display in a new exhibition, unravel secrets of the mysterious Incan retreat

BY FERGUS M. BORDEWICH / PHOTOGRAPHS BY JEFFREY AARONSON

66 Crested auklets perch in safety on cliffs at the Alaska Maritime National Wildlife Refuge.

**ON THE COVER** Peru's Machu Picchu was completely overgrown when it was first discovered.

*PHOTOGRAPH BY JEFFREY AARONSON*

MICHAEL APPLETON/CORBIS STGMA DETAIL, MARK GULEZIAN, JEFFREY AARONSON NETWORK ASPEN JOHN & KAREN HOLLINGSWORTH

Smithsonian

DEPARTMENTS

49 The 5 cent Benjamin Franklin, which dates to 1847, was one of America's first stamps.

22 Margaret Bourke-White (1929) scaled many a height to get the perfect shot.

26 Native Americans and climbers are fighting over access to Cave Rock on Lake Tahoe.

32 Jupiter rising: the solar system's largest planet settles in next to a potato field near Presque Isle, Maine.

22 INDELIBLE IMAGES *Machine Dreams*

Before she ever worked for *Life* magazine, Margaret Bourke-White's early photographs elevated industry into art. BY REBECCA MAKSEL

26 POINTS OF INTEREST *Whose Rock Is It Anyway?*

Does rock climbing trivialize Lake Tahoe's Cave Rock? The Washoe Indians, who call the area home, insist that it does

BY DAVID ROBERTS

32 PHENOMENA & CURIOSITIES *Caution, Planets Ahead*

Kevin McCartney promises the Moon, Saturn and more with his Maine Solar System Model—possibly the largest in the universe

BY SAM HOOPER SAMUELS

40 THE OBJECT AT HAND "How-deeeee!"

Minnie Pearl, beloved *Grand Ole Opry* fixture, doffs her hat

BY VICTORIA DAWSON

49 AROUND THE MALL *Smithsonian Institution Scenes and Sightings*

Pershing's war room map; priceless stamps; Freer's buying tour of Egypt...

116 PEOPLE FILE *Fare-Minded Arbiter*

Critics give the Michelin guide's new editor—a Brit! —three stars

BY RUDY CHELMINSKI

15 EDITOR'S NOTE *Stanley Meisler hits a stand-up double*

16 FROM THE SECRETARY *The Big Picture*

18 LETTERS *Shadow Wolves; stuffed hippos; baiku history...*

56 JUST LOOKING *Sweet Sorrow*

120 BOOKS *Henry Kissinger on Vietnam*

128 THE LAST PAGE *Once Upon a Time*

**VISIT SMITHSONIAN MAGAZINE ON-LINE.** For further reading on our story topics, more images from our photographers, listings of events and exhibitions at the museums, information on Smithsonian Journeys Educational Travel, or to join our popular readers' panel, visit **WWW.SMITHSONIANMAG.COM**

NATIONAL POSTAL MUSEUM, SMITHSONIAN INSTITUTION, RALPH STEINER / MARGARET BOURKE-WHITE COLLECTION, STRAICUSE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY, GREG EPPERSON, JAN KOK

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## BOOKS

# Exiting Vietnam

Henry Kissinger's new book revisits America's troubled extrication from Indochina - BY ELIZABETH DREW

Kissinger (with National Security Adviser Brent Scowcroft at the White House as Saigon fell, April 29, 1975) says the "essence of the Vietnam tragedy was the tension between America's idealism and the perception we have of ourselves as a nation with a special mission—and our growing involvement in a world of power."

THE VIETNAM WAR was our longest—longer than the Civil War and the two world wars. It rent our society as no other issue had done since the War Between the States, and the wounds it inflicted have yet to completely heal. With its conjoined ordeal, Watergate, it raised distrust of government to new levels. It affects our attitudes toward war to this day; we are still struggling to define our nation's interests abroad.

A less recognized but significant as-

pect of the Vietnam War is that it was our transitional war: our first war of counterinsurgency, against an enemy in the midst of the very people we were trying to defend and that melted back into the population after striking. A war against both a state (North Vietnam) and an ideological revolution (communism), it frequently involved unorthodox combat. Up against a far weaker opponent—in conventional terms—we learned the limits of tradi-

DAVID HUME KENNERLY / WHITE HOUSE / TIMEPIX (KENNERLY AND WHITE HOUSE RECORDS DATE THE PHOTO. APRIL 29, 1975. KISSINGER SAYS IT WAS TAKEN MAY 14, 1975)

120 Smithsonian MARCH 2003

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Michelin's award of a star, or even simple inclusion in the guide, can bring a restaurant almost instant prosperity, and Brown is pleased to see more and more stars showing up these days. France, the land of renowned chefs Paul Bocuse, Alain Ducasse and Bernard Loiseau, is still the champion of *la grande cuisine*, with 23 three-star establishments, but 22 other restaurants of the same stature are scattered throughout the ten Red Guides. Michelin publishes on other European countries. Fine cooking has become a worldwide passion.

Brown is cagey about rumors that Michelin plans to bring out an American guide. “My experience there hasn’t been enormous,” he says. “It’s mainly New York City. There are some very fine restaurants, but in America people tend to go much more in vogues than in Europe. You can make a small fortune very quickly, but just as quickly you can stop having your customers the day after.”

As for fast food, the unknown manager of an unnamed burger-and-fries emporium in Manhattan might be surprised to learn that he or she has had the honor of an anonymous visit by Michelin's inspector in chief. “Yes, I ate a burger,” Brown admits. “And drank a Coke. I went specifically to a place in New York to see what it was all about. It wasn't highly sophisticated, gastro-nomically, but there was nothing wrong with it.”

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Ostensibly a history of the Nixon administration's efforts to end the war, the book reads more like Kissinger's case for the defense, and is written with some outrage and not a little self-pity. He takes on the serious charges that have been lodged against his and Nixon's prosecution of the war, saying, "Nothing could be further from the truth." He still wrestles with some decisions—"I have since oftenanguished," he says of one tactical move—but he doesn't question the basic premises behind his and Nixon's conduct of the war.

Kissinger argues, unpersuasively, against the enduring criticism that the deal in 1973 between the United States and North Vietnam could have been reached as early as 1969, shortly after Nixon took office. The agreement called for a cease-fire, the withdrawal of American troops from South Vietnam and the exchange of prisoners, and it left the composition of a new South Vietnamese government to a commission made up of South Vietnamese officials and their communist opponents. Kissinger and his North Vietnamese counterpart, the high-ranking Le Duc Tho, were awarded the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize for the cease-fire agreement. (Le Duc Tho declined the award. Kissinger didn't collect his at the Oslo ceremony because of the threat of antiwar demonstrations there.) Of course, the agreement soon collapsed, the North Vietnamese overran the South, and in the spring of 1975 the world saw the ignominious pictures of Americans and South Vietnamese nationals being evacuated by helicopters from the roof of the American embassy. The issue of whether the 1973 agreement could have been reached in 1969 gets to the core, searing question about Vietnam: Did it have to last all those years?

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Some of the misconceptions that America acted on in the Vietnam War are stunning. Successive administrations—those of John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon—committed some of the same errors made by the French, Vietnam's former colonial power. The French had maintained protected enclaves, like Dien Bien Phu, which American leaders reinvented as “strategic hamlets.” The French had a strategy of jaunissement (or “yellowing”), which we reinvented as “Vietnamization”—trying to turn the war over to the local populace. Our leaders’ failure to learn from history is a cautionary tale.

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Once in office, Kissinger and Nixon said they were seeking “peace with honor”: the abandonment of our South Vietnamese allies would be a dishonorable betrayal and would undermine our credibility in the world. (We ended up abandoning them anyway.) Even overlooking for the moment how the whole thing turned out, the “peace with honor” formulation was riddled with flaws. And the South Vietnamese regime was known to have been inept and hopelessly corrupt. In writing about the importance of our allies in South Vietnam, Kissinger gives minimal attention to the Vietnamese people but a great deal to South Vietnam's president Nguyen Van Thieu, calling him a great “patriot” and a “dauntless leader.”

Kissinger and (far right) Le Duc Tho confer in Paris before reaching a short-lived 1973 cease-fire agreement.

DIRK HALLSTEAD / TIMEPIX

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statesman, Kissinger was a practitioner of the "realist" (or realpolitik) school of diplomacy, which places emphasis on the state's interests and the use of military power to achieve them, and he preferred to deal with the strong leaders of nation-states who could deliver. Kissinger does say that the Kennedy administration's complicity in the 1963 overthrow of South Vietnam's leader General Ngo Dinh Diem conferred legitimacy on the North Vietnamese claim that the South Vietnamese government was illegitimate.

Kissinger is dismissive of leading Senate opponents of the war—including the estimable J. William Fulbright, John Sherman Cooper, Mark Hatfield and Mike Mansfield—treating them as so many misguided pests. He describes the Congress elected in 1974, following Watergate and Nixon's forced resignation, as the “McGovernite congress,”

124 Smithsonian MARCH 2003

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though the defining characteristic of the 75 Democrats elected to the House that year (the “Watergate babies”) was their zeal for political reform. Kissinger maintains that McGovern lost the 1972 election over Vietnam—whereas a number of factors contributed to his defeat—and that in voting to reduce or cut off funds for actions in Indochina, the Congress was abrogating the last presidential election. Several of his statements in *Ending the Vietnam War* show that Kissinger didn’t really understand public and congressional opposition to the war. The war’s opponents, he writes, “destroyed our bargaining position”—as if there were no weaknesses in the policies themselves.

In telling his story, Kissinger sheds light on Nixon's peculiar governing style. He hated to give direct orders and sometimes issued orders he hoped or expected would not be carried out. He had an aversion to controversy among his advisers. And after Vice President Spiro Agnew said in one meeting that the South Vietnamese, with American support, should attack two North Vietnamese sanctuaries in Cambodia rather than just one, as had been proposed, Nixon agreed. But, according to Kissinger, Nixon was so annoyed that Agnew had staked out a more hawkish position than his own that he excluded Agnew from the next meeting on the war.

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Clearly, it's Cambodia that most sticks in Kissinger's craw—with good reason, given the havoc following U.S. military action, and the horrific way things turned out, with more than a million Cambodians slaughtered by the Khmer Rouge. One justification for U.S. military actions in Cambodia was that Vietnam might overrun Cambodia—whether it actually intended to do so isn't yet known—which would have jeopardized the plan for turning the war over to the South Vietnamese.

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126 Smithsonian MARCH 2003

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Smithsonian (ISSN 0037-7333) is published monthly by Smithsonian Business, P.O. Box 37012, MRC 951, Washington, D.C. 20013. © Smithsonian Institution 2003. All rights reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without permission is prohibited. Editorial offices are at MRC 951, Washington, D.C. 20013 (202-275-2000). Advertising and circulation offices are at 420 Lexington Ave., New York, NY 10170 (212-490-2510). **SUBSCRIPTION PRICES:** United States and possessions: $32 a year payable in U.S. funds. Canada add $13 (U.S. funds) for each year. Foreign add $26 (U.S. funds) for each year. Ninety percent of dues is designated for magazine subscriptions. Current issue price is $4 (U.S. funds). Back issue price is $5 (U.S. funds). Periodical postage paid at Washington, D.C. and additional mailing offices. **MAILING LIST:** from time to time we make our subscriber list available to companies that sell goods and services by mail that we believe would interest our readers. If you would rather not receive such mailings, please send your current mailing label, or an exact copy, to: Smithsonian, Mail Preference Service, P.O. Box 420311, Palm Coast, FL 32142-0311. **SUBSCRIPTION SERVICE:** Should you wish to change your address, or order new subscriptions, you can do so by writing Smithsonian, P.O. Box 420311, Palm Coast, FL 32142-0311, or by calling 1-800-766-2149 (outside of U.S., call 1-386-447-2721). Postmaster: Send address changes to Smithsonian, P.O. Box 420312, Palm Coast, FL 32142-0312. Printed in the USA. Canadian Publication Agreement No. 4004391. Canadian return address: Station A, P.O. Box 54, Windsor, Ontario N9A 6J5.

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MARCH 2003 Smithsonian 127

THE LAST PAGE

Once Upon a Time

*Children's books by celebrities are as old as the Dead Sea Scrolls. Here are our favorites*

BY STEVE WILSON

Jerry Seinfeld, Jamie Lee Curtis, Bill Cosby, Julie Andrews, Spike Lee—all have written children's books in the past few years. But it's not a recent trend. Famous people dabbling in this lucrative genre is a centuries-old practice. We unearthed these lesser-known works from well-known personages.

GIRLS ARE FROM ISIS,
BOYS ARE FROM RA

BY CLEOPATRA

WHETHER HE'S from Egypt or Rome, whether he's your boyfriend or brother (or both), whether he's conquering your country or your heart, a boy is as mysterious as a sphinx. What's on a boy's mind? What do boys like in girls? Will they be just as difficult in the afterlife? The queen spells it out for you in plain and simple hieroglyphs, also sharing her advice on headdress maintenance and what to do if you haven't married by the age of 10, as well as tips for the proper care and grooming of your pet asp.

WHY DADDY HAD
MOMMY BEHEADED

BY HENRY VIII

WITH THIS TOUCHING STORY OF coping, King Henry helps royal offspring everywhere adjust to the unpleasant realities of monarchy. Young Princess Jennifer wakes up one day to find Mommy gone. Neither handmaiden nor castle guard can tell Jennifer where her mother went, so she asks Daddy, the king. Gently, Daddy tells Jennifer that Mommy went to the Kingdom of Uxoricide with a friend and won't be coming back. He says Jen-

nifer is getting a new mommy very soon, and a brother!—that is, if the new mommy knows what's good for her. Jennifer is sad until she meets her new mommy, who brings her gynger brede and plays dice with her. Oh, what fun they'll have together!

PAULETTE'S ADVENTURE
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BY MARIE ANTOINETTE

DETAINED BY A broken carriage wheel en route to a ball at the dauphin's château, young Paulette steps outside for a bit of fresh air. And there she sees a real live peasant! Though crass and vulgar, the peasant is kind and respectful to Paulette, and helps the coachman repair the wheel. As a token of her appreciation, Paulette lets the peasant kiss her begloved hand. She immediately burns the glove, of course, and goes home to change her gown, but, even so, she tells her friends at the ball that peasants aren't so bad after all. Read the book

that every child of the court is raving about, the first work by Her Majesty!

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MARX GIVES BORED young workers lots of ways to unite and to learn something, too, in this Engaging Activity Book™. Readers become comrades through games such as “Connect the Dots from Democracy to Socialism” and “Get Through the Economic and Social Collapse of Industrial Europe and North America Maze,” and skits such as “The Proletariat and the Bourgeoisie Discuss Public Ownership of Property.” Using lively, state-owned drawings, Marx illustrates the finer points of a philosophy that will change every playground it touches. Plus: a tear-out membership form for the International Workingman's Association Junior League! O

KATHRYN ADAMS

128 Smithsonian MARCH 2003

WILLIAM RICHARD SMYSER

MAR 13 2003

March 8, 2003

Dear Henry:

Just a word to say what a
pleasure it was to see you in New York
and in such fine fettle.

I am glad you are continuing to
contribute some wisdom to what is
being done here although I am close to
thinking it is hopeless.

I gather you will be coming to
the dinner for Egon Bahr on the 17th
and look forward to seeing you there.

I am so pleased that somebody is
recognizing Willy Brandt, whom I
always admired enormously, especially
for his work in Berlin, despite his
foibles.

With best regards to Nancy and
yourself.

2730 Chesapeake St. NW, Washington D.C. 20008, Tel (202) 362-9158, Fax (202) 362-9581

DATE

NOV 14 2003

CORR. FILE

Smyser, Dick

ACTION:

Alan Stape Dennis

SUBJ. FILE

Jessee Theresa Stephanie

CROSS REF.

Don Amanda Suzanne

STAFF MEMO

COMMENTS:

W/ book (sent by pub, so uninscr.)

DC OFFICE:

Christie / Jody / Tiffany

INFO COPY TO:

ROUTE CC COPY TO:

TO BE FILED ✓

NOV 14 2003

W. R. Smyser
2730 Chesapeake Street N.W.
Washington, DC 20008
(202) 362-9158 Fax: (202) 362-9581

November 8, 2003

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
President, Kissinger Associates
350 Park Avenue
New York, N.Y. 10022

Dear Henry:

I have asked Palgrave/Macmillan to send you this copy of *The Humanitarian Conscience: Caring for Others in the Age of Terror* which I was writing when we last met and had mentioned in an earlier letter.

I thought you might be interested because it deals with many issues that veer between the humanitarian and the political, including some topics that you and I have discussed.

The book goes back to my personal experience in humanitarian matters at the State Department and the United Nations. But it also puts the humanitarian movement into an historical context (from Aristotle and from Solferino) as well as into current events. It argues that we have lost contact with the humanitarian conscience since the end of the Cold War (Balkans, Rwanda, Afghanistan, Iraq, etc.) although there have been some successes in humanitarian care.

I believe, for example, that 9/11 was a humanitarian failure more than an intelligence failure. I also make recommendations that should put humanitarian policy more into the center of American and Western policy. In fact, good humanitarian policy helps make good foreign policy across the board, and we are falling very short.

The book ends with the death of Sergio Vieira de Mello and Arthur Helton in Baghdad in August, and with the Iraqi situation in general. I am afraid I have disagreed totally from the beginning with those who thought this was a sensible (or a necessary) war.

I would be delighted to have your thoughts and your reaction on this if you ever have time to read it.

With warm regards and best wishes.