fulness of the whole wiretap-
ping operation, and states that
on the basis of a preliminary
review: "Nothing was found
which would indicate that a vi-
olation of federal law was de-
termined from electronic sur-
veillance coverage, nor was
there any specific instance of
information leaked in a sur-
reptitious manner to unau-
thorized persons."

One source said the "memos
are twice removed from di-
rectly involving Kissinger,"
cautioning that Hoover tended
to write self-serving memos
for the files. "Hoover said that
Haig said that Kissinger re-
quested them . . . well, that's
not any kind of proof."

The sources noted that Haig
—then Kissinger's deputy—
could have invoked Kissing-
er's name and been acting on
a general delegation of author-
ity from Kissinger, who may
have been unaware of the spe-
cific wiretap requests.

However, eight well-placed
sources, including officials
presently and formerly in the
FBI, Justice Department and
White House, separately said
that Kissinger was probably
less than candid in describing
his role in the wiretapping to
the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee hearings on his
confirmation. Those same
sources disagree on the signif-
icance of Kissinger's testi-
mony.

One source said Kissinger
was "simply putting his best
foot forward," while another
felt that Kissinger possibly
failed to testify fully and accu-
rately before a congressional
committee.

At his confirmation hear-
ings, Kissinger was questioned
by Sen. J. William Fulbright,
chairman of the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee.

The chairman: Did you at
any time specifically make a
clear initiative, take the clear
initiative yourself on any tap
on even a single one?

Kissinger: No.

The chairman: You never
did?

Kissinger: Not in the sense
that I said "táp this indi-
vidual." I carried out the cri-
teria of a previous decision.
There could have been, as I

pointed out, a different per-
ception by the FBI.

Fulbright also questioned
then Attorney General Elliot
L. Richardson about whether
Kissinger had specifically orig-
inated the wiretap requests.

"Although he is identified
in the FBI records as having
requested taps directly or
through Haig," Richardson
told Fulbright, "my discussions
with Dr. Kissinger have con-
vinced me that he was not the
originator, in the fundamental
sense of the word, of any of
these taps."

Several officials involved in
the wiretap investigation said
yesterday that Haig, now the
White House chief of staff,
could probably go further than
anyone in clearing up the dif-
ferent perceptions held by Kis-
singer and the FBI.

Haig, who is traveling with
the President in the Middle
East, could not be reached for
comment yesterday.

"Hoover would have wanted something from the President himself or something in writing," Sullivan said.

Kissinger, who has threatened to resign as secretary of State because of persistent questions about his role in the wiretaps, has maintained that he did not directly request the 17 taps. Kissinger acknowledges he was present at a White House meeting in the spring of 1969 at which President Nixon ordered the wiretaps but has said his contributions was to describe the leaks and furnish the names of those who had access to leaked information.

FBI AGENTS interviewed Sullivan last summer about the inquiry according to the FBI summary, but Sullivan at that time would not identify who at the White House had made the wiretap requests. Haig, himself interviewed by agents in the inquiry, also declined to say who had ordered the wiretaps. He described the decision as being the result of "joint input."

At least some of the 17 taps, it is reported, were initiated within the FBI and the Justice Department. The taps were installed for periods varying from one month to nearly two years.

Sullivan's recollection does not clear Kissinger, since Haig was Kissinger's deputy in 1969 and could either have been relaying the request to the FBI for Kissinger or doing so with Kissinger's knowledge or approval.

The matter now appears to require further clarification from Haig on precisely what took place at the White House that resulted in his going to the FBI for a face-to-face meeting with Sullivan. Haig is in Egypt with the President's party.

Many of the FBI records of the requests for wiretaps, the attorney general's written authorization for them and summaries of the results are not available and their whereabouts are not precisely known. Sullivan, it has been disclosed, kept all these documents in his own office rather than FBI general files and, when he retired from the FBI, sent them to Robert G. Mardian,

then assistant attorney general in charge of internal security.

MARDIAN, in turn, sent the documents to the White House and they were found in the files of Presidential Asst. John D. Ehrlichman when the FBI began its inquiry last summer. These documents were returned to the Justice Department at that time but it has never been disclosed whether any of them are missing.

In turn, the documents were furnished to Special Prosecutor Leon Jaworski and to the House Judiciary Committee in connection with the Watergate-impeachment investigations but were denied to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

The Justice Department has said that it is withholding the material because of a civil suit filed by one of the individuals wiretapped, former National Security Council staff member Morton P. Halperin.

(Two other former members of the NSC staff filed suit yesterday against Nixon, Kissinger and the telephone company, saying their phones were unconstitutionally tapped.)

(The U.S. district court suits were filed by Richard M. Moose, the council's staff secretary from Jan. 20 to Sept. 20, 1969, and William A. K. Lake, special assistant to Kissinger and a special projects staff member from June 1, 1969, to June 14, 1970.)

The documents were inspected late last year by Sens. John Sparkman, D-Ala., and Clifford Case, R-N.J., with Kissinger in the presence of Atty. Gen. Elliot Richardson and then Deputy Atty. Gen. William Ruckelshaus. The committee now appears to feel that the clearance from innenodo and allegation sought by Kissinger will rest on the contents of those FBI documents.

Assuming that Justice will send the documents to the committee, it is likely that the committee will hold at least one executive session to examine the relevant FBI files and probably call Kissinger again as a witness when he returns from the Middle East and Canada some time after June 20.

Wall Street Journal Editorial
REVIEW & OUTLOOK 6/13/74

Mr. Kissinger Fights Back

About the same time Henry Kissinger was holding a press conference in Salzburg and threatening to resign, former Watergate prosecutor Archibald Cox was speaking to the Harvard Chapter of Phi Beta Kappa, warning that some of the leaks of Watergate material smack of the tactics used by Senator Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s.

We were struck by the counterpoint, and particularly so in the context of one widespread reaction to Mr. Kissinger's threat—that he was overreacting, that he was tired, even that he was petulant over the lack of celebration of his Middle Eastern exploits. We think the matter has an importance transcending any one personality, and that Mr. Kissinger's instinct was right: the charges against him deserved a serious and even extraordinary reaction.

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which has already been over the evidence once, is now reviewing the question of how deeply Mr. Kissinger was involved in wiretapping in 1969 and 1970, and in particular whether his testimony before the committee was accurate. We do not pretend to know the definitive truth. Perhaps Professor Kissinger concocted the whole plot and forced it down the throat of J. Edgar Hoover, John Ehrlichman and other squeamish types. But somehow we doubt it.

It seems to us more plausible than the evidence arose much the way Mr. Kissinger testified. He admitted, after all, that his concern over security leaks was an important input into the decision, and that he and his staff provided the names of some of those tapped. Given this, we have trouble understanding the significance of the debate over what seems to be a question of the precise point in this ongoing program any one tap could be considered to have been "initiated."

Human nature being what it is, we assume that Mr. Kissinger's account, and for that matter Mr. Kissinger's memory, paints his own role in the best possible light. Similarly, we would expect that other agencies and individuals involved in the wiretapping program would be protecting their flanks, trying to diffuse responsibility as widely as possible. There would be any number of

ways President Nixon could come to believe Mr. Kissinger asked for wiretaps, or that Mr. Kissinger's name could appear as the initiator in an FBI document. Perhaps the document has an "initiator" blank that needs to be filled in. No single piece of evidence is likely to be conclusive.

So you have conflicting accounts and conflicting memories about what almost certainly was even at the time an ambiguous course of events. Assuming that the truth of the matter runs something along this line, it is the perfect raw material for the kind of process that disturbs Mr. Cox. For at the moment we are in the grip of an alchemy that seizes on any available ambiguity and presents it in the worst possible light. In this atmosphere a semantic argument can easily become an accusation of perjury.

The alchemy of course arises from the climate of the moment. Everyone naturally interprets new events in the light of experience, and our recent experience has been Watergate. So a Congressman reading the documents, or a reporter writing about them, sees the available material in this context, applying to it unconscious stereotypes evolved from a record of official dissembling. The application of such stereotypes often highlights an important part of reality, but typically at the cost of obscuring much else that is also true. An artificial order is imposed on an unordered reality.

When the stereotype of duplicity is applied to high officials it highlights some truth, but it also has an especially destructive potential. For the very purpose of high officials is to deal with questions that are both weighty and ambivalent. Even if miraculously there were no mistakes, there will always be ambiguities that can fit the theme of dishonesty. The stereotype can easily acquire an existence of its own, sooner or later carrying us beyond reality and obscuring more than it reveals.

Admittedly it is difficult to tell precisely where reality does end, and perhaps the charges against Mr. Kissinger do deserve more exploration. But of this we are quite sure: At some point a corrective will be necessary, and this cannot take place until someone like Mr. Kissinger starts to fight back.

FIRST LINE REPORT - WTOP

With Dan Rather

June 12, 1974

DAN RATHER: Dan Rather, CBS News White House Correspondent, traveling with President Nixon's official party. Good morning. Arrival in Cairo, in the wake of Secretary Kissinger's threat to resign. Details after this.

(Announcement)

DAN RATHER: When one travels by jet aircraft, over the Pyramids, past the Sphinx, into teeming and steaming Cairo, ancient, storied city of the Nile, the acts of a Federal Judge in Washington, indicating that a President of the United States is slowing, if not outright preventing, justice -- all of that seems a planet away.

This, of course, is one of the reasons the President decided so quickly to take this trip -- to share, if not bury, the headlines of Watergate with headlines of his own, those made by his tour of the Middle East. There are, unquestionably, legitimate diplomatic reasons for this Presidential trip abroad. To say that the President embarked upon the journey only because of his Watergate troubles no doubt strikes many as being as unrealistic and unfair as saying that Watergate troubles had nothing to do with the journey strikes others.

There is some of both -- a desire to offset Watergate, and a genuine desire to accomplish something lasting in the Middle East. How the stunning -- there is no other word that describes it so well -- how the stunning news conference of Secretary of State Henry Kissinger fits into this mix is difficult, certainly from this distance, to say.

This is what happened: Salzburg was supposed to be a rest stop, nothing more, on the way to the Middle East. Tuesday was scheduled as a rest day, for all concerned. But Kissinger was seething. News from the State Department back in Washington was that stories connecting Kissinger more and more with wiretaps of his own subordinates when he was at the White House were increasing.

- 2 -

Questions were getting tougher, some newspapers even running editorials. Kissinger maintained in the period 1969 to 1971 that the wiretaps were necessary, ethical and legal for national security, and he maintains that today. What the news stories raised was the question of whether Kissinger always had told the truth, the whole truth and nothing but the truth, about his role in the decision to wiretap in the beginning.

Kissinger fumed privately for several days, that the stories were unfair, a defamation of his character, as he put it. Those who wrote the stories, while acknowledging Kissinger's brilliance and his service to his country, maintain that nonetheless a Secretary of State can and should be questioned about his actions and held accountable for them, and that such questions can be asked without any intention of or in fact defaming his character.

Kissinger didn't see it that way. He called a news conference and unloaded. He threatened to resign if the questions don't stop and his name isn't cleared immediately. The Secretary's mood and tone throughout the news conference was emotional; forceful, but emotional. Reporters frankly were taken aback by it. For one thing, no one is accustomed to seeing Dr. Kissinger anything except calm, cool and collected.

Kissinger said he had not informed the President of his intention to resign, not specifically anyway, said Kissinger. He said the President had been informed that he, Kissinger, intended to hold a news conference. Later, the President issued a statement saying he understood Kissinger's desire "to defend his honor."

And that is where the matter stood as the President's party headed for Egypt.

#######

FIRST LINE REPORT - WTOP
With Marvin Kalb

June 13, 1974

MARVIN KALB: Good morning. The ripple effect of the Secretary of State's threat to resign. That in one minute.

(Announcement)

MARVIN KALB: The Secretary of State is in Egypt for the first time in the shadow of President Nixon, but it is a fair bet, knowing Kissinger's interest in the subject, that he is getting extensive reports of Washington, national and international reaction to his bombshell threat to resign unless cleared of suspicion that he lied to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last September during his confirmation hearings.

Kissinger is a very complicated man, highly intelligent, skilled and successful, but deeply sensitive and personally vulnerable. He dislikes criticism. When he returned recently from a 33-day exercise in shuttle diplomacy, he was hailed by many, news weeklies giving him their cover once again.

But, at his first news conference last Thursday, he was asked hard questions, many about his role in the wiretapping of 13 officials and four newsmen from May 1969 until February 1971. Kissinger expected that line of questioning, but somehow not the intensity of the questioning, nor the sharpness.

"Are you retaining counsel on a possible perjury charge," one young reporter asked, and Kissinger blew his stack. He was so angry that when the news conference ended, he told one of his aides he was considering resigning; his honor, he said, had been offended.

Over the weekend, he was still considering not going with President Nixon on this Middle East trip. He went, of course, but during the rest stop in Salzburg, Austria on Tuesday, he unloaded, it seemed, on everyone -- on the people who leak and on the press, which runs the leaks.

In this one category, anyway, Kissinger seemed to join hands with those in the White House who have regularly denounced both the House Judiciary Committee, considering the President's impeachment, and the press, newspapers, radio and television, that fourth branch of government that up until Tuesday Kissinger had done his best to cultivate and to educate.

- 2 -

Reporters who have covered Kissinger for many years were simply astounded by his anger, his voice cracking with emotion. Some were also astounded by his logic. Kissinger appeared to them to be questioning the right of newsmen to ask him questions, hard, sometimes brutal questions. He seemed to be suggesting that he deserves a different standard of judgment, different from all other government officials.

He went further, indicating that an attack on his honor was an attack on the Nation's honor. Other Secretaries of State have taken bitter criticism in the past, Acheson, for one, accused of treason. Kissinger is very European in the importance that he ascribes to honor, and he appears to be very serious about his threat to resign unless his name is cleared.

What is especially strange is that for many Members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, his name is clear, many Senators and staffers believing that there is no evidence of perjury on his part. Some semantic problems, yes, they will have to be worked out, but perjury, no.

Therefore, why the explosion? One theory is that Kissinger is simply exhausted, the superman is human after all. Another is that Kissinger would not have threatened to resign unless he were planning to resign, establishing his criteria before the public before acting, fully aware that his resignation would accelerate the impeachment drive against the President.

#######

THE SUN

A 18

BALTIMORE, WEDNESDAY, JUNE 12, 1974

Mr. Kissinger's Shocker

Secretary of State Kissinger does not have to resign. All he has to do is clear the record on his role in the distasteful business of wiretapping his own aides on the National Security Council between 1969 and 1971. If Mr. Kissinger feels his honor has been impugned, he has largely himself to blame—himself and an overly protective Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

The manner in which the Secretary and the committee tried to minimize Mr. Kissinger's role and the degree of his awareness of the wiretapping operation was just not credible. It was too secretive, too evasive. Therefore, the Secretary's request for a reopening of Senate hearings on the matter is welcome. We hope that clearer, more responsive testimony will show that in balancing national security matters against infringement of individual rights, Mr. Kissinger will be shown to have lived up to his professed priority for the latter. We hope, too, that his previous statements on wiretapping will be proven to have been no worse than

legitimate if not admirable dissembling.

Although it is gratifying that Mr. Kissinger will try to clarify the record, and quickly, his announcement of this intention could not have been more ill-placed and ill-timed. To speak out on foreign soil shortly before the President's departure for the Middle East was irresponsible. That is the only word for it. Mr. Kissinger should have said what he had to say at his press conference last Thursday. Or over the weekend, before take-off. By that time most of the allegations that the Secretary finds so offensive had already surfaced.

Instead, by impulse or design, Mr. Kissinger raised the specter of resignation at a moment of maximum shock effect. His action may elicit expressions of sympathy, new accolades about his undoubted diplomatic achievements and appeals that he remain in office, to which we would add our own. But over the long run, it will not enhance his reputation or increase his effectiveness in conducting foreign policy.

THE SUN, Wednesday, June 12, 1974

A 17

Mrs. Hackney, horse,
cattle breeder, dies

Mrs. H. Hamilton Hackney, Sr., who bred horses and cattle, died yesterday at Cold Saturday Farm, her home at Finksburg, following an apparent heart attack.

Funeral services for Mrs. Hackney, who was 73, will be held at 4 P.M. tomorrow at St. John's Episcopal Church, on Butler road, in Glyndon.

## Raised Morgan horses

Mrs. Hackney raised Morgan horses at the Carroll county farm and at another farm bearing the same name at Reading, Vt. and owned a collection of 30 carriages.

She had earlier been known as a breeder of Aberdeen Angus and Charolais beef cattle.

She was a former president of the Maryland Angus Association, a director of the Green

State parole board, died in 1961.

The former Alice Powell Smith was born in New York and attended the Low Haywood School and the Baldwin School and graduated from Bryn Mawr College in 1923.

## Survivors listed

As a young woman she spent her summers in Wyoming where she developed her interest in horses and cattle and met Judge Hackney.

They were married in 1926 and moved to Cold Saturday Farm in 1932.

She is survived by two sons, H. Hamilton Hackney, Jr., of Glyndon, and George E. Hackney 2d, of Tucson, Ariz.; two daughters, Carol E. Hackney, of Finksburg, and Mrs. Leslie B. Altstatt, of Silver Spring; a sister, Mrs. Sidney Moritz, of Stamford, Conn., and eight grandchildren.

Mrs. Boston,
was teacher
for 35 years

Funeral services for Mrs. W. Deaver Boston, Sr., who taught in the Baltimore schools for more than 35 years, will be held at noon tomorrow at St. James Episcopal Church, Lafayette and Arlington avenues.

Mrs. Boston, who was 91, died Sunday at her home, at 1603 Harlem avenue, after a long illness.

She first taught in elementary schools between 1904 and 1910 and then in 1926 began 30 years of teaching arts and crafts in elementary vocational programs.

A native of Easton, the former Georgia M. Dobson came to Baltimore as a girl with her family and graduated from what is now the Douglass High School and in 1904 from what is now the Coppin State College.

A member of St. James Church for more than 50 years, she became active in civic

A28

WEDNESDAY,

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

JUNE 12, 1974

Secretary Kissinger's Crisis

SECRETARY KISSINGER'S Salzburg outburst was silly and wrong-headed, a lapse—one should say a performance — befitting a 19th century Austrian foreign minister but not a 20th century American secretary of state. Dr. Kissinger threatened to resign if the questioning of his "honor and credibility" were not stopped. Does he mean that he is above questioning? That his tenure in office is so vital to "national security" that he should not be held to account for possible discrepancies in his confirmation testimony to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last fall? That the press, for raising questions about the conduct of public officials, is more reprehensible than the officials whose possible misconduct is scanned? "The goddam fool," said Sen. George Aiken (R-Vt.), a wise man and an admirer of the Secretary's. "Can't he take it? Why, that's part of the business, being criticized."

If, as Dr. Kissinger repeatedly stated in Salzburg, he cannot function as secretary with a cloud over his honor, then plainly his best course is to do his part to remove the cloud. This he has now done, fortunately, by asking the Foreign Relations Committee to recall him, which it has agreed to do. We cannot help feeling that the committee would have done him and itself and all the rest of us a considerable service last September by pursuing the points now at issue more rigorously, even at the cost of some bruising of the Secretary. Its duty is now harder, but clear. Dr. Kissinger says "no new material" has emerged on his role in the wiretapping of several of his aides, and there is not "any reason" for him to "change" his testimony. He may, however, want to amplify it. And the committee also will surely wish to clarify the confusion surrounding not only his role in "requesting" or "recommending" (as various versions have it) the controversial wiretaps but also his particular knowledge of the White House "plumbers." The way the Secretary's many admirers on the committee can now best help him is to en-

sure that all the pertinent facts come out. For Sen. J. William Fulbright (D-Ark.), soon to depart after 15 years as chairman, it is a uniquely delicate and momentous task.

President Nixon's statement yesterday on his Secretary of State requires its own word. Dr. Kissinger's honor, Mr. Nixon said, "needs no defense." If his honor does not, however, his record does, and the President is particularly well situated to help out. For if part of the fix Secretary Kissinger is in comes from public contradictions of his own devising, another part comes from the contributions to the confusion and the apparent contradictions made by Mr. Nixon. For instance, just what did the President mean by his garbled words of Feb. 28, 1973—"he (Kissinger) asked that it be done"—words now being cited to challenge Dr. Kissinger's contention that the President, not he, ordered the taps? Surely the President's esteem for his lieutenant, not to say Dr. Kissinger's value to his chief, will induce Mr. Nixon to come to his aid as soon as possible by telling us exactly whose idea it was to engage in these wiretaps and other "plumbing" activity and what part of the responsibility he would assign to Dr. Kissinger.

There is no disguising that this is a grim time. No one who appreciates Dr. Kissinger's diplomacy can want to see him resign. But there cannot be established a double standard of truth-telling and public accountability. Among some in Washington, it is true, there is a certain sense of blood in the water, a feeling that the mighty, and especially those relatively unmarked among the mighty, must be brought down regardless of the actual scope of their alleged flaws. We deplore this feeling. But we would argue that there is a relatively simple and straightforward way to deal with it. And that is for those involved—principally the President, Dr. Kissinger and General Haig—to clarify the facts of the matter once and for all.

THE SUN, Wednesday, June 12, 1944

A 19

Marquis Childs

Threatening Kissinger, Threatening Peace

Washington.

Throwing out the baby with the bath is likely to be the end result of the expanded warfare directed at Henry A. Kissinger, the Secretary of State.

The baby in this instance is the Nixon foreign policy, which opens the way to at least the chance for a peaceful world and an abatement of the nuclear arms race.

The squalid bath water of Watergate finally may drown everything good and bad. If that happens the loss may be irreparable and the opening to a peaceful understanding between East and West closed for a long time to come.

Returning from the Middle East hailed as Super-K and a miracle worker, Mr. Kissinger faced a press conference bent on establishing his guilt in the wiretaps of his co-workers in the National Security Council and of certain newspapermen.

The persistent question was whether he had proposed those wiretaps or whether he merely had supplied a list of names of those who had had access to secret information. The question was never satisfactorily answered as reporters playing Mr. District Attorney bore in.

To this observer, Mr. Kissinger's position in the early years of the Nixon administration when he was in the White House as national security affairs adviser seems clear. He was trying to survive in a nest of vipers.

In the long view of history it may be determined that he sacrificed too much, cut too

many corners for personal power. But for those of us living in this precarious moment the verdict of history is at the end of a long, dark and perhaps impassable tunnel. If the nuclear arms race between the two superpowers goes on and still other nations get the potential of the weapon of annihilation there may be no history.

The assumption of some reporter-commentators who direct their fire at Mr. Kissinger is that diplomacy should be treated like the police beat. You score if you get the bad guys and you better believe there aren't any good guys.

Above all no secrecy, with the diplomat, the Secretary of State, exposed to the fierce light of the police line-up. This is a dangerous distortion of the reporter's function.

Any protracted and difficult negotiation, such as in the Middle East, has elements which cannot in the first stages be disclosed. Those elements, which one must assume do not violate the national interest, are an essential part of the diplomat's trade.

In the Middle East negotiation President Hassefel Assad of Syria privately could tell Mr. Kissinger he would do everything possible to prevent Palestinian guerrillas from infiltrating into Israel. But he could not put this in writing nor could he advertise it publicly if a disengagement of the Golan Heights was to be arrived at. In his turn Mr. Kissinger

could pass this on to the Israeli negotiators.

What this comes down to is trust. The trust that Mr. Kissinger inspired in his shuttle diplomacy was an important ingredient in his success. Should that trust be destroyed in one way or another we shall be the poorer.

What disturbs one observer is the way each new blow at the Nixon administration brings an almost gleeful gloating.

Hah, we've got the evil doers on the run.

My own reaction to the plight of the nation caught up in Watergate is one of profound sorrow. How can this have happened to my country to which my forbears came long ago?

It is a looking-glass world. The speech that President

Nixon made to the midshipmen at Annapolis was a solid, persuasive exposition of what could and could not be accomplished through a detente with the Soviet Union. If the name of a Hubert H. Humphrey or an Adlai Stevenson had been attached to that speech the liberals would have been on their chairs cheering.

Let me venture one precautionary prophecy. If Mr. Nixon is removed from office by resignation or impeachment we shall see a sterner, harsher and perhaps even a more dangerous period ahead. The stable will have been cleaned out and that will be a satisfaction. But what comes after in a system battered and bruised by what is happening appears to be of little concern to those crying loudest for blood.

Editorials

Washington Star-News

Opinion

A-20

WEDNESDAY, JUNE 12, 1974

# Kissinger's Resignation Threat

Some things are better left unsaid, and Secretary of State Kissinger's threat in Salzburg yesterday to resign unless the Watergate-related allegations against him are "cleared up" was one of these.

The substance of these allegations is that Kissinger was somewhat less than candid at his confirmation hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last September when he said that he "never recommended" the wiretapping of 13 government officials and four reporters from 1969 to 1971 in an attempt to plug national security leaks, that he knew nothing about the White House "Plumbers" unit and that he was not aware that one of his aides, David Young, had been assigned to the group.

While the truth or falsity of these statements obviously has a bearing upon the veracity of Henry Kissinger —and hence are a matter of more than passing interest to him — it should first be recognized that they are highly peripheral to the Watergate scandal as a whole and to the impeachment process now in train against President Nixon.

One can sympathize with Kissinger's desire, after his recent return from an arduous and successful 33-day quest for peace in the Middle East, to discuss the intricacies of diplomatic maneuvering and the high calling of statecraft rather than what he said or did not say to White House officials several years ago. Yet it is a fact that Kissinger's statement on Young's role has been officially challenged in a court of law in a sworn deposition by John Ehrlichman, and the secretary must know that he cannot claim immunity on such matters from the press, even when such questions, as happens occasionally, are rudely phrased or indelicately pressed.

Nor are we convinced, as Kissinger claims, that his capacity to conduct the foreign relations of this country is or will be compromised by this tempest in his diplomatic teapot. The league in which Kissinger is playing is not, after all, composed entirely of boy scouts, and the secretary's notable successes are sufficient testimony to his ability to make himself understood.

In any event, Kissinger is an appointed official, responsible to the President alone and so long as he retains the confidence of Mr. Nixon, which he clearly has, he owes it to the President and to the nation to continue in the role for which he is so obviously suited.

In short, it seems to us that Kissinger is making far too much of this affair. When the Moscow summit conference ends in July, perhaps he ought to take a couple of weeks' vacation to recapture that sense of humor and ebullience that hitherto have characterized his relations with the press. For as he well knows, there is no such thing as diplomatic immunity from embarrassing questions, even when their target is a man who has served his country well, and has a mission and an obligation to continue doing so.

# Praise for Kissinger
Continues on Capitol Hill

## Foreign Relations Unit

By Jeremiah O'Leary
Star-Staff Writer

A significant majority of the members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee say they do not want Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger to resign and that they believe his credibility has not been tarnished by evidence or testimony presented thus far to the committee, a survey by the Star-News reveals.

But many of the senators, or their spokesmen, withheld final judgment on the secretary's demand that his name be cleared, saying they wished to preview the entire record, including new material being sought on the FBI wiretaps with which Kissinger has been linked.

Comment on the case was obtained from all but two of the 19 members of the committee, which is now preparing to reopen the wiretap matter at Kissinger's request. Only the offices of Sens. Frank Church, D-Idaho; and Clifford Case, R-N.J. declined to discuss the matter.

The comment that came closest to a consensus was made by Sen. George Aiken, R-Vt., who declared, "Hell, no, I don't think he ought to resign. Of course, I was not pleased with the time and the place he chose to make his statement. Sens. (John D.) Sparkman (D-Ala.) and Case examined the FBI documents and gave Kissinger a clean bill of health. I don't know of any new evidence, but now we'll have to wait and see.

See COMMITTEE, A-6

## Media, Leaks Criticized

With only one notable public dissent, the wave of praise for Kissinger and criticism of the news media and those who "leak" information continued to roll across Capitol Hill yesterday.

More than half of the U.S. Senate—52 members in all—signed up as cosponsors of a resolution proposed by Sen. James B. Allen, D-Ala., commending Kissinger and asserting that his "integrity and veracity are above reproach."

House Minority Leader John J. Rhodes, R-Ariz., called a press conference to denounce leaks from the House Judiciary Committee and to urge that the impeachment hearings be opened to the public "so that this historic and important investigation will not degenerate into a campaign of smear, innuendo and half-truth."

Senate Minority Leader Hugh Scott took the floor for the second day in a row to deplore the controversy over Kissinger's role in the "national security" wiretaps, insisting that no new facts have emerged to challenge the secretary of State's credibility.

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Scott said, "heard all of these things last year, as far as I can recall, and nothing really changes the facts which we heard."

"The secretary of State has done the most miraculous job of any secretary of State in recent times in advancing the cause of peace," Scott said, "yet it would all be willingly sacrificed by some detractors for the sake of a semantic difference as to whether or not Dr. Kissinger 'initiated' certain wiretaps."

See KISSINGER, A-6

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# Extended

be liable for "deferred premiums," in the case of a major accident, according to the amendment. The new bill gives the AEC the power to assess each company between $2 million and $5 million for these deferred premiums if and when a major accident happens.

A joint committee spokesman said that this plan could provide a pool of up to $1 billion by 1987. In the

event that a company could not come up with such a large sum at the time of an accident, he added, the government could become liable for the company's "deferred premiums."

THIS KIND of arrangement, where the premium payments do not actually come due until there is an accident, he said, is "fairly common" in the mutual insurance industry.

This nice ad is worth 80¢!

This ad could be the best tasting ad you'll ever read. Because if you clip it out and bring it to a Big Boy, we'll give you 2 deluxe double decker hamburgers for $1.00.

UPI 112

(KISSINGER)

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- A MEMBER OF THE HOUSE JUDICIARY COMMITTEE SAID TUESDAY THE PANEL HAD RECEIVED "POSITIVE PROOF" THAT SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY KISSINGER, DESPITE HIS DENIALS, HELPED INITIATE A WIRETAP PROGRAM IN 1969.

IT WAS THAT ALLEGATION WHICH CAUSED KISSINGER TO THREATEN TO RESIGN AT A NEWS CONFERENCE IN SALZBURG, AUSTRIA, TUESDAY UNLESS SENATORS REVIEWED HIS ROLE IN THE MATTER.

REP. JOSHUA EILBERG, D-PA., SAID THE EVIDENCE RECEIVED BY THE HOUSE IMPEACHMENT INQUIRY WENT BEYOND MERE ALLEGATIONS ABOUT KISSINGER'S ROLE. "THERE WAS POSITIVE PROOF," HE TOLD A GROUP OF REPORTERS.

KISSINGER'S THREAT TO RESIGN SURPRISED CONGRESS. THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE VOTED UNANIMOUSLY TO ACCEPT HIS WRITTEN REQUEST TO REOPEN ITS INVESTIGATION OF HIS ROLE IN THE WIRETAPS.

KISSINGER HAD DENIED THE ALLEGATIONS AS RECENTLY AS LAST FRIDAY.

DEMOCRATS AND REPUBLICANS ALIKE URGED KISSINGER NOT TO RESIGN. VICE PRESIDENT GERALD FORD SAID SUCH A MOVE WOULD BE "CATASTROPHIC." EVEN EILBERG URGED KISSINGER TO STAY ON.

EILBERG WAS ASKED TO ELABORATE ABOUT KISSINGER'S ROLE AND THE ROLE OF GEN. ALEXANDER HAIG, NOW A CLOSE AIDE TO NIXON BUT IN 1969 A COLONEL AND ASSISTANT TO KISSINGER IN THE WHITE HOUSE.

"HE OR HIS ASSISTANT, COL. HAIG., INITIATED WIRETAPS ON EMPLOYES OF THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL, ON WHITE HOUSE EMPLOYES AND ON NEWSPAPERMEN," EILBERG SAID. "THERE WERE SOME 17 EXTRAORDINARY TAPS. DR. KISSINGER DID PARTICIPATE IN INITIATING SOME OF THOSE TAPS.

"I CAN'T TELL YOU THE PRECISE DETAILS BUT I SAY TO YOU FLATLY--THAT WAS WHAT WAS REVEALED TO US."

HE SAID THE COMMITTEE HAD "WHITE HOUSE MEMORANDA INDICATING WHAT I'VE SAID."

ASKED IF KISSINGER HAD LIED TO THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE, EILBERG REPLIED:

"WELL, I HAVE NOT EXAMINED HIS TESTIMONY AT LENGTH BUT I AM AWARE THAT THERE IS A CONFLICT AND IF THERE IS A CONFLICT THEN HE LIED AND THAT WOULD BE THE WRONG THING FOR HIM TO DO.

"HE'S DONE A REMARKABLE JOB DIPLOMATICALLY AND THERE MAY BE PRESSURE ON US TO GET OFF HIS BACK BUT I THINK THE FACTS SPEAK FOR THEMSELVES."

ANOTHER MEMBER OF THE COMMITTEE, REP. JEROME WALDIE, D-CALIF., AN ADVOCATE OF NIXON'S IMPEACHMENT, TOLD REPORTERS KISSINGER MIGHT BE VULNERABLE.

"MY IMPRESSION IS THAT DR. KISSINGER IS PLAGUED WITH SOME OF THE PROBLEMS THE WHOLE ADMINISTRATION HAS BEEN PLAGUED WITH," WALDIE SAID.

MANY MEMBERS SHUDDERED OVER THE THOUGHT OF A KISSINGER RESIGNATION.

"I WOULD HATE TO SEE HIM RESIGN OVER THIS," SAID SEN. J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, D-ARK., CHAIRMAN OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE.

"I WANT TO SAY TO HIM AS A FRIEND: STAY WITH IT -- COOL IT," SAID SEN. HUBERT HUMPHREY, D-MINN.

HUMPHREY AND OTHERS SUGGESTED KISSINGER MIGHT NOT HAVE MADE SUCH A STATEMENT -- PARTICULARLY ABROAD -- WERE HE NOT OVERWORKED AND OVERWROUGHT.

BUT SENATE DEMOCRATIC LEADER MIKE MANSFIELD REVEALED THAT AT A BREAKFAST MEETING SATURDAY KISSINGER SAID HE WAS CONSIDERING RESIGNING "BECAUSE THIS THING WAS HANGING AROUND ALL THE TIME" AND ON SUNDAY KISSINGER TOLD MANSFIELD HE WAS "SERIOUSLY CONSIDERING WITHDRAWING FROM THE MIDDLE EAST TRIP BECAUSE OF THE SAME THING."

"I URGED HIM NOT TO RESIGN," MANSFIELD SAID. "I SAID THE COUNTRY NEEDED HIM."

UPI 06-11 03:45 PED

-United Press International

Secretary Kissinger fields reporters' questions yesterday.

# The Wiretap Net

By Walter Taylor
and Shirley Elder

Star-News Staff Writers

Richard Nixon's White House — frantic about “leaks” to newsmen and other supposed acts of disloyalty—initiated an extensive network of wiretaps, ordered some of its senior officials followed and considered a plan to give lie detector tests to hundreds of government employes, according to evidence before the House Judiciary Committee.

The preservation of national security was cited as a justification for many of the activities. But evidence received yesterday by the impeachment panel suggests that the domestic intelligence ventures yielded mostly political and personal information.

It further shows, according to committee members, that some of that information was passed on to the President.

AFTER HEARING the evidence during the 11th day of secret fact-finding hearings, Chairman Peter

E. Rodino Jr., D-N.J., said the surveillance activities "are matters that we could consider as possible abuse of the President's office."

Other members said the commit tee's impeachment lawyers, John M. Doar and Albert E. Jenner, are attempting to link domestic intelligence activities authorized initially in the name of national security with subsequent illegal acts of a purely political nature.

The evidence thus far suggests, according to some committee members, that wiretaps of 17 government officials and newsmen in 1969 led to development of the so-called "Huston Plan" for burglary and wiretapping in 1970 and to the creation of the White House "plumbers" in 1971.

It was the plumbers unit which allegedly burglarized the California offices of Dr. Lewis Fielding, the former psychiatrist of Daniel Ellsberg, in September 1971. Some of its former members planned and par-

See IMPEACHMENT, A-9

somed from kidnappers in a Philadelphia suburb yesterday. Police captured an 18-year-old suspect and recovered $60,000.

Mrs. Annette Friedland, wife of the millionaire president of the Food Fair grocery chain, was kidnaped from her $200,000 estate by three men and released in South Philadelphia four hours later after the ransom had been paid.

Authorities, who had the ransom drop covered, arrested Frank Wyatt of Philadelphia and found the money tucked into the sleeve of a coat he was carrying. Two other men are being sought. Mrs. Friedland was reported unharmed and unavailable to the press.

## Ford on Evidence

Vice President Gerald R. Ford says he isn't sure that the grand jury that named President Nixon an unindicted co-conspirator in the Watergate cover-up knew what it was talking about.

Perhaps, he said yesterday, jury members had some, but not all the evidence. Ford said on the basis of what he considers full and complete evidence, Nixon is innocent of the break-in and the "preponderance of the evidence" shows him innocent of any cover-up.

## Global Threat

A panel of prominent economists warns that inflation everywhere is reaching a crisis stage. Over the next several years, it poses an "overriding threat" to the economic and political stability of the developed world.

The glum forecast came yesterday from the Conference Board, a business research group financed largely by American corporations. Prediction: The expected decline in the rate of inflation over the next several quarters will be only a "temporary remission."

## Cancer Detection

Cancer researchers say a new detection system has produced dramatic results in catching breast cancer — leading cancer killer of women — before it spreads. Officials of the National Cancer Institute say perhaps some 300 women owe their lives to the network of detection centers opened last year.

Early detection is the first line of defense against the disease. Chances of a cure are sharply reduced when it spreads to other parts of the body.

## Missile Shots

The Senate voted yesterday to stop the Air Force from test-firing Minute-man missiles from a site in Montana into the Pacific Ocean, telling missile-men to stick to ocean testing.

The senate voted to strip funds for the

eastern area but for the world at large," said Saudi Arabian Interior Minister Prince Fahd.

And that's the way it apparently went when Nixon and Fahd, second-ranking man in his nation's government, met at the White House yesterday. The session, lasting through a 40-minute Oval Office meeting and a luncheon, was held to lay the groundwork for improved relations before Nixon leaves for the tour in six days.

## Rutgers Pays Up

Rutgers University has agreed to pay women and members of ethnic minority groups on its faculty $375,000. Reason: To compensate those who've been receiving less than their white-male counterparts.

An official of the Federal Office for Civil Rights says its the largest compensatory payment by a university ever.

## Superports

The House has voted its approval of an administration-backed bill that clears the way for construction of supertanker ports off the U.S. coast under regulation of the Interior Department.

The bill would not allow construction of such a port if adjoining coastal states have legislated against them, as a number have. The bill now goes to the Senate.

## White House Pay

The House Civil Service Committee has voted to limit the number of high-salary positions at the White House. The committee would limit the number of persons receiving the top pay of $42,500 a year to five. Thirteen persons reportedly receive that figure now.

The legislation would also eliminate the discretionary $1 million emergency fund.

## Soviet Spies

A substantial number of the 979 Soviet officials assigned to the United States are intelligence operatives, says FBI Director Clarence M. Kelley. And that doesn't count the activities of members of trade and cultural delegations, news-men and Russian U.N. employes.

Significant numbers of officials from Soviet bloc nations are also here for intelligence gathering, Kelley told the Senate Appropriations Committee yesterday in asking for an 11 percent budget increase.

## Garment Strike

Representatives of the 110,000 striking garment workers are back at the bargaining table with negotiators for some 750 manufacturers of clothes and shoes.

Continued from Page A-1

ticipated the following summer in the break-in and bugging of Democratic National Committee headquarters at the Watergate.

ACCORDING to information given to the committee, the wiretaps were begun in early 1969 after FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover received a complaint from Henry A. Kissinger, then a presidential adviser on national security, about a leaked newspaper story.

Kissinger, sources said, told Hoover that he wanted the source of the story discovered and "made an example of." He then gave Hoover a list of suspected administration officials, including two of his own key aides.

Hoover, with authorization from former Atty. Gen. John N. Mitchell, subsequently began electronic surveillance of those on Kissinger's list. More names were added later by Gen. Alexander Haig, then a Kissinger assistant; H. R. Haldeman, then the White House chief of staff, and John D. Ehrlichman, then the President's chief domestic affairs adviser.

The White House has acknowledged the 17 wiretaps were made, asserting that they were placed in an effort to determine the source of leaks of classified information. Nixon has said he authorized the interceptions to protect national security.

HOWEVER, members of the Judiciary Committee said that FBI summaries of conversations intercepted by the wiretaps was mainly personal and political in nature.

Sources on the panel said, for example, that one tap disclosed that former Defense Secretary Clark M. Clifford was preparing a Life magazine article critical of Nixon's Vietnam war strategy.

It was learned that that information was obtained through a wiretap of Kissinger's administrative assistant, Morton Halperin, who aided Clifford in preparation of the magazine story.

Committee sources said the intelligence about Clifford, who apparently was not himself under surveillance, was turned over to the President in a memo from Hoover.

Other wiretaps, according to the FBI summaries made available to

committee members, disclosed that one administration aide was conducting an extramarital affair and that another official had been in a pornographic bookstore.

THE SOURCES said that other evidence presented to the committee yesterday showed that some subjects of electronic surveillance also were followed by FBI agents. Two individuals targeted by administration officials were photographed while in downtown Washington, the sources said.

Though most of the 17 targets of surveillance have been identified previously, they were not named in the FBI summaries given to the committee, under an arrangement worked out between leaders of the panel and Justice Department officials.

The subjects of the wiretaps were disignated in the FBI summaries by letters "A" through "Q."

In its scrutiny of White House domestic intelligence activities, the committee moved from the early "national security" wiretaps to the "Huston Plan."

NAMED FOR its author, administration aide Tom Charles Huston, that proposal was drafted in the summer of 1970 following a meeting between heads of various intelligence gathering agencies, including the FBI and CIA. The President called the meeting to discuss the possible strengthening of the government's domestic intelligence gathering.

Among other things, the plan called for stepped-up electronic surveillance, burglary and the opening and reading of mail of those under investigation. Huston's report warned that many of its provisions were "clearly illegal" and "highly risky" but, at the same time, were the most fruitful avenues for obtaining information.

The President has said that he approved the plan on June 23, 1970, but rescinded his approval five days later because Hoover would not go along with it.

JUDICIARY Committee Sources, after examining materials relating to the intelligence-gathering scheme, said yesterday, however, that they were shown no evidence that the plan was in fact scrapped.

The committee listened to a tape recording of a July 24, 1971, meeting between the President, Ehrlichman and Egil (Bud) Krogh, who headed the plumbers unit. The subject again was news leaks.

According to committee sources who heard the tape, Nixon sounded angry as he talked about a New York Times story which gave details of U.S. plans for strategic arms limitation talks with the Soviet Union.

THE SOURCES said the President proposed polygraph tests for hundreds of employes at the State Department, the CIA and the Defense Department as a means of detecting the source of the account.

When questioned by one of his aides about the viability of such a plan, Nixon reportedly replied that while he didn't know much about these things, the tests would scare those involved.

It was decided at the meeting that the plumbers unit would be assigned to ferret out the source for the newspaper account.

Other clandestine operations in the domestic-intelligence field also were reviewed by the impeachment panel, which proceeded chronologically through July 1971.

Included were undercover investigations of White House agents John J. Caulfield and Anthony T. Ulasewicz. Among things already on the public record are Ulasewicz's surveillance of Sen. Edward M. Kennedy.

When the committee reconvenes Tuesday, it will examine evidence concerning the Fielding break-in and other plumbers' projects and the apparent offer of the FBI directorship to the presiding judge in the Pentagon papers trial of Daniel Ellsberg.

MEMBERS of the committee generally agreed yesterday that the disclosure that a federal grand jury had voted to name the President as an unindicted co-conspirator in the Watergate cover-up case would have little effect on the impeachment inquiry.

The grand jury gave the evidence on which it based its vote to the impeachment panel six weeks ago.

Typical was the comment by Rep. Tom Railsback, R-Ill. "We've got our job to do," he said. "We've got to make up our own minds."

THE DAY J. EDGAR HOOVER CAPTURED PUBLIC ENEMY
NO.3 DURING LUNCH AT THE MAYFLOWER.

NEW

Mr. Hoover was enjoying his customary luncheon—chicken soup, grapefruit and cottage cheese salad, buttered toast—when between bites he noticed the third most-wanted man in the country just two tables away.

With his usual unruffled dispatch, he had the man arrested and taken away. Mr. Hoover resumed his meal. And he returned to The Mayflower again the next day, just as he

did almost every weekday for more than 20 years until his death.

As a matter of fact, for more than 50 years The Mayflower has been host to famous people. Heads of State. Entertainment celebrities. Important pillars of industry, labor and the fourth estate. And in all honesty we must add, an occasional crook with discerning taste.

They've all enjoyed the bountiful beef and candlelight

cuisine of The Carvery. The great drinks and entertainment in Town and Country. As well as our handsome accommodations and impeccable service.

And while we hate to see any of our guests arrested under our very noses, there is a happy note to this little tale. For a last meal on the outside, there probably isn't a nicer place to have it than The Mayflower.

HISTORY IN THE MAKING.

WESTERN INTERNATIONAL HOTELS
Partners in travel with United Airlines

Connecticut Avenue & DeSales Street, N.W., Washington, D.C. 20036, (202) 347-3000.

NEW YORK TIMES

6/8/84

# Data on Politicians Traced To Wiretaps for 'Security'

## Members of Judiciary Panel Disclose White House Gained Information About Opponents of President

By JAMES M. NAUGHTON

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, June 6—The White House obtained some political information about President Nixon's opponents but no evidence of “national security” leaks from 17 wiretaps secretly undertaken in 1969 of Government officials and reporters, members of the House Judiciary Committee disclosed today.

The committee members said that electronic surveillance of one former White House aide, who became an adviser to a Democratic Presidential candidate, continued for 19 months after the Federal Bureau of Investigation concluded that the wiretap had “produced nothing from the standpoint of discovering leaks.”

In addition, the President was said by several committee members to have passed on to subordinates the discovery, from wiretap information supplied by the Federal Bureau of Investigation, that former Secretary of Defense Clark M. Clifford was preparing in 1970 to criticize the Nixon policies on Vietnam.

Secretary of State Kissinger, meanwhile, under repeated questioning at a news conference, denied again that he had played a direct role in wiretapping his aides and insisted anew

that he had had no knowledge of the White House “plumbers,” a group set up to stop leaks of security information. [Page 17.]

The disclosure from within the Judiciary Committee emerged from a closed day-long impeachment hearing centered on the issue of whether clandestine domestic surveillance activities of the Nixon Administration had been legitimate national security operations or illegal violations of the rights of citizens to be protected from government eavesdropping.

Mr. Nixon has asserted on a number of occasions that the surveillance efforts were designed solely to prevent the illegal dissemination of security information.

Some committee members described the evidence presented to them as a combination of national security ventures and efforts that had produced political intelligence.

The panel heard a 12-minute segment of a volunteered White House tape recording of a July 24, 1971, meeting at which Mr. Nixon voiced alarm to aides that The New York Times had published details of the United States' plans for talks with the Soviet Union on limiting stra-

Continued on Page 17, Column 1

STAR-WEEK

6-10-74

Richard Wilson: Call for Kissinger Candor

Henry A. Kissinger's newest problem is not a small one. It involves whether or not he told the whole truth when he categorically stated under oath that he had no part in initiating wiretaps in 1969-70 on some of his aides and newsmen in search of evidence of their complicity in disclosing sensitive and secret national security information.

His testimony under oath was unequivocal. He swore under questioning by Sen. J. William Fulbright that not a single one of the 17 wiretaps authorized by the attorney general was initiated by Kissinger.

He had supplied some names of those with access to the kind of information in question in accordance with general criteria of a previous decision on protecting the national security. And it may have been, Kissinger added, that the FBI under J. Edgar Hoover may have had a different perception of what was called for. This would not have been surprising, because the FBI based its perceptions on wiretap authorizations received

from Atty. Gen. John Mitchell.

SOMEWHERE in here there are some gaps, and in all the glory of his diplomatic successes, Secretary of State Kissinger undoubtedly will be compelled to fill them in. The House Judiciary Committee has heard a different story than Kissinger told Fulbright. The committee has been informed by its investigative staff that Kissinger's involvement was more direct. And a new revelation of President Nixon's conversations has him saying that Kissinger "asked that it be done."

So, it is the old story. Denials and injured innocence where complete candor is called for. Kissinger will have to say more and he may as well say it now.

Who can seriously doubt that Kissinger was angry and perturbed over the premature disclosure of final negotiating positions with the Russians on strategic arms limitation? This information and more was in the public domain and, where could it have come from?

As the working head of the

National Security Council at the time, Kissinger and his top aide, Gen. Alexander M. Haig, would have been fools not to suspect someone in the NSC staff. They could reasonably conclude that such leaks of information were for the purpose of undermining policy lines with which the leakers disagreed, by exposing them to public and congressional opposition. Internal sabotage is not unknown at these high levels where intrigue is imbibed with the food in the White House mess and wills collide over trifles.

ANYWAY, exactly how wrong was it to try to run down leaks of information which might seriously embarrass the national security through duly authorized wiretaps? That question would be easier to answer if the wiretaps had produced the evidence sought. But they revealed only such security information as an interest in pornographic bookshops and hints of an extra-marital affair. Like so much else in the Watergate atmosphere, the circumstances were farcical.

Kissinger's problem now,

and why he has not faced it before tells too much about the conspiratorial atmosphere, is to justify publicly what he did to plug the leaks which were embarrassing him and the Nixon administration, and why he did it. Kissinger is not so innocent of intrigue that he could not have known what the supplying of names of suspected leakers might lead to.

He admits that he did supply names and that act alone is irretrievable whether or not he made a "direct" recommendation for this kind of electronic surveillance. Kissinger was involved from that point onward, and there are also published accounts that he angrily demanded action from FBI Director Hoover, who seems to have been nervous about the whole business.

The sad part of this is that Kissinger has gotten into a problem at a time when his success was so great, but he is not alone in that. Nor is he alone in suffering from a lack of complete candor when first confronted with suspicions he considered wholly unjustified. President Nixon led the way down that path.

Dissembling Intelligence

Diplomatic triumphs notwithstanding, Secretary of State Kissinger continues to be haunted by revelations of wiretapping operations against members of his own staff, allegedly conducted with his knowledge and cooperation. The origin and purpose of these invasions of privacy remain ambiguous but there can be no ambiguity about their implications.

In testimony under oath before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Mr. Kissinger has conceded supplying names of aides whose home telephones were subsequently tapped, but he repeatedly denied requesting that such eavesdropping be conducted. This denial became somewhat more hedged last week when the Secretary told a news conference only that he had made "no direct recommendation."

If that is so, it is evidently not how President Nixon understood it. Among the transcripts from the White House now available to the House Judiciary Committee —deleted from the published versions—is reported to be a discussion of the wiretaps, with the statement by Mr. Nixon that "I know that he [Kissinger] asked that it be done." Another reported transcript has H. R. Haldeman telling John Mitchell that the taps were requested by Mr. Kissinger. The records of the Federal Bureau of Investigation reveal that wiretaps were requested by both Mr. Kissinger and his then-deputy, Alexander M. Haig, Jr.

Mr. Kissinger had explained that this surveillance was only to discover the source of "national security" information that had leaked to the press. But it seems that three of the first four officials tapped did not have access to the secret information that had leaked out, and two other officials who did have such information were not put under surveillance. The taps were also maintained on the personal telephones of several individuals long after they had left government service, without further access to national security affairs.

We regretfully observe that Secretary Kissinger seems to be vulnerable to the charge of dissembling about his role in this distasteful affair. If there are to be more serious charges, that is up to the Congress and the courts to decide. For months past, the various concerned parties to the case have been reluctant to press their complaints too vigorously against a Secretary of State deeply engaged in sensitive diplomatic activity of obvious import to the nation.

But sooner or later this whole dismal episode must have its full airing in a proper forum. The implication of letting the wiretaps go unchallenged is intolerable. Persons entering public service should not have to expose themselves, their families and all those with whom they talk on the telephone to the hidden web of electronic surveillance that Americans are used to associating only with the totalitarian regimes of the world.

C6

SUNDAY,

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

What About Kissinger?

THE QUESTION has now been raised whether Secretary of State Henry Kissinger spoke truthfully last fall in describing his role in the earlier wiretapping of some of his White House aides. Since the question goes not only to his personal integrity but to his effectiveness as a public official, the answers deserve to be promptly and rigorously pursued. Neither Dr. Kissinger's world prominence nor his importance to Mr. Nixon's defense against impeachment should spare him scrutiny any less close than that accorded to other administration figures touched by one or another branch of the poisonous Water-gate tree.

At the moment, the evidence is suggestive but inconclusive. In describing the wiretapping during his confirmation hearing as Secretary of State last September, Dr. Kissinger said his role was confined to identifying staff members with access to information that had leaked. The actual decision to apply wiretaps, he testified, was made by the President in consultation with the then FBI director and the Attorney General.

Said Dr. Kissinger on Sept. 7:

> When this administration came into office, for a period of many months it was confronted with leaks to the press of documents that were considered of the greatest importance to the national security. These included discussions of National Security Council deliberations, of procedures in the case of emergency, of contingency planning, and of specific military operations...

In early May 1969, the President consulted the then Director of the FBI and the Attorney General about the best methods to deal with this problem. He was told that the most effective method was to apply procedures that had been followed also in previous administrations; that is to say, to tap individuals according to specific procedures. He was assured by the then Attorney General that this procedure met the legal requirements.

At that time I had been in the government for four months, and I must say that it did not occur to me to question the judgment of these two individuals.

Certain criteria were then established, to follow precise procedures. These criteria were access to information that had leaked, and also information that might be developed in the course of the investigation.

My office was required to submit the names of those officials that had had access to the information that had leaked, because my office was a natural place for this information to exist.

The information was then transmitted by General [Alexander] Haig to Inspector [William] Sullivan of the FBI.

Now, however, we have a transcript, leaked out of the

House Judiciary Committee impeachment proceedings, of a presidential tape of Feb. 28, 1973, in which President Nixon is recorded as saying during a discussion on wiretaps: "At least I know not because I know that I know that he [Kissinger] asked that it be done." Just what was it that, in this jumbled sentence, Mr. Nixon was saying that Dr. Kissinger had asked be done? To somehow check certain staff members for leaks? To tap them? We need to know—though in the absence of Mr. Nixon's own clarification of the passage cited, this cannot be easily accomplished.

Then, House Judiciary Committee members, reporting on a committee staff briefing which was itself based on FBI summaries of wiretap logs, told journalists this week that Dr. Kissinger had "initiated" taps of subordinates. This confirms, or duplicates, then-Attorney General Elliott Richardson's statement to the Foreign Relations Committee last fall: "The FBI records indicate that there were requests for wiretaps of identified individuals, in one case by Dr. Kissinger and in two instances on his behalf by then-Col. Haig." Do these statements on the particular point of what is in the FBI records contradict Dr. Kissinger's broad assertion—an assertion entirely supported by Mr. Richardson, by the way—that the Secretary supplied names but did not ask for taps? Plainly, the word "initiate" is subject to more than one reading. Again, we need to know. In this case, Dr. Kissinger should be able to supply at least part of the answer.

Finally, at his press conference on Thursday, Dr. Kissinger declared under questioning that he had not made "a direct recommendation" for wiretap surveillance. The context of his words left open whether he was inferentially admitting he had made an "indirect" recommendation—something he has previously denied—or whether he was simply expressing displeasure with the journalists' line of questioning.

That the Secretary was, displeased—indeed, flustered and uptight—was evident. It is a sign of what Watergate has done to the general perception of this town that the mere fact of public discombobulation itself produces diverse interpretations of its own. It should be said for Secretary Kissinger, however, that he recovered sufficiently from his irritation at the press to assert that he will answer the questions of "any duly constituted committee of Congress or any other investigating agency."

This is the path down which this matter now must go. A garbled presidential sentence or a fourth-hand account of wiretaps or press-conference responses by a disconcerted Secretary do not suffice to clarify either the allegations now being made against the Secretary or the responses he offers to them. Since the issue centers on what he originally told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, it is the committee's duty to recall him and to do its best to determine whether he spoke the truth.

THE WASHINGTON POST

Sunday, June 9, 1974

C5

# Big Yen

toward big names and big organizations is greater this year than ever before. Among the LPD candidates in the "national constituency" are:

* Teru Miyata, the highest rated television master of ceremonies for more than two decades and, according to the Asahi Shimbun, "possibly the most liked and most famous person in Japan." His popular weekly program, "Hometown Song Festival," has traveled to nearly every crossroads in Japan in the past eight years, and "Hometown Societies" in 28 cities have been organized as campaign vehicles. No politician could quarrel with his slogan: "Let's Save Our Home Town."

* Yoshiko Yamaguchi, one of the most famous and beautiful stars of stage, screen and television, who began her career entertaining Japanese troops in North China during World War II. For the past five years she has been mistress of ceremonies on the afternoon television show, "With You at 3 p.m." Miss Yamaguchi is so popular that her formal campaign posters, to be issued in a few days, will not contain her name, party or any other word of writing-only her picture in a glamorous pose.

* Akiko Santo, who is younger than the other stars (only 31) and the LDP's ambassador to the new generation. She has played in more than 70 motion pictures and appeared often on television before being recruited for politics by party Secretary-General Hashimoto. Her campaign, being run by a retired LDP head office functionary, features the slogan: "A Beautiful Japan with a Beautiful Heart."

* Eitaro Itoyama, another 31-year-old entry, a fast-riding and fast-talking businessman whose recent book "The Monster's Way of Doing Business" sold 1.3 million copies. Itoyama, who made big profits from golf courses, displays letters of encouragement from Sen. Edward M. Kennedy and other American politicians, and thinks of himself as a future prime minister.

* Ichiro Hatoyama, son of the former LDP prime minister (1954-56) who reopened Japan's relations with the Soviet Union. The younger Hatoyama is a career bureaucrat of the powerful Finance Ministry and is married to the daughter of the president of Bridgestone Tire Co., Japan's largest. He is supported by the Sumitomo business and industrial family, Bridgestone Tire, the Daiichi Kangyo Bank, retail sake dealers and so many other groups that other candidates complain he may absorb "too many votes."

* Shinji Sato, son of the long-serving LPD prime minister Eisaku Sato (1964-1972), who is giving him all-out support. Young Sato's campaign has been taken over by the notori

Technically, this poster is for actress Yoshiko Yamaguchi's book.

politician who has started to make trouble in the Diet by sharp questioning of campaign abuses. Yukio Aoshima first came to public acclaim as star of the TV series "Naughty Grandmother," (he played the title role in a wig). In 1968 he placed second in the national constituency as an independent. This time he has announced that as a protest against high (and illegal) spending, he won't put out a single yen for his campaign and will be in Europe during the barnstorming period. He expects to be elected anyway.

Under Japanese law, the campaign period is confined to three weeks and candidates are strictly limited in what they can do. Radio, television and newspaper ads are banned except for those provided with public funds (10 minutes on TV and radio for each national constituency candidate, and six 4-inch by two-column newspaper ads). Posters are limited, and are allowed only during the formal electioneering period. House-to-house vote solicitation

To compensate for declining support in the more meaningful prefectural races, the conservatives hope for gains in the "national constituency" popularity contest. That is why Secretary-General Hashimoto and his aides have been working extremely hard on candidate recruitment, sponsorship, fund-raising and organization for well over a year.

In a recently published interview, Hashimoto said the LDP campaign office provides not only money and organized votes but supplies the contents of election speeches, designs and photographs by advertising agencies and even such detailed instructions as the length of skirts to be worn by female campaigners.

Hashimoto, who was a newspaperman in pre-war days and is married to a former radio performer, said "talent" candidates are judged on their personality and thinking rather than their views as politicians. Some seem to have only the vaguest of political ideas in a can.

ZZ

RNR 218

KISSINGER--TIMES

LONDON, JUNE 9 (SUNDAY), REUTER--THE LONDON SUNDAY TIMES SAID TODAY THAT ANY TARNISHING OF THE REPUTATION OF SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY KISSINGER BY WATERGATE WOULD BE WORSE FOR THE WORLD THAN THE DISAPPEARANCE OF PRESIDENT NIXON "IN A CLOUD OF MEPHISTOPHELEAN SMOKE."

IN A LENGTHY EDITORIAL ON DR KISSINGER, THE BRITISH INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER SAID THAT IF HE HAD REALLY BEEN ASSOCIATED WITH NIXON ADMINISTRATION WIRETAPPING DR KISSINGER SHOULD NOT BE SURPRISED IF HE WAS DRAWN, HOWEVER INDIRECTLY, INTO THE WATERGATE QUAGMIRE.

DR. KISSINGHER HAS DENIED THAT HE INITIATED THE BUGGING OF GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS AND JOURNALISTS IN 1969.

IT CONTINUED: "BUT IF HE IS INNOCENT, THEN THERE IS SOMETHING REPELLENT ABOUT THE EFFORTS OF SOME OF THE WASHINGTON PRESS CORPS TO PUNCTURE THE REPUTATION OF VIRTUALLY THE ONLY MEMBER OF THE GRISLY NIXON CREW WHO STILL ENJOYS THE RESPECT, VERGING ON ADMIRATION, OF MOST OF THE REST OF THE WORLD."

"NOT THAT DR KISSINGER IS WITHOUT HIS FAULTS. SINCE HE ASSUMED OFFICE MORE THAN NINE MONTHS AGO, HE HAS TOO OFTEN SHOWN IMPATIENCE AND BAD TEMPER, ESPECIALLY WITH HIS EUROPEAN ALLIES."

MORE 2021

ZZ

RNR 219

KISSINGER--TIMES 2 LONDON

THE SUNDAY TIMES SAID THE SECRETARY OF STATE'S NEGOTIATIONS LEADING UP TO THE 1973 VIETNAM SETTLEMENT WERE COMPOUNDED OF SECRECY AND AMBIGUITY AND CONTAINED MORE THAN A TOUCH OF DEVIOUSNESS.

BUT IT CONTINUED: "THE ASTONISHING DIPLOMATIC EQUESTRIANISM WHICH ENABLES HIM, SO FAR SUCCESSFULLY, SIMULTANEOUSLY TO RIDE THE UNPREDICTABLE RUSSIAN STALLION AND THE NERVOUS CHINESE MARE, MUST EVOKE THE PRAISE OF ALL BUT THE MOST JAUNDICED CRITIC...."

"UNDER THE PRESENT SECRETARY OF STATE, AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY IS, FORTUNATELY, INFORMED BY PRAGMATISM AND COMMONSENSE."

COMMENTING THAT DR KISSINGER'S ACTIVITIES IN THE FAR EAST AND MIDDLE EAST HAD INCREASED RATHER THAN DIMINISHED THE WORLD ROLE OF THE UNITED STATES, THE NEWSPAPER CONCLUDED:

"IF THE DIRT AND DISHONOR OF WATERGATE SHOULD COME TO TARNISH HIS INFLUENCE AND AUTHORITY, THE RESULT FOR THE WORLD WOULD BE MUCH WORSE THAN IF MR NIXON DISAPPEARED IN A CLOUD OF MEPHISTOPHELEAN SMOKE."

REUTER 2021

Has Watergate cut Kissinger?

By Thomas B. Ross
Sun-Times Bureau.

chi.

6.9.74

WASHINGTON — As President Nixon prepares to embark this week on a series of potentially risky trips abroad, serious new questions have been raised about Sec. of State Henry A. Kissinger's ability to prevent impeachment politics from infecting U.S. foreign policy.

Until recent days, it was generally assumed that Kissinger was clean on Watergate and, therefore, retained the moral and political power to run an objective, nonpolitical foreign policy.

With Mr. Nixon grievously wounded, Kissinger was thought to have achieved an independent dominance in foreign affairs, Accordingly, the foreign-policy establishment in Congress saw no great need to oppose the President's travels, since it was confident Kissinger would restrain any temptation by Mr. Nixon to soften or harden U.S. foreign policy for the purpose of winning votes against impeachment.

Now, however, there are strong suspicions that Kissinger was more deeply involved in the shadler aspects of the administration than he previously has acknowledged. Moreover, Mr. Nixon seems well aware of Kissinger's involvement and his vulnerability to exposure.

If Kissinger, in fact, can be drawn into the Watergate net, he will have lost his independent power base and his capacity to prevent

What is Nixon hoping to gain by his trips, and what does Europe think about, the idea — and about the President's petition vis-a-vis impeachment? See analyses in Viewpoint section.

impeachment-induced deviations during the forthcoming presidential trips to the Middle East, the Soviet Union and possibly Japan and Western Europe.

The ominous developments of last week suggest that Kissinger's power and prestige already may be in the early stages of erosion despite his recent diplomatic triumph.

Evidence submitted behind closed doors to the House Judiciary Committee reportedly indicated that Kissinger and his deputy at the time, Alexander M. Haig Jr., initiated wiretaps on 13 officials and four newsmen.

Despite Kissinger's previous efforts to minimize his awareness of the bugging, the evidence also was said to show that he took an active interest in the results and went to the Federal Bureau of Investigation to read the transcripts.

The wiretaps were supposed to be for national-security purposes — to learn who was leaking secrets to the press — but committee members said there was no evidence they were useful in that regard. Instead, they seem to have been productive largely of personal dirt and political information.

One of the White House tapes obtained from

the Watergate grand jury reportedly contained a section — censored from Mr. Nixon's transcripts — in which the President strongly suggested that Kissinger ordered the taps.

Confronted by the reported evidence at his press conference Thursday, Kissinger angrily sought to evade the issue and turn off all questioning. But under a determined interrogation he was forced to qualify his previous categorical insistence that he was only marginally involved through the submission of some names at the request of the FBI.

"I did not make a direct recommendation," Kissinger declared.

Evidence before the committee reportedly traced the wiretap requests from Kissinger to the former White House chief of staff, H.R. Haldeman, to then Atty. Gen. John N. Mitchell — rather than directly from Kissinger to Mitchell.

Kissinger also was asked about a recent affair with former White House aide John D. Ehrlichman suggesting Kissinger knew one of his assistants went to work for the "plumbers," which carried out the burglary of the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist.

Kissinger had previously testified before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that he did not know the assistant, David Young, was working for the "plumbers" and, in fact, did not know of their existence.

A reporter wondered whether any investigative arm of the government had raised

Turn to Page 64

# Has Watergate cut Kissinger?

*Continued from Page 2*

the possibility of perjury and whether Kissinger had gotten himself a lawyer. Having anticipated a round of congenial questions after his Middle East coup, Kissinger bridled, dithered and showed more nervousness than at any time in his five years in the government.

"I have not retained counsel," he declared coldly. "I am not conducting my office as if it were a conspiracy. I stand on the statements that I have made and I will answer no further questions on the matter."

The White House came to Kissinger's de-

lense Friday. Press spokesman Gerald L. Warren insisted that Kissinger's version of the wiretaps was "an accurate description."

But the staff of the Judiciary Committee indicated it is intent on determining if the statement of the President's spokesman or the statement of the President himself in the tape represents the truth.

Mr. Nixon undoubtedly knows the truth. So too does Kissinger. And each knows the other knows. That mutual awareness may play a central role in Mr. Nixon's effort to save himself in a final burst of foreign travel and diplomacy.

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Lawsuit by Halperin

One memorandum quotes General Haig as citing Mr. Kissinger by name in rejecting the bureau's pleas, which were made in June, a month after the wiretap was put in place, and again in late summer.

Mr. Halperin, who later quit the National Security Council in protest over the Nixon Administration's Vietnam policies, has since sued Mr. Kissinger and others on the ground that they violated his constitutional rights.

A high-level White House source acknowledged that General Haig had served as a liaison man between Mr. Kissinger and the bureau on the wiretaps, but added, "He only did what he was told to." At the time the wiretapping began, in May, 1969, General Haig was a colonel as-

Continued on Page 48, Column 4

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Kissinger Linked to Order to F.B.I. Ending Taps

Continued From Page 1, Col. 4

signed to the security council.

Mr. Kissinger has repeatedly denied that he "directly" initiated the wiretapping program and insisted that he idea to do so originated at a White House meeting he attended on May 9, 1969, with President Nixon and J. Edgar Hoover, the late F.B.I. director.

Meeting Report Denied

The Times's sources, in a series of recent interviews, made the following points:

> "There was no such White House meeting on May 9, 1969. F.B.I. files show that Mr. Hoover dictated a memorandum on that day describing a telephone conversation with Mr. Kissinger who was then with the President at Key Biscayne, Fla., about information leaks to newspapers and their peril to the Administration's foreign policy.

The F.B.I. files also cast strong doubt on Mr. Kissinger's assertion to the Senate panel that "my role was limited to supplying names" of those with special clearances who had access to leaked material. Three of the first four officials who were wiretapped by Mr. Kissinger's office in May, 1969, did not have access to the secrets leaked.

Informed of these assertions, the high-ranking White House official said: "Those wiretaps were justified because of extremely serious national security leaks. Anyone who claims otherwise is not filled in."

"The fact that people get upset because of some other things that came out in the tapes is totally irrelevant," the official said.

Haldeman Role Alleged

Members of the House Judiciary Committee, which is conducting the impeachment inquiry, said Thursday after staff briefings on domestic surveillance that the F.B.I. wiretaps had not provided any evidence of national security leaks but had picked up many items of personal information and private political beliefs. Such material was provided to the White House, the Congressman said.

In one case, The Times's sources said, a wiretap was authorized in 1970 on Helmut SonTAGON correspondent, about the

Sonnenfeld, then a Kissinger aide, because of concern about his politics expressed by H. R. Haldeman, then the White House chief of staff. The sources said it was the second such tap on Mr. Sonnenfeld, who is now serving with Mr. Kissinger in the State Department.

The Secretary of State has stood on his Senate testimony despite such assertions and despite published reports that the edited transcripts of White House tape recordings show that President Nixon said last year that "Henry asked that it be done."

After telling of the alleged Presidential meeting authorizing the taps in May, 1969, Mr. Kissinger testified that his function had been limited to supplying lists of those with clearances and receiving "some" F.B.I. reports on the wiretaps in existence.

After May, 1970, Mr. Kissinger said, Mr. Haldeman assumed the dominant role, and Mr. Kissinger's office was only occasionally in touch with William C. Sullivan, the bureau official in charge of the wiretaps.

However, the sources said, bureau documents show that General Haig maintained close contact with Mr. Sullivan until Feb. 8, 1971, when he ordered the last eight taps turned off.

One closely involved official declared in a telephone interview that General Haig had telephoned Mr. Sullivan on a secure line and told him that "the wiretaps had served their purpose" and should be shut down.

"Haig always made it clear that he was a messenger," the source added, "that he was re-laying instructions."

Haig's View Noted

The official also said it was General Haig who relayed most, if not all, of the White House requests for wiretaps. General Haig made clear that the requests originated with Mr. Kissinger, the official added.

"If Henry didn't approve of all this, he could have said so," the official declared.

The wiretapping was first discussed, sources said, on May 9, 1969, the day on which The Times published a dispatch by William Beecher, then its PEN-TAGON correspondent, about the

secret B-52 bombing of Cambodia.

Mr. Kissinger, then reportedly in Key Biscayne, Fla., discussed the article with Mr. Hoover by telephone, according to a memorandum dictated by the late F.B.I. director. In his memorandum, the sources said, Mr. Hoover wrote that Mr. Kissinger initially raised the issue of the leaks and Mr. Hoover had agreed to take action.

Kissinger Threat Alleged

"Hoover never used the word 'bug,' but he talked about using the most sensitive sources," one source with access to the memorandum said. In a second memorandum dictated a few days later and dealing with another Kissinger talk, the sources said, Mr. Hoover quoted Mr. Kissinger as threatening to "destroy whoever" leaked the information.

Existence of the Hoover memorandum was first reported yesterday by the Knight newspapers.

On May 10, 1969, the sources said, General Haig made direct contact with the F.B.I. and declared that the leaks, if continued, were "going to destroy Kissinger's foreign policy."

The dispatch about the B-52 bombing was the first indication that the Nixon Administration had secretly decided to escalate the Indochina air war.

Reliable sources said, however, that the first Kissinger-Haig list of suspects to be wiretapped, forwarded May 12, included only one official—Air Force Col. Robert E. Pursley—who had access to information about the B-52 bombing raids.

Those missions were conducted under secrecy so great that it was not until June, 1973, that the full extent of the air operations became widely known.

The three other men who were wiretapped were Daniel I. Davidson, Mr. Halperin and Mr. Sonnenfeld, then members of the National Security Council who had worked in high-level positions with the Johnson Administration.

In addition, sources noted, Colonel Pursley had served as an aide to Secretary of Defense Clark M. Gifford and was involved in Mr. Gifford's efforts to change the Johnson Admin-

istration's Vietnam policies. Mr. Pursley recently retired as a lieutenant general.

One source noted that if the procedure as outlined by Secretary Kissinger in his Senate testimony had been followed—calling for all those on his staff with access to the leaked information to be wiretapped—General Haig and Lawrence S. Eagleburger also should have been placed under surveillance. Both were involved in the B-52 bombing plans.

"Al and Larry were the two guys who should have been tapped," the source said, "if Kissinger was following his own criteria."

The source, who has had access to many documents dealing with the wiretapping, said there was evidence that the F.B.I. participated in the project as "a service for Kissinger."

The documents show that Mr. Hoover ordered that none of the wiretap logs or any information gleaned from them was to be made available to agents for the Washington field office, who would normally have investigated the newspaper leaks as a prelude to possible criminal charges.

"If Hoover really was conducting an investigation and Kissinger was simply supplying lists of suspects," the source said, "it all would have been handled by the field office."

"What really happened," he added, "is that the F.B.I. was simply doing a function for the White House."

None of the Times's sources were able to explain why the wiretaps were suddenly terminated by the White House in February, 1971, less than two months after the seventeenth- and final—wiretap was authorized.

Fire Kills Hotel Resident

A 51-year-old woman died yesterday morning when her bed caught fire in her apartment in an Upper West Side residential hotel, The Fire Department reported. A spokesman said the fire was listed as being of suspicious origin since the woman, Winifred Miller of the Park Plaza Hotel, 50 West 77th Street, was not a smoker. No one else was reported injured.