9/30/76

Sir:

Your godson, Mark Wendon, is staying
in New Canaan for a month from London.

He says he has never met you and has tried on
other trips to the US.

Would you care to shake his hand for 5 minutes in
NY?

Yes ____ No ____ Later on ____ Turn him off ____

Never worked out

ssm

WENWORTH

2-16-74

Mr Fritchey

Who the hell says the Cambodian Assassin, Kissinger, is the most
admired man in America?

The son of a bitch belongs in jail on Nuremburg charges.

He has lied and lied to the American people.

I don't care about the all-American feature of our requirements
for the presidency. I do object to people trying to sell me
a murderer, a liar, a genocidal monkeyer in the affairs of other
nations as presidential timber.

The only reason the people in the Gallup Poll vote for this liar they and assassin is that/are not told honestly, by people like you whose mandate under our Constitution calls for you to tell people the facts and the truth. If you are going to tout this Cambodian Assassin, this fabricator of impermanent "detentes", for president, you must state the grounds from which you speak: you approve of genocide and the ongoing assassination of Cambodians, Vietnamese in their country in their homes and fields; you approve of liars in sensitive positions of government, liars who deliberately mislead the citizens of a presumptive democratic-republican country.
Then you may say, Since I approve of this bloodshed and this malicious intrusion, this murderously malicious intrusion into the domestic affairs of other countries for the purpose of stealing their oil and other resources at "my" price, I recommend this Cambodian Assassin and liar, Kissinger, who DOES the killing and the lying.

John B Wentworth
Apartment #1
1882 Columbia Road NW

DC 20009

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Home: The Hop Meadows
1028 Ridgefield Road
Wilton, Conn. 06897

July 16, 1974

Dear Henry:

Truly, I am sorry that I haven't written sooner, because you certainly deserved the plaudits and warm thanks from not only those of us who are your friends, but from the entire American public --- to say nothing of the entire population of this tired old world --- for your superb work on the Mid-East settlements. You have richly earned a second Nobel Peace Prize.

My delay in writing has been occasioned by the untimely death of my wife, Ellen, after a series of three strokes of increasing intensity in April. She went relatively quickly and painlessly and in dignity, for which I am very grateful to Him. As I recall, you once met her at one of Frank Barnett's luncheons in New York. She certainly was a fan of yours.

My congratulations also on your throwing down the gauntlet to the Congress and the press on the matter of wiretaps. That took real guts. When I worked at the White House on the ABM for BeLieu and Harlow, I just assumed that I was tapped; if nothing else, that made me careful to be more discreet! And, God knows, someone on the other side of the issue sure had us "tapped" somewhere, somehow.

Keep up the great work, even though you already are the greatest SECSTATE in our history!

Hon. Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Washington, D.C. 20520

MEMBER ASSOCIATION OF EXECUTIVE RECRUITING CONSULTANTS

Is in hand.

NYT, JSTL, ?,

# Kissinger Awards 1975

After Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger won the Nobel Peace Prize in 1973, he said that his share of the prize — $52,980 — would set up a scholarship fund for the children of American service-men killed or missing in action in Indochina.

The first recipients of the scholarships have just been chosen—five students who will receive $1,000 each—plus five “special merit awards” totaling $750. The $1,000 scholarships, which are expected to be renewed annually until the students complete college, have gone to Karen E. Anderson of Amherst, N.Y.; Brian P. O’Connor, Moorestown, N.J.; Michael J. Barbarino, Marina, Calif., and Carol Ann and Harvey S. Bass, Lexington, Mass.

The awards are administered by the New York Community Trust.

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Please Reply To: The Hop Meadows
1028 Ridgefield Rd.
Wilton, Ct. 06897

July 14, 1975

Dear Henry,

Just the other day, while going through some papers, I found the beau-
tiful letter of sympathy you sent to me when my Ellen died fourteen months
ago. It meant much to me then, and it does now . . . now because I am so up-
set about the unfair bullying you are getting from the press and from certain
other quarters.

The press can still, however, do something decent every now and then. I
refer to the enclosed item from the NEW YORK TIMES.

What a handsome thing for you to do! You are, of course, aware of my
great interest in the POW's and the MIA's, so I'm sure you realize what your
magnificent gesture means to me.

As I told you in a letter late last Summer, you have already earned your
second Nobel Peace Prize, and I pray that you will be awarded it. I make that
prayer every morning and every night as I pray for the success of your hercu-
lean efforts to bring a lasting Peace to our World.

Last week I saw Frank Barnett at the National War College, and he and I
said such nice things about Henry K. that even you must have blushed!

My best to you,

Hon. Henry A. Kissinger
The Secretary of State
Washington, D. C. 20520

WEST, William

24 September 1973

Dear Henry,

It was a pleasure to receive your recent note. And I'm sorry we haven't been able to get together yet.

I am enclosing another set of translated excerpts from a recently published Soviet work on foreign policy. It is a collection of essays previously published separately in the Soviet journal *International Life* (Mezhdunarodnaya Zhizn') during the past couple of years and revised and updated for this volume.

They represent an important and authoritative statement, and -- despite the detente posture -- are rather candid in their articulation of ideology, strategy, and tactics. If the book has not been called to your attention previously, the excerpts may be useful to you.

Congratulations, and all best wishes.

I also enclose a second set of excerpts, which were part of my contribution to detente analysis here.

Office phone: 351-5622
Home phone: 437 0668

The Foreign Policy of the Soviet Union: Urgent Problems (Vneshnyaya politika

Sovetskogo Soyuza: aktual'nyye problemy), Moscow, Publishing House
"International Relations," 1973, 197 pp. Approved for publication
14 December 1972 in an edition of 23,000 copies. Edited by Sh. P. Sanakoyev.

EXCERPTS

(describing "Program of Peace" formulated at 24th CPSU Congress) A clear class orientation, a militant anti-imperialistic spirit, principle in conjunction with realism, with a flexible approach to problems — these are its characteristic features. (p. 7)

It is no accident that the foreign policy activity of the Soviet Union after the 24th Congress of the CPSU is assessed by both friends and foes as a Soviet peace offensive. Such an assessment actually reflects the offensive character, the dynamism, the boldness, and the magnitude which characterize the actions of the USSR. (p. 7)

The Soviet Union firmly holds in its hands the initiative in foreign policy. (p. 8)

The solidarity of the Soviet Union with the heroic struggle of the
Vietnam people has been and will remain unshakeable. The effective aid
of the Soviet Union, and of the other socialist countries, is the factor
which guaranteed the invincibility of the patriotic forces of Indochina. (p. 11)

The genuine normalization of the situation in Europe is possible only by taking cognizance of the status of the GDR as an independent sovereign socialist country. (p. 16)

The Soviet Union has never sought and does not seek for itself any unilateral advantages (in disarmament agreements). (p. 21)

The Soviet Union pursues a decisive anti-imperialist course. (p. 21)

To accomplish this it was necessary to work out modes and methods of Soviet
diplomacy which in the best fashion would assure the realization of the
strategic and tactical line of the Leninist foreign policy." (p. 26)

The aggressive imperialist foreign policy is closely interrelated with a
reactionary domestic policy, they are mutually dependent, they complement one
another and serve one and the same aim — the preservation of the domination of
the monopolies. (p. 27)

a course of decisive opposition to the imperialist policy of war and
aggression. . . . (p. 27-28)

The strict observance of the principles of the Leninist foreign policy guarantee
also the defense of the vital interests of the international positions of our
country. (p. 28)

The hypocrisy and deceit, inherent in bourgeois diplomacy, are a result of
the complete gap between its principles and its officially proclaimed aims, on the
one hand, and its practical policy, on the other. (p. 29)

The unity and solidarity of the socialist states, their decisive joint

-2-

actions, have time and again frustrated the imperialist plans for the violation of peace and tranquillity on the European continent. (p. 30)

In the Western European countries the tendency toward the conduct of an independent foreign policy, the striving to cast off the fetters of "Atlantic solidarity," have visibly intensified; these countries have begun to manifest greater interest in European affairs. The fact that a European policy of European states is being activated is a source of satisfaction. (p. 30)

Practice shows that the imperialist reaction in essence has not renounced its former aims with respect to the countries of socialism. Only the forms of its subversive activity are changing. (p. 34)

(on the result of the treaties involving the USSR, West Germany, and Poland, and the Berlin four-power agreement) It in no little degree makes possible the rejection by the Western European countries of many anti-Soviet conceptions and the manifestation by them of greater independence in the conduct of their national policy. (p. 35)

The power of the foreign policy of socialism consists in the fact that Marxism-Leninism constitutes its scientific basis; it is built on the basis of the objective laws of the development of society discovered by K. Marx, F. Engels, and V. I. Lenin. It is precisely this fact which gives the CPSU and the other fraternal parties the possibility of freely orienting themselves in the complicated, contradictory processes of international life, of determining the constellation of world forces at each historical stage, and of formulating a scientifically based foreign policy program which will correspond to the requirements of the moment, which will correspond to the national interests and international tasks of the countries, which will make possible the progress of all mankind. (p. 38)

The defense of peace is indissolubly linked with the struggle to impose on the imperialists the peaceful coexistence of states with differing social systems. (p. 41)

The peaceful policy of Soviet Union and the other countries of socialism, its consistent carrying out, make possible the creation of the prerequisites for the development of the revolutionary and liberation movement of peoples, for the intensification of the assault of the revolutionary forces against the forces of reaction, against imperialism and the system of the relations between peoples and states which it created. (p. 42)

Characteristic of socialist foreign policy are its clearness of purpose and its consistency, its approach to the solution of current problems from the point of view of long-term and permanent aims and tasks. (p. 43)

The foreign policy of the Soviet Union and of the other socialist states is never based on the quest for any kind of temporary advantages, on fortuitous political or diplomatic calculations and maneuvers. It is based on scientific principles and is worked out on the basis of a deep theoretical analysis of the main directions and chief tendencies in world development and international relations, of a class approach to the assessment of the constellation and correlation of forces in the world. (p. 44)

Imperialism has not renounced the preparation of total armed aggression against the countries of socialism. (pp. 45-46)

-3-

(w)

During recent years on our continent, primarily as a result of the active foreign policy of the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries, the tendencies toward a relaxation of tensions and the restoration of collaboration between states which belong to different social systems have significantly strengthened. (p. 49)

An important role in the NATO political strategy is assigned to the presence of American military forces on the European continent. . . . (p. 51)

This aggressive policy is linked in the closest fashion with the growing influence of the military-industrial complex, with the unprecedented development of militarism. (p. 52)

Despite the opposition of the most aggressive militaristic imperialist circles, the Leninist idea of peaceful coexistence is receiving more and more wide acceptance in international life, it has been transformed into a real force in world development. And the chief merit for this again belongs to the Soviet state, to the other socialist countries, to their active foreign policy. (pp. 54-55)

... in the capitalist countries themselves those forces are growing which are advocating the revolutionary transformation of society. . . . (p. 55)

The initiative of the socialist foreign policy is bearing its fruit. (p. 67)

It is incontrovertible, of course, that in Europe the class struggle is continuously intensifying, both in individual capitalist countries and in the all-European arena. (p. 67)

Moreover, it should be clear to all that an all-European conference of states is designed to occupy itself with questions of inter-state relations, problems of collaboration of the European countries in the interests of the preservation and strengthening of peace and security of all the countries and peoples of the continent, and not with questions of an ideological character. (p. 80)

Russia -- geographically, economically, and historically -- belongs not only to Europe, but also to Asia. (p. 84) (Brezhnev)

The "cold war" against the Soviet Union and the other socialist countries, developed by the reactionary circles of the American bourgeois . . . (p. 95)

Why, then, did the American bourgeois politicians and propaganda, which do not at all, as is well-known, feel any sympathy for the Soviet Union and its foreign policy, suddenly begin to speak out so positively? Undoubtedly this is to a definite degree the result of the fact that already a rather significant part of the American bourgeois, under the influence of the failures and defeats of the foreign policy of the USA, has come to the conclusion of the necessity of a more realistic approach to foreign policy problems and, above all, to the problem of the relations of the USA with the Soviet Union. (p. 103)

And although bourgeois politicians and ideologists utilize every kind of a shift in order to distort the conception of "peaceful coexistence," to emasculate it of its class content, this socialist principle is confidently making its way in the relations of states with differing social-economic systems. (p. 109)

It (the characteristic feature of socialist foreign policy) undeviatingly follows the Leninist precept: "despite all compromises, insofar as they are inevitable,

-4-

to know how to remain faithful to its principles, to its class, to its
revolutionary task. . . ." (p. 109)

The fact the military organization of the Warsaw Treaty is constantly
perfecting itself has great importance for the securing of peace in Europe and
in the entire world. (p. 120)

The world socialist system is assigned the decisive role in the struggle
against imperialism, for the revolutionary transformation of social relations
on the globe. The revolutionary detachments and democratic movements receive
precisely from it their fundamental support. (p. 121)

On the achievements of the countries of socialism, on the ability of their
ruling parties to realize the possibilities which reside in the socialist
means of production, on the solidarity of the countries of socialism, to a
decisive degree depend the successes of all of the revolutionary forces of the
world. Solicitude for the strengthening of the world socialist system -- this is
at the same time solicitude for the development of the world revolutionary
process, for the effective struggle against imperialism. (p. 121)

Such a distorted and in part simply hostile interpretation of the principle
of peaceful coexistence does not have anything in common with the scientific
approach to revolutionary theory, contradicts the Leninist theoretical
directives concerning the strategy and tactics of the communist movement and,
in particular, concerning the varied forms and methods of the class struggle.
(pp. 128-129)

... peaceful coexistence represents a special form of the class struggle,
including ideological struggle. (p. 129)

But this does not change the essence of the matter -- the class content and
sphere of the application of the principle of proletarian internationalism
and the principle of peaceful coexistence, and, of course, the principle
of proletarian internationalism occupies the leading and basic role. (p. 131)

Today without the participation of the Soviet Union it is impossible to resolve
a single important international problem. (p. 132)

The planned conduct of foreign trade on the basis of the state monopoly
permits the most expedient and purposeful utilization of export resources and
the satisfaction of import requirements taking into account the economic and
political tasks which confront the country at each concrete stage in its
historical development. (p. 135)

(on Soviet and bloc trade with underdeveloped countries) These foreign trade
relations have also become an important new form of uniting the forces of the
revolutionary trends of our times in the anti-imperialist struggle. (p. 146)

The 24th Congress of the CPSU made an invaluable contribution to the
anti-imperialist struggle, to the development of the world revolutionary process.
(p. 150)

The social revolution cannot transpire in any other way than in the form of an
epoch which will unite the civil war of the proletariat against the bourgeois in
the advanced countries and a whole series of democratic and revolutionary --
including national-liberation -- movements in the undeveloped, backward, and
oppressed nations." (p. 152) (Lenin)

-6-

(c)

a cessation of the ideological struggle, but at an energizing of ideological attacks on socialism and other anti-imperialistic forces, at the intensification of foreign policy propaganda. (p. 171)

Thus, the sharp ideological struggle being waged at present around the European policy once again demonstrates that peaceful coexistence, the process of detente in tensions, do not exclude the clash of ideologies . . . (p. 175)

Unity — this is the political and ideological expression of the actually existing demands of the world revolutionary process for the solidarity of all revolutionary currents, of all anti-imperialistic and anti-monopolistic forces. (p. 177)

The basic content of the contemporary epoch is the antagonism of world socialism and world capitalism, which is growing more active, many-sided, and dynamic with every year. (p. 179)

The real expression of the struggle between socialism and capitalism is to be found in the world revolutionary process. (p. 179)

the world revolutionary process is indivisible, in the deepest sense of this word, and it finds its expression in the international character of the class struggle. (p. 181)

It is becoming absolutely clear that the objective need to work out an international strategy of the struggle of socialism with capitalism is growing, and, taking it into consideration, to perfect the national strategy of the preparation and carrying out of the revolution in this or that country. (p. 181)

the world revolutionary process is irreversible . . . (p. 182)

Symptomatic phrases punctuating the work:

"repulse to the aggressive policy of imperialism" (p. 9)

"firm repulse to the aggressive intentions of imperialism" (p. 4)

"the anti-imperialist struggle" (p. 11)

"imperialist and Zionist aggression" (p. 12)

"the aggressive circles of NATO" (p. 17)

"the growth of imperialism in the countries of the imperialist camp" (p. 19)

"irreconcilability of the ideological struggle" (p. 23)

"the exposure of the expansionist schemes and the frustration of the aggressive actions of the imperialist forces" (p. 24)

"the growth of the moral-political and economic might of the Soviet Union and its fruitful foreign policy activity" (p. 35)

"the attractive power and constantly growing role of the Leninist policy of peace" (p. 36)

-7-

"the repulse of imperialist aggression" (p. 47)

"the forces of aggression and imperialism" (p. 51)

"the aggressive policy of the imperialist circles" (p. 62)

"reactionary circles of West Germany" (p. 72)

"the forces of imperialism and counterrevolution" (p. 126)

"the struggle against imperialism" (p. 151)

"the world revolutionary process" (p. 151)

"victory over imperialism" (p. 151)

"the export of counterrevolution" (p. 159)

"the aggressive policy of imperialism" (p. 166)

"the imperialist policy of expansion, oppression, militarization" (p. 169)

Dmitriy Georgiyevich Tomashevskiy, *A Policy Corresponding to the Fundamental Interests of the Peoples: Concerning the Peaceful Coexistence of the States of the Two Systems*, Moscow, Publishing House for Political Literature, 1972, 62 pp. Approved for publication on 25 April 1972 in an edition of 50,000 copies.

This is an interesting separate pamphlet (the first I have encountered) devoted exclusively to an analysis of Soviet detente policy. It provides some valuable insights into the Soviet conception of the problems raised by detente, and more particularly into the Soviet appraisal of the advantages which detente policy will bring the USSR and the international communist movement.

A few indicative quotes are attached in translation.

I received this work just a few weeks ago from my Russian bookstore in Munich.

"The struggle for peace became a central task of its (socialism) foreign policy. And the peaceable policy of the Socialist state acquired extremely essential significance as an integral element of the revolutionary strategy of the working class in the struggle for socialism." (p. 13)

"In the conditions of peaceful coexistence are created the most favorable conditions both for the construction of the new society and for the struggle of the revolutionary and progressive forces of the entire world." (p. 14)

"In relations with the capitalist world -- whatever form they have taken -- Soviet foreign policy has invariably defended the inviolability of the revolutionary conquests of the Soviet people." (p. 18)

"The essence of peaceful coexistence of states of the two systems as the specific form of class struggle in the international arena has not changed in the contemporary stage." pp. 25-26)

"Thus, considerations of humanism and solicitude concerning the prospects of the development of the world revolutionary process elicit the vital interest of the international working class in the prevention of a new world war." (p. 28)

"It has become the real task to achieve an increasingly broad embodiment of the principle of peaceful coexistence in actual practice of relations between the socialist and capitalist states, to impose it on imperialism for a protracted historical period of competition of the two systems." (p. 34)

"The Soviet government, the CPSU, and the international communist movement take the position of supporting such wars." (anti-imperialist and anti-colonial wars) (p. 38)

"However, the 'building of bridges' in fact has as its aim intervention in the internal affairs of the socialist countries, an intensification of 'ideological war,' the encouragement of anti-socialist nationalistic tendencies, the sundering of the socialist countries, and is therefore incompatible with the principle of peaceful coexistence." (p. 43)

"... the leftist vulgarizers of Marxism-Leninism in fact ignore the main front of the struggle of the two systems in the contemporary epoch -- the economic competition of socialism and capitalism." (pp. 44-45)

"... the policy of peaceful coexistence 'does not signify either the preservation of the social and political status quo, or the weakening of the ideological struggle.'" (p. 45) (from documents of international conference 1969)

"... peaceful coexistence of states of the two opposing systems not only does not hinder the class and national-liberation struggle, but indeed creates more favorable international conditions for it." (p. 45)

"However neither the cries about 'the Soviet threat,' nor the summons to 'Atlantic solidarity' are able to eliminate the deep contradictions between the USA and its Western European partners (which were especially acutely revealed in connection with the eruption of the currency-financial crisis in the summer and fall of 1971)." (p. 54)

"In this sense, the realization of the foreign policy program put forward by the CPSU will help the further strengthening of the position of socialism in the struggle against imperialism, and the further alteration in the relations of world class forces to the advantage of socialism." (p. 61)

Westchester County Nursing Home Association, Inc.

Third District New York State Nursing Home Association

620 SLEEPY HOLLOW ROAD

BRIARCLIFF MANOR, N.Y. 10510

AREA CODE 914-762-4949

President
PAUL S. ROTH
164 Bradly Road
Scarsdale, N.Y. 10583

Vice-Pres. Public Relations
BARRY BRACKEN
31 Lockwood Avenue
New Rochelle, N.Y. 10302

Vice-Pres. Membership
RICHARD SANCHEZ
31 Lockwood Avenue
New Rochelle, N.Y. 10302

Vice-Pres. Education
IRIS ENGELMANN
1188 Saw Mill River Road
Yonkers, N.Y. 10710

Treasurer
ANNA CALABRESE
1467 Elm Street
Peekskill, N.Y. 10566

Secretary
JOEL GARSON
110 Oregon Road
Peekskill, N.Y. 10566

BOARD OF DIRECTORS

BARBARA UZZILLIA
137 Nyac Avenue
Pelham, N.Y. 10803

HAROLD CHRISTIE
31 Overton Road
Ossining, N.Y. 10562

AUDRE GOLDFEDER
175 Johnson Road
Scarsdale, N.Y. 10593

FREDERICK C. PFISTERER
160 Elm Avenue
Mount Vernon, N.Y. 10550

September 28, 1974

Mr. & Mrs. H. Kissinger:

On behalf of the Westchester County Nursing Home Association I would like to extend an invitation to you and a guest to attend our 24th Annual Banquet.

It would be an honor to have you as our guest at this gala affair. We have a wonderful program planned and expect a terrific turnout of State and Local Officials along with the Administrators and Owners of Nursing Homes and Health Related Facilities.

As you know Long Term Care Facilities are extremely important to all of us. Senior citizens are very civic minded and thru our Association we reach practically all of them on a nation wide basis.

Enclosed you will find a Complimentary Invitation for Two, which we sincerely hope you will use. Please do not hesitate to call if there are any questions or anything we can possibly do to make your visit with us a more enjoyable one.

Richard J. Sanchez, L. N. H. A.
Banquet Chairman
Vice President Membership
(914-576-0600)

RJS:cs

ENCL:

A NON PROFIT ASSOCIATION OF MEMBER NURSING HOMES IN WESTCHESTER AND ROCKLAND COUNTIES, DEDICATED TO THE CARE OF THE AGED AND DISABLED. MEMBER OF NEW YORK STATE NURSING HOME ASSOCIATION, INC., AND AMERICAN NURSING HOME ASSOCIATION, INC.

You are cordially invited to attend the

Annual Banquet and Installation
of the

BOREL'S OF TAPPAN HILL

Highland Avenue

Tarrytown, New York

Thursday Evening, October 24, 1974

Cocktails at 7:30 p.m.

Dinner at 8:30 p.m.

Continuous Music and Dancing

Subscription $25.00

Dress Optional

Thea Westreich

6900 Loch Lomond Drive
Bethesda, Maryland 20034

June 17, 1975

The Honorable
The Secretary of State
and Mrs. Kissinger

Dear Mr. Secretary and Mrs. Kissinger,

This is to confirm the contents of my telephone conversation Thursday, June 12th with your secretary Miss Andrews. My husband and I would like you to be our guests for the opening night performance of An Evening with Margot Fonteyn and Rudolf Nureyev on Tuesday, July 8, in the Opera House of the John F. Kennedy Center at 8:00 P.M.

For your interest, I have attached a listing of the program they will be performing each night of their two week engagement at Kennedy Center.

Dinner with Margot Fonteyn and Rudolf Nureyev will follow the ballet. A separate invitation for the after performance supper will follow.

We look forward to having you with us for this exciting ballet event.

Encl.
TW/sbg

DEPARTMENT OF STATE

THE SECRETARY

July 8

Sir:

Attached is the program for this evening's ballet performance.

You and Mrs. Kissinger will be sitting in the Presidential Box with the Empress and Ambassador Zahedi.

At the dinner you will be seated next to the Empress and Mrs. Kissinger will be seated next to Ambassador Zahedi.

Al

"AN EVENING WITH MARGOT FONTEYN AND RUDOLF NUREYEV"

SONGS OF A WAYFARER, created to Mahler's song cycle by Maurice Bejart, and danced by Nureyev and Paolo Bortoluzzi, the superb Italian dancer who appeared two years ago with American Ballet Theatre.

MARGUERITE AND ARMAND, choreographed by Frederick Ashton to music of Liszt, this treatment of the Camille story is danced by Fonteyn, Nureyev, Leslie Banks, and others.

THE MOOR'S PAVANE is Jose Limon's choreographic treatment of Othello, with a score of Purcell's music. Nureyev will dance the Moor, Fonteyn will dance Desdemona (a new role for her); others in the cast will be announced later.