23

NIXON-CHINA

MOSCOW (AP)-THE SOVIET UNION IMPLIED TODAY THAT IT SEES
PRESIDENT NIXON'S PROPOSED TRIP TO PEKING AS AN AMERICAN MOVE TO
END THE WAR IN VIETNAM ON ITS OWN TERMS.

IN THE FIRST OFFICIAL REACTION TO NIXON'S ANNOUNCEMENT THURSDAY
THAT HE WILL TRAVEL TO THE CHINESE CAPITAL BEFORE NEXT MAY, THE
KREMLIN REVEALED REACTION BY QUOTING THE LONDON DAILY MIRROR.

IN AN ARTICLE SUMMING UP THE PAST WEEK'S EVENTS, KOMSOMOLSKAYA
PRAVDA SAID: "THE NEWS IS REALLY UNUSUAL THOUGH NOT UNEXPECTED.

"COMMENTS ARE DIFFERENT. THE DAILY MIRROR, FOR EXAMPLE, WRITES:
"THE INVITATION TO NIXON TO VISIT PEKING MEANS THAT CHINA USES ITS
ENTIRE INFLUENCE IN ORDER TO HELP AMERICA WITHDRAW FROM VIETNAM
ON CONDITIONS ACCEPTABLE TO IT..."

THE MAIN ORGAN OF THE SOVIET YOUTH LEAGUE SAID THE "WESTERN PRESS PRESENTS AS A SENSATION THE STORY ON TALKS IN PEKING BETWEEN CHOU EN-LAI AND THE WHITE HOUSE PRESENTATIVE (HENRY) KISSINGER."

THE BRIEF COMMENT WAS WRITTEN BY ALEXANDER YEFREMOV.

THE SOVIET UNION FREQUENTLY USES THE DEVICE OF QUOTING FOREIGN
NEWSPAPERS TO INDICATE ITS VIEWS WHEN IT PREFERS TO AVOID TAKING
AN IMMEDIATE STAND ITSELF.

THE FACT THAT THE COMMENT WAS PUBLISHED IN THE YOUTH ORGANIZATION
NEWSPAPER RATHER THAN IN THE MORE INFLUENTIAL COMMUNIST PARTY
PAPER, PRAVDA, SHOWED THAT SOVIET REACTION WAS BEING KEPT
DELIBERATELY LOW-KEYED.

PRAVDA'S REVIEW OF THE WEEK'S NEWS ALSO MENTIONED THE
ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE CHINA TRIP, BUT PURELY FACTUALLY, WITHOUT
COMMENT OF ANY KIND.

KB556PED JULY 18

KISSINGER

SS

HK

227A

ROGERS 7-18 NX

WITH KISSINGER

WASHINGTON (UPI)--SECRETARY OF STATE WILLIAM P. ROGERS, AIDES SAY, IS PHILOSOPHIC ABOUT THE RISE TO PROMINENCE IN THE CURRENT CHINA DIPLOMACY OF HENRY A. KISSINGER, PRESIDENT NIXON'S NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS ADVISER.

ROGERS FEELS THAT WHATEVER STEPS MAY STRENGTHEN WORLD PEACE AND BRING BENEFITS TO THE UNITED STATES ARE SO VALUABLE THAT IT MAKES LITTLE DIFFERENCE WHO RECEIVES CREDIT FOR BEING THE ARCHITECT OF THE POLICY.

ROGERS' ATTITUDE IS BOLSTERED BY HIS OWN SENSE OF SELF-CONFIDENCE AND THE ASSURANCES OF POLITICAL SUPPORT WHICH HE HAS CONTINUED TO RECEIVE FROM NIXON. HIS AIDES SAY THAT ROGERS' EQUANIMITY APPARENTLY FLOWS FROM THE FACT THAT HE HAS A HAPPY FAMILY LIFE AND THAT HE HAS ACHIEVED ALL OF HIS PROFESSIONAL GOALS WHILE AMASSING A RESPECTABLE FORTUNE AS A NEW YORK LAWYER.

NEVERTHELESS, ROGERS, 58, HAS HAD HIS FRICTION WITH KISSINGER DURING THE TWO-AND--HALF YEAR LIFE OF THE NIXON ADMINISTRATION. KISSINGER, AT TIMES, IS REPORTED TO HAVE LOOKED UPON ROGERS WITH SOME DISDAIN, BELITTLING HIS INTELLECT AND OCCASIONALLY HIS DRIVE AND DETERMINATION.

THE PROBLEM SURFACED EARLY IN 1971 WHEN SEN. STUART SYMINGTON, D-MO., COMPLAINED IN A SENATE SPEECH THAT KISSINGER WAS NEVER AVAILABLE BECAUSE OF "EXECUTIVE PRIVILEGE" TO TESTIFY ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS BEFORE CONGRESSIONAL COMMITTEES.

SYMINGTON CALLED ROGERS AN ABLE SECRETARY OF STATE, BUT HE NOTED THAT OCCASIONALLY HE HAD BEEN ACCUSED OF BEING SECRETARY "IN NAME ONLY" AND THAT KISSINGER WAS REALLY THE POWER BEHIND THE SCENES.

THE MEDIA SEIZED ON SYMINGTON'S LATTER REMARKS AND PRECIPITATED THE CRISIS IN ROGERS-KISSINGER RELATIONS. ROGERS IMMEDIATELY SOUGHT NIXON'S REASSURANCES AND EVER SINCE THEN HAS BEEN APPEARING MORE FREQUENTLY AT PRESS CONFERENCES.

A SPECIAL EFFORT WAS MADE BY THE WHITE HOUSE IN RECENT DAYS TO CONVEY THE IMPRESSION THAT ROGERS PLAYED HIS ROLE TOO IN THE SECRET KISSINGER VISIT TO PEKING. BUT THE ROLE WAS NOT VERY CLEARLY EXPOUNDED AND ROGERS' MAIN CONTRIBUTION SEEMED TO BE IN GIVING ADVANCE NOTICE TO A NUMBER OF FOREIGN AMBASSADORS.

ROGERS ALSO CANCELED A PLANNED TRIP TO LONDON, WHERE HE HAD BEEN SCHEDULED TO DELIVER A SPEECH MONDAY TO THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION, IN ORDER TO BE ON HAND IN WASHINGTON PERSONALLY TO BRIEF A LARGE NUMBER OF ASIAN AMBASSADORS, INCLUDING THE ENVOY FROM NATIONALIST CHINA, JAMES H. C. SHEN.

HM355PED

Betty Furness... quits

(B photo)

workers yet presume to speak for them, the labor leader asked, "Where are their credentials?" Reuther, 59, a United Auto Workers official, will retire next May 1 after 35 years in the labor movement.

"Secret talks about secret talks" between Britain and Rhodesia are being sabotaged by the nameless author of a mocking booklet, "A Guide to the Thoughts of Ian Smith," reports the London Observer. The booklet has been mailed extensively in both countries. It quotes the words of Prime Minister Smith and his Rhodesian Front as recorded in Hansard (Rhodesia's Congressional Record) and local newspaper interviews—and adds selected satirical embellishments.

By Jennings Parrott

METROPOLITAN

Massage Parlors

Vice detectives arrested two Los Angeles men on suspicion of pandering in connection with the massage parlors in which they merly were partners. David Loach, 35, of 10501 Wilshire Blvd. an attorney, and his brother, nald, 33, of 1827 Veteran Ave. held under $1,250 bail. DeLoch's partner, Perry Walshin, 33, is pected to surrender, police said. detectives said the massage parlors were located in West Los Angeles and the San Fernando Valley.

The Los Angeles City Council tatively approved a controver $27.6 million electricity rate crease for the Department of Wa and Power. (Part 2, Page 1.)

Preliminary valuations Los Angeles County properti passed the $19.7 billion mark Assessor Philip E. Watson predict tax rates in the city of Los Ange will rise 13%. (Part 1, Page 1.)

A summer heat wave pushed te peratures past the 100-degree ma at some inland points, but a cool trend developed along the southe coast and forecasters said it wou become general over most of South ern California. (Part 1, Page 3.)

Striking West Coast dock worke have rejected an industry offer t would have guaranteed them hours' pay weekly even if there w no work for them to do. (Part Page 3.)

A Los Angeles corporation exec tive, Alfred S. Bloomingdale, w named by President Nixon to t Commission on Highway Beautifi tion. Bloomingdale, former Hol wood and Broadway producer, Di ers' Club chief executive and bar realty and insurance board mem maintain. offices in Century City Other appointees announced at t

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THE WASHINGTON POST

Tuesday, July 13, 1971

...R

A3

# End-War Rider
# Still Stymied

By Spencer Rich

Washington Post Staff Writer

House-Senate conferees squabbled fruitlessly over end-on the draft bill squabbled fruitlessly over end-the-war amendment for 45 minutes yesterday, amid rumors that the administration is blocking a compromise by hinting that any Vietnam-pullout provision would undermine a secret peace proposal now under consideration in Paris.

Senate Armed Services Committee Chairman John Stennis (D-Miss.) said the next meeting of the conferees had been put off until July 20 so that he can consult with Defense Secretary Melvin R. Laird. Laird is returning Friday from a Far Eastern trip.

On the Senate floor, meanwhile, Majority Leader Mike Mansfield (D-Mont.), backed by Sen. George D. Aiken (R-Vt.), said he had now carefully reviewed North Vietnam's seven-point peace proposal and believes it "contains the elements of a breakthrough."

Three Senate conferees said privately after yesterday's meeting—at which the House conferees again agreed to accept a "sense of Congress" end-the-war declaration, but again flatly rejected any fixed termination date—that they think the Nixon administration is deliberately encouraging a deadlock in the conference at this time.

One senator said there were indications that the administration has intimated to some House conferees that any language setting a date for terminating the war might wreck the prospects for agreement between Hanoi and the United States on a specific peace proposal which is secretly being considered in Paris—or at some third-party meeting elsewhere—right now.

Chairman F. Edward Hebert (D-La.) of the House Armed Services Committee said later, "I know nothing about" any such representations from the administration. Other sources said they did not know of any specific proposals mentioned by the administration in this connection, but the administration has made clear it opposes end-the-war language as tying the President's hands in

any negotiations, including those now going on in Paris.

"If the talks are moving," said the senator who raised the issue of a specific Paris proposal, the administration may want the conferees "to go over to September to see what will happen in Paris."

An aide to another confereesaid it was clear the administration was adamant and was making no effort to reach a compromise on the end-the-war language. But it was his impression the reason was s desire to see what happens genererally in the Paris talks and to assess what effect any Senate end-the-war language would have on the October elections in South Vietnam.

Another source said the delay in the conference might be designed not only to give Stennis time to consult Laird on various matters, such as how long the nation can go without a drat, but to await word from Presidential National Security Adviser Henry A. Kissinger, who has been in Paris. Kissinger has been consulted frequently by lawmakers to ascertain the administration position on various sensitive legislative items.

Continued disagreement over end-the-war language would prolong the period during which no new draftees could be taken. The draft expired June 30. The administration does have emergency powers to call up men who have received deferments in the past, but has said it is reluctant do so because that would upset families and involve yanking older men out of fixed civilian positions.

Hebert told reporters the House is willing to accept Senate language calling for an end to the war, but wants the nine-month pullout deadline dropped, and the wording changed to make clear this is merely "the sense of Congress." Mansfield, sponsor of the Senate end-the-war language which passed, 57 to 42, said again yesterday that he still likes the original wording.

# Kissinger Confers With American Delegation in Paris

Special to The New York Times

PARIS, July 12—Henry A. Kissinger, President Nixon's national security adviser, spent a day in Paris confer- ring with the American dele- gation to the Vietnam peace talks.

There was speculation that Mr. Kissinger might have made contact with Vietnam- ese Communist officials dur- ing his 22-hour stay in Paris. But the press spokesman for the American delegation, Ste- phen Ledogar, said he knew of no such encounter.

The North Vietnamese and Vietcong delegations indi- cated last week that they would consider meeting with Mr. Kissinger if he so desired.

A Hanoi spokesman said he knew of no plans for Mr. Kissinger to meet here with either Le Duc Tho, the fifth- ranking North Vietnamese party official, or with Xuan Thuy, chief of the Hanoi dele- gation to the peace talks.

## Plan Presented July 1

Mr. Tho arrived here short- ly after a new peace plan was presented on July 1 by Mrs. Nguyen Thi Binh, head of the Vietcong delegation. Under the plan American war prisoners in Vietnam would be released by the end of the year if all American troops are withdrawn by then.

Associated Press

Henry A. Kissinger, left, and David K. E. Bruce, U.S. ne- gotiator at Paris talks, meeting with newsmen yesterday.

racism.

Urges Move to Homelands

Mr. Thebehali advised blacks to go to the proposed rural homelands—backward territories totaling 13 per of South Africa's area. The Government has set them aside for separate development of the coun-

week. Heddie J. Van Zyl, Secretary of Bantu Education, University of South Africa, a correspondence-course institution, was giving a talk during a vacation project in a black township near here.

The official, discussing black demands that school attendance be made compulsory for black children as well as for whites,

Continuing Support by Libya
For Moroccan Rebels Reported

Special to The New York Times

CAIRO, July 12—The press and radio of Revolutionary Libya were reported today to be continuing expressions of support for army units that attempted to overthrow King Hassan II of Morocco last Saturday.

"What happened on Saturday will be a strong incentive to the Moroccan people to pursue their struggle," the Government radio said, according to the Libyan press agency.

The attempt to depose the "feudal, reactionary and corrupt" monarchy should have been undertaken years ago, the Libyan radio was quoted as having said.

The Libyan Government, headed by Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi, seized power from King Idris on Sept. 1, 1969, and has organized a left-wing socialist republic.

The Libyan radio was said to have accused the Moroccan monarchy of having turned the

country's people into "hungry and barefoot creatures."

The press agency dispatch said that endeavors to reach the Libyan Ambassador and embassy officials in Rabat had been unsuccessful, and it added that the Moroccan authorities would be held responsible for their safety.

Only the Beginning

BEIRUT, Labanon, July 12 (AP)—"The revolution is not over in Morocco," a Tripoli radio announcer said today. "The torch of Saturday's uprising will inevitably be picked up soon by other free officers."

"The uprising was only the beginning of the republican revolution in Morocco. This revolution will not stop until the feudal, reactionary monarchy is out," he added.

The radio said that Moroccan troops broke into the Libyan Embassy in Rabat tonight and began to sack Embassy papers.

Kissinger, Bruce Confer
In Paris On Peace Talks

Paris (Reuter)—Henry A. Kissinger, President Nixon's national security adviser, conferred with American peace talks negotiators yesterday after extending his stay in Paris from a morning visit to day-long consultations.

Dr. Kissinger spent the morning with David K. E. Bruce, chief United States negotiator, and other members of the American delegation.

After a break for lunch, the
talks with Mr. Bruce resumed.

Briefly Out Of View

When Dr. Kissinger briefly dropped from sight between the morning and afternoon sessions, observers speculated that he may have held secret talks with a North Vietnamese envoy.

When he left the morning consultations he refused to answer reporters' questions on whether he intended to meet Le Duc Tho, a member of the North Vietnamese Politburo, who arrived in Paris three weeks ago.

[A North Vietnamese spokesman said an encounter with Dr. Kissinger was not listed on the "work sheets" of either Mr. Tho or Xuan Thuy, head of Hanoi's peace talks delegation, but issued no direct denial of a meeting, the Associated Press reported.]

During the morning, aides
said Dr. Kissinger would be re-

suming his discussion with Mr.
Bruce at the U.S. Embassy after
lunch. However he did not im-
mediately return. Arthur Wat-
son, U.S. envoy to France, said
Dr. Kissinger had decided to
work for a time at the ambassa-
dor's residence.

"He's got a lot of reports to put together because he sees the President tomorrow," Mr. Watson said.

Dr. Kissinger's extension of
his time in Paris had also led to
increased speculation on his
chances of meeting Mr. Tho,
who came here shortly before
the Viet Cong proposed a new
seven-point peace formula.

Dr. Kissinger arrived in Paris early yesterday from Rawalpindi, Pakistan, where he had talks with President A. M. Yahya Khan and other Pakistani leaders. He will be back in the U.S. today.

Met With Thieu

Dr. Kissinger, who had talks in Saigon last week with President Nguyen Van Thieu of South Vietnam, came to Paris to make an on-the-spot assessment of the proposal presented by the Viet Cong at the peace talks July 1.

The U.S. initially responded more coolly than expected to the plan, which provides for the release of U.S. prisoners at the same time as U.S. troops are withdrawn—if the pullout takes place this year.

present Republi-
can regime in Libya—which has
officially regretted the coup's
failure.

Anti-Jewish, Anti-Western

This would imply a strongly
Arab-nationalist, anti-Jewish,
anti-Western attitude, rejecting
communism but probably allied
to the major Socialist powers for
armament purposes.

The King, in an address in Arabic Sunday, drew attention to the fact that some of the country's best known opposition leaders dined with him at Saturday's reception. He said their press and public criticism of his regime had encouraged those who staged the bloody abortive coup.

Diplomatic and other observ-
ers felt his speech made politi-
cal sense if the King was trying
to attract the legal opposition
parties to him by exploiting the
presence of a common enemy.

But if his suggestion that their
criticism was partly responsible
for the coup implied that the
Moroccan government would
now get even tougher with the
legitimate opposition, this would
apparently indicate that the les-
sons of Saturday's events had
not been learned.

Gen. Mohamed Oufkir, the interior minister who now has full civil and military powers, has a reputation for iron-handed severity when the occasion arises.

'Reforms Needed'

Veteran analysts of Morocco
feel that the best guarantee of
the regime's survival would be
for the King to take a personal
lead in agrarian and social re-

Kremlin Intervenes
on Viet Peace Plan

Jul 12

Formally Urges
U.S. to Consider
Viet Cong Offer

BY DON COOK
Times Staff Writer

PARIS—The Soviet Union has formally asked the United States to take the new seven-point Viet Cong peace proposal "very seriously," it was learned Sunday.

Only once before have the Russians intervened diplomatically in the three-year history of the Paris peace talks—that being in complex, behind-the-scenes negotiations in 1968 that enlarged the talks to include the Viet Cong and the Saigon government.

The Soviet efforts came to light as presidential adviser Henry A. Kissinger arrived in Paris early today on the last leg of a round-the-world journey which could produce the turning point in the long-snagged negotiations.

Stopover in Paris

The key question in the Kissinger stopover in Paris is whether he will take up the open invitation from North Vietnam for a private talk with Le Duc Tho, its Politburo member who recently returned to the Communist team at the talks.

While the official word is that "nothing has been arranged and nothing has been required," it would clearly take only a telephone call to set things up for a meeting instantly during the 12 or 14 hours which Kissinger will spend in Paris.

The Soviet intervention came in unexpected fashion. A few days after the latest proposals from the Communist side were presented at the 119th session of the talks on July 1, the Soviet Ambassador to Paris, Valerian Zorin, sent a senior politi-

cal officer of his embassy to inform the U.S. mission formally that the Soviet Union regarded the proposals as a serious effort to reach a peace agreement and to express the hope that the United States would respond to them seriously.

After the Viet Cong made the proposals on July 1, the Soviet Union called them "an important initiative . . . to end the deadlock at the talks and find a just solution to the problem in Vietnam," according to a Paris dispatch from Tass, the official Soviet news agency. However, there

Please Turn to Page 13, Col. 3

# U.S. Jets Knock Out 7 Red Guns

The War in Indochina—Two U.S. fighter-bombers blasted a cluster of antiaircraft sites along the Mu Gia Pass in North Vietnam, knocking out seven guns that had fired on an American warplane minutes earlier, the U.S. command reported.

It was the 46th "protective reac-

lies of U.S. servicemen imprisoned or missing in Indochina, said they feared the Administration might reject the plan and sacrifice the POWs rather than lose the pro-American government in South Vietnam.

Four months ago Dacca was teeming with life, its people excited at the prospect of a measure of self-rule. Today there is a ghostly emptiness in the streets at night, as people wait apprehensively in their darkened houses for a visit by West Pa-

kistan "authorities." (Part 1, Page 1.)

After narrowly escaping a bloody attempt on his life, Morocco's King Hassan ridiculed the plotters as "infantile" and said the 10 leaders of the abortive coup would be executed within 24 hours. (Part 1, Page 1.)

Newsday publisher William Attwood, writing about his recent visit to Red China, says "... it can leave you with the feeling that you have been somewhere that isn't really part of this world." (Part 1, Page 1.)

A Trans World Airlines Boeing 707 carrying 143 passengers and crew from London toward Washington, D.C., diverted to Shannon, Ireland, when a note was found in a toilet compartment warning there were explosives aboard and ordering the pilot to fly to Hanoi. Questioning of the passengers and a search of the plane and luggage by Irish police proved the threat to be "a complete hoax," a TWA spokesman said. The plane left for Washington after a five-hour delay.

Irish Prime Minister Jack Lynch, speaking on the 50th anniversary of the end of fighting with Britain, appealed to the British government to stop backing Northern Ireland and work for the unity of the Emerald Isle. Meanwhile, special British army units moved to secret bases in Northern Ireland to guard against violence today during Protestant marches commemorating a 17th century victory over Roman Catholic forces.

An earth tremor rumbled through north-central Chile, the same area hit by a violent earthquake three days earlier. First reports indicated the new tremor did not cause damage or injuries and registered between 3 and 5 on the Richter scale.

Chile's Congress unanimously passed a constitutional amendment permitting nationalization of the copper mining industry in which U.S. companies have a multimillion-dollar investment. (Part 1, Page 12.)

# KREMLIN

## Continued from First Page

was no public announcement of the formal message at that time. While Russia's intervention is clearly designed to further the Communist position in the talks and put pressure on the United States to withdraw its troops and come to political terms for a settlement, it also implies a readiness by the Russians to use their influence in the negotiations.

At various times in the past, the United States has endeavored to elicit Soviet interest or help in the peace negotiations, but has gotten nowhere.

Since the Russians have now taken the initiative in moving back onto the scene, it would be perfectly logical for the United States to use its channels to see what further help the Russians can be.

It is clear, however, that the key element will still be whether or not President Nixon is prepared to "bite the bullet" on fixing a date for an American troop withdrawal.

This is a decision which the President apparently has not yet made and will not make until Kissinger has reported back after his journey, which has taken him to Saigon, Bangkok, New Delhi and Pakistan. If Kissinger completes his global mission with a serious meeting with Le Duc Tho—which clearly is the

hope of both American and other diplomats in Paris—then he will be able to deliver a more meaningful report to the President on both the possibilities and the problems.

While the seven-point Communist package includes demands which the United States obviously cannot impose on Saigon, the real question is whether the package can be split and the political and internal issues dealt with separately from the question of troop withdrawal and release of prisoners.

This is precisely the kind of negotiating issue on which the Russians might be helpful—if President Nixon is ready to fix a withdrawal date. It is also the kind of question which Kissinger could ask Le, and thereby start really meaningful secret negotiations after the long, трудig, unproductive and repetitive 19 months of exchanges at the Hotel Mastic.

## Helicopter Rescues 2 Filipinos From Fire

MANILA (P)—A helicopter swooped into the smoke and raging fire of a burning office building here Sunday and lifted two trapped men to safety.

The men were caught inside the 12-story building in suburban Makati when fire broke out in the upper portion.

1

Los Angeles Times ★

IMPRESSION

all looked alike in their baggy khaki uniforms) didn't expect us. After passing the health and visa inspections and a big box of Little Red Books ("Help yourself" in four languages), we ran up against a polite but perplexed bureaucracy. We weren't a delegation that

DACCA

Continued from First Page

is the dominant emotion. A foreigner wonders why. He no longer hears shooting or sees burning houses. Much of the West Pakistan army has moved out into the border areas where there is the beginning of guerrilla resistance.

continuous taking away of people for questioning," said Labor member James Tinn. "The government must give higher priority to restoring confidence."

A Dacca banker—a Ben-gali and therefore suspect to the West Pakistanis' martial law command—is called upon at night. He must come to headquar-ters, and he must bring his sons.

The interrogator is an army major. He is polite but his questioning is lengthy, often repetitive. The answers are being

hands.

The questioning is brusque: a demand for identification cards. No explanation is given. There is rough talk, intended to terrorize the women. Sometimes there is a demand for money. Sometimes the men are marched off at gunpoint, leaving the women to wail. Some men do not return, or are returned beaten.

In Dacca, as elsewhere in the country, there is a campaign to drive out the Hindu. He is the scapegoat

Hindu temples have been demolished. Other have been ransacked, and their idols beheaded. Graves have been defiled, on the pretext they are the hiding place of weapons.

Affluent Hindus have been able to ransom themselves and their families. But they must leave behind their houses, fully furnished, for officials newly arrived from West Pakistan.

The only Hindus who are undisturbed are the "untouchables"—the sweepers who collect the garbage and clean the sewers. They wear a red arm band for identification. No Moslem wants their job and so they remain scorned but safe.

They are the only people living under martial law in Dacca who are unafraid.

ES & GENTS

G KONG

IN TOWN

ALITY Hand-Tailored and Individually clothes at Hong Kong Prices...

NOR150
CK 0901

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NOR182 EPC576
0916 : LEAD KISSINGER (NO PICKUP NOR 150) (275):

PARIS, JULY 12, REUTER -- HENRY A. KISSINGER, PRESIDENT NIXONS NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR, TODAY CONFERRED WITH THE U.S. TEAM AT THE PARIS PEACE TALKS ON A NEW COMMUNIST PLAN FOR VIETNAM, AND EXTENDED HIS CONSULTATIONS INTO DAY-LONG TALKS.

HE MET THIS MORNING WITH CHIEF U.S. NEGOTIATOR DAVID K.E. BRUCE AND THEN WITH THE ENTIRE DELEGATION TO THE PARIS TALKS.

KISSINGER ARRIVED HERE EARLY THIS MORNING FROM RAWALPINDI, PAKISTAN. HE DECLINED TODAY TO COMMENT ON WHETHER HE HAD CONFERRED WITH A LEADING MEMBER OF AN OUTLAWED PAKISTANI ORGANIZATION DURING HIS VISIT THERE.

HE WOULD NOT MAKE ANY COMMENT ON A DENIAL BY AN OFFICIAL PAKISTANI SPOKESMAN THAT HE HAD MET KAMAL HOSSEIN, A CONSTITUTIONAL ADVISOR TO EAST PAKISTANS OUTLAWED AWAMI LEAGUE, DURING HIS STAY IN THE NATHIAGALI HEALTH RESORT NEAR RAWALPINDI.

KISSINGER DECIDED TODAY TO CONTINUE HIS CONSULTATIONS HERE THROUGHOUT THE DAY AND PUT BACK HIS DEPARTURE UNTIL LATE TONIGHT.

HE HAD ORIGINALLY PLANNED TO MEET U.S. DELEGATION MEMBERS IN THE MORNING AND FLY TO THE CALIFORNIA WHITE HOUSE AT SAN CLEMENTE EAALY IN THE AFTERNOON TO REPORT TO NIXON ON HIS TALKS WITH SOUTH VIETNAMESE PRESIDENT NGUYEN VAN THIEU AND OTHER SAIGON LEADERS.

THE EXTENSION OF KISSINGERS STAY IN PARIS SOMEWHAT INCREASED THE CHANCES OF A MEETING WITH HANOI POLITBURO MEMBER LE DUC THO, ON WHICH THERE HAS BEEN CONSIDERABLE SPECULATION.

U.S. DELEGATION PRESS SPOKESMAN STEPHEN LEZOGAR DECLINED TO GIVE A CLEAR ANSWER WHEN QUESTIONED BY NEWSMEN ABOUT THE CHANCES OF SUCH A MEETING.

"DR. KISSINGER IS HAVING DINNER WITH A FRIEND THIS EVENING -- DONT ASK ME WHO THAT FRIEND IS," THE SPOKESMAN ADDED.

REUTER (NV) TR/AG

NOR204 EPD374

1218 :NIGHTLEAD KISSINGER (SCHEDULED):
(375 -- TWO TAKES)

SENT TO SAN CLEMENTE

BY GILBERT SEDBON

PARIS, JULY 12, REUTER -- HENRY A. KISSINGER, PRESIDENT NIXONS SECURITY ADVISER, TODAY CONSULTED WITH AMERICAN PEACE TALKS NEGOTIATORS AND THEN DISAPPEARED FROM VIEW, HEIGHTENING SPECULATION HE MAY BE HOLDING SECRET TALKS WITH A NORTH VIETNAMESE ENVOY.

KISSINGER SPENT THE MORNING WITH DAVID K.E. BRUCE, THE CHIEF NEGOTIATOR AT THE VIETNAM PEACE TALKS, AND OTHER MEMBERS OF THE AMERICAN DELEGATION.

WHEN HE LEFT THE MORNING CONSULTATIONS HE REFUSED THE ANSWER REPORTERS QUESTIONS ON WHETHER HE INTENDED TO MEET LE DUC THO, A NORTH VIETNAMESE POLITBURO MEMBER WHO ARRIVED IN PARIS THREE WEEKS AGO.

AIDES SAID KISSINGER WOULD BE RESUMING HIS DISCUSSION WITH BRUCE AT THE U.S. EMBASSY AFTER LUNCH. HOWEVER HE DID NOT RETURN. AMBASSADOR ARTHUR WATSON SAID HE HAD DECIDED INSTEAD TO WORK AT THE AMBASSADORS RESIDENCE.

"HES GOT A LOT OF REPORTS TO PUT TOGETHER BECAUSE HE SEES THE PRESIDENT TOMORROW," WATSON SAID.

KISSINGERS ABRUPT CHANGE OF PLANS LED TO INCREASED SPECULATION ON THE CHANCES OF MEETING THO, WHO CAME TO PARIS. SHORTLY BEFORE THE VIET CONG PROPOSED A NEW SEVEN POINT PEACE FORMULA.

KISSINGER ARRIVED IN PARIS EARLY MONDAY FROM RAWALPINDI, PAKISTAN, WHERE HE HAD TALKS WITH PRESIDENT YAHYA KHAN AND OTHER PAKISTANI LEADERS.

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1222 :NIGHTLEAD KISSINGER 2 PARIS:

AIDES ANNOUNCED HE HAD DECIDED TO EXTEND HIS STAY IN PARIS FROM A SCHEDULED ROUND OF MORNING TALKS WITH U.S. OFFICIALS TO DAYLONG CONSULTATIONS.

KISSINGER, WHO HAD TALKS IN SAIGON LAST WEEK WITH SOUTH VIETNAMESE PRESIDENT NGUYZN VAN THIEU, CAME TO PARIS TO MAKE AN ON THE SPOT ASSESSMENT OF THE PEACE PLAN PRESENTED BY THE VIET CONG AT THE VIETNAM TALKS HERE JULY 1.

THE U.S. INITIALLY RESPONDED MORE COOLLY THAN EXPECTED TO THE PLAN, SCICH PROMISES THE RELEASE OF U.S. PRISONERS AT THE EXACT SAME TIME AS U.S. TROOPS ARE WITHDRAWN IF THE PULLOUT TAKES PLACE THIS YEAR.

HOWEVER, BRUCE SUGGESTED AT LAST WEEKS SESSION OF THE TALKS THAT THE TWO SIDES HOLD PRIVATE DISCUSSIONS ON THE PLAN, MAKING CLEAR THAT WASHINGTON WAS NOT DISMISSING IT OUT OF HAND. THE SUGGESTION FOR PRIVATE DISCUSSIONS WAS IN TURN REJECTED BY THE COMMUNISTS.

BY GILBERT SEDBON

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Kissinger in Paris for Conference
With U.S. Aides on Viet Talks

PARIS, July 12 (Monday)
(UPI)—Presidential adviser
Henry A. Kissinger arrived
here early today for consulta-
tions on a new phase of the
Vietnamese peace talks.

Kissinger is to confer with
chief U.S. peace negotiator
David K. E. Bruce and his
aides before leaving tonight to
report to President Nixon in
San Clemente, Calif., Tuesday.

Kissinger ignored news-
men's questions shouted at
him at Le Bourget airfield on
whether he will take advan-
tage of his stay in Paris to
meet North Vietnamese or
Vietcong delegates.

U.S. officials already have
ruled out such a possibility.

Both Vietcong Foreign Minis-
ter Madame Nguyen Thi Binh
and Hanoi's special advisor Le
Duc Tho have stated their
readiness to meet him.

Kissinger flew into Paris on
the last stop of a 10-day fact-
finding trip that took him to
Saigon, Bangkok, New Delhi,
Rawalpindi, and other foreign
capitals.

In Paris, Kissinger's main

In Paris, Kissinger's main in-
terest will be a detailed study
plan submitted at the confer-
ence July 1. The seven-point
plan offered to release Ameri-
can prisoners of war simulta-
neously with the withdrawal
of U.S. troops provided Mr.
Nixon sets a terminal date for
the pull-out before the end of
the year.

Kissinger left Islamabad
yesterday morning. The depar-
ture had been delayed one day
because of a slight illness,
after a trip to Nathigal, a hill
station 60 miles northeast of
Islamabad.

On Thursday he had met
with Pakistan President Agha
Mohammed Yahya Kahn.

At the Islamabad airport,
Kissinger denied meeting at
Nathiagali with lawyer Kamal
Hussain of the outlawed
Awami League, the political
party which won elections in
East Pakistan where there has
been civil war since March 25.

The Pakistan foreign office
also denied reports of a meet-
ing with Kamal, legal adviser
to Sheikh Mujiber Rahman,
head of the Awami League.

NOR 180

CK 0901

NOR 181

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NOR182 EPC576

U.S. DELEGATION PRESS SPOKESMAN STEPHEN LE BogAR DECLINED TO GIVE A CLEAR ANSWER WHEN QUESTIONED BY NEWMEN ABOUT THE CHANCES OF SUCH A MEETING.

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on their release be held?

asked.

Los Angeles

Jul 11, 71

FOREIGN RELATIONS

Americans on the Road

In a way, Washington resembled a ghost town last week. President Nixon was at his Western White House in San Clemente, where he conferred with Secretary of State William P. Rogers on matters relating to foreign policy, especially the new Viet Cong peace plan.

Meanwhile, Vice President Agnew, Defense Secretary Melvin R. Laird and White House adviser Henry A. Kissinger were also on the road.

Agnew, fresh from the inaugural of South Korean President Park Chung Hee, flew into Singapore on the next stop of his month-long, 10-nation tour.

He stayed long enough to declare that the U.S. media misrepresented American foreign policy and the Indochina war, then moved on to Kuwait and Saudi Arabia.

One of Agnew's tasks as goodwill ambassador was to assure world leaders that the United States was not reverting to isolationism and would honor its treaty commitments.

Visiting Defense Secretary Laird had a slightly different message in Japan.

Sources in Tokyo said that he had emphasized to Japanese leaders that as the United States' presence in Indochina diminishes, Japan and its allies are going to have to assume more military responsibility.

Laird's talks were also believed to have covered the reported existence of nuclear weapons on Okinawa.

Japan has asked that any such weapons stored on the U.S.-held island be removed before it is returned to Japanese control next year.

Kissinger's trip was perhaps the most intriguing of the three.

In Saigon, his traveling think tank made what was described as the most sweeping Vietnam policy review since the early days of the Nixon Administration.

"I feel like I've been up against F. Lee Bailey," reported one ranking official, who had been questioned by Kissinger.

Kissinger also met secretly with five Vietnamese political figures, including President Nguyen Van Thieu, Vice President Nguyen Cao Ky and retired Gen. Duong Van (Big) Minh.

Stopping next in India, Kissinger was greeted with demonstrations against U.S. weapons shipments to Pakistan. The President's adviser also visited West Pakistan, before flying to Paris, where he was scheduled to meet with David K. E. Bruce, chief American negotiator at the Vietnam peace talks.

It was not known whether Agnew or Laird had also talked with intermediaries regarding an Indochina settlement, but it was believed that somewhere along the way the subject probably came up. One cartoonist portrayed President Nixon, in the manner of a customs official, inspecting the luggage of his three returning aides in search of a peace plan.

mage than we have to date."

*Communications of resolve...*

And Walt Rostow, once thought to be an intellectual, first urged McNamara to send in troops. But for what reason? To fight a war? To win a battle? Not at all.

"Following our conversation of last night I am concerned that too much thought is being given to the actual damage we do in the north. Not enough thought to the signal we wish to send."

*The signal we wish to send...*

The theme appears and reappears. While many have considered war to be a total breakdown in communication, these men saw it as simply another way of sending messages. Ra-

can people. This, of course, implies a sense of superiority, a feeling that they are wise parents dealing with unruly children. And not sparing the rod.

And there is the unforgettable picture of Taylor speaking to Vietnamese generals as though they were so many naughty children: "I told you all clearly at Gen. Westmoreland's dinner we Americans were tired of coups. Apparently I wasted my words... Now you have made a real mess. We cannot carry you forever if you do things like that."

*Carry you forever...*

The memo writers attended the best schools—Harvard and Yale and sometimes both—and they excelled there. Even now they are heading giant foundations and teaching at fine universities and lending their names to worthwhile causes.

Why did they do it? It wasn't fame; these men sought anonymity the way others crave notoriety. It wasn't money. And one would hesitate to say that they had fallen in love with power for its own sake.

The memo writers were not known to be heavy drinkers; they were not the sort to play around; they were neither gregarious nor colorful. They were, in a sense, inevitable byproducts of our technological society—thin-lipped, humorless men who worked long hours and overlooked no possibilities.

It is a triumph of technical ability over humanity. They had the weapons so they waged the war; they could tell lies and so they did tell lies. In the end there is something monstrous about them.

They are our Dr. Frankenstein—paying strict attention to detail but never pausing to ask themselves about the nature of the monster they were creating.

Hanoi Passes Word to Diplomat

# Neutral South 'Acceptable'

By Arthur J. Dommen

Los Angeles Times

SAIGON, July 11 — Senior North Vietnamese officials told a foreign diplomat in Hanoi last week that North Vietnam is prepared to accept an independent and neutral South Vietnam as part of a political settlement of the Vietnam war.

They also said that the seven-point proposal advanced by the Vietcong at the Paris peace talks on July 1 is genuinely intended to provide a basis for negotiating an end to

the war, but they coupled this statement with the proviso, often repeated by Hanoi in the past, that North Vietnam is prepared to fight on if the negotiations are refused.

The officials admitted to the diplomat they have little expectation that the seven-point proposal will be totally accepted. They said they expected some parts of the proposal to be rejected by allied negotiators.

The information from the foreign diplomat, who cannot be identified but whose country has served as a channel of

communication in the past between Hanoi and Washington, appeared intended to emphasize the seriousness of the Hanoi leaders in negotiations at this time.

Several times in the course of the conversation, the diplomat drew attention to the timing of the proposal—three months before the South Vietnamese presidential election—and indicated that the war will likely drag on for more years if this opportunity is lost.

See HANOI, A9, Col. 1.

Program also should provide "entertainment," but did not elaborate.

Coming on top of the Justice Department's efforts to restrain newspaper publication of the Pentagon papers, and the House Commerce Committee's recommendation for a contempt citation of the Columbia Broadcasting System for refusing to turn over accused film form its controversial "Selling of the Pentagon" program, the general's comments have drawn fire from film backers and opponents of the administration.

Rep. John E. Moss (D-Calif.), author of the 1967 Freedom of

Brother air about it," according to Rep. Paul N. McCloskey (R-Calif.), who plans to challenge President Nixon for reappointment in 1972.

McCloskey said, "We have been getting the administration's idea of the 'true picture' in Southeast Asia for years, only to learn that the administration in power is releasing only those facts and statistics which support the policies the administration believes are best for the country."

## Proposed Compromise

As a compromise, he said, "The general can continue to do his job of keeping SAC at its present high level of excel-

all news dispatches crediting it or not otherwise credited and local news of some origin published herein.

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Rates outside U.S.A. upon request.

Peking Invitation

SHOP

American policy has at least succeeded in giving the South Vietnamese the chance to choose their own government. Whatever the shortcomings of his Government, President Thieu has forged a national administration that works with varying degrees of success and corruption. Ranking American officials believe that a victory by "Big Minh," a popular figure who is nevertheless an inexperienced administrator, would lead to disruption in the momentum of

8 **Sec. A**-Sun., July 11, 1971

Los Angeles Times ★

# U.S.-Saigon Ties Seen Unhurt in Secrets Leak

## General Satisfaction by Allies Reported After Kissinger Talks With Top Officials

BY ARTHUR J. DOMMEN
Times Staff Writer

SAIGON—The leaking of the Pentagon papers to the American press apparently has done little or nothing to undermine trust between high-level South Vietnamese and American officials.

President Nixon's national security adviser, Henry A. Kissinger, met here last Sunday with South Vietnamese President Nguyen Van Thieu and with five other leading South Vietnamese politicians. There appears to be general satisfaction with his visit.

Formal statements were issued on the separate meetings, but South Vietnamese sources in each case have indicated the meetings were marked by frank discussion of sensitive political matters. One issue discussed was the extent of American involvement that would be best in the forthcoming elections in South Vietnam.

### Very Few Hints

What is noteworthy in a country where word generally gets out as rapidly as in South Vietnam is that very few hints of the substance of Kissinger's conversations have emerged.

It is probable that in each case Kissinger advised the man he was talking to that their conversation should be strictly private in order to enable

them to have as frank an exchange as possible.

But the publication of the Pentagon papers, which have been reproduced in part in the Vietnamese press, might also have impressed the men concerned with the need for respecting the confidential nature of the conversations.

President Thieu himself has kept a discreet silence about the revelations in the paper.

### Least Embarrassed

The only man Kissinger talked to who has shown the least embarrassment about the disclosures is Gen. Duong Van Minh. The general has defended himself against charges that he was encouraged by the United States to overthrow the late President Ngo Dinh Diem.

Minh probably reasoned that these charges would hurt his bid for the presidency by losing him sympathy among South Vietnam's million Roman Catholics and by suggesting that the Americans might help him again in 1971.

Any evidence that the American Embassy was supporting him as a candidate in the Oct. 3 election would be the kiss of death for Minh in the present political climate in South Vietnam. There is a growing feeling here that the solution to the problem of

war and peace should be a Vietnamese one.

Kissinger's principal message to the South Vietnamese politicians appears to have been that the United States wants to see fair and honest elections, and that if this occurs the South Vietnamese can expect continued American support.

A subsidiary theme appears to have been a cautioning word against a bitter election campaign that would divide the country, and more particularly the army, whose votes figure largely in any political calculations here.

Observers here also believe that Kissinger might have had a few words to say to Thieu on the desirability of placing national interests above personal ambition. In 1963, they recall, Diem placed the United States in a quandary by appearing to value family loyalty, which is extremely strong among all Vietnamese, above the interest of his nation.

### Opposition Agrees

The opposition candidates, Minh and Vice President Nguyen Cao Ky, are believed to have agreed with Kissinger on the desirability of ensuring a fair and honest election. Minh has said he wants the United States to take an active role in ensuring fair elections.

Sen. Vu Van Mau, a Buddhist opposition leader, also echoed this line in his conversation with Kissinger.

Even Prof. Nguyen Van Bong, regarded by the Vietnamese as a Thieu supporter, was quoted as saying during his half-hour talk with Kissinger that the fairness of the election was "more important to the future of Vietnam" than whether Thieu or Minh wins.

Following Ky's meeting with Kissinger, an aide to

Ky said that Kissinger "made it clear that President Nixon is committed to support a stable, fairly elected government in Saigon, but not necessarily that headed by Thieu ... we were very encouraged."

The aide also said Kissinger had warned that if there were a new cycle of military coups "we could count the United States out." But the aide did not specify whether the warning was directed mainly at

Ky, at Minn, or at Thieu.

Two Saigon newspapers reported that Thieu was "worried" after his two and one-half hour conversation with Kissinger.

But whatever the precise details of Kissinger's conversations, observers here believe that the Nixon Administration is handling its relations with the Saigon government with considerably more finesse than the Lyndon B. Johnson administration did.

Vietnam Talks:

Hanoi's
P.O.W.
Offer
Puts Nixon
On the Spot

PARIS — On the surface, the 120th session of the Paris Conference on Vietnam last week seemed as barren as the ones that went before: a debate on different wave lengths, an exchange of accusations and questions left hanging. Yet the jammed and sweltering press room of the conference hall was infused with that almost palpable excitement which attends a historic moment. For the first time in three years of talks, it seemed that a vital decision might be in the making.

There were a few interesting clues to support this feeling. But it rested chiefly on the virtual consensus among diplomats, Vietnamese observers and journalists that circumstances were forcing President Nixon to act, and rather soon.

They had been watching the Nixon Administration, for months, crawling farther and farther out on a limb labeled the "prisoner of war issue." Week after week Ambassador David K. E. Bruce talked of little else at the conference. Prisoners' wives were brought here on professionally publicized pilgrimages. President Nixon promised never to withdraw from Vietnam while Americans were still in captivity there.

The question then was: When would the Communists saw off the limb? The answer may have been brought by Le Duc Tho, member of the North Vietnamese Communist Politburo, when he arrived here on June 24. But the formal move was made by Mrs. Nguyen Thi Binh, the prim,

schoolmistress-like Foreign Minister of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of South Vietnam.

At the July 1 session of the conference Mrs. Binh presented a new plan for peace in seven points. The first called for the United States to set a date for withdrawal of all allied forces from South Vietnam before the end of the year, to be accompanied by the phased release of prisoners of both sides. A ceasefire would be arranged immediately to cover the withdrawal.

The other points called for the United States to "cease backing the bellicose group led by [South Vietnamese President] Nguyen Van Thieu," the formation of a coalition government in Saigon, the holding of elections, neutrality and ultimate reunification with North Vietnam by stages, without a target date.

Mr. Tho closed an apparent escape hatch last Tuesday when he told Anthony Lewis of The New York Times in an interview that the first point could be separated from the others—that is, that the United States need not agree to any terms about the future of South Vietnam to get its troops out of South Vietnam and get its prisoners home.

True, President Nixon had set another condition beside prisoner release for troop withdrawal: The United States would not withdraw unless the Saigon regime had a "reasonable chance" for survival. But this was a flexible phrase, and here again the Communists showed a new flexibility that increased the pressure. Mr. Tho, in effect, told Mr. Nixon that he could either bring the troops and prisoners back home, washing his hands of the South Vietnamese problem; or, if he insisted on dealing with that problem, he need only encourage the replacement of President Thieu, since the Communists were willing to negotiate with a government headed by anyone else.

Some American sources hint that the President has finally made up his mind to negotiate a withdrawal date. If that is so, he did not tip his hand at last

Thursday's session of the Paris Conference.

Ambassador Bruce did raise one specific objection to the Binh plan: that it does not mention "the release of those prisoners captured by your forces or forces under your control in Laos and Cambodia."

The Communists stood on the position that the conference covered only Vietnam, North and South. Mr. Tho had commented in his interview that if President Nixon posed conditions in his interview that if President Nixon posed conditions for a withdrawal, such as "a ceasefire throughout Indochina," that would "raise many other problems" and make a point 1 settlement limited to prisoner release and troop withdrawal impossible. But he did not rule out negotiations on a general settlement, beginning with a withdrawal date.

Ambassador Bruce urged that both sides discuss their proposals this Thursday in a restricted — that is, secret — session. The Communists rejected this as "a perfidious maneuver."

A Communist spokesman said that Xuan Thuy or Le Duc Tho, the chief figures in the Hanoi delegation, would "consider a request" for a meeting with Henry Kissinger, President Nixon's foreign affairs adviser, when he stopped here en route home from Vietnam. Mr. Kissinger let it be understood that he would not respond to the oblique invitation, but Paris does not lack the facilities for a clandestine rendezvous.

In any case, Mr. Kissinger will

leave here for a conference with Mr. Nixon that may be critical in the annals of the Indochina war.

What alternatives does Mr. Nixon have?

He could, theoretically, accept the proposal for a total United States troop withdrawal accompanied by a simultaneous release of prisoners, leaving the Communists and the Saigon Government to work out their differences. The problem here is that Hanoi insists it will not negotiate with President Thieu, while Washington is publicly committed to supporting the Thieu Government. Thus a United States withdrawal might mean that the Saigon Government would fall quickly to the Communists. Many Americans have made plain they would regard this as a humiliating defeat for the United States. Moreover, there would be the unresolved question of the prisoners taken in Laos and Cambodia.

On the other hand, opinion polls in the United States indicate that a majority of Americans now feel that their country has given the Saigon regime an adequate chance to survive, and they might reason that the release of any prisoners taken in Laos and Cambodia could be arranged once basic agreement were reached on the Vietnam prisoner and withdrawal issue.

If all other options fail, the Nixon Administration could continue the fighting, despite increasing pressures at home to end the war, in the hope that Hanoi would make further concessions toward an overall settlement.

—JOHN L. HESS