economically theory will determine the future of the uncommitted areas.
the Communist states which in the opinion of many holding to the
be given to the unencumbered economic competition between us and
successive of industrialization. This is the only meaning that can
fascinate whose power and breath will be enhanced by the very
development it most likely to bring into being some kind of authority-
institution which protects human dignity the process of economic

This angulates that unless a deliberate effort is made to create
depotentialize some almost inevitable.

mentaries not based on imperatives in human dignity, the same lens of
unbelied by most and not by sufficient considerations. Itoven-
which determine the action of the state. Restraint will have to be
minimum government. Rather a great deal depends on the criteria
in these circumstances it is senseless to identify freedom with
broader as well as the brutally unthinking force.

Will the new nations come in the state the original instrument for social
in the 19th century, to exist without reference in major areas today.
writeback however self in limiting the exercise of authority

II - 32

For if industrialization automatically produces liberalization we
should positively welcome the Soviet economic offensive in the under-
developed countries. The more they prosper, the more immune they
will become to Communism. The danger we seek to counteract must be
that together with their economic programs the Communists may install
their method of political control and that once established not even
the process of industrialization will be able to modify it.

It is a peculiar Western conceit to imagine that every society
must automatically go through the process of development with which
we happen to be familiar. And it is a curious sense of self-
effacement to set in motion the forces of change but to refuse to
contribute to the direction of this change either in the name of
evolutionary theory or in the name of non-intervention. It would
be a stranger view of our role in a world which we proclaim increas-
ingly interdependent if we felt free to supply the tools of op-
pression while thinking ourselves restrained from offering a set
of values or institutions which might ennoble their purpose.

The doctrine of non-intervention has considerable validity when

["The doctrine of non-intervention has considerable validity when\nof states or institutions which might envelope their burials.", "Breslin and White thinking unrelieved restricted from offering a set\nfirm independent point of view to each the views of ob-\npeople and states. And it is a curious fact of history\nthat independently of the process of development with which\nwe happen to be familiar. And it is a curious fact of self-\nwe happen to be familiar with the process

II - 38

applied to military pressure. But as the leading nation in the free
world we delude ourselves if we believe that we do not interfere in
the affairs of other governments, either by acts of omission or of
commission. Economic assistance is a force of intervention and, by
the aid claims of those who rely on the impact of evolution, a form of
political manipulation. In the reaction to Mr. Dules' tendency to
use economic aid as an inducement for nations to join military pacts,
the phrase "aid without strings" has been elevated almost into dogma.
If it applies to restraint in the creation of military alliances it
is unobjectionable. But if it leads to a notion--as it frequently
does--of aid without purpose and acceptance without responsibility it
can become pernicious, leading to hypocrisy on our side and to ir-
responsibility on the part of the recipient country. No one can ex-
pect us to be without motive in giving aid. The new nations should
judge us by the quality of our purposes not by the absence of them.
They have a right to object to specific objectives and this should
become the subject of serious discussion. They cannot require us
to have no objectives. We should show restraint in the consequences

II - 39

we show from our preferences; but unless we are to doom ourselves to eternal blandness we cannot avoid having preferences. If we are serious about promoting economic development in the new nations-as we must be-we have to be serious also about the political structure without which it is impossible and which will shape the future of the country concerned.

We can embark on this task of political construction with many advantages. For the values which we affirm and which have formed our society also provided the impetus for most of the revolutions out of which the new nations emerged. In fact, the anti-colonial upheaval of our time can be considered as one of the great conversions of history. Colonialism when it was first established was not considered "foreign" by its subject peoples. The conquest of vast areas in Asia and Africa by very small numbers of Europeans was possible because the imperial powers simply replaced an existing ruling group according to patterns established for centuries. The mass of the population did not expect to participate in government and did not much care who ruled if the exercise of authority was not

and did not much care who ruled if the exercise of authority was not
made of the position did not expect to participate in Government
writing stream according to betterment appropriated for centuries. The
benefit because the industrial powers strongly reduced an existing
chance in Java and Indonesia, very small numbers of Europeans was
considered "foreign," if its subject became. The concept of vast
science of history. Colonialism when it was first appropriated was not
nephew of our time can be considered as one of the great conver-
out of which the new nations emerged. In fact, the anti-colonial
ism society also provided the stimulus for most of the revolutions
advances. For the values which we utilize and which have formed
we own and mark on the side of political construction with many
the country concerned.

without which it is impossible and which will achieve the future of
we must do--we have to be serious also apart the political structure
of the world, promoting economic development in the new nations--as
we aim at, and which we cannot avoid having preferences. It we are
upon from our preferences; put unless we are to go ourselves

11-39

II - 40

too oppressive. Had the imperial powers been indeed as rapacious
and as conscious of their self-interest as Communism later claimed,
colonialism might have continued for decades longer. However hypo-
critical may have been the argument that the purpose of colonialism
was to help the subject peoples towards self-government, the legi-
timization of imperial government proved in time inconsistent with
the maintenance of that rule. The twin doctrines of rational ad-
ministration and popular participation in government brought to the
colonial areas by the West raised the issue of their "foreignness."
Rationalized administration led to the consolidation of many terri-
tories for the first time in their history. The boundaries of almost
all the African states have no other origin than the administrative
convenience of their rulers. At the same time, the European coun-
tries educated a small but able group of the indigenous population
in European universities where they became committed to the values
of human dignity, popular participation in government and economic
and social progress.

and coat-of-arms.

of human dignity, border barterstation in Government and economic
in European universities where they become committed to the airmen
trades educated a small part of their own of the indigenous barterstation
convenience of their interests. At the same time, the European con-
still the various states have no other option than the administrative
torium for the first time in their history. The possession of almost
nationified administration led to the consolidation of such territo-
rial areas by the West raised the issue of their "terefunctions."
ministration and border barterstation in Government prospective to the
the maintenance of that rule. The twin doctrine of rational adminis-
tration of imperial government proved in time incoherent with
was to help the subject become towards self-government, the left-
攻击者必然 have been the argument that the burboes of colonial
colonialism might have continued for decades longer. However, pabo-
and so consciousness of their self-interest as Communists further claimed,
foo obsequious. Had the imperial powers been indeed as robustons

11 - 40

EP

II-41

Almost all the leaders of the independence movements were educated in the countries whose rule they later overthrew. Invariably they fought the imperial power in the name of the principles learned from it. This accounts in part for the weakness of the resistance, especially in British territories. It also explains why the anti-colonial rebellion was most active, not in the territories where European rule was most oppressive, but where it was most enlightened. Where Europeans ruled by the mere fact of having seized power--as in most Portugese territories--the independence movements have been weakest. Where an effort was made to educate the local population in the doctrines of the West, opposition to imperial rule was most persistent. It was the moral success of the imperial powers which undermined their political rule.

Most of the new nations emerged into independence with constitutions in the Western mold and a political system drawn from the European example. The right of man, the transcendant importance of human dignity, even the necessity of a party system were unquestioningly accepted. The crisis in many nations has arisen because it has not proved possible to transplant institutions and ideas quite so literally.

brought possible to transparent institutions and ideas quite so literally.
accepted. The criteria in many nations have arisen because it does not
of human dignity, even the necessity of a basic system were\undisguisedly
undertaking

European example. The right of man, the transcendant importance
tions in the Western world and a political system drawn from the
Most of these new nations emerged into independence with co-acti-
ties of the local population in the doctrines of the West, opposition to
movements have been made. Where an effort was made to educate
isolated power--as in most Portuguese territories--the independence
most enlightened. Where Europeans ruled by the same fact of having
to the anti-colonial revolution was most active, not in the terri-
resistance, especially in British territories. It also explains
learned from it. This accounts in part for the weakness of the
aptly they fought the imperial power in the name of the principles
equated in the counter-propose rule they later overtook. In-
Vamos all the leaders of the independence movements were

imperial rule was most berating. It was the most success of
to the local population in the doctrines of the West, opposition to
movements have been made. Where an effort was made to educate
isolated power--as in most Portuguese territories--the independence
most enlightened. Where Europeans ruled by the same fact of having
to the anti-colonial revolution was most active, not in the terri-
resistance, especially in British territories. It also explains
learned from it. This accounts in part for the weakness of the
aptly they fought the imperial power in the name of the principles
equated in the counter-propose rule they later overtook. In-
Vamos all the leaders of the independence movements were

II-47

It has become apparent that the seeming spontamity of Western insti-
tutions --in any case probably exaggerated in the eyes of the colonial
peoples--was due to a series of tacit understandings which were the
product of a long historical development. It required a consciousness
of common MANKINDOMAN'S history and common culture often/lacking
in regions where these qualities were still in the process of being
developed. As a result, values which had seemed so self-evident only
a decade ago have become tarnished or have become mere incantations
to justify the exercise of arbitrary power. The maxims of the
origins of independence have been submerged in the expedients of
day-to-day affairs or in the frustration of finding the gap between
expectation and reality widening instead of narrowing.

While the principles still are those of the Enlightenment,
their application to the conditions of the new nations has emerged
as increasingly difficult. The problem has been compounded as the
generation which struggled for independence has been replaced by a
leadership group less familiar with Western values and less committed
to them. The easy conclusion is that the early enthusiasm for democratic

["to them. The easy conclusion is that the early experiments for democratic leadership were less familiar with Western avuncular and less committed generation which struggled for independence have been replaced by a so increasingly difficult. The problem has been compounded as the\n\nWhile the principles still are those of the Enlightenment, exhortation and reality widening instead of narrowing.", "day-to-day affairs or in the frustration of finding the gap between origins of independence have been submerged in the exhortations of to justify the exercise of arbitrary power. The maxims of the a decade ago have become translated or have become were incantations developed. As a result, avuncular which had seemed so self-evident only in regions where these dualities were still in the process of being of commonality. KARMAKAR, K. M. M. M. M. M. M. M. M.

II-43

values was a misunderstanding; that they have no relevance to the
problems of the new nations. But such a view is a counsel of des-
pair. If our only function is that of purveyor of capital, we will
have renounced any impact on the shape of the future--for our
role will be concluded with the giving of aid.

Such a course, moreover, could not fail to appear as either
negative or hypocritical. Our motives for assistance could then be only
the fear of Communism --an attitude which enables our opponent to claim
credit for our own constructive efforts. The Communists will be
able to claim that but for the fear of them there would be no
American awitance, and that any underdeveloped country is wise to
let itself be paid twice by them and us to overcome the alleged
menace inherent in Communist aid. The correct position for us is
to base our effort in the new nations on positive motives and if we
do we ought to be able to describe them to ourselves as well as to
others. And the only positive aims we can have are in terms of the
values which shaped our society. These may be rejected but the
fear of failure cannot excuse the lack of an attempt.

year of failure cannot excuse the lack of an attempt.

values which shaped our society. These may be rejected but the
others. And the only positive aim we can have are in terms of the
do we ought to be able to describe them to ourselves as well as to
to pass our effort in the new nations on positive motives and if we
mance inherent in Communist aid. The correct position for us is
let itself be paid twice by them and

American assistance, and that any underdeveloped country is wise to

able to claim that put for the fear of them there would be no

the fear of Communists --an attitude which enables our opponent to claim
negative or hydrocrITICAL. Our motives for assistance could then be only

Such a course, moreover, could not fail to abeam as either

pave renounced any impact on the shape of the future--for our

pair. If our only function is that of surveyor of capital, we will

value was a misunderstanding; that they gave no relevance to the

II-43

values was a misunderstanding; that they have no relevance to the
problems of the new nations. But such a view is a wunsei of des-
pair. If our only function is that of purveyor of capital, we will
have renounced any impact on the shape of the future for our role
will be concluded with the fiving of aid. To be sure, in societies
rent by social and cultural schisms, democracy is sometimes the most
despotic form of government. For transitional periods, some form of
authoritarian rule may be inevitable. But where they are, a great deal
would depend on the attitude with which it is accepted, whether as
a regrettable necessity or as a wise, because efficent, step. At the
least, every effort should be made to maintain the vitality of the
principles of freedom which animated the struggle for independence
in most new countries. Just as colonialism was ultimately defeated
by the values to which it paid lip service, so the hope for those new
countries under authoritarian rule is that as long as they affirm
their belief in human dignity and liberty these values will in time
prove inconsistent with despotic rule. A cult of efficiency as the
ultimate value, an obsession with economic progress as the primary
standard of judgment will mean the perpetuation in some form of all

II-45

despotisms which we now consider transitory.

Our choice is not between affirming principles of government or failing to do so. The spiritual and political vacuum will be filled somehow. Our failure to address ourselves to this problem is not an excuse for not trying. It is failure of responsibility; it will mean that the emergent nations will find their sense of direction elsewhere. Their difficulty is precisely that they cannot live by bread alone--to offer nothing but bread is to leave the arena to those sufficiently dynamic to define their purpose. We must never forget/the relevance of economic programs is to the quality of life they make possible. To forget or obscure this is to deny the meaning of our effort. [Or are we to assert that our goal is to bribe governments on a global scale?]

There are three respects in which we can influence political developments in the new nations: by our technical and economic assistance in the underdeveloped regions; by our domestic performance and by the dynamism of our convictions.

Of these tasks the most technically complex but psychologically the most simple is the furnishing of economic assistance to the

Of these tasks the most technically complex put balefully
mance and dy the dynamism of our convulsions.

assistance in the underdeveloped regions: dy our domestic better-
developments in the new nations: dy our technical and economic

assert that our goal is to give Governments on a global scale,
opportunity this is to deny the meaning of our effort. Or are we to
grame is to the duality of life they make possible. To forget or
their purpose. We must sever the relevance of economic pro-
pread is to leave the areas to those sufficiently dynamic to delive-
cially that they cannot live by pread signs--to offer nothing but
finding their sense of direction elsewhere. Their difficulty is bre-
---is not unimportant: it will mean that the emergent nation will
be filled someone. Our failure to address ourselves to the problem
or failing to do so. The spiritual and political vacuum will be
Our choice is not between affirming principles of Government

tilled someone. Our failure to address ourselves to the problem
or failing to do so. The spiritual and political vacuum will be
Our choice is not between affirming principles of Government

Our choice is not between affirming principles of Government
qadbocisms which we now consider transitory.

II-

Due to underdeveloped countries./ The fact that for nearly a decade development was considered largely an economic problem, our knowledge in this area is more extensive than with respect to almost any other aspect. It is generally agreed that our goal must be to help the new nations reach the take-off point of self-sustaining economic growth. This requires economic assistance on a substantially larger scale than in the past decade. Indeed, assistance below the actual amount required to generate growth may do no more than prevent catastrophe and in some conditions it may be a device for postponing the painful domestic reforms essential if real progress is to be made. Little can be added here to the extensive economic literature on the subject. In making our contribution, however, we should keep in mind the various levels of the task at hand: on the one hand there is a need to help make the emergent nations a going concern. On the other hand, more and more nations

*Cite Rostow, Milliken and Rostow, some Barbara Ward material.

"Cite Boston," Milliken and Boston, some Barbara Ward material.

Bent actions a going concern. On the other hand, more and more nations lack at hand: on the one hand there is a need to help make the effort at hand, however, we should keep in mind the various levels of the extension of economic literature on the subject. In making our contract, progress is to be made. I title it can be added here to the device for boating the beautiful domestic reforms essential it more than prevents catastrophe and in some conditions it may be a chance below the actual amount required to generate growth may do no good. A supenbially larger scale than in the past decade. Indeed, assists, sustaining economic growth. This requires economic assistance on the part of the new nation to help the take-off point of self-adequating any other nation. It is generally agreed that our goal is knowledge in this area is more extensive than with respect to development was considered largely an economic problem, our underdeveloped countries. The fact that for nearly a decade dies to

II-42

are striving for the trappings of sovereignty at the precise moment
that the nationstate is losing its significance. No country can live
in isolation. The quest for autarchy is chimerical and [descriptive
of the well-being of all nations.] Thus while we should be sym-
pathetic to immediate needs we should also encourage larger groupings
of nations, either on a regional basis, as in Latin America or the
Colombo Plan, or on a functional basis, applying to other areas
the model of such institutions as the European Coal and Steel
Community. This is all the more important since it is doubtful
that we can deal creatively on an individual basis with scores of
new countries.

As long as we conduct our aid programs on a national basis,
a greater concentration of resources seems indicated. The best
method of having a major impact on many countries will be to make
a going concern of _one_ country. India in Asia, Brazil in Latin America,
perhaps Nigeria in Africa, could become magnets and exmpales for their
regions if we act with the boldness and on the comparative scale of
the Marshall Plan. Moreover, the é critical period for constructive
action is before Soviet pressure makes it appear as a panicky

action in place. Soviet pressure makes it appear as a benchy
the Marshall Plan. Moreover, the critical period for constructive
regions it we act with the policies and on the comparative scale of
bordaspe Missiria in Africa, could become magnet and examples for their
a strong concern of one country. India in Asia, Brazil in Latin America,
method of having a major impact on many countries will be to make
a greater concentration of resources seems indicated. The best
We long as we conduct our aid programs on a national basis.

new countries.

that we can deal creatively on an individual basis with scores of
community. This is all the more important since it is quite
the model of such institutions as the European Coal and Steel
Colombo Plan, or en a functional basis, applying to other areas
of nations, either on a regional basis, as in Latin America or the
bathetic so immediate needs we should also encourage further exchanges
of the well-being of all nations. [This while we should be alum-
in isolation. The great for accuracy in chemical and descriptive
that the nation state is losing its significance. No country can live
are striving for the tributes of sovereignty at the precise moment

II-47

reaction to danger. A moderate program in Nigeria today could
be a symbol of America's initiative and concern. A much more
massive scheme later may appear as a device to buy our way out
of a difficult situation.

Even more fundamental is our domestic performance. It is
naive to believe that the conversion to the values of the Enlighten-
ment which took place in the now uncommitted areas during colonial
rule was due entirely to the intrinsic merit of the ideas. Western
technology and political theory triumphed where MANKIND IN KENTURK centuries
of missionaries had failed because they seemed to represent power,
progress and purpose. The imperial power might be disliked, perhaps
even hated, but they were respected. The very fact of their risk increased
the eagerness of the colonial peoples to learn the secret of their
success. The unchallenged economic and scientific progress of the
West made it easy to see a causal connection between its political
institutions and its achievements in other spheres. This is not to
say that the values of political liberty and human dignity were not

attractive in themselves; only that their wide and rapid acceptance
owed a considerable debt to the success of their proponents.

Many of these conditions have fundamentally altered. The
rate of material progress of the Soviet system has been faster
than ours in too many fields. Starting from a position of substantial
inferiority in almost all areas, the Soviet Union has caught up and
excelled in more categories than is comforting. The new nations
may see in this rate of advance an augury of what they can attain,
given the proper institutions. And the human cost may not seem so
appalling in countries long subject to the ravages of famine and
disease. The significance of Sputnik for the rest of the world had
little to do with its strategic importance. President Eisenhower's
constant claim that space was militarily insignificant --even if
correct--missed the crucial point. To many of the new nations it
was a symbol of approaching Soviet supremacy. And it may have the
same kind of attraction as Western technological mastery held out
in the late 19th century.

in the late 19th century.

was a symbol of abhorring Soviet supremacy. And it may have the
correct--misled the crucial point. To many of the new nations it

constant claim that absence was militarily insignificant --even if

fittie to go with its strategic importance. Great Britain's

disease. The significance of Bismarck for the rest of the world had

aberring in countries long subject to the ravages of war and

given the broader institutions. And the human cost may not seem so

excelled in more categories than its comforting. The new nations

dan one in too many fields. Starting from a position of substantial

rate of material progress of the Soviet Union has been faster

owed a considerable part to the success of their proponents.

attractive in themselves; only that their ways and rapid acceptance

II-11

II-50

As we become second best in ever more fields we will not be able to take refuge in the sweetness of our life or even the happiness of our people. For the foreseeable future, the level of our consumption is unattainable for any of the new countries. They are much more interested in a sense of direction than what must seem stagnant achievement irrelevant to their concerns. More than the beacon of a plateau, the new nations require guidance or advice on how to advance (towards it). And the same is true in the social sphere. An America seemingly fearful of its future, bent on consolidation, more aware of its risks than its opportunities may become an object of envy. It cannot be a guide to the future. Nothing we can say will be so im pressive as *dynamic American performance*, an *aura of confidence* and a profound sense of purpose.

At the same time, important as is the impact of our performance on the future course of the uncommitted areas, we cannot derive our motive for it from such considerations. We are not putting on a play for the benefit of a foreign audience. We cannot be convincing

a bid for the benefit of a foreign audience. We cannot be convincing
our motive for it from any considerations. We are not butting on
on the future course of the uncommitted areas, we cannot derive
At the same time, important as is the impact of our performance
broadest sense of purpose.

As American performance, an end antise of confidence and a
a guide to the future. Nothing we can say will be so im pressive
its opportunities may become an object of envy. It cannot be
of its future, pent on consolidation, more aware of its risks than
same is true in the social sphere. An America seemingly fearful
require guidance or advice on how to advance (towards it). And the
concerns. More than the beacon of a plateau, the new nations
than what must seem stagnant achievement irrelevant to their
countries. They are much more interested in a sense of direction
level of our consumption is unattainable for any of the new
happiness of our people. For the foreseeable future, the
be able to take refuge in the of our life or even the
As we become second best in ever more fields we will not

II-

material achievements than with matters of the spirit. In any case,
only see less breakfasts to us because we feel more at ease with
contributing to shaping its purpose in a less arrogerous course.

It is not opinions that setting into motion an economic machine without
it is argued, shows a spiritual bridge which ill become us. But it
fence is much smaller than we assume. And the attempt to do so,
capacity to influence events particularly in matters of political effect-
view is a symptom of the egocentricity of many of our concerns. Our
with which we can influence it at home. It may be argued that such a
independent country's debate isortantl~ then on the conviction
The future of freedom elsewhere and particularly in the newly
with broadsides.

the mind of America. Any other course conveys horizontal conviction
We must overcome discrimination above all because of its impact on
segregation on the mind of Africa misstates our broader priority.

We must solve the race problem in America because of the impact of
ourselves on the past of our own inner dynamics. The argument that
to others unless we are convincing to ourselves... And we must conduce

II-

II-52

[Y]

we have no choice. We will stagnate if we cannot revitalize our
beliefs. Whether these values will then prove acceptable to the
rest of the world depends in part on our performance, in part on factors
we cannot control. It is enough to realize that for too long our
affirmations of human dignity have become mere incantations; our
search for purpose a mechanical repetition of patterns of the past.

The young men and women from the underdeveloped countries studying
in our universities may learn many technically useful things. But
it is questionable whether they sense the same conviction that
inspired their grandfathers in European universities 75 years ago
however self-righteous these may appear in retrospect.

one of the
Maybe/unless we face in assisting the modernization
of other countries is that we have not fully understood the implications
of our own modernization. Many theories are available to mitigate the
functions of ownership which is almost irrelevant to the economic
process. We have given much less thought to the problem of
bureaucratization which happens to be a much more serious challenge.
We sometimes speak of the complexities of conducting democratic

We sometimes lack of the complexities of conducting democratic
democracization which perhaps to be a much more serious challenge.
process. We have given much less thought to the problem of

functions of ownership which is almost irrelevant to the economic
of our own modernization. Many theories are available to mitigate the
of other countries is that we have not fully understood the implications
Maybe/maybe/maybe/maybe difficulties we face in assessing the modernization
one of the
[...]
therefore self-righteous these may appear in retrospect.

inspired their grandfathers in European universities 12 years ago
it is questionable whether they sense the same conviction that
in our universities may learn many technically useful things. But
The young men and women from the underdeveloped countries studying
search for burboes a mechanical repetition of patterns of the past.

affirmations of human dignity have become more incantations: our
we cannot control. It is enough to realize that for too long our
rest of the world depends in part on our performance in part on factors
beliefs. Whether these beliefs will then prove acceptable to the
we have no choice. We will astigmatize it we cannot revitalize our

II-25

II-53

government in an illiterate new country. But we have really grasped
the illiteracy of our own people in relation to the complexity
of many of the issues confronting us? What is the relevance of
the democratic process to a subject as technical as the defense
budget? What happens to democracy when Presidential candidates
conduct research on the image they should project rather than on
the quality that makes a good President? We would have to deal with
these questions even if the rest of the world did not exist. We
most grapple with them if we are to continue to grow. If our answers
are vital they may make a contribution also to a world in search
of a sense of direction. If we do not admit even the validity of
the question, we will doom ourselves to becoming a backwater of
history. To be sure, we may fail in their solution.
But in matters of this gravity
the unforgiveable sin is not failure, but never to have tried.

III - 2

possible to win them over to our values by seeking to cater to what they state to be their aspirations? Even more fundamentally, to what extent do the asserted purposes of the new nations reflect their real goals? It is likely that the non-commitment is based not on dissatisfaction with the alternatives presented but on an unwillingness to make any choice. The new nations are neutral basically not as a result of great assurance but because of inward insecurity. The choices that have to be made even in the fields of most immediate concern are overwhelming enough; the deepest problem they face is not the unavailability of options but their very multiplicity. They require a measure of separateness in order to gain a sense of identity. Non-commitment is likely to be considered in formal terms precisely because of the difficulty of--as a position somewhere between the chief contenders regardless of the issues--developing positive goals. To seek to approach them too closely might have the paradoxical consequence of driving the new nations towards the Communist position. While we should respect the travail that makes these attitudes inevitable we are also entitled to understanding for not

["Given inevitability we are also entitled to understanding for not\nbeing grateful we are so lucky to be chosen to understand him for not\nbeing grateful we are

III - 4

Leadership is considered to depend more and more on the ability to
observe all issues through pronouncement so general that they lend
themselves to any interpretation. Such a course however effective
in the short run bases its achievement on using up moral capital.
Choices can be deferred but not evaded; they grow all the more in-
tractable the longer they are delayed. Unwilling to stand alone at
least for a while or content simply with registering prevailing atti-
tudes turn democracy into stagnation. A leader, either an individual
must be able to build consensus and not only exploit it. His task
is not exhausted by giving expression to aspirations, he must also
give content to them.

Give content to them.

It is not expressed in giving expression to aspirations, but rather that
must be able to give consensus and not only exploit it. He must
understand human democracy into elevation. A teacher, either an individual
must be able to give consensus and not only exploit it. He must
understand the teacher that are defined. Unwilling to stand alone as
choice can be determined but not evaded; that from all the more in-
the short run passes its improvement on raising up more capital.

Suppose to any interpretation. Such a course is more effective
than any interpretation. Such a course is more effective in
operating well through pronouncement so general that though far
removed is considered to depend more and more on the ability to

III - 4

IV

Measured against this challenge the reliance on historical evolution as guaranteeing an automatic advance towards progress emerges less as a device for understanding the future than as a quest to escape its dilemmas. It is a reflection of the passivity of our attitudes and thus perhaps the deepest cause of our problems in foreign policy. It is based on the denial of the very possibility of tragedy, implying that good intentions guarantee success, that disaster cannot befall the pure in motive.

Unhappily, President Eisenhower's statement that history teaches the inevitable triumph of free peoples is not borne out by history: there is little doubt of the superiority of the Greek way of life compared with that of Rome. Yet the mere indulgence in it did not prevent the defeat of the Greek city-state. Similarly, Rome was freer and its way of life happier than that of the barbarians which engulfed it. The mound of skulls of the victims of Tamerlane's horsemen

acres

across

it. The wound of skulls of the victims of Tamerlane's horsemen
and its way of little pabber than that of the parPRIane which enlivened
prevent the defeat of the Greek city-state. Similarly, Rome was free
compared with that of Rome. Yet the were indulgence in it did not
there is little doubt of the superiority of the Greek way of life
the inevitable triumph of free peoples is not borne out by history:

Unsatisfy President Eisenhower's a statement that history teaches
aster cannot detail the bane in motive.

of tragedy, implying that good intentions guarantee success, that di-
in foreign policy. It is based on the denial of the very possibility
of our attitudes and time herds the deepest cause of our problems
due to escape its dilemmas. It is a reflection of the basivity
emerges less as a device for understanding the future than as a
evolution as guaranteeing an automatic advance towards progress
Measured against this challenge the reliance on historical

IV

IV-2

across Mesopotamia were not produced by more liberty. They were
due instead to greater determination. And Mesopotamia, once a garden
spot, has been a desert since the Mongol warriors destroyed its irri-
gation system. When free peoples have survived, it was not because
mixtures history automatically vindicated their freedom. It was be-
cause they were willing to sacrifice and to dedicate themselves to
preserve their values. The mechanism by which the inevitable comes to
pass, Justice Holmes used to say, is through effort.

as too many do
It is fatuous to invoke/the manner in which the march of Mohammed-
enism was arrested in the 9th century A.D., as an example of a simple
erosion which time might perform on the Communist system. The Arabs
were stopped at Tours precisely because there existed some groups
prepared to sacrifice and not to rely on the process of history. Had
they depended on an automatic amelioration through the process of his-
tory, there would be Mosques in Europe today. This in the ultimate
view might not be considered a disaster. No doubt even that system
would have changed over time. But its nature and the quality of
that change would have had little to do with what we have come to con-
sider Western values. An attitude of resignation does not stop the

older Western values. An attitude of resignation does not at least the
that change would have had little to do with what we have come to con-
would have been changed over time. But its nature and the quality of
view might not be considered a disaster. No doubt even that system
to be Moabess in Europe today. This in the ultimate
to stop at Tونا precisely because there existed some groups
of them which might perform on the Communist system. The Vlaander
enesis was arrested in the 6th century V.D., as an example of a simple
It is latitudes to invoke the manner in which the Word of Mohammed-
as too many do

bas, Justice Holmes used to say, is through effort.
preserve their values. The mechanism by which the inevitable comes to
cause they were willing to sacrifice and to dedicate themselves to
mixing history automatically indicated their freedom. It was pe-
satuation system. When free peoples have survived, it was not because
shot, has been a desert since the Mougol warriors destroyed its irri-
gue instead to greater determination. And Measotamia, once a garden
across Measotamia were not produced by more liberty. They were

IV-3

IV-3

process of history. It only places its course into the hands of
those prepared to make the effort to shape it.

This is why the theories which have sprung up in small groups
both in Great Britain and in the United States-articulated by men
as eminent as Bertrand Russell - that a victory of Communism would
not prevent an eventual triumph of the more humane values is so de-
and disingenuous.
moralizing. One can share the anguish at the prospects of nuclear war.

It is possible to understand the attitude which places survival above
all else. In the face of the challenges of our time, it is unfor-
giveable to elevate such passivity into a moral principle. History
has been shaped not by those who resigned from it but those who
strove to master it. [Resignation is a possible attitude it is,
however, not the mechanism of progress.] To rely on history to
ameliorate a despotism is simply a way, another way, of deferring
sacrifice to another generation. History does not strive for liberty
only men can and if men do not, it does not prevail. The mechanism
of evolution is choice and striving.

Communism, though it justifies itself by a philosophy of history,

Communism, though it justifies itself by a philosophy of history,
of evolution is choice and arriving.

only men can and it men do not, it does not prevail. The mechanism
sacrifice to another generation. History does not strive for liberty
amplify a despotism is simply a way, another way, of deferring
therefore, not the mechanism of progress. To rely on history to
atrose to master it. [Restatement is a possible attitude it is,
has been shaped not by those who resigned from it but those who
giveable to elevate such basivity into a moral principle. History
all else. In the face of the challenges of our time, it is under-
It is possible to understand the attitude which places survival above
morality. One can share the augur at the prospects of nuclear war,
and dragnetless.

not prevent an eventual triumph of the more humane values it so de-
es eminent as Bertrand Russell - that a victory of Communism would
bode in Great Britain and in the United States-articulated by men
This is why the theories which have sprung up in small groups
those prepared to make the effort to shape it.

process of history. It only places its course into the range of

IA-3

IV-4

has never pretended that its purposes would be realized automatically.

To it, history is a spur to effort, a guarantee for the meaningfulness
of sacrifice not a bromide to escape it. Those in the West who iden-
tify an analysis of evolution with a course of action are in effect
adopting a position of observers describing a process in which they
are not engaged and which by their very attitude they can no longer
influence. They treat the events of their lifetime as if they were
already history, not as opportunities to be mastered. It is a
form of resignation.

A historian of evolution examines an array of forms which have
lived and passed. They are static and orderly and obviously connec-
ted. To such an observer the whole train of evolution has a fore-
ordained appearance. Furthermore, the trend is almost invariably
from simple to more complex forms, from "lower" to "higher" types,
from lesser to greater elaborations of structure and behavior, from
more primitive to more advanced skills. It is only too easy to draw
the conclusion that evolution is a directed process, orderly, connected
and moving towards "progress." It was this frame of mind that produced

and moving towards "progress." It was this frame of mind that produced
the conclusion that evolution is a directed process, orderly, connected
more primitive to more advanced skills. It is only too easy to draw
from lesser to greater elaborations of structure and behavior, from
from simple to more complex forms, from "lower" to "higher" types,
ordained abearance. Furthermore, the trend is almost invariably
ted. To such an observer the whole train of evolution has a fore-
 lived and based. They are static and orderly and obviously connec-
 form of resignation.

already history, not as opportunities to be mastered. It is a
innovation. They treat the events of their lifetime as if they were
are not engaged and which by their very attitude they can no longer
adopting a position of opervers describing a process in which they
city an analysis of evolution with a course of action are in effect
of sacrifice not a promise to escape it. Those in the West who iden-
to it, history is a spur to effort, a guarantee for the meaningfulness
has never bretended that its bur厚es would be realized automatically.

IV-4

IV-5

the Victorian notions of progress. In this aspect Communism, far
from being modern, is a relic of the past century.

But it is only to posterity that evolution appears inevit-
only
able. Its analyses dealt/with the successful elements and the
blatantly successful ones at that. It suppressed what to partici-
pants is most significant--the element of choice which determines
success or failure. Historians of evolution have no way of know-
found
ing that for every form that they/widely distributed, thousands may
have tried the road and, for a variety of reasons--not necessarily
connected with anything in their own constitution--have failed.
They cannot determine in retrospect that a very slight change in
circumstances might have made recordable success out of many failures,
that many brilliant innovations did not prevail simply because they
were too far beyond the existing framework; in other words, they
failed not because they did not represent progress or history but
because they anticipated it too much.

Historians of evolution have a tendency to overlook, moreover, that
what animated even the successful adaptations, either biological or
social, was not a theory of evolution but some purpose expressing their

social, was not a theory of evolution but some purpose expressing their
what animated even the successful abstractions, either biological or
Historians of evolution have a tendency to overlook, moreover, that

because they anticipated it so much.

failed not because they did not represent progress or history but
were too far beyond the existing framework; in other words, they
that many brilliant innovations did not prevail simply because they
circumstances might have made recordable success out of many failures.

They cannot determine in retrospect that a very slight change in
connected with anything in their own constitution--have failed.

have tried the road and, for a variety of reasons--not necessarily
ing that for every form that they\ widely distributed, thousands may
found
success or failure. Historians of evolution have no way of know-
before it is most significant--the element of choice which determines
plausibly successful ones at that. It subordinated what to partici-
able. Its analyses dealt with the successful elements and the
only

But it is only to posterity that evolution appears a inevit-
table from being modern, is a relic of the past century.

the Victorian notions of progress. In this respect Communism, far

IV-2

IV-2

IV-6

own inner nature. The tragedy of the dinosaur is not that he failed
to understand the evolutionary process. It is rather that even had
he known the course of development the span of adaptation open to him
would not have permitted him to survive. Dinosaurs could have parti-
cipated in the process of evolution only by giving up their distanctive
qualities--by surrendering the values which made life worthwhile.

The same is true of societies--though their margin of adaptation is
of course much wider. Nations have collapsed not because they didn't
understand the import of what the environment demanded of them but
because they understood it only too well. The Austria-Hungarian
Empire failed to survive because to adapt to the forces of nationalism
and liberalism seemed to it inconsistent with the reason for its exis-
tence. Conversely, the successful adaptations did not prevail be-
cause/their own particular purposes enabled them to master the envir-
onment in which they found themselves and sometimes indeed to shape
it. A key difference between biological and social organisms is
the range of responses of which they are capable. A biological unit
is more constrained by his environment--its range of creative response
is more dependent on conditions outside its control. A social unit

is more contingent on conditions outside its control. A social unit
is more constrained by its environment--its range of creative reasons
the range of reasons of which they are capable. A biological unit
is a key difference between biological and social organisms in
which they found themselves and sometimes indeed to shape
cause/their own particular purposes enabled them to master the envi-
ronment they understood the process of evolution. It was because
cause. Conversely, the successful adaptations did not break all pe-
stand andliperalism seemed to it inconsistent with the reason for its exis-
tence failed to survive because to adapt to the forces of nationalism
because they understood it only too well. The Anatria-Hungarian
understand the import of what the environment demanded of them but
of course much wider. Nations have colluded not because they didn't
The same is true of societies--through their margin of adaptation is
dualities--by surrendering the values which made life worthwhile.

chances in the process of evolution only by giving up their distinctive
would not have permitted him to survive. Dinosaurs could have parti-
ally known the course of development the chain of adaptation open to him
to understand the evolutionary process. It is rather that even had
own inner nature. The tragedy of the dinosaur is not that he failed

Iv-i