WASH POST.

# 1-20-74 And Now Syria?

EGYPT'S AGREEMENT to disengage its forces from Israel's along Suez isolates Syria diplomatically and militarily, and tightens the pressure on Damascus to follow Cairo's lead—at pain of being left behind in the search for a Mideast settlement. Henry Kissinger realizing Syria may now be ready for the kind of deal it scoffed at just a few days ago, has headed for Damascus to see if he can duplicate his success in Cairo. Egypt's President Sadat, so as not to be accused of having pursued Egypt's own interests at the expense of the interests of other Arabs, arrived there today. For the moment the Israelis are in the unusual position of seeing their adversaries in the Mideast negotiations trying to draw compromises out of each other, instead of out of Israel.

The immediate roadblock is, of course, Syria's treatment of the Israeli prisoners it took in October. Syria murdered some of them; it is holding the survivors, without either providing a list of their names or permitting Red Cross visits, to bargain for Israeli territorial withdrawal. Its performance on the prisoners has appalled world opinion and embarrassed even its friends. Egypt, for one, quickly exchanged prisoners with Israel after the October cease-fire, gained much good

will everywhere for it, went on to the Geneva peace conference, and has just concluded a disengagement accord with Israel. Presumably, President Anwar Sadat will be able to give his Syrian counterpart, Hafez Assad, new insights into the advantages of acting in a civilized and responsible manner.

Syria evidently fears that if it accepts a limited first-stage disengagement with Israel, the Syrian-Israeli front will stabilize and harden and Syria will be left even further away from regaining the territory it lost in 1967. Until now, its diplomacy has focused single-mindedly on trying to exploit Israel's concern for the welfare of its individual citizens: thus Syria has mistreated the POWs and kept shooting at Israeli soldiers along the cease-fire line. President Assad must consider, however, that the Egyptian-Israeli disengagement may free up Israel to respond to cease-fire violations in a way not previously open to it. For Syria, there is indeed a risk that the line of disengagement would harden. Without international support, however, Syria cannot hope to move Israel off the current cease-fire line. As long as Damascus holds the prisoners, resists disengagement and boycotts the Geneva conference, it cannot expect to get significant international—that is to say, American—support.

Given Syria's relative weakness and unimportance in the Mideast, it cannot be claimed that an Israeli-Syrian disengagement, or any subsequent agreement between the two of them, has the same urgency and value as an Israeli-Egyptian accord. This makes it easier for the international community to pigeonhole Syria and to neglect its legitimate concerns. For instance, during the October war, Israeli airplanes bombed refineries, power stations and other civilian targets in Syria. But because of the Syrian reputation for shelling Israeli villagers over the years and for otherwise ignoring common standards of international decency, there was scant outcry. Most people seem either to have ignored the Israeli raids or to have concluded that Syria got about what it deserved. Its ardent sponsorship of the more radical and terror-minded of the Palestinians has also hurt its international standing, and thereby diminished its prospects of regaining its lost territory and earning the world's respect. What is at issue here is not so much Syria's negotiating terms as the kind of country it is and hopes to be.

Syria remains, nonetheless, in and of the Mideast. There can be no general settlement without its participation and consent. If its capacity to contribute to peace has yet to be demonstrated, then its capacity to disrupt is not in question. No doubt there are weighty forces working within Syria to hold it back from the process—and promise—of peace. One hopes there are responsible modernizing influences at work as well.

Henry Kissinger and Anwar Sadat

Associated Press

046: Hermann Goering, standing in the dock, makes his final plea.

A public servant to
nable belief that a
not criminal is less
public servant." But
you describe was not
there."

nt of John Mitchell
Commission report as
any parts of S. 1400.
Brown Commission to
c Department was
of John W. Dean III,
director of the
became the direct
patronage in the
early two years after
report that the ABA
dended including
the "public duty"
ustice Department

L QUESTION to be
"Nuremburg" provi-
parts of the bill—is
uld be changed, but
ed at all and, if so,
e considered in one

bill is to "reform, re-
S. Criminal Code, an
seum in which most
e crusted over with
is is certainly a wor-
deceptively mild ring
at in many areas, the
tate controversial new
would normally trigger
l debate.

burg" provisions nor
or example, are cur-
code. The sections are
ered court rulings, in
to codify case law.

But some of the case law, as applied to public servants, has been turned on its head. One source of the "public duty" section, for instance, is an old case involving a car he suspected of containing liquor. The prohibition officer who fired two shots at a court held that the facts at hand would not have persuaded a reasonably prudent man that the car did contain booze and that the agent was not acting within the scope of his duty. Thus a ruling that protected the citizen is now helping to support a proposed general law that would also give greater license to officials.

Much of the "public duty" defense, moreover, comes out of a military context. The typical case is that of a soldier on guard duty killing an escaping prisoner. The courts have held that such killing is excusable, unless a man of ordinary sense would know that the authority or order under which he acted was clearly illegal. Any order that is not patently illegal should be obeyed, the courts have said, and that order will protect the soldier from criminal liability.

But a "public servant," acting freely, cannot be equated with a soldier acting under the compulsion of strict military discipline. An official can use discretion; a soldier must obey commands. An official can refuse; a soldier could end up in the stockade if he did. An official can resign; a soldier cannot.

As the judge in one of the military cases stated: "To ensure efficiency, any army must be, to a certain extent, a despotism. Each officer, from the general to the corporal, is invested with an arbitrary power over those beneath him, and the soldier who enlists in the army waives, in some particulars, his rights as a civilian, surrenders his personal liberty during the period of his enlistment, and consents to come and go at the will of his superior officers."

were later convicted of violating an O.S. statute by refusing to answer, but the high court reversed the conviction.

This section clearly serves an important purpose in protecting citizens. The problem arises when the "administrative grant of permission" is given by one public official to another.

## The Limits of Codification

EVEN IF BOTH these sections can serve worthwhile purposes in certain circumstances, should Congress adopt them for all circumstances? They were in the Model Penal Code in narrower form, but that was a theoretical document meant to be as comprehensive as possible. As for their appearance in the Brown Commission study, former special counsel Stein remarks, "The reason we needed a provision in the first place was because of our intent to be complete." But that does not mean they should be written into sweeping national law for the next half century or longer. As one of Frederick the Great's chief codifiers wrote:

"I first thought that it would be possible to reduce laws to simple geometric demonstrations so that whoever could read and tie two ideas together would be capable of pronouncing on them. I almost immediately convinced myself that this was an absurd idea."

Congress should similarly recognize that there are limits to codification. Judge Jerome Frank has written: "Codification . . . cannot create a body of rules which will exclude judicial innovation and thereby guarantee complete predictability . . . The idea of regulating, by anticipation, all possible legal relationships is to be abandoned."

If Congress does not kill these sections outright, it should at the very least consider them separately, along with other turn-back-the-clock provisions written in by the Mitchell Justice Department.

It would not be merely "codifying," for example, if it adopts the obscenity section, which would outlaw all material containing "unnecessary" or "inappropriate" close-ups of a human genital. Nor would it be merely "revising" the law by restoring, as the bill would, the "guilt by association" provision of the Smith Act, which the Supreme Court found unconstitutional. The measure would make it a crime just to "join" or be "an active member" of a group which plans to incite conduct that would "facilitate" the overthrow of the government—"then or at any future time."

And if insanity is no longer to be recognized as a disease by the law; if capital punishment is to be re-established; if leaking classified information is to be published as a felony, — these cannot be considered little sections of a giant bill. They must receive, one by one, the complete, open and individual debate they demand.

Commentary

Henry Kissinger's non-economics

It may prove unfortunate that Henry Kissinger has become Secretary of State at the moment in history when the crucial issues for American foreign policy are economic. No one can fault the 50-year-old former Harvard professor when it comes to handling complex issues involving nuclear strategy or détente with Moscow and Peking, or hammering out the nitty-gritty details of separating Israeli and Egyptian forces on the Suez Canal, as he is doing this week. But his aides admit that Kissinger still doesn't feel that economics is the proper, much less the prime, concern of foreign policy.

"Henry will get involved when economic problems threaten his political and military strategies. He just doesn't see why he has to bother with details of economic issues on a regular basis—and I think he's right," says Charles Cooper, a 40-year-old MIT economist who is Kissinger's top economic adviser.

**Choice of weapons.** The trouble with that attitude is that it ignores the new realities of foreign affairs. More and more countries tend to define their national interests in economic as much as in political or military power. The Arab "oil weapon" ploy may be followed by some other bloc of countries brandishing a "bauxite weapon" or a "copper weapon."

More important, the disarray in U. S. relations with Canada, Western Europe, and Japan primarily involves the gutsy questions of trade and money—the kind of issues that reportedly brings a glaze over Kissinger's eyes. So it shouldn't come as a surprise that C. Fred Bergsten, a Brookings fellow and formerly Kissinger's expert on international economics, rates Kissinger's record on economic policy matters as "dismal."

Kissinger studiously looked the other way for two years while the insensitive handling of the textile trade issue by former Commerce Secretary Maurice Stans, White House aide Peter Flanagan, and finally Treasury Secretary John Connally frayed the fabric of U. S.-Japanese relations. He permitted economic friction with Europe and Canada to heat up dangerously. In the summer and fall of 1971, Kissinger stood aside while Connally's "six-gun" diplomacy—featuring a surprise import surcharge and threats of more of the same—was shooting holes in NATO and the U. S.-Japanese alliance. It was not until December of that year, when the

major chancelleries in Washington were frantically warning him that basic security interests were in danger, that he finally intervened and persuaded the President to rein Connally in.

**Led astray.** Kissinger likes to joke about his ignorance of economics. But his disdain for what Thomas Carlyle called "the dismal science" clearly has deeper roots. "Henry doesn't like to preside over any debate in which he isn't the top expert in the room, and that's why he shies away from economic issues," says Bergsten, who feels that his former White House boss is temperamentally incapable of grappling with economic problems. This sort of attitude, coupled with Kissinger's preference for dealing with high political strategy, can lead him astray.

Thus Kissinger, determined to give top priority to détente with Moscow, unsuccessfully tried to block a House vote on the trade bill rather than accept a bill with anti-Soviet measures. Fortunately, Treasury Secretary George P. Shultz and William Eberle, the President's special representative on trade matters, aided by Representative Wilbur Mills, turned Kissinger around and got the bill through the House. Apparently none of Kissinger's own advisers—mostly youngish Foreign Service officers—was able to go against him on the issue.

The new Secretary of State's baptism of fire on economic matters will come on Feb. 11 at the Washington foreign ministers' conference on the fuel crisis (page 18). Once again, however, it looks as if Kissinger is reluctant to get deeply involved in the economic nuts and bolts of the upcoming meeting—although he insists his department should handle the matter. So the success of the crucial meeting may depend mainly, not on the fabulous doctor-diplomat, but on investment banker William H. Donaldson, the new Under Secretary of State for Security Affairs and Kissinger's neophyte energy adviser.

It is his reluctant attitude toward getting involved in economic affairs that Kissinger ought to reconsider, say his critics. No one expects him to become an expert on international economic problems or to ignore the traditional political and military aspects of diplomacy. But many observers tend to agree with Bergsten, who predicts that if Kissinger fails to take economic issues more seriously, he may prove to be an anachronism as Secretary of State.

BUSINESS WEEK: January 19, 1974

Text of the Egyptian-Israeli Agreement

TEL AVIV, Jan. 18 (UPI) —Following, as issued by the Israeli Government, is the text of the agreement signed today by Israel and Egypt on the separation of their forces on the Suez front:

[A]

Egypt and Israel will scrupulously observe the cease-fire on the land, sea and air called for by the U.N. Security Council and will refrain from the time of the signing of this document from all military or paramilitary actions against each other.

[B]

The military forces of Egypt and Israel will be separated in accordance with the following principles:

1. All Egyptian forces on the east side of the canal will be deployed west of the line designated as line A on the attached map. All Israeli forces including those west of the Suez Canal on the Bitter Lakes will be deployed east of the line designated as line B on the attached map.

2. The area between the Egyptian and Israeli lines will be a zone of disengagement in which the United Nations Emergency Force will be stationed. The U.N.E.F. will continue to consist of units from countries that are not permanent members of the Security Council.

3. The area between the Egyptian line and the Suez Canal will be limited in armament and forces.

4. The area between the Israeli line, line B on the attached map, and the line designated as line C on the attached map, which runs along the western base of the

mountains where the Gidi and Mitla passes are located, will be limited in armament and forces.

5. The limitations referred to in paragraphs 3 and 4 will be inspected by U.N.E.F. Existing procedures of the U.N.E.F., including the attaching of Egyptian and Israeli liaison officers to U.N.E.F., will be continued.

[C]

The detailed implementation of the disengagement of forces will be worked out by military representatives of Egypt and Israel, who will agree on the stages of this process. These representatives will meet no later than 48 hours after the signature of this agreement at Kilometer 101 under the aegis of the United Nations for this purpose. They will complete this task within five days. Disengagement will begin within

48 hours after the completion of the work of the military representatives, and in no event later than seven days after the signature of this agreement. The process of disengagement will be completed not later than 40 days after it begins.

[D]

This agreement is not regarded by Egypt and Israel as a final peace agreement. It constitutes a first step toward a final, just and durable peace according to the provisions of Security Council Resolution 338 and within the framework of the Geneva Conference.

For Egypt:

MOHAMMED ABDEL GHANY AL-GAMASY

Major General

For Israel:

DAVID ELAZAR

Lieut. Gen., Chief of Staff of Israel Defense Forces

Associated Press

Secretary of State Kissinger taking leave of Foreign Minister Abba Eban before leaving Israel yesterday.

19, 1974

United Press International

trying to prevent photographs
of tropane tape experts outside U.S.
Washington. Experts, from left front:

Richard H. Bolt, chief; Franklin Cooper, Mark R. Weiss and Thomas G. Stockham Jr. Rear; John G. McKnight and James L. Flanagan. They will inspect two tapes with gaps.

## Nts by Sirica and White House

In pursuing this central issue here, the testimony has principally concerned what might be called three component issues: (1) The chain of custody of subpoenaed materials, (2) the record of access to those materials, and (3) the physical or technical integrity of the subpoenaed matter. As suggested above, the investigation has been both lengthy and involved, and in the Court's opinion, not yet conclusive.

The proceedings have now arrived at a point where the Court has essentially three choices regarding their future. The Court might elect to terminate the hearings entirely without additional testimony of any sort. As a second choice, the Court could suspend the proceedings and recommend to the special

affirmative characteristics to recommend it. The grand jury, able to enlist the aid of court process, assisted directly by the special prosecutor, and assisted indirectly by other agencies, is uniquely equipped to conduct the sort of investigation now required. Where allegations of wrongdoing arise, the grand jury is the traditional institution charged with determining whether criminal charges are warranted.

It is the Court's considered opinion that a distinct possibility of unlawful conduct on the part of one or more persons exists here. A grand jury should now determine whether indictments are appropriate.

These statements can not be construed as identifying any particular wrongdoer or unlawful act. The Court re-

occasion to instruct the panel of six experts, jointly selected by White House counsel and the special prosecutor and appointed by the Court, to continue their analysis of the nine remaining tape recordings and any other subpoenaed items that may be submitted to them for testing. Their work is to continue subject to the same restrictions and procedures that have applied heretofore. They will report from time to time, as they deem appropriate, to the Court, White House counsel and the special prosecutor in joint conference.

The Court and counsel express their appreciation to all members of the panel for their diligence, and urge them to conclude their work at the earliest practicable time.

These proceedings are now

U.S. 'Guarantees'
Seen for Mideast

By Murrey Marder
Washington Post Staff Writer

The United States appears to have ended up as more of a guarantor than a mere middleman for the Egyptian-Israeli withdrawal accord, through a still-unpublished "U.S. proposal."

This still-secret document is known to include, among other points, specific details on arms and forces to be withdrawn by Egypt and Israel from the Suez-Sinai front.

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger produced the second accord in the process of reaching what are described as "understandings," some on paper, some verbal. Most of the points are said to be in written form, in a document signed separately by Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and Israeli Prime Minister Golda Meir.

With Kissinger still in the Middle East, no administration official in Washington would, or could, say if the unpublished document or verbal understandings represented any new commitment by the U.S. government. President Sadat used the term "commitment," but in an ambiguous form, in a press conference with Egyptian newsmen yesterday after Kissinger's party left Cairo, with Sadat kissing Kissinger on both cheeks in friendly farewell.

According to Cairo Radio, Sadat said:

"We did not accept anything the Israelis said and they did not accept what we said, so the United States had to intervene with a proposal.

See GUARANTEE, A13, Col. 1

Commentary

17

prosecutor that he conduct a
grand jury investigation of
the entire matter. Thirdly,
the Court might proceed with
additional evidence-gathering
in the hope of one day being
able to finally resolve the
compliance issue.

Of these alternatives, the
Court has elected to follow
the second as the preferred
course.

Analyzing the evidence
now before it, the Court
would consider it a derelic-
tion of duty to terminate the
present inquiry without fur-
ther action of any sort. Sub-
stantial questions remain un-
answered. It would be in-
appropriate to thus abruptly
terminate a proceeding of
this kind in any case, but
particularly so in a case
possessing the significance of
this one.

### Possibility of Illegality

At the same time, the sub-
ject matter of these proceed-
ings does not appear capable
of a simple or swift resolu-
tion. There remain to be de-
livered reports on the tech-
nical analysis of nine tape
recordings and possibly other
materials as well. It appears
also that, lacking extensive
out-of-court investigation at
this juncture, continued in-
court hearings can accom-
plish little. In short, we have
reached a point where the
present fact-gathering pro-
cess is no longer an efficient
one.

The final alternative, a re-
ferral to the special prosecu-
tor for grand jury action, has

frains absolutely from accus-
ing any person or persons,
and refrains as well from a
final conclusion that any il-
legal conduct has occurred.
Rather, the Court has con-
cluded from the evidence
now before it that the possi-
bility of unlawful tampering
with or suppression of evi-
dence is sufficiently strong
to merit grand jury scrutiny.

In view of the foregoing,
then, the Court hereby strong-
ly recommends to the special
prosecutor that he give im-
mediate and serious consid-
eration to opening a grand
jury investigation into the
possibility of unlawful de-
struction of evidence and any
related offenses. It is sug-
gested that the special prose-
cutor and grand jury consider
the entire record of these
proceedings, and that they
give attention as well to fu-
ture reports of the panel of
experts treating additional
materials produced under the
July 23 subpoena.

### Instructions for Panel

The special prosecutor is
free, of course, to incorporate
within the investigation any
suggestion of tampering that
related to evidence in his
possession obtained independ-
ently of the instant subpoena.
Should the special prosecutor
choose to initiate an investi-
gation as recommended, the
Court sees no need to con-
tinue these proceedings, at
least for the present, and
they would therefore be sus-
pended.

The Court also takes this

declared recessed, and will
be deemed suspended indef-
initely should the special
prosecutor commence the
recommended grand jury
investigation.

JOHN J. SIRICA
Chief Judge

### White House Statement

The decision of Judge John
Sirica to refer the matter of
the 18-minute gap to the Fed-
eral grand jury is not a con-
viction of any individual, nor
is it even an indictment. And
it would be wrong to con-
clude on the basis of Judge
Sirica's decision that any in-
dividual in the White House
is guilty of impropriety or
wrongdoing in the handling
of the Watergate case.

Further, the American peo-
ple should bear in mind that
the focus of the investigation
by the Federal grand jury is
primarily how the tape may
have been erased, not what
the tape contained.

Forgotten in the rhetoric
about the lost 18 minutes is
the fact that: hand-written
notes do exist concerning the
conversation between the
President and Mr. Haldeman.
Those notes, written contem-
poraneously by Mr. Halde-
man, now in the possession
of the special prosecutor,
clearly indicate that Presi-
dential conversation and con-
cern in the 18-minute seg-
ment were directed solely to
the negative public relations
impact of the Watergate
break-in on the campaign of
1972.

# Isn't this a good time for your teen-agers to be deepening and broadening and continuing their education by reading The New York Times?

Call (212) MLL 7-0700 for home

more officers than have been on the
rolls before.

In view of that, one may be par-
doned for wondering if one of two
possibilities might be involved. Is this
a heavy handed attempt to force City
Hall to increase the size of the Atlanta
Police Department? Is this a calculat-
ed effort to to arouse such a public out-
cry over the absence of police protec-
tion in vital areas that City Hall will
have no other recourse but that of au-
thorizing and recruiting more police-
men?

Or, on the other hand, is this a
maneuver to bring about the long-ex-

ed.

We have the sneaky and uncom-
fortable feeling that we are not getting
the full story on these changes within
the Police Department. And when the
full story is lacking, one resorts of con-
jecture and rumor. Thus we have used
conjecture for our two possibilities.

It is time that the full story was
told. It is time that adequate police
protection be provided where it is
needed and that police duties, such as
SWAT, not be casually dismissed. The
times are too critical for fun and
games.

mented Rep. John W. Davis of the 7th
District. "We do need a reason."

The clearest description of impeachment that I have seen is a copy of a letter Rep. Phil Landrum of the 9th District, the respected dean of the Georgia delegation, sent to a group of school children who had written him inquiring about impeachment.

Rep. Landrum begins with the con-
stitutional roles of the House and Sen-
ate in initiating impeachment and
then gets to what is required for im-
peachment:

"Article II, Section 4, of the Consi-
tution provides that 'The President,
Vice President, and all civil officers of
the United States, shall be removed
from office on impeachment for, and

"First of all, I believe that the
specification of those who are to
be considered sufficient.

"It is my point of view that voting entitled as an oppor-
tune base for a reasonable resolution of the Sen-
ate."

"You
my p-

ME

## Arabic Disunion

PAN ARABISM which would be unified
action by all the Arab states would
create a new and powerful power bloc
in the world. But it doesn't work as
well as the idea of Pan Americanism,
which is no shining example of union
either.

Nevertheless the idea will not die.
There was the merger of Egypt and
Syria which turned out to be tempo-
rary. Then came the plan to combine
Egypt and Libya and this failed. Now
there's the suggestion that Libya and

Tunis merge, but press reports indi-
cate that all the oil in Libya isn't
enough to make the merger attractive
to the Tunisian government.

This suits us fine. At one time the
followers of Mohammed, including the
Arabs, united in a holy war and sub-
dued a good part of Europe. We have
seen what trouble the Arabs can cause
by controlling so much of the world's
oil and can only be grateful that politi-
cally they are quarrelsome and inde-
pendent.

AH. Isr.

1. 19.74

ME/CP

## The Kissinger Pullback

THE INDEFATIGABLE Henry Kissinger won a Nobel Peace Prize for bringing about peace of a sort—at least for us—in the sticky Vietnam conflict.

But at the moment he appears
well on his way to achieving an accom-
plishment which would place his Viet-
nam efforts well down on the scale.

Tirelessly flying back and forth
between ancient Jerusalem and the
sun-baked Egyptian city of Aswan, just
as tirelessly negotiating first with the
Israelis and then with the Egyptians,
Henry Kissinger has brought about an
agreement separating the armies of
the two adversaries along the Suez
Canal.

This is, of course, only one small
step toward the ultimate objective
which seems so elusive—a settlement
of differences between the Israelis and
the Arab states. But it is an important
step.

If the agreement can now be
implemented, the chances of conflict
between the two opposing military
forces will be significantly reduced.
And a reduction of such chances is

going to help clear the air for further
negotiations.

Nor is Secretary of State Kissinger resting on his laurels...A much more difficult task lies before him—endeavoring to work out a similar agreement between the Israelis and the Syrians.

Here the feelings are more int-
tense. Here the differences are sharp-
er. There have been none of the pre-
liminary negotiations between the Is-
raelis and the Syrians, as there was
with the Egyptians. There has been no
prisoner exchange. The walls to be
scaled are immeasurably higher than
were those dividing the Israelis and
Egyptians.

But Secretary Kissinger is a man
of imagination, of innovation and of
abounding energy. If any human can
work out such an agreement between
the Israelis and the Syrians, the odds
favor that man being Henry Kissinger.

His agreement between the Egyp-
tians and the Israelis is a milestone in
a brilliant career. The world may well
hope that his string of diplomatic suc-
cesses will continue uninterrupted.

Egypt Pact To Stir Uneasiness

By WILLIAM L. RYAN

Egypt's troop disengagement accord with Israel seems likely to churn new uneasiness in the Arab East, posing a possibility of new political turmoil and instability.

As usual, Syria is at the core of the matter. Its regimes have shown great talent for demonstrating the fragility of Arab alliances, and an old Middle East hand can detect developing new Arab rifts and even rifts within rifts.

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger's diplomacy has produced what the Syrian regime of President Hafez Assad warned Egypt to avoid. If there was to be disengagement, Damascus held, it should be simultaneous on both Syrian and Egyptian fronts. Was Egypt now thinking of Egypt first and foremost?

At the least, it would seem the Egyptians have trod upon sensitive Syrian corns and perhaps angered Iraq as well. Egypt may have looked upon the initial Suez pullback as a step to wider accords, but Syria has been saying the two Arab allies planned the war together and thus were obliged to plan any disengagement together.

Syria insisted on the letter of the 1967 U.N. resolution on Israeli withdrawal from conquered territory, plus what Damascus calls "guarantee of the national rights of the Pales-

tine people."

"A dual disengagement of armies in Suez and the Golan Heights will be considered by Syria as a real first stage toward an Israeli withdrawal to the 1967 prewar borders," Foreign Minister Abdul Halim Khaddam was quoted as saying.

President Anwar Sadat of Egypt also linked prospects of settlement to ultimate Israeli withdrawal to 1967 lines, but he sounded less hard-line, amenable to achieving his goal by relatively slow stages.

The tenor of the growls coming from East of Suez suggests that the Arab camp, with its diverse philosophies and interests, remains unable to bury old mutual suspicions and hostilities, regardless of recent displays of Arab unity.

Syria has sounded bitter since the cease-fire. Sadat had something to show for the October war, with his forces on the east side of the Suez Canal and his bargaining position strengthened. Syria, however, lost yet more land as Israeli troops drove within nearly 20 miles of Damascus.

Syria boycotted the first stages of the Geneva conference and seems unlikely to reconsider unless there is some assurance that Israeli forces will pull back from her territory as well as from Egypt's.

Because of the way the October war turned out, Syria squabbled with her allies in Iraq. Now, however, the Baghdad regime seems to be

importuning Damascus to accept a military alliance that might lead first to unity of the two and then — and old dream — of the whole Fertile

Crescent.

There may be support for the idea in the Syrian military, but it could require a coup to get anything in motion.

IN A STATEMENT ISSUED BY SOLZHENITSYN IN REPLY TO A TWO-WEEK-OLD
OFFICIAL CAMPAIGN AGAINST HIM OVER PUBLICATION IN THE WEST OF HIS
BOOK, "THE GULAG ARCHIPELAGO," A HISTORY OF SOVIET LABOR CAMPS.
MEANWHILE, FOUR MEMBERS OF THE SOVIET UNION'S ARTISTIC
ESTABLISHMENT DENOUNCED SOLZHENITSYN AS A TRAITOR TO HIS COUNTRY.

PAGE 5 -- ROUNDUP

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NESA-66

KISSINGER TURNS EFFORTS TOWARD ISRAEL-SYRIAN DISENGAGEMENT (1,000)

ASWAN, EGYPT, JAN. 18--NOW THAT EGYPT AND ISRAEL HAVE SIGNED AGREEMENTS TO SEPARATE THEIR FORCES AND TO LIMIT THE NUMBER OF WEAPONS AND TROOPS ALONG CEASE-FIRE LINES, U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE KISSINGER IS FOCUSING HIS EFFORTS ON HELPING ACHIEVE A DISENGAGEMENT ACCORD BETWEEN ISRAEL AND SYRIA.

DR. KISSINGER'S SHUTTLE DIPLOMACY BROUGHT HIM BACK TO ASWAN
JANUARY 18 FOR THE FOURTH TIME SINCE HE ARRIVED IN THE MIDDLE
EAST JANUARY 11 ON HIS THIRD PEACE MISSION TO THE AREA IN THREE
MONTHS.

HIS RETURN TO ASWAN FROM JERUSALEM CAME ON THE SAME DAY THAT THE CHIEFS OF STAFF OF THE EGYPTIAN AND ISRAELI ARMIES MET AT KILOMETER 101 ON THE CAIRO-SUEZ ROAD AND SIGNED AN AGREEMENT TO DISENGAGE THEIR FORCES ON THE SUEZ FRONT. IT DELINEATES THE ZONES THAT EGYPT AND ISRAEL WILL OCCUPY.

A SECOND AGREEMENT WAS ALSO SIGNED JANUARY 16 IN JERUSALEM BY PRIME MINISTER GOLDA MEIR AND IN ASWAN BY PRESIDENT ANWAR SADAT. IF SPECIFIES HOW MANY ARMS AND MEN WILL BE PERMITTED IN THE DELINEATED ZONES.

PAGE 2--KISSINGER

THIS LATTER AGREEMENT'S EXISTENCE WAS DISCLOSED HOURS AFTER THE ANNOUNCEMENT WAS MADE IN EGYPT, ISRAEL AND THE UNITED STATES JANUARY 17 THAT THE DISENGAGEMENT ACCORD WOULD BE SIGNED AT KILOMETER 101.

KNOWN AS THE "UNITED STATES PROPOSAL," ITS TERMS HAVE NOT YET BEEN MADE PUBLIC. A HIGH U.S. OFFICIAL WITH THE KISSINGER PARTY SAID THE MAJOR AMERICAN CONTRIBUTION TO THIS DOCUMENT WAS NOT SO MUCH THAT SPECIFIC U.S. IDEAS ON MILITARY LIMITATIONS WERE BEING OFFERED BUT RATHER THAT EGYPT AND ISRAEL COULD SAY TO DR. KISSINGER WHAT THEY WERE NOT YET READY TO SAY TO EACH OTHER.

SECRETARY KISSINGER TOLD NEWSMEN IN ASWAN THAT HE PLANNED TO VISIT SYRIA JANUARY 20.

IN ASWAN, DR. KISSINGER TALKED TO PRESIDENT SADAT ABOUT DISENGAGEMENT OF ISRAELI AND SYRIAN FORCES ON THE GOLAN HEIGHTS. ISRAELI FOREIGN MINISTER ABBA EBAN SAID AT A NEWS CONFERENCE JANUARY 17 THAT HIS COUNTRY WAS PREPARED TO HOLD DISENGAGEMENT DISCUSSIONS WITH THE SYRIANS.

DR. KISSINGER TOLD REPORTERS THAT THE AMERICAN "VIEW IS THAT DISENGAGEMENT TALKS WITH SYRIA SHOULD START AND THE UNITED STATES WILL WORK ON THEM WITH THE SAME DEDICATION AND THE SAME GOODWILL AS IT DID ON DISENGAGEMENT BETWEEN EGYPT AND ISRAEL, AND PRESIDENT SADAT HAS STRONGLY URGED US TO MAKE THIS EFFORT."

PAGE 3--KISSINGER

THE ROLE THAT DR. KISSINGER PLAYED IN GETTING THE FIRST HIGH-
LEVEL NEGOTIATIONS IN 25 YEARS BETWEEN EGYPT AND ISRAEL WAS
DISCUSSED BY A SENIOR AMERICAN OFFICIAL WITH NEWSMEN JANUARY 17
IN JERUSALEM BEFORE THE SECRETARY OF STATE DEPARTED FOR ASWAN.

THIS SENIOR OFFICIAL POINTED OUT THAT DR. KISSINGER UNDERTOOK
HIS MISSION AT THE REQUEST OF THE PARTIES. THE AGREEMENTS THAT
EMERGED, THIS U.S. OFFICIAL EMPHASIZED, HAVE ENHANCED THE SECURITY
OF BOTH ISRAEL AND EGYPT.

IN A DESERT BATTLE, THE SENIOR U.S. OFFICIAL NOTED, A UNITED
NATIONS ZONE OF SEPARATION, AS PROVIDED FOR IN THE DISENGAGEMENT
AGREEMENT, MAKES IT PHYSICALLY HARDER FOR EITHER SIDE TO STRIKE
FREELY.

THE AGREEMENT SIGNED IN THE DESERT AT KILOMETER 101 CALLS FOR
SCRUPULOUS OBSERVATION OF A LAND, SEA AND AIR CEASE-FIRE. IT
COMITS THE TWO SIDES TO REFRAIN FROM ALL MILITARY OR PARA-
military actions against each other.

THE AGREEMENT MAKES CLEAR THAT NEITHER ISRAEL NOR EGYPT
REGARD IT AS A FINAL PEACE SETTLEMENT.

IT CONSTITUTES, ACCORDING TO ITS FINAL PARAGRAPH, A FIRST
STEP TOWARD A FINAL JUST AND DURABLE PEACE ACCORDING TO THE
PROVISIONS OF U.N. SECURITY COUNCIL RESOLUTION 335 AND WITHIN
THE FRAMEWORK OF THE GENEVA ARAB-ISRAELI PEACE CONFERENCE.
RESOLUTION 335 IS THE U.N. CEASE-FIRE DOCUMENT ADOPTED OCTOBER
22, 1973./

PAGE 4--KISSINGER

THE DISENGAGEMENT AGREEMENT ESTABLISHES THE SEPARATION OF
EGYPTIAN AND ISRAELI MILITARY FORCES ALONG PRECISE LINES, WITH
A NO-MAN'S-LAND TO BE SUPERVISED BY THE U.N. EMERGENCY FORCE.

THE ISRAELI ZONE WILL RUN ABOUT 30 KILOMETERS EAST OF THE SUEZ CANAL AND WILL INCLUDE BOTH THE STRATEGIC MITLA AND GIDDI PASSES.

THE EGYPTIAN SECOND AND THIRD ARMIES WILL RETAIN THEIR POSITIONS EAST OF THE CANAL.

THE DISENGAGEMENT AGREEMENT IS TO BE PUT INTO EFFECT IN NO LESS THAN 40 DAYS.

IN GRIEFING NEWSMEN, THE SENIOR U.S. OFFICIAL MADE THESE OTHER POINTS:

-- IN ADDITION TO THE TWO ISRAELI-EGYPTIAN AGREEMENTS SIGNED JANUARY 16, THERE ARE ALSO SOME OTHER UNDERSTANDINGS, ON PAPER AND NOT ON PAPER, BUT CLEARLY EXPRESSED BY THE TWO SIDES AND CONVEYED BY DR. KISSINGER.

-- THERE WAS IN NO WAY A STRUGGLE BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND ISRAEL DURING DR. KISSINGER'S PERIPATETIC DIPLOMACY. DURING SECRETARY KISSINGER'S EARLIER VISIT TO JERUSALEM IN DECEMBER, HERE DEVELOPED A TRUE UNDERSTANDING OF WHAT WAS REQUIRED FOR THE SAKE OF ISRAEL AND OF ALL. ISRAELI DEFENSE MINISTER MOSHE DAYAN PLAYED A USEFUL ROLE IN THE PROCESS.

PAGE 5--KISSINGER

-- IT IS BELIEVED THAT BOTH ISRAEL AND EGYPT, IN SOLVING A COMPLEX, IMMEDIATE PROBLEM, FEEL THAT THEY HAVE TURNED A CORNER. SOME IN THE MIDDLE EAST MAY NOT SHARE THIS VIEWPOINT, AND OTHER BIG POWERS MAY WISH TO INJECT THEMSELVES. THUS, THE SITUATION IS STILL FRAGILE. ALSO, DOWN THE ROAD THE POINT OF VIEW OF ISRAEL AND EGYPT MAY AGAIN BECOME INCOMPATIBLE.

-- THE UNITED STATES HAS KEPT THE SOVIET UNION INFORMED OF DEVELOPMENTS DURING DR. KISSINGER'S TRIP. THERE IS NO EVIDENCE THAT MOSCOW WILL TRY TO THWART THE MILITARY DISENGAGEMENT. WHICH THE GENEVA PEACE CONFERENCE LAST MONTH SET AS ITS FIRST GOAL.

DR. KISSINGER CONSTANTLY EMPHASIZED TO BOTH SIDES THAT THE ROLE HE PLAYED WOULD HAVE TO BE TO PRESENT THE REAL CONCERNS OF EGYPT AND ISRAEL AND TO MAINTAIN THEIR CONFIDENCE.

HE BELIEVES THERE MUST BE A FUNDAMENTAL ELEMENT OF CONFIDENCE BECAUSE A PURELY MILITARY AGREEMENT COULD ERODE OVER TIME.

PRESIDENT SADAT, WHO HAS URGED DR. KISSINGER TO GO TO SYRIA, PRAISED THE U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE BEFORE REPORTERS. HE SAID DR. KISSINGER WAS ALWAYS WELCOME IN EGYPT AS A "FRIEND AND A BROTHER."

IN JERUSALEM, A DAY EARLIER, ISRAELI FOREIGN MINISTER ABBA EBAN SAID DR. KISSINGER'S PERFORMANCE WAS "AN EXEMPLARY EXERCISE OF INTERNATIONAL CONCILIATION." ITEM

1-16-74 720PM

## NESA-67 (WITH NESA-66)

### (TEXT) EGYPTIAN-ISRAELI DISENGAGEMENT AGREEMENT (600)

FOLLOWING IS AN UNOFFICIAL TEXT OF THE EGYPTIAN-ISRAELI AGREEMENT ON DISENGAGEMENT OF FORCES, SIGNED AT KILOMETER 101 ON THE CAIRO-SUEZ ROAD JANUARY 18S

### (BEGIN TEXT)

EGYPTIAN-ISRAELI AGREEMENT ON DISENGAGEMENT OF FORCES IN PURSUANCE OF THE GENEVA PEACE CONFERENCE.

A. EGYPT AND ISRAEL WILL SCRUPULOUSLY OBSERVE THE CEASEFIRE ON LAND, SEA, AND AIR CALLED FOR BY THE U.N. SECURITY COUNCIL AND WILL REFRAIN FROM THE TIME OF THE SIGNING OF THIS DOCUMENT FROM ALL MILITARY OR PARA MILITARY ACTIONS AGAINST EACH OTHER.

B. THE MILITARY FORCES OF EGYPT AND ISRAEL WILL BE SEPARATED IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE FOLLOWING PRINCIPLES:

1. ALL EGYPTIAN FORCES ON THE EAST SIDE OF THE CANAL WILL BE DEPLOYED WEST OF THE LINE DESIGNATED ON LINE A ON THE ATTACHED MAP. ALL ISRAELI FORCES, INCLUDING THOSE WEST OF THE SUEZ CANAL AND THE BITTER LAKES, WILL BE DEPLOYED EAST OF THE LINE DESIGNATED AS LINE B ON THE ATTACHED MAP.

PAGE 2--AGREEMENT

2. THE AREA BETWEEN THE EGYPTIAN AND ISRAELI LINES WILL BE A ZONE OF DISENGAGEMENT IN WHICH THE UNITED NATIONS EMERGENCY FORCE (UNEF) WILL BE STATIONED. THE UNEF WILL CONTINUE TO CONSIST OF UNITS FROM COUNTRIES THAT ARE NOT PERMANENT MEMBERS OF THE SECURITY COUNCIL.

3. THE AREA BETWEEN THE EGYPTIAN LINE AND THE SUEZ CANAL WILL BE LIMITED IN ARMAMENT AND FORCES.

4. THE AREA BETWEEN THE ISRAELI LINE (LINE 3 ON THE ATTACHED MAP) AND THE LINE DESIGNATED AS LINE C ON THE ATTACHED MAP, WHICH RUNS ALONG THE WESTERN BASE OF THE MOUNTAINS WHERE THE GIDI AND MITLA PASSES ARE LOCATED, WILL BE LIMITED IN ARMAMENT AND FORCES.

5. THE LIMITATIONS REFERRED TO IN PARAGRAPHS 3 AND 4 WILL BE INSPECTED BY UNEF. EXISTING PROCEDURES OF THE UNEF, INCLUDING THE ATTACHING OF EGYPTIAN AND ISRAELI LIAISON OFFICERS TO UNEF, WILL BE CONTINUED.

6. AIR FORCES OF THE TWO SIDES WILL BE PERMITTED TO OPERATE UP TO THEIR RESPECTIVE LINES WITHOUT INTERFERENCE FROM THE OTHER SIDE.

PAGE 3--AGREEENT

C. THE DETAILED IMPLEMENTATION OF THE DISENGAGEMENT OF FORCES WILL BE WORKED OUT BY MILITARY REPRESENTATIVES OF EGYPT AND ISRAEL, WHO WILL AGREE ON THE STAGES OF THIS PROCESS. THESE REPRESENTATIVES WILL MEET NO LATER THAN 40 HOURS AFTER THE SIGNATURE OF THIS AGREEMENT AT KILOMETER 101 UNDER THE AEGIS OF THE UNITED NATIONS FOR THIS PURPOSE. THEY WILL COMPLETE THIS TASK WITHIN FIVE DAYS. DISENGAGEMENT WILL BEGIN WITHIN 48 HOURS AFTER THE COMPLETION OF THE WORK OF THE MILITARY REPRESENTATIVES AND IN NO EVENT LATER THAN SEVEN DAYS AFTER THE SIGNATURE OF THIS AGREEMENT. THE PROCESS OF DISENGAGEMENT WILL BE COMPLETED NOT LATER THAN 40-60 DAYS AFTER IT BEGINS.

DO THIS AGREEMENT IS NOT REGARDED BY EGYPT AND ISRAEL AS A
FINAL PEACE AGREEMENT. IT CONSTITUTES A FIRST STEP TOWARD A FINAL,
JUST AND DURABLE PEACE ACCORDING TO THE PROVISIONS OF SECURITY
COUNCIL RESOLUTION 338 AND WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE GENEVA
CONFERENCE. (END TEXT) ITEM

1-18-74 744PM

NESA-68

NOTE TO PAO'S AND INFO OFFICERS RE NIXON ENERGY ADDRESS
SATURDAY (50)

PRESIDENT NIXON IS SCHEDULED TO MAKE A BRIEF RADIO ADDRESS
ON THE ENERGY SITUATION AROUND MIDDAY SATURDAY JANUARY 19.
THERE WILL BE NO KPT NO SPECIAL WIRELESS FILE OVER THE
WEEKEND, BUT, DEPENDING ON CONTENT, THE FULL TEXT OR EXCERPTS
WILL BE SENT TO ALL OR SELECTED POSTS VIA DTS (USINFO) AS
SOON AS AVAILABLE. ITEM

1-16-74 RHH

NESA-69

(FOLLOWING FS MATERIAL, BASED ON PRESS REPORTS, IS FOR
CIRCULATION TO MISSION STAFF ONLY)

ADD NESA 65 (NEWS ROUNDUP) (140)

U.S. DISTRICT JUDGE JOHN J. SIRICA SUSPENDED HEARING INTO
PRESIDENT NIXON'S WATERGATE TAPE RECORDINGS FRIDAY AND RECOMMENDED
THAT SPECIAL PROSECUTOR LEON JAWORSKI CONDUCT A GRAND JURY
INVESTIGATION.

SIRICA SAID THE VIOLENCE WAS "NOT YET CONCLUSIVE" INTO THE REASONS BEHIND NIXON'S FAILURE TO COMPLY WITH SUSPOENAS TO PRODUCE TAPES OF A JUNE 20, 1972 TELEPHONE CONVERSATION WITH FORMER ATTORNEY GENERAL JOHN N. MITCHELL, AN APRIL 15, 1973 MEETING WITH FORMER WHITE HOUSE COUNSEL JOHN W. DEAN III AND ALL OF THE JUNE 20, 1972 MEETING WITH FORMER WHITE HOUSE CHIEF OF STAFF H.R. HALDEMAN. THE LATTER TAPE CONTAINS THE 18 1/2 MINUTE GAP.

SIRICA SAID A GRAND JURY IS THE "TRADITIONAL INSTITUTION TO DETESMINE" WHETHER CRIMINAL CONDUCT HAS BEEN COMMITTED.

"IT IS THE COURT'S CONSIDERED OPINION THERE IS A DISTINCT POSSIBILITY THAT UNLAFUL CONDUCT BY ONE OR MORE PERSONS EXISTS HERE," SIRICA SAID.

(PRECEDING FS MATERIAL, BASED ON PRESS REPORTS, IS FOR CIRCULATION TO MISSION STAFF ONLY.) ITEM

1-18-74 759PM

PAGE THREE--SHULTZ

AMERICAN OFFICIALS WARNED THAT IF OFFICIALS
LOOK ONLY AT WAYS TO FINANCE THE INCREASED ENERGY
COSTS, THEY MAY KID (LULL) THEMSELVES INTO THINKING THAT THEY
CAN MANAGE A SITUATION THAT IN THE END WOULD PROVE UNMANAGEABLE.

THEY DO NOT GO SO FAR AS TO SAY THAT THE UNITED
STATES AND OTHER OIL-IMPORTING NATIONS WOULD SPECIFICALLY ASK THE
OIL-EXPORTING NATIONS TO ROLL BACK PRICES. BUT THEY
SUGGEST THAT THE FULL IMPLICATIONS AND ALL THE
RAMIFICATIONS OF WHAT HAS HAPPENED TO OIL PRICES SHOULD BE STUDIED
CAREFULLY IN THE MEETINGS SCHEDULED FOR THE COMING MONTHS, AND
THAT THE NATIONS CONCERNED SHOULD THEN BASE THEIR POLICIES ON
A CLEAR UNDERSTANDING OF THEIR CONSEQUENCES. ITEM
1-18-74 817PM

WIS-86

TO ALL NEAR EAST SOUTH ASIA PRINCIPAL POSTS (250)

WIS CIRCULAR USIA-1202

FOR PAO, FYI, SUMMARY FROM FOREIGN MEDIA REACTION REPORT NO. 6,
JANUARY 18, 1974

EGYPT-ISRAEL TROOP SEPARATION AGREEMENT

ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE ISRAEL-EGYPT AGREEMENT ON SEPARATION OF
THEIR MILITARY FORCES IN THE SINAI LED MEDIA IN MAJOR NEWS
CENTERS LAST NIGHT AND TODAY.

COMMENTATORS WERE LARGELY OPTIMISTIC BUT DID NOT FORESEE
QUICK SETTLEMENT OF BROADER ISSUES.

EVALUATIONS OF SECRETARY KISSINGER'S ROLE IN ACHIEVING THE
ACCORD WERE MOSTLY LAUDATORY.

-- THE "TIMES" OF LONDON CHARACTERIZED THE AGREEMENT AS
"A LIMITED MILITARY MEASURE" BUT OF "ENORMOUS" POTENTIAL POLITICAL
IMPORTANCE, AND CALLED MR. KISSINGER'S "PERFORMANCE... UNPRECEDENTED."

-- "FIGARO" OF PARIS CARRIED A BYLINER'S CAUTION THAT "THERE SHOULD NOT BE TOO MANY ILLUSIONS ABOUT THE "PEACE MOMENTUM" IN THE MIDDLE EAST; THIS IS BUT A FIRST STEP..."

-- MUNICH'S "SUEDDEUTSCHE ZEITUNG" HELD THAT "THIS STEP OF ITSELF WILL NOT GUARANTEE PERMANENT PEACE" BUT ON THE OTHER HAND, "KISSINGER HAS ACHIEVED PROGRESS THAT WAS UNDREAMED OF THREE MONTHS AGO."

-- THE FOREIGN EDITOR OF TURIN'S "LA STAMPA" SAID THE SECRETARY HAD ACHIEVED HIS "TRIUMPH IN THE MIDDLE EAST..." BY EVALUATING THE INTERESTS INVOLVED AND THE BALANCE OF FORCES WITH STRICT REALISM" AND CLARIFYING THEM TO BOTH SIDES "WITH THE SUPREME LOGIC OF BALANCE."

"HAARETZ" OF TEL AVIV DECLARED, "HENRY KISSINGER HAS DONE IT AGAIN!" BUT WONDERED WHETHER THE SECRETARY WAS "AWARE OF THE DANGERS INHERENT IN PLACING SO MANY CARDS IN EGYPT'S HANDS."

CAIRO'S MIDDLE EAST NEWS AGENCY CITED "AL-AKHBAR" AS assertIng THAT THE AGREEMENT "DOES NOT MEAN THAT THE ROAD TO A JUST PEACE IS NOW PAVED AND EASY."

MOSCOW MEDIA HELD TO PROMPT, BRIEF, FACTUAL NEWS ACCOUNTS OF THE AGREEMENT BUT DID NOT COMMENT. ITEM

1-18-74/AA

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

1-18-74

A Big First Step in the Mideast

EGYPT'S AND ISRAEL'S agreement to disengage their now-tangled forces along a line on the Sinai side of the Suez Canal is the first Arab-Israeli agreement ever on anything more than a cease-fire, the first political fruit of the October war, and the first step—we all must hope—toward an enduring settlement. Its most practical significance is that, once signed and fulfilled, this agreement will end the mini-war that has been going on since October between the two armies intertwined on either side of the canal, and will make the renewal of full-scale war much more difficult and unlikely, at least on the Egyptian-Israeli front, which is far and away the most important front.

Egypt will be able to breathe freely about its Third Army, which has been surrounded for three months; nor will Israeli forces be within such close range of Cairo. Israel will no longer have to take casualties or to continue its mobilization to the same draining degree. While the two sides gain their first experience in putting substance on the form of this first real agreement, they can negotiate new agreements. The atmosphere for further talks can hardly fail to be warmed. In particular, reopening the Suez Canal seems a natural next step.

A case can be made that in the Mideast, so long starved for signs of Arab-Israeli accord, any agreement is a good agreement and the terms do not much matter. That is a careless view. The terms determine whether the agreement will be supported at home and whether it will lead to further productive negotiations. In this instance, the terms have not yet been made public; nor have any private understandings which underlie the terms. But already in Israel, Mrs. Meir's parliamentary opposition is charging "sellout," apparently on grounds that, for its start on withdrawal, Israel is gaining insufficient security,

and political return. It will be her government's task, and in a sense Egypt's task as well, to explain and put into effect the new agreement in a way permitting further diplomatic progress.

Opposition, though less conspicuous, may well develop inside Egypt too, probably on the lines that, by disengaging forces in the context of a partial Israeli withdrawal, Egypt relinquishes its best means to press Israel for a full withdrawal. Other Arabs may charge that Mr. Sadat is pursuing a separate peace. Again, the Israeli government has a stake in "helping" President Sadat. The moderates on both sides are each other's tacit allies. Moderates are those who realize that there can be no peace without risk. Their opponents being intent on eliminating all risk, thereby put peace out of reach.

In announcing the agreement yesterday, President Nixon drew deserved attention to the key role of the United States, and of Secretary of State Kissinger personally, in bringing Egypt and Israel together. But pride in American achievement must be tempered by awareness that the American role, however central and skillfully handled, is a substitute for the direct Egyptian-Israeli contacts which offer the best hope of building mutual trust and a mutual commitment to a settlement with the other. Perhaps at this early point, Israel needed the reassurance and Egypt the crutch of Dr. Kissinger's personal involvement. Certainly in recent months the United States has proved itself, to the Israeli government's evident satisfaction, to be an eminently reliable patron. The United States has done this, moreover, even while maintaining if not enhancing its standing in Egypt. But the secretary's virtuosity should not be allowed to obscure the essential and continuing need for Israel and its Arab neighbors to take up together an ever-increasing part of the responsibility for negotiating their own peace.

STAR
JAN 18 '74 A-7

MARY McGRORY

# Kissinger Disarming to All

By Mary McGrory

Star-News Staff Writer

President Nixon can claim that Henry Kissinger was acting on his orders when he brought off his dazzling feat of finding peace in the Middle East. He may not be believed.

So widespread is the impression that Kissinger is not the agent but the author of such initiatives that the secretary of State, in a recent press conference, felt constrained to insist that Nixon is the boss. But here as in Europe, many people believe that Kissinger is the real president of the United States.

It should be obvious by now that Richard Nixon's foreign policy is Henry Kissinger's and vice versa. Yet during the confirmation hearings of Vice President Gerald Ford, many members whose throats had gone dry renouncing those policies, begged for — and received — assurances that Richard Nixon's secretary of State would keep his seat in a Ford Cabinet.

IT IS apparent, too, that in his remarkable career Kissinger has been guilty of some of the same transgressions in the name of national security as his principal. He has been just as secretive and autocratic, and he has bugged subordinates and members of the press.

At one stop on his shuttlings between Aswan and Jerusalem, Kissinger was asked a question of a Watergate nature. Had he been, as reported, a client of the infamous plumbers? Kissinger branded the story as "a vicious, malicious, outright lie."

If the story proves to be true, Kissinger could be recalled for questioning about his categorical denials

before the special Senate Watergate committee about his knowledge of the existence of the plumbers and the activities of his former aide, David Young.

WOULD the Senate Foreign Relations Committee inquire into possible perjury on the part of the universally acclaimed peacemaker, who is also the "most respected man" in America?

## Point of View

It will be claimed that Kissinger is not only the peacemaker of the Middle East, but the peacekeeper as well, responsible for the observance of its unwritten accords.

Would Congress wish to risk undermining his credibility in the world at such a delicate moment? Richard Nixon has been asking that question about himself for 10 months past, and the answer is an ever-louder yes.

Why should the Nixon defense work for Kissinger? One reason is that Henry Kissinger is a master politician, who, unlike that professional in the White House, understands that the real action is to make friends of your enemies, to court, flatter and disarm them. Richard Nixon does not even make friends of his friends. He would rather fight than negotiate.

KISSINGER understands, too, that you must deplore your own deplorable actions when they are discovered.

Before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Kissinger admit-

ted having authorized the wiretapping but criticized it as "a painful process." During the Christmas bombing, he arranged to have himself represented in the press as "anguished." A year later, he confided to Flora Lewis of the New York Times that he wanted to bomb more, but the "President wouldn't let me." The peace in Vietnam is falling apart, but nobody seems to blame Kissinger, at least publicly.

He has the knack of being forgiving. Even those he bugged, with one exception, decided to overlook it, on the grounds that in the vipers' tale at the White House, the professor had to stoop to survive.

Kissinger does not share Richard Nixon's obligation, as the nation's highest elected official, to offer spiritual and moral example. He only has to be effective, and by neutralizing the opposition, he has had a free hand to be the most effective member of the Nixon administration.

NOW HE HAS brought home peace, but it seems that the President cannot share the prize. While the world was watching Henry Kissinger shuttle to glory, the country watched Richard Nixon's leaky boat shipping more water in district court.

The Middle East solution is supposed to be the spearhead of the political counteroffensive now being mounted, with Barry Goldwater and Gerald Ford as the point men, reading speeches prepared at the White House.

Gerald Ford, last week predicted a rise in Nixon's popularity when peace dawned over the desert. It seems much likelier that it is Kissinger's that will keep going straight up.

Corpus Christi Times June 18-19
# Kissinger, Sadat Going to Syria

By The Associated Press

Egypt and Israel signed military disengagement documents today, and Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger will fly to Damascus Sunday for talks on a separation of Syrian and Israeli forces, a U.S. official said.

Egyptian President Anwar Sadat will fly to Damascus also, on Saturday, for talks with the Syrians on disengagement of the Syrian and Israeli armies in the Golan Heights, the officials said.

"We will start the talks with the Syrians

with the same dedication and good will" that was shown in Egypt. Kissinger said in Aswan, Egypt.

Egypt announced that Syrian President Hafez Assad already had authorized Sadat to begin talks with Kissinger on Syria's behalf.

Egypt and Syria were the main combatants against Israel in last October's Arab-Israeli war. Syria retook and then lost part of the Syrian Golan Heights captured by Israel in the 1967 war, and in addition lost new territory to the Israeli army.

Israeli Foreign Minister Abba Eban told newsmen his government is ready for a disengagement agreement with Syria.

"The ball is in their court," he said.

Israel has insisted it would not negotiate

with Syria until the Syrians furnished a list of the Israeli prisoners of war they are holding and allowed the International Red Cross to visit them.

Israeli Premier Golda Meir signed a copy of an Egyptian-Israeli agreement in Jerusalem, while Sadat signed another at Aswan. Egyptian and Israeli chiefs of staff signed disengagement documents at a desert tent between their forces on the west side of the Suez Canal.

Cairo agreed to cut its forces east of the Suez Canal to 7,000 troops and 30 tanks and to withdraw all antiaircraft missiles to a point seven miles west of the waterway.

The disengagement is known to call for Israel to withdraw from the west bank of the canal and to pull its army back 18 to 30 miles from the east bank to the Gidi and

Milita passes in the Sinai peninsula captured by Israel in the 1967 war.

The semiofficial Cairo newspaper Al Ahram said Israel will withdraw "within 40 days."

The Egyptian-Israeli disengagement agreement could open the way for negotiations on finding solutions to the causes of three Arab-Israeli wars over a quarter of a century. The two countries will get their chance Jan. 24 when the Mideast peace talks resume in Geneva. The talks started last December but faltered because of old territorial disputes and claims of war atrocities.

Israel, Egypt and the United States all expressed hope the military disentanglements would lead eventually

See MIDEAST, Page 14A

Corpus Christi Finals
1-18-74

# Mideast

From Page 1

to a full peace pact in the Middle East, an area of hostility for a generation. But the Palestinian guerrillas indicated they would balk.

And Maj. Gen. Ariel Sharon, the Israeli tank officer whose forces punched through Egyptian lines to occupy portions of the Suez Canal's west bank last October, said today he was resigning to protest Israeli agreement to pull back.

Kissinger, who flew from Jerusalem to Aswan, Egypt, for another talk with Sadat, told newsmen "we will start the talks with the Syrians with the same dedication and good will" that was shown with the Egyptians.

Meanwhile, a United Nations spokesman in Cairo announced that the two commanders had issued new cease-fire orders to their troops along the canal.

The disengagement pact, providing for the first Israeli withdrawal from territory captured in the 1967 Arab-Israeli war, opened the door to resumption of the Geneva negotiations for a final peace settlement.

Only the general outlines of the agreement were announced. But it was known to provide for Israeli troops to pull back to a new line 18 to 30 miles east of the canal, and for a buffer force of United Nations troops to be stationed in the Sinai

Desert between the two armies.

By separating the two forces and putting U.N. troops between them, the agreement should reduce the chances of a renewal of large-scale fighting. It also constituted a concrete demonstration of Israeli willingness to vacate some of the territory captured from the Arabs in 1967.

This should improve the climate for the negotiations for a final peace settlement between Israel and her Arab neighbors which are to resume in Geneva Jan. 24. But despite the disengagement agreement, those negotiations are expected to go on for months — or even years — as the two sides argue over how much of the rest of the occupied Arab territories Israel will relinquish.

The Arabs demand all of it. The Israelis have made clear they are not going to give up the Old City of Jerusalem and such territory as the Golan Heights and the southeast coast of the Sinai Peninsula which they consider vital to their security.

Any hopes that the disengagement agreement might impel the Arab oil nations to call off their cutbacks on production also appeared doomed by a comment from Saudi Arabia's oil minister. He said his nation — the Arab world's No. 1 oil producer — would not

Newsday

JUNE 16, 1974

# Making Peace With Kissinger

President Nixon said yesterday he was "proud of the role our government has played" in negotiations for disengagement of Israeli and Arab troops along the Suez Canal. Even without knowing the details of the agreement, we think his pride is entirely justified. Whatever shortcomings the settlement may turn out to have, it has two obvious and compelling benefits: First, it should put enough distance between the opposing armies to prevent them from shooting at each other and lengthening the casualty lists of the October war. Second, it should restore the momentum of the Geneva peace conference itself.

Nevertheless, we hope our government won't be called on to play quite such a prominent role the next time the Geneva talks stall. In this case "our government" is practically synonymous with Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, whose shuttle diplomacy in the past week has been a

triumph of tenacity over fatigue. But even Kissinger is mortal, and no matter how invaluable his negotiating skills may be in a crisis, they are a shaky foundation on which to build lasting peace in the Middle East—or anywhere else, for that matter.

Reportedly the secretary of state now plans to turn his attention to Syria, which has been boycotting the Geneva sessions, and to concentrate on a disengagement plan for the Israeli-Syrian cease-fire line. Syria still hasn't revealed the names of all its Israeli prisoners, and until it does we don't see much hope for Kissinger's efforts there. But if he can get past that hurdle, the world will be even more in his debt.

At some point, however, the contending parties in the Middle East must cease to rely on Kissinger's formidable talents and demonstrate their own determination to make a durable peace that will be theirs, not Kissinger's. We hope it will be soon.

Department of State

S/S -15

TELEGRAM

UNCLASSIFIED

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PLEASE PASS IMMEDIATE TO S/S FOR THE SECRETARY

HEREWITH FULL TEXT NICK TIMMESCH COLUMN OP-ED PAGE BALTOSUN
THURSDAY JANUARY 17 HEADED "*PLUMBERS*": SPIES IN HIGH
PLACES":

WE HAVE A STORY OF INTRIGUE IN HIGH PLACES GOING HERE OF THE
KIND ALWAYS DELICIOUS TO THOSE SAVORING WASHINGTON LIFE.
FOR OPENERS, IT INVOLVES HENRY A. KISSINGER, WHO ALREADY IS
A BLEND OF MYSTERY AND MAGIC; PENTAGON CHIEFTAINS AND A
CO-DIRECTOR (ALREADY INDICTED) OF THE CELEBRATED WHITE HOUSE
"PLUMBERS" WHOM DR. KISSINGER HAD LOANED TO JOHN D. EHRLICH-
MAN, NOW A PRIME WATERGATE FIGURE.

ADD SPYING INSIDE THE BUREAUCRACY, CHARGES OF BUGGING, BLACK-
MAIL AND UNAUTHORIZED PHOTOCOPYING OF DOCUMENTS PLUS
THREATS TO THE NATIONAL SECURITY. THE RESULTANT BREW TEMPTS
WASHINGTON'S MOST JADED TASTES.

LINES DIVIDING THE "GOOD GUYS" FROM THE "BAD GUYS" IN THIS
TALE FADE INTO GRAYNESS. IT WAS THE "PLUMBERS," FORMED TO
PLUG NATIONAL SECURITY LEAKS FROM THE WHITE HOUSE, WHO
ENGINEERED THE BURGLARY OF DANIEL ELLSBERG'S PSYCHIATRIST'S
OFFICE.

EGIL N. KROUGH, JR., AND DAVID R. YOUNG, JR., WHO DIRECTED
THE PLUMBERS, AND MR. EHRLICHMAN, WHO ORGANIZED THEM WERE
INDICTED FOR THAT BREAK-IN. SO THEY ARE CONSIDERED "BAD
GUYS."

BUT NOW IT IS REVEALED THAT IT WAS THE "PLUMBERS" WHO
UNCOVERED A PLOT BY A "RING" OF TOP MILITARY OFFICERS TO
SPY ON THE ACTIVITIES OF THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL

UNCLASSIFIED

Classification

FORM FS-412(N)
4-68

PAGE 2 - STATE 10425

UNCLASSIFIED

HEADED BY DR. KISSINGER. TWO MILITARY MEN INVOLVED IN THIS ALLEGED SPYING WERE ATTACHED TO THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL BUT WERE LATER TRANSFERRED.

THIS STORY SUGGESTS THAT TOP PENTAGON OFFICIALS WERE SUSPICIOUS OF WHAT THE NEW NIXON ADMINISTRATION, PARTICULARLY DR. KISSINGER, WAS UP TO IN REGARD TO DETENTE WITH THE RUSSIANS AND THE CHINESE AND IN LIMITATION OF STRATEGIC ARMS. THUS, WAS IT HEROIC FOR "PLUMBERS" TO UNCOVER THIS SPYING?

WELL, THE PROBLEM WITH PUTTING A QUICK WHITE HAT ON THE "PLUMBERS" IS THAT THERE IS A FOLLOWING CHARGE THAT ONE OF THE MILITARY MEN ATTACHED TO THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL HAD HIS TELEPHONE TAPPED BY THE FBI SOON THEREAFTER, ON REQUEST FROM THE WHITE HOUSE. SO, BOO, BOO, "PLUMBERS."

THEN THERE WAS A REPORT THAT (THEN DEFENSE SECRETARY) MELVIN R. LAIRD'S OFFICE WAS BUGGED ON KISSINGER'S ORDERS, ONLY THAT RUMOR-STORY WAS MODIFIED TO ONE HOLDING THAT THERE WAS A POSSIBILITY ONE OF MR. LAIRD'S AIDES WAS BUGGED. TSK, TSK.

MORE? ANOTHER REPORT WAS THAT PRESIDENT NIXON WAS SO ANGRY OVER EVIDENCE THAT THE PENTAGON WAS SPYING ON POOR DR. KISSINGER THAT HE WANTED TO FIRE ADM. THOMAS H. MOORER, CHAIRMAN OF THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF. (MR. NIXON HAS SINCE REAPPOINTED ADMIRAL MOORE.) THE WHITE HOUSE MISSED THIS STORY, AND ANOTHER THAT DR. KISSINGER'S DEPUTY ALEXANDER M. HAIG, JR., WAS SERVING AS A DOUBLE AGENT WORKING FOR KISSINGER BUT REPORTING TO THE PENTAGON. THE LATTER STORY DOES INDEED SEEM FARFETCHED.

HOW DID ALL THIS COME TO PASS? WELL, WE ARE IN THE WATER-GATE ERA, AND EVERYBODY AROUND HERE IS INCLINED TO TAKE HIS CLOTHES OFF. NEXT, THE NIXON ADMINISTRATION HAD A FOOLISH PROCLIVITY TO PUT EVERYTHING DOWN ON PAPER, BOB HALDEMAN STYLE. ALSO BEING OF THE GREENHORN STRIPE, THE NIXON ADMINISTRATION WAS SUSPECTED BY THE UPPER ECHELONS OF THE ENTIRE GOVERNMENT.

THIS WAS ESPECIALLY TRUE OF DEFENSE AND STATE DEPARTMENT TYPES WHO WERE UNFAMILIAR WITH THIS ODD FELLOW, MR. NIXON, AND DR. KISSINGER, WHO COULD HAVE BEEN A DR.

UNCLASSIFIED

["PAGE 2 - STATE 10425", "UNCLASSIFIED", "STRANGELOVE FOR ALL THEY KNEW. BESIDES, IT IS NOT UN-\nCOMMON FOR ONE DEPARTMENT OF GOVERNMENT TO SPY ON ANOTHER.\nFINALLY, THERE IS THE TRUTH THAT DR. KISSINGER DID SHUT\nOUT THESE DEPARTMENTS FROM MUCH OF THE PLANNING ACTIVITIES\nHE CONDUCTED IN HIS NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL.", "IN FAIRNESS TO DR. KISSINGER AND HIS SECRETIVENESS, THERE\nWAS A SERIOUS PROBLEM OF LEAKS FROM HIS NATIONAL SECURITY\nCOUNCIL, AND HIS CONCERN OVER THIS WAS SHARED BY PRESI-\NDENT NIXON. ONE WOULDN'T GATHER IT FROM THE MEDIA,\nBUT NIXON-KISSINGER IS A CLOSELY KNIT TEAM, ONLY MR. NIXON\nCATCHES THE HELL AND DR. KISSINGER THE KUDOS.", "ANYWAY, IT WAS NO ACCIDENT THAT, WHEN THE DECISION WAS\nMADE IN 1971 TO FORM A COVERT \"PLUMBERS\" SQUAD, IT WAS ONE\nOF DR. KISSINGER'S CLOSEST AND MOST RELIABLE AIDES, MR.\nYOUNG WHOM DR. KISSINGER \"LOANED\" TO MR.", "EHRLICHMAN, THEN ORGANIZING THE \"PLUMBERS.\" MR. YOUNG\nREMAINED ON DR. KISSINGER FOR A YEAR.", "PAYROLL UNTIL FORCED TO LEAVE\nGOVERNMENT LAST SPRING SHORTLY BEFORE BEING INDICTED.", "THE INTERNECINE SPYING ACTIVITY I CAN UNDERSTAND AS WELL\nAS DR. KISSINGER'S VALID WORRY ABOUT LEAKS. WHAT I CAN'T\nUNDERSTAND IS WHY DR. KISSINGER, IN THE YEAR OF WATERGATE,\nHASN'T OWNED UP TO HIS ROLE IN THE WIRETAPPING OF A NUMBER\nOF HIS OWN STAFF AND OTHER GOVERNMENT FIGURES, HIS DEEP\nINVOLVEMENT WITH DAVID YOUNG AND HIS KNOWLEDGE OF THE\nPLUMBERS' ACTIVITIES.", "HIS DENIAL OF THE LATTER, FOUND IN HIS TESTIMONY BEFORE\nTHE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE, COULD GET DR.\nKISSINGER INTO SERIOUS TROUBLE, POSSIBLY INTO A CHARGE OF\nPERJURY. RUSH", "UNCLASSIFIED"]

Department of State

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HEREWITH FULL TEXT PERTINENT SECTION JACK ANDERSON COLUMN
WASHINGTON POST THURSDAY, JANUARY 17 HEADED "PENTAGON
SPIED OUT OF FRUSTRATION".

PERHAPS WE CAN SHED MORE LIGHT ON HOW HENRY KISSINGER
AND HIS MILITARY AIDES WOUND UP SPYING ON ONE ANOTHER.

IT GREW OUT OF THE FRUSTRATION OF THE JOINT CHIEFS
OVER PRESIDENT NIXON'S OBSESSIVE SECRECY. THEY WERE OFTEN
KEPT IN THE DARK ABOUT WORLD MOVES WHICH AFFECTED THE
ARMED FORCES.

TO KEEP BETTER INFORMED, ADM. THOMAS MOORER, THE JOINT
CHIEFS' CHAIRMAN, SET UP HIS OWN PIPELINE INTO THE
WHITE HOUSE. HE RECEIVED PHOTOCOPIES OF DOCUMETS THA
HAD BEEN FILCHED RIGHT OUT OF KISSINGER'S SECRET FILES.

THESE WERE DELIVERED BY THE JOINT CHIEFS LIAISON
OFFICER AT THE WHITE HOUSE, REAR ADM. ROBERT O. WELANDER,
TO MOORER'S EXECUTIVE ASSISTANT, CAPT. ARTHUR K. KNOIZEN,
WHO PRESUMABLY TURNED THEM OVER TO MOORER.

KNOIZEN ALSO CIRCULATED SOME OF THE DOCUMENTS TO THE
OTHER MILITARY CHIEFS. NOTHING APPEARED IN WRITING TO
INDICATE THE DOCUMENTS HAD BEEN COPIED FROM KISSINGER'S
FILES. BUT SOMETIMES KNOIZEN SENT A COVER MEMO WARNING
OF THE "SENSITIVITY" OF THE MATERIAL.

ANOTHER NAVY OFFICER, CAPT. HOWARD N. KAY, REPRESENTED THE JOINT CHIEFS AT MEETINGS OF KISSINGER'S HUSH-HUSH WASHINGTON SPECIAL ACTION GROUP. AFTERWARD, KAY SUBMITTED REPORTS OF THE MEETINGS, STAMPED "SECRET-SENSITIVE" TO KNOIZEN.

UNCLASSIFIED

Classification

FORM FS-412(H)
4-68

Peace details
jet to and fro
with Kissinger

New York Times News Service

ASWAN, Egypt — Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger shuttled between Egypt and Israel Wednesday, confident that he could remove the remaining major obstacles between the two countries on an agreement to separate their military forces along the Suez Canal.

Prior to Kissinger's arrival here in the early afternoon, an American official said that the accord worked out by Kissinger in his flights between here and Israel was expected to be detailed and would pave the way for rapid progress between Egyptian and Israeli negotiators at the Middle East peace conference in Geneva.

The official said that only 20 to 25 per cent of the accord needed to be completed. Throughout the day, American officials appeared extremely confident that Kissinger and President Anwar el-Sadat of Egypt would be able to clear away the remaining major obstacles.

Israel's formal acceptance would be sought Thursday and Kissinger would probably then return to Egypt for a farewell ceremony with Sadat.

This was the most hectic day yet in Kissinger's "shuttle diplomacy."

He flew from Israel in the morning, spent the afternoon and evening in Aswan and then returned to Israel, evidently hoping to bring about an accord between Egypt and Israel that would enable negotiators in Geneva to make prompt progress when formal talks resume there on Jan. 24.

The disengagement agreement would mark the first Egyptian-Israeli accord since the cease-fire agreement signed on Nov. 11 even though actual negotiation had been largely carried out at a distance with Kissinger as mediator.

The accord, Kissinger said in Tel Aviv Wednesday morning, "could mark a turning point in affairs in the Middle East."

The accord, more detailed than first expected, was said to deal with such subjects as the line of disengagement, the size and quality of each side's arms in the disengagement zone and declarations that this would only be the first step twoard an eventual peace settlement.

other was a .3 per cent decline in August — and the Federal Reserve Board said the energy crisis was largely to blame.

Auto assemblies in December were down 14.6 per cent from a month earlier to an annual rate of 8.2 per cent, and the board said production schedules for January indicated a further decline of about 15 per cent.

Production of household appliances and other consumer durable goods was off slightly and reduced use of electricity and gas by residential and commercial customers also helped depress the index, the board said.

Excluding energy-related production, the board said industrial output otherwise rose slightly, with production of business equipment increasing .4 per cent to a new high.

The total personal income of over $1 trillion in 1973 compared with $939 billion in 1972. Personal income is the income received by all individuals in the economy from all sources.

# Light plane
against small

By JOHN LUMPKIN

ABOVE THE RIO GRANDE (AP) — They are specks on the surface of the brush-bordered, docile Rio Grande.

The plane hovering over them at several hundred feet will be just over the tops of their heads in a matter of seconds as its pilot dives for closer scrutiny.

Could they be laborers from a Mexican ranch wandering out on a sand bar for fresh water? Could they be illegal immigrants wading their way to the United States? Or could they be smuggling drug contraband across the wet international boundary?

The plane, piloted by an agent of the U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration, pulls out of its dive after sailing close enough to see their upward-turned faces.

It appears they are laborers.

Piqued, they throw rocks at the small, single-engined craft.

The plane, with a newsman in the back seat, is flying a mock mission along the twisting Rio Grande upstream from Laredo.

The pilot, who flew F4 Phantoms at supersonic speeds in Vietnam, now has a less sophisticated craft to guide. But what

AN EARLY ACCORD
SEEN BY KISSINGER

Ny Times 1-17-74

Secretary Spends a Hectic
Day Shuttling Between
Tel Aviv and Aswan

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

TEL AVIV, Jan. 16—Secretary of State Kissinger shuttled back and forth between Tel Aviv and Aswan today, arriving late tonight confident that an agreement was near between Egypt and Israel that would pave the way for the separation of their forces near the Suez Canal.

A high American official aboard Mr. Kissinger's Air Force 707 jet on its way to Israel said that the main problems had been resolved and that it was possible that an announcement would be made tomorrow or Friday on the document, which will include an agreement on principles for disengagement of troops and details for carrying them out.

Mr. Kissinger, in his talks with President Anwar el-Sadat and other high Egyptian officials, was said to have brought the two positions close enough to that only about 10 per cent of the final, detailed document remained to be agreed upon.

The remaining obstacles were described as "Nearly all the gut issues are now approaching resolution," one high official said on the aircraft.

Foreign Minister Abba Eban of Israel, who saw Mr. Kissinger's

Continued on Page 8, Column 1

THE NEW YORK TIMES, THURSDAY, JANUARY 17, 1974

# Altman's Mid-Winter Sales
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our exciting collection. Come see it all.

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### DEFERRED PAYMENTS ARRANGED.

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Kissinger Makes 12-hour Round Trip

1-17-74

# Suez Agreement Seen Near

By Marilyn Berger

Washington Post Staff Writer

JERUSALEM, Jan. 16—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger arrived back in Israel tonight after a 12-hour round trip of his Aswan-Jerusalem shuttle, expecting to wrap up an agreement Thursday on disengagement of forces along the Suez Canal.

The mood was upbeat when he left Ben Gurion Airport this morning, and buoyant in Aswan when he met with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat and other top officials. Kissinger, himself, although clearly tired from his continuous negotiations, could barely repress a smile when reporters on his plane asked how the talks were progressing. He seemed confident that an agreement was near.

Senior U.S. officials said all the “gut issues” are “approaching resolution” and there was some confidence that the outstanding

“remnants” of disagreement could be smoothed over quickly. The issues that appear to have been tied down include the thinning out of Egyptian forces that would remain on the east bank of the Suez Canal and the level of armaments of those forces.

The officials conceded that the United States, as the major nation outside the region involved in the negotiations, would have a certain responsibility to see that the agreement is respected. But they noted that the United States is involved in the region anyway and stressed that it undertook the role at the express request of both Israel and Egypt. They added that the agreement would be completed within the context of the Geneva talks.

[White House spokesman Gerald L. Warren called newsmen last night to say that President Nixon had had a 30-minute telephone conversation

with Kissinger in Jerusalem and that the President was satisfied that “progress has been made.”

[Warren said it was the first phone conversation the two men had held since Kissinger started his current series of shuttle trips between Israel and Egypt. The President called Kissinger, Warren said, to let him know he has been following the secretary's daily cabled reports carefully. The spokesman said that the President has been sending Kissinger daily guidance and instructions on the negotiations.]

Simultaneous announcements are anticipated shortly in both Cairo and Jerusalem of an agreement on the principles of disengagement, which would be formally approved in Geneva. But the term “principles” is somewhat misleading, for what Kissinger is clearly expecting to emerge from his three trips to each

See MIDEAST, A28, Col. 1

Published herein.

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International NYT 1/17/74

Secretary of State Kissinger shuttled back and forth between Israel and Egypt during the day, arriving in Tel Aviv confident that the two sides were close to an agreement on the separation of their forces near the Suez Canal. During the late night flight to Israel, an American official said that the main problems had been solved and that an announcement might be made today. [1:7.]

Reporter's notebook: an itch to travel

By Darius S. Jhabvala
Globe Staff

JERUSALEM—The Yo-Yo Express, the former name for Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger's special aircraft, has been rechristened.

"All aboard the Arab-Israeli commuter special," Asst. Secretary of State Joseph Sisco said as he entered the plane at Aswan for the second round trip to Jerusalem.

When the plane landed at Lod Airport in Tel Aviv, Sisco opened the door to the "steerage," where the press and security men were sitting, and said: "And welcome to Israel again, and again, and again."

Considering the several two-hour hops the press has made between Lod and Aswan and all the climatic and stomach changes that go with it, the spirits are remarkably high. So is the urge to scratch oneself.

The short hauls cause a problem: When the party left Washington, it was under the impression that the trip would be for about five days. So only enough clothes, and particularly underwear and socks, were brought along for that period.

With only a night in each hotel, it is impossible to get laundering service. The hardier types make do without a changeover; the more fastidious have taken to washing clothes in the hotel bathtub; and those who have taken to-hell-with-it attitude seek relief by scratching themselves.

There is something to be said about the old-school diplomat who is always neat as a pin on any occasion and is ready to move at a moment's notice from the ball park to the negotiating table. One such person is Ellsworth Bunker, the American ambassador to the Arab-Israeli talks in Geneva.

During a quiet period in Aswan, the Egyptian government invited officials to visit the temples of Philae on an island on the Nile. The weather was warm and somewhat sticky, so most showed up in jackets and slacks. But not Bunker. He wore a three-piece pin-striped suit and a fedora of 1970 vintage.

Riding on a bus with an Arab driver is always a hair-raising event. Most are firmly convinced that the road and sidewalks belong to the automobiles and that pedestrians are just nuisances.

Abdel, the man who takes us from Aswan airport to the hotel and back, is a real blue ribbon man. He is one

ELLSWORTH BUNKER

... old-school diplomat

JOSEPH SISCO

... "commuter special"

of those drivers who would put a New Jerseyite to shame.

His foot is always on the accelerator and 60 mph on one-way pothole-ridden highway is his specialty. He makes hairpin turns at 30 mph, misses humans by two inches and donkeys by one and side-swipes other automobiles without ever giving it a thought. "I enjoy driving," he says.

Security in Israel is so tight that it is impossible to go in and out of the hotel without passing through a phalanx of checkers. Everyone here has a button, some even three, which identifies the service they are affiliated with. There seems to be at least six of them.

However, the most preferred checkpoint is with the Israeli military. It is manned by fetching young women in military uniform who have a feel for their assignment.

Peter Rodman is the special aide to Kissinger and attends most negotiating sessions.

Of late, however, he has been seen walking around with what looks like a golf bag. "Been out golfing, Peter?" a reporter asked him. "Yes," he replied.

Further investigation disclosed that it is not a golf bag but a special waterproof case to carry the maps the Arabs and Israelis are negotiating over.

Seven-year-old Theresa Vacivca discusses the life of Martin Luther King Jr. with instructor Donna Norton at yesterday's tribute to slain civil rights leader at Columbus Center in Boston's North End. (Globe Photo by Ed Jenner)

# Kennedy calls on Americans to finish Dr. King's work

By Viola Osgood
Globe Staff

The breakfast was held for the benefit of two local churches, the Union United Methodist Church and St. Cyprian's Epis-

SAVE

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MEN'S
OUTER
1/3 O
$19.95

NYT 1/16/74
# Reporter's Notebook: The Active Life
## On Kissinger's Shuttle in Middle East

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

JERUSALEM, Jan. 15—A few minutes before take-off from Aswan last night Joseph J. Sisco stood in the aisle of the Air Force jet and cried out to no one in particular, “Welcome aboard the Egyptian-Israeli shuttle!”

After hopping between Aswan and Tel Aviv for four consecutive days in search of a disengagement agreement, Mr. Sisco, who has been nominated as Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, was reflecting the feeling of most members of the Kissinger party that the shuttle had somehow become a permanent fixture in Middle Eastern diplomacy.

Not only were Secretary of State Kissinger and his aides carrying proposals back and forth between the Egyptians and the Israelis, but the other members of the party, including the press, were reporting the mood on each side to the other, something

## Israel Delays Decision

Israel yesterday put off a decision on a proposal to separate Egyptian and Israeli troops along the Suez Canal until Secretary of State Kissinger made a third visit to Egypt. Page 8.

that, in purely human terms, may be more important than the detailed ideas on disengagement of forces on the Suez front.

At the press center in the Old Cataract Hotel in Aswan on Sunday night, a senior Egyptian editor drew an American newsman aside.

"Kissinger says that the Israelis can be trusted," the editor said. "You've just been to Israel. Do you think a real peace is possible after disengagement?"

The next night in the press center at the King David Hotel here, the same newsman was approached by three Israeli journalists. "Tell us," they asked "What are the Egyptians really like?"

At another point on Israeli said: "Aswan is a hundred miles from here, but as far

Continued on Page 8, Column 1

WILLCOX & GIBBS owns Los Angeles Sample Co. (WG-ASE).—Advt.

Israel holds back agreement ?4

Continued from page 1A

Canal and the establishment of a United Nations-supervised demilitarized zone between the Israeli and Egyptian lines.

The two sides are also expected to pledge to continue negotiations on further withdrawals and a comprehensive political settlement.

A major outstanding problem in the negotiations, reliable sources said, is the size and firepower of the Egyptian force that is expected to remain on the eastern bank of the canal under the agreement.

The Egyptians have an estimated 400 tanks and from 20,000 to 30,000 men on the Sinai side of the waterway. The Israelis are anxious to have this force reduced so significantly that it would be incapable of mounting a serious surprise attack.

Egypt has so far resisted any significant reduction in the size or strength of the force, and the U.S. delegation has been attempting to persuade each side to soften its respective position.

The role and threat posed by that Egyptian force is a hot political issue in Israel. In the last two days, the Likud, the right-wing opposition coalition, has been stepping up its criticism of the proposed disengagement agreement as a whole and of the Egyptian foothold on the eastern bank of Suez in particular. In public statements and newspaper advertisements, the Likud has castigated the agreement as "unilateral withdrawal."

In a statement Monday night, the opposition group charged that the Egyptians were currently installing

surface-to-air missiles on the eastern bank, which would be able to knock down aircraft behind the proposed Israeli lines.

Initially, censors blocked publication of the statement on military grounds. It was subsequently cleared, but not before the Jerusalem Post was forced to leave a blank space on its front page where the Likud charge was to have been printed.

Incensed by this action, the Likud demanded a full-scale debate in parliament next Monday on the merits of the disengagement proposals and on the government's "use of censorship in misleading the public."

# Israel Defers Decision On Suez Disengagement

By Marilyn Berger

Washington Post Staff Writer

JERUSALEM, Jan. 15—The Israeli Cabinet late tonight deferred a decision on the disengagement of forces along the Suez Canal, apparently waiting to determine whether one more trip to Aswan by U.S. Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger would bring Egypt's positions any closer to Israel's.

In a statement issued late tonight, the Cabinet announced that it would "wind up the debate on proposals for the separation of forces on the Egyptian front at the conclusion of talks with Dr. Kissinger following his return from his forthcoming visit to Egypt."

Kissinger is to leave for Aswan Wednesday morning and is expected to return here Thursday. Thus, the Cabinet could be expected to meet late Thursday or Friday and make a decision Friday.

The statement also said that the Israeli government would "make an announcement regarding the political and security situation and the negotiations on the separation of forces" when the Knesset (Parliament) resumes its ses-

sion. This is scheduled for Monday.

Observers said that the Knesset was unlikely to try to undermine the Cabinet position and saw the announcement that a statement would be made as an effort to win over the opposition.

As Kissinger has shuttled back and forth between Aswan and Jerusalem, he has sought to narrow the gap between the two countries. But at the same time, officials on each side are in an unstated competition to see which can hold out longer and get more out of the three-way talks.

See MIDEAST, A19, Col. 1