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Article 21: Local people's congresses at various levels are local organs of state power. The term of office of the provincial and municipal people's congresses is five years; that of people's congresses of special districts, cities and counties, three years; that of people's congresses of rural people's communes and townships, two years.

Article 22: Local revolutionary committees at various levels are the standing organs of local people's congresses and, at the same time, people's governments of the corresponding levels. A local revolutionary committee is composed of the chairman, the vice chairman and other members, to be elected or recalled by the people's congress of the corresponding level. A local revolutionary committee is responsible and accountable to the people's congress of the corresponding level and to the state organ of the next higher level.

Article 23: Local people's congresses at various levels and members of local revolutionary committees elected by the local people's congresses ensure the implementation of laws and decrees in the areas under their jurisdiction, stimulate the activeness of local organs at various levels to the full, provide leadership for local socialist revolution and socialist construction, screen and approve local budgets, protect revolutionary order, and safeguard the rights of citizens.

Section 4: Organs of Self-Government of National Autonomous Areas

Article 24: The organs of self-government in autonomous regions, autonomous chou and autonomous counties, which are all national autonomous areas, are the people's congresses and revolutionary committees. The organs of self-government of national autonomous areas may exercise, in addition to the functions and powers of local state organs as prescribed in Chapter II, Section 3 of the Constitution, autonomy as provided by law. Higher state organs at various levels should fully safeguard the exercise of autonomy by organs of self-government in national autonomous areas, and positively support the various minority nationalities in carrying out socialist revolution and socialist construction.

Section 5: Trial and Prosecuting Organs

Article 25: The Supreme People's Court, local people's courts at various levels and special people's courts exercise judicial authority. The people's courts at various levels are responsible and accountable to the people's congresses and their standing organs at the corresponding levels. The standing organs of the people's congresses at various levels appoint or remove presidents of the people's courts at the corresponding levels. The exercise of procuratorial and trial authority, shall follow the mass line. Mass discussion and criticism are to be conducted in serious counter-revolutionary and criminal cases.

Chapter III: Fundamental Rights and Duties of Citizens

Article 26: The most fundamental rights and duties of citizens are: To support Chairman Mao Tse-tung and his close comrade-in-arms, Vice Chairman Lin Piao, to support the leadership of the Communist Party of China; to support the proletarian dictatorship, to support the socialist system, and to abide by the Constitution and laws of the People's Republic of China. The defence of the motherland and resistance against aggression are the sacred responsibility of every citizen; and it is the honorable duty of citizens to perform military service according to law.

Article 27: Citizens who have reached the age of 18 have the right to vote and stand for election, except those deprived by law of such rights. Citizens have the right to work and the right to receive an education. The working people have the right to rest and leisure and the right to material assistance in old age and in case of illness or disability. Women enjoy equal rights with men. The state protects marriage, the family, and the mother and child. The State protects the just rights and interests of Chinese who live abroad.

Article 28: Citizens enjoy freedom of speech, freedom of correspondence, freedom of publication, freedom of assembly, freedom of association, freedom of procession, freedom of demonstration and freedom to strike. Citizens enjoy the freedom of religious belief and the freedom of iconoclasm and of propagating atheism. The freedom of person and the homes of citizens are inviolable. No citizen may be arrested

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except by decision of a people's court or with the sanction of public security organs.

Article 29: The People's Republic of China grants asylum to any foreign national persecuted for supporting a just cause, for taking part in revolutionary activities, or for engaging in scientific research.

## Chapter IV: National Flag, National Emblem, Capital

Article 30: The national flag of the People's Republic of China is a red flag with five stars. The national emblem is: in the center, Tien An Men under the light of five stars, and encircled by ears of grain and a cogwheel. The capital of the People's Republic of China is Peking.

### ##

### ##

### ##

JUN 17 1970

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

Dear Marshall:

Many thanks for your kind note which I regret
taking so long to acknowledge. Your understand-
ing and encouragement have meant a great deal
to me at a time when the tide from academia has
been flowing in the other direction. Wrestling
with "damnably difficult" decisions is made a
lot easier by sympathetic words from a valued
colleagues.

I too hope we can get together soon and hope you
will let me know when you are in Washington,

Professor Marshall D. Shulman
Russian Institute
Columbia University
431 West 117th Street
New York, New York

WL:jlp:6/16/70

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

MARSHALL D. SHULMAN
450 RIVERSIDE DRIVE
NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10027

February 29, 1972

Dear Henry:

I am planning to leave March 26th for a month in Moscow. I will be based in the Soviet Academy of Sciences, largely working on the background of the Soviet approach to limitation of strategic weapons.

I would be glad to have a conversation with you before my departure, preferably after the 15th of March, if this would be convenient.

If you would like to suggest a date, could your office let me know through my secretary, Miss Flack, at (212) 280-4623 ? I am spending most of my time currently at our place in Sherman, Connecticut, but she would know how and when to get word to me.

Colette joins in best regards. She will be going to Moscow for research of her own. (We wondered if the Russian sense of humor would stand it if we were to pull a pair of chopsticks out of our pocket at mealtime?)

Best,

RECEIVED

MAR 22 1972

CENTRAL FILES

July 29, 1971

Mr. Kissinger:

AUG 5 1971

The writer of this letter wants to know if you are
a relative of hers. Her father's name was Albert
Elvin Kissinger and her family is German.

Do you want to reply?

Yes ____

No ✓

Do you want me to reply in
your behalf?

Yes ____

No ✓

Do you think you are related?

Yes ____

No ____

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

JAN 12 1971

Dear Mrs. Sichel:

I was both touched and pleased to receive your very thoughtful letter, and to learn that you had studied with my father. I know how much he would enjoy seeing your letter and knowing that however dispersed, there remains some sense of community among those who lived in Fuerth, Bayern before the war. Hoping you won't mind I am taking the liberty of forwarding a copy of your letter to my parents.

Again, thank you for writing. Your letter was very kind.

Mrs. Arnold Sichel
Hollyrood Park, Bldg. 4 Apt. 9
Liverpool, New York 13088

DH:jlj 1/8/71

RECEIVED
JAN 14 1971

CENTRAL FILES

EXECUTIVE

FG 6-11-1/K*

KISSINGER, HENRY A./S*

Filed 11/9/70

TIME
THE WEEKLY NEWSPAPER

888 16TH STREET, N.W.
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20006

(202) 293-4300

Sept. 22, 1970

Dear Henry,

We always choose the worst times to ask favors. But I'm proceeding recklessly, realizing that you are always candid with me and not a bit fearful of ignoring the vast Luce empire. We plan for next week's Time cover story on an exposition of the state of United States foreign policy, the condition of our military preparedness. In the event there is action in the Middle East, then we will use an action picture on the cover. If there is none -- or at least the incidents go along at the current rate -- we will use Richard Nixon's picture on the cover.

The three of us responsible for this opus -- Herman, Nickel, Simmons, Fentress and myself -- would very much like to sit down with you before Saturday if it is at all possible. Any time would be suitable. We would be delighted to have you for lunch or dinner in the bureau if that would save time. But any spare minutes -- night, day or inbetween would be great. I've got some clout at Arizona State.

GENERAL

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

TIME · LIFE · FORTUNE
SPORTS ILLUSTRATED

JL3

888 SIXTEENTH STREET, N. W.
WASHINGTON, D. C. 20006
202-393-4300

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

Jan. 21, 1971

TIME
INCORPORATED

Dear Henry,

About nuns. Henry Grunwald believes quite honestly that if you want to submerge this matter with the most dispatch it would be better not to run any kind of letter bringing it up again. That is his counsel in the incident. It does make some sense, However, these things are very personal and your wishes are paramount.

So far we have not received a single letter, wire or phoneed complaint, although we have received a good deal of correspondence on the story itself. So if you want to just cancel a response, give me a quick call.

Otherwise, the powers that be have devised this method to take care of correcting the record. They have provided a letter which says, "It is surprising, he difficult, to believe, that any man as circumspect as Henry Kissinger would have made the kind of remark about nuns as appeared in your story. Editor's Note: In reporting Henry Kissinger's quip that the plot to kidnap him was by three six starved nuns' an insensitivity was suggested that was neither intended nor the fact."

Okay?

On the other matter of answering the mail, if we get any. The editor feel it would violate some kind of privileged relationship between them and the correspondents to turn their letters over to you. What they suggest, is that you pen for us a paragraph or two on what you would like to say and our letter answerers will respond, saying that Dr. Kissinger wishes you to know so and so. This will go along with our own response about altering the context of privacy.

I think this all makes sense, Henry. I only need your decisions. Again, my apologies for transgressing. However, if there is a great flood of letters from women showing a new interest in you, I'll expect a secret document or two before you go back to Harvard.

RECEIVED

JAN 2 5 1971

CENTRAL FILES

THE PRESIDENCY

BY HUGH SIDEY

Life magazine Sept. 22, 1972.

# The world is the 'Woodcutter's' ball

The Greatest Show on Earth

There never has been anything quite like Henry Kissinger in mythology or in fact. He moves through the pages of this world, as he did last week, full of pride and grand plans for civilizations and a taste for the privileged life, trailing a faint aroma of yearning for castles and crown princes. His influence is so vast---though hard to calibrate since he has no base of power other than his intellect---that he can cause the stock market to dip with a sentence or send prime ministers into fits by remaining silent.

He might have vanished, like most tired bit players in the political drama, at any time in the past four years. But he endures. On a California hillside a couple of weeks ago he drew more side glances than any of the dozens of Hollywood stars who swarmed to San Clemente for Richard Nixon. "He's real," marveled one of the guests, looking through Jack BenNY and John Wayne.

There is mystery about Kissinger. Overweight and over 40 he may be, but he carries with him a touch of the undercover world of power and intrigue. It is exactly this hint of James Bond in his life that already has driven the quiet but frenzied pricing for his memoirs up to $2 million. "Woodcutter, Woodcutter, can you hear me?" his Secret Service agents rasp into their pocket radios as they clear his way around this globe. "How far are you away, Woodcutter? Give us an ETA." Woodcutter is not, perhaps, as intriguing as a code name as "007," but it has a certain American ring to it and it happens to be genuine Secret Service. But while Woodcutter's shadowy journeys are woven through clusters of beautiful

women, some good vintages and glittering salons, the final lurid scenes of fiction are never played out. Instead of sometimes ending up spent and bruised like 007, Woodcutter always ends up back at the White House desk with new reports to file, new plans to incubate. And that, of course, is the reason he lasts.

More important, Kissinger is the only man in the Western world who greets Chou En-lai and Brezhnev with jokes, and who has felt the tap of Marshal Grechko who whispered, as Soviet troopers thumped by, "Don't worry, I'm here to protect you." He is the only person who suddenly found himself listening to the soft voice of Marshal Yeh marveling that one of them had come from the caves of Yenan and the other from German terror and both were there, speaking for millions.

It was that way around the circuit last week. Kissinger was in Germany, brow furrowed, and then in Moscow joking with Ambassador Dobrynin as they strode toward another black limousine. In Kissinger's wake came again the hint that he might find a Vietnam peace. It is this very possibility that has cast him into the American political battle, has so angered and frustrated George McGovern. When Kissinger spins off on his journeys, criticism of the Vietnam war cannot конgeal; it is suspended in that thin vapor of hope that always comes out of the unknown despite all the past failures. When Henry Kissinger is at work, reasonable men must pay attention. That Nixon, battling for survival, would dispatch this singular emissary without the slightest hesitation at critical political junctures can

be assumed. But there are other dimensions to these trips that the jet-borne professor has pondered and articulated to relieve his conscience, certainly, and also, since he is a man of substance, because they may be true.

Kissinger pursues, he says, only genuine suggestions for peace, not mere fantasies. "When the record is known, everyone will see just how sincere these efforts were," he says in private moments. To Kissinger it is not Nixon as much as the American President who is dealing with the foreign powers. The country must be a "going concern" through generations, not just through terms of office. The confidence and continuity that must endure through political campaigns are terribly important to Kissinger. "There is nothing political in the Vietnam policy for us any longer," he has insisted to visitors, even more vehemently now that public opinion seems to be swinging behind Nixon on the war. "If politics had been the only consideration, we would have been out of there long ago.... It is ridiculous to believe that we are engaged in some master conspiracy in which the whole world is participating for the reelection of Richard Nixon."

Something else has happened too. The bureaucracies in every advanced nation have become cumbersome, leaky and downright stubborn. Modern statesmen, equipped with jets, find it easy to buzz off to each other's dachas and talk in plain language and with true security. And there is the opportunity to take personal measure of one another, so important in an age when a single man can order a nuclear strike.

The four-year presidential term also produces a natural governmental tide. It takes nine months to find the levers, Kissinger figures. Then, the midterm elections intrude. Back on the track, the presidential campaign rushes up. Suddenly, the man in the Oval Office faces the possibility of leaving business unfinished, and so he pushes all the buttons, hoping for spectacular progress. It is human. It is also political.

When Kissinger finally does get around to his high-priced memoirs, he will have a thought or two about this period in a President's life. Looking back not only over Nixon's tenure but through Kennedy's and Johnson's, he is inclined to believe that a President's first term ought to be longer than four years and that the second term be kept at four years. It is a novel idea, but only one of many by-products of this unusual man, coded as Woodcutter, who ponders human fate from 35,000 feet while still savoring the fragrance of a blond, or the meaning of Andrei Gromyko's jest about Ivan the Terrible's cameras in the Kremlin ceiling.

KISSINGER, HENRY A./S

Dear Barbie:

Thank you very much for your recent letter
in which you ask many questions. I appre-
ciate your interest.

Mr. trip to China was most enjoyable, the
people were friendly, and the food was ex-
cellent. Eating French food while in Paris
also was excellent. I enjoy all types of food.

It is always good to return from trips and I
did take a short vacation earlier this year.
After resting a bit, I embarked on another
trip. Perhaps when you get a little older
you, too, will be able to travel and have a
chance to try the different types of foods in
various countries.

I wish all the best to you.

Mibs Barbie Siener
Room 115
Thomas Mark School
Wilson, New York 14172

drc/5-8-73

RECEIVED

MAY 1-3 1973

CENTRAL FILES