Understanding the dispute about whether Mr. Kissinger has played fast with the truth requires a medieval scholastic's intellect capable of caring how many angels can dance on the point of a pin.

The question is whether he "initiated" wiretaps that were placed on telephones of friends, colleagues and reporters. Mr. Kissinger told the Foreign Relations Committee that he did not "initiate" the taps. They were "initiated" by others, he said, and he merely supplied names of men who might fruitfully be listened in on, after the higher decision was made.

To make any sense of this requires a fine understanding of what Government people mean by "initiating" something, and the trouble here is that they don't really mean anything that can be defined without Philadelphia lawyers, all of whom are now relocated in Washington debating the meaning of "an impeachable offense" and "executive privilege," which don't really mean anything either.

Mr. Kissinger's trouble arises because the newspapers published a "leaked" F.B.I. paper stating that "original requests" for the taps "were from Dr. Henry Kissinger or Gen. Alexander Haig," who was then Mr. Kissinger's deputy.

Publication of the "leaked" F.B.I. paper produced the final twist of the comedy by giving the Government's people another chance to repeat their well-rehearsed "Shame-on-the-leakers!" act.

The aim of that splendid old routine is to change the subject so that everybody will stop thinking about the main plot-line and start worrying about the evils of journalism.

It works like this: The papers publish a "leaked" document showing the Government has been playing dirty pool. The Government's men ignore the revelation. Instead, they denounce the papers for publishing material which the Government didn't want the public to see. This is accompanied by statements that the published material will damage the national security, destroy the judicial system and otherwise accelerate rot in the moral fabric.

The argument assumes that whatever the deviousness or lying or criminality may be that has come to light, the greater evil is having it appear in the newspapers. And so, when the "leaked" F.B.I. paper made things awkward for Mr. Kissinger, the Government people replied by crying "Shame on the leakers!"

If this practice were common in nongovernment life, a man could murder his wife, tuck the body in the back lawn and count on the police to put all their energy into pressing trespassing charges against any busybody who reported a grave-sized mound behind the petunia patch.

In the Kissinger business Senator Goldwater characteristically smelled "treason" in the newspapers and was joined by less colorful talkers in exploring the idea of a well-informed citizenry.

In real life somebody would suggest taking a look at this unfortunately published evidence, but this is not going on in real life. It is going on in Washington, which is a comic book.

Tom Braden

Wash POST 6-15-74

# Diplomatic Concessions, Military Demands

The widening policy rift between Mr. Nixon's two principal lieutenants broke into open argument last week. The occasion was a White House meeting called to discuss the U.S. position for the upcoming conference between the President and Communist Party Chairman Leonid Brezhnev in Moscow.

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger had been telling Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger that the Russians were making major concessions in three areas of defense planning. What Kissinger wanted from Schlesinger was a commitment to explain to his own people in the Pentagon that the concessions were important and desired serious consideration.

Schlesinger was adamant. The Joint Chiefs of Staff, he said, were not satisfied with the concessions. They would present new demands. Kissinger blew up. Who is running the government, he wanted to know, the President or the Joint Chiefs of Staff?

Disarmament negotiations, he told Schlesinger, have consisted largely of American demands followed by Russian concessions, followed by more American demands.

> "As Kissinger sees it, a responsible Democratic Party ought to be plugging hard for arms control."

The blowup marked a Kissinger decision. At one time the Secretary of State had been half-convinced by the Pentagon argument that SALT I, which gave parity to Russia in numbers of missiles, was a defeat for the United States.

"You have as many missiles as we," he explained to Brezhnev.

"It has been my impression," the Soviet leader replied, "that people are not killed by missiles; they are killed by warheads."

It was a telling argument. With its MIRVed missiles and its strategic bombers, the U.S. lead over the Soviet Union in capacity to deliver warheads is enormous.

Kissinger has also listened carefully in the past to Schlesinger's argument that there is danger in Russia's race to

build missiles with larger throw weight.

But he is struck by the force of the counterargument. Our Joint Chiefs do not wish to build missiles with larger throw weight. It would be easy for them to do so, and easy to house them in the present silos. But they do not choose to do so. If throw weight is so valuable to the Soviet Union, why do we spurn it for ourselves?

The problem for the Secretary of State as he plans for negotiations in Moscow is not that the Secretary of Defense has the logical side of the argument but that he has the popular side. If Schlesinger ever fears being bested, he has only to count the votes on the Hill in order to put his mind at ease.

Sen. Henry Jackson (D-Wash.) can be counted on to denounce an arms agree-

ment as a sellout and nobody can be found who will take him on. Kissinger has tried; first with Sen. Edmund Muskie (D-Me.), second with Sen. Edward Kennedy (D-Mass.)—so far to no avail.

And yet, as Kissinger sees it, a responsible Democratic Party ought to be plugging hard for arms control. Failure to reach agreement with Russia now will not hurt this administration and will have no effect on this administration's budget. The effect will be felt four or five years from now when, possibly, a Democratic administration may be trying to explain why the defense budget has reached $120 billion or so.

Running for President in 1960, John Kennedy created a missile gap, and Robert McNamara was honest enough to admit—once Kennedy got into office—that there was no such thing. But by that time it was too late to stop the expense of trying to close it. Sen. Jackson, who is also running for President, has help from the Secretary of Defense in his effort to take us down the same road.

© 1974, Los Angeles Times

# Nitze Quits U.S. SALT Team

NITZE, From AI

tain unfortunate trends in
the evolving situation," the
statement said.

Nitze did not specify what
trends he meant. But —
aside from Watergate — he
is known to have been dis-
turbed by what he viewed as
a very tough Soviet position
at the arms talks that
seemed to him to be based
on a Russian feeling that
events generally favored
Russia with the result that
Russia felt little need to
bend to the United States at
SALT.

Nitze also strongly op-
posed some proposals under
consideration within the
White House which, in his
view, would help solidify
current Soviet numerical ad-
vantages in nuclear missiles.
He was opposed specifically,
insiders say, to an extension
of the interim agreement of
offensive nuclear weapons
reached in May, 1972, and
which would expire in 1977.

Nitze also is known to be
geeved at the reported lack
of consultation the SALT
team has had with Secretary
of State Henry A. Kissinger
and the general lack of use
of the negotiating team,
which has not been back to
Geneva since April 11.

His departure comes just
two weeks before President
Nixon visits Moscow, and of-
ficials say it is clear now
that whatever agreement, if
any, in the nuclear arms
field comes out of the sum-
mit, aside from a limited
test ban agreement, will
have been arranged once
again by Kissinger.

Nitze's statement goes on

to say: "Time is now of the
essence in establishing the
preconditions for such a re-
generation," presumably in
the functioning of the presi-
dency.

"In the meantime, it is es-
sential that the orderly
process of government con-
tinue. It is the genius of the
U.S. form of government,"
he said, "that it has the flex-
ibility to compensate for in-
dividual deficiencies. All
those who are continuing to
maintain the orderly process
of government despite the
tensions between their loy-
alty to higher authority and
their loyalty to their oath of
office have my full sympa-
thy and admiration.

"I regret that that tension
has now become too great
for me to continue in office
with them."

On the arms control issue,
Nitze strongly indicated that
he felt no agreement which
would really put a lid on the
arms race—and would thus
increase stability—could
come out of the summit this
month.

"For the last five years,"
he said, "I have devoted all

my energies to supporting
the objective of negotiating
SALT agreements which
would be balanced and
which would enhance the se-
curity of the U.S., and also
of the Soviet Union, by
maintaining crisis stability-
and . . . lessening the strate-
gic arms competition . . .

"Under the circumstances
existing at the present time,
however, I see little pro-
spect of negotiating meas-
ures which will enhance
movement toward those ob-
jectives," he said.

Though Nitze's general
unhappiness was known and
his departure was expected,
the abruptness of it just two
weeks before the summit
talks surprised even De-
fense Secretary James R.
Schlesinger.

To replace Nitze, Schle-
singer named Dr. James P.
Wade Jr., who has worked
on SALT within the Penta-
gon since 1972 and is on the
staff of the Pentagon's chief
scientist.

Nitze was also bruised in
March when the White
House declined to send his
name to the Senate to be-

come assistant secretary of
defense.

Schlesinger wanted Nitze,
but when some conserva-
tives, including Sen. Barry
Goldwater, protested,
Nitze's name was scratched.

Nitze's departure in effect
reflects a continuing split in
views within the administra-
tion and in some quarters of
Congress over the U.S. posi-
tion on new missile agree-
ments with the Russians.

The split is between those
— like Nitze — who believe
the United States must be
very tough, push for actual
reductions in forces, and
reach a permanent agree-
ment which roughly evens
out the nuclear strike forces
on both sides, and others
who believe that the Soviets
cannot be pressed too hard
and that some agreement
which is at least a step to-
ward limiting such weapons
as MIRV-type multiple-war-
head missiles is better than
no agreement in terms of
slowing the arms race.

["Senate Unit to Get Wiretap", "KISSINGER, From A1", "that permission for transfer\nof the documents be ob-\ntained from Judge John\nLewis Smith of the U.S. Dis-\ntrict Court here.", "Smith's approval was ob-\ntained last night, and Jones\nimmediately moved to ob-\ntain physical possession of\nthe materials. The judge\nhad put the materials under\na restrictive order last June\n28 because they are involved\nin a damage suit against Kiss-\nsinger filed by Morton\nHalperin, one of the offi-\ncials whose telephone was\ntapped.", "Smith previously had\ngranted permission to the\nHouse Judiciary Committee\nto obtain some of the papers\nfor its impeachment inquiry\nof President Nixon, on con-\ndition that they be kept se-\ncret. Last night, he signed\nan order authorizing the\nJustice Department to give", "them to the Fulbright com-\nmittee.", "Judge Smith also indi-\ncated he would consider\nnext week a petition by\nHalperin that he be allowed\nto make materials public.\nThe Halperin petition, filed\nyesterday, stated that there\nis no need for further se-\ncrecy on many of the docu-\nments and suggested that\nHalperin is being stopped\nby the court restrictions\nfrom commenting on public\nstatements by Kissinger\nbearing on the case.", "Fulbright, after releasing\nthe letter, which was signed\nby acting Attorney General\nLaurence H. Silberman, said\nhe didn't know whether\nadded materials, not avail-\nable to the House Judiciary\nCommittee and therefore\nnot included within the\nscope of Silberman's letter,\nmight be sought later by the\nForeign Relations Commit-\ntee. But he characterized", "the Justice pledge as \"a\ngood start.\"", "In releasing the Justice\nDepartment letter, Ful-\nbright also issued a sharply\ncritical statement on a Sen-\nate resolution, sponsored by\n51 senators, which calls Kiss-\nsinger's integrity and truth-\nfulness \"above reproach.\"", "Introduced by Sen. James\nB. Allen (D-Ala.), the resolu-\ntion is being co-sponsored\nby several members of Ful-\nbright's committee. But the\nArkansas Democrat said the\nresolution appears to pre-\njudge the question of how\ndeeply Kissinger was in-\nvolved in the 17 wiretaps\nand makes the committee's\nwhole investigation \"look\nlike a charade.\"", "Responding to Fulbright's\nstatement in an interview,\nMike Mansfield (D-Mont.),
Senate majority leader and\na high-ranking member of\nFulbright's committee, said\nhe is co-sponsoring the Al-\nlen resolution on the basis", "of confidence in Kissinger's\nrecord to date, but this\n\"certainly does not\" forec-\nlose a careful investigation\nor prejudice the issue.", "Kissinger told the Foreign\nRelations Committee last\nSeptember and again last\nFriday that the 17 wiretaps,\nstarted in 1969 in an attempt\nto identify government offi-\ncials who might be leaking\nnational security informa-\ntion to the press, were not\nessentially initiated by him,\nalthough he supplied the\nFBI with names of officials\nhaving access to the leaked\ninformation.", "Earlier this week, in an\nemotional press conference\nin Salzburg, he threatened\nto resign as Secretary of\nstate after several sources\nreported that documents in\npossession of the House Ju-\ndiciary Committee indicated\nthat Kissinger had in fact\nbeen the primary instigator\nof the surveillance.", "If correct, these reports\nwould indicate that Kiss-\nsinger had misled the For-\neign Realtsions Committee,\nand Kissinger demanded\nthat Foreign Relations re-\nopen the matter so he could\nestablish his innocence.", "The committee agreed to\nundertake an inquiry, and it\nis to hold its first meeting\non the matter Tuesday. Last\nSeptember, with Case and\nSparkman playing the major\nroles, the committee, on the\nbasis of limited information,\nhad accepted Kissinger's", "Ailing Buzhardt Unable to Aid"]

Film: Peter Sellers To Play Kissinger!

By Ben Gerson and
Sid Blumenthal

The Boston Phoenix has recently learned from informed sources that Robert Redford, who has purchased the film rights to Bob Woodward's and Carl Bernstein's story of the Watergate investigation, All the President's Men, has almost completed casting of the major roles. Since the announcement of Redford's film plans, the Washington cocktail party circuit has been abuzz with second-guessing, and political figures like John Tunney and Jacob Javits with ties to show business are particularly prized today as dinner-table speculators. Many of the principals, of course, are no longer in Washington themselves, but those whom rumor has reached have not hesitated to communicate to Redford their displeasure at what they expect to be their unflattering filmic depictions.

While important players in the Watergate drama such as Lowell Weicker, Maurice Stans and Henry Petersen have not yet won alter egos, enough actors and actresses have made verbal commitments to Redford to assure that *All the President's Men* will boast an array of talent unmatched since at least *It's a Mad, Mad, Mad, Mad World*. Not wishing to divulge too many of his intentions, Redford will only reveal that "my vision of *All the President's Men* is to show the forces of good doing battle with the forces of evil." Accordingly, the tow-headed Redford has cast himself as the Pulitzer Prize-winning muckraker Bob Woodward. A rundown of his other choices follows:

Walter Matthau will play Woodward's nemesis, Richard M. Nixon. The only man in Hollywood the producers felt could reproduce the lupine stare of Nixon aide-de-camp H. R. Haldeman is lean-jawed Robert Culp. Peter Boyle will be counted on to capture the impassive malevolence of John Ehrlichman. The popular Telly Savalas will play the bald and bilious John Mitchell; Phyllis Diller is expected to bring to life the wordy inebriate who was formerly his spouse. It will be up to singer John Denver, who made his dramatic debut on *Owen Marshall*, to convey the bloodless sincerity of John Dean. As his wife Maureen Dean

decorated the Watergate hearings, so will Cybill Shepherd adorn the set of *All the President's Men*. To everyone's delight, Woody Allen, a Watergate connoisseur, has consented to appear as Donald Segretti. Max Baer, Jr., who for many years played Jethro on *The Beverly Hillbillies*, is being actively considered to play the part of Charles Colson, but Redford seems intent on engaging only someone with a protruding lower lip — which Baer unfortunately lacks. Robert Wagner will, however, definitely bring to the screen the boyish good looks of Dwight Chapin, and Rock Hudson will embody the raven-haired Angelino Herbert Kalmbach.

Fernando Lamas, it is hoped, will impart to the ex-Vice President, Spiro Agnew, his well-known Latin recalcitrance; Martin Balsam will likewise attempt to portray the swarthy malefactor Bebe Rebozo. The pleasantly blank-faced Ryan O'Neal is currently struggling to get inside the skin of the equally blank-faced Jeb Magruder. Controversial Rose Mary Woods will be immortalized on celluloid by the irrepressible Ruth Gordon. Robert Odle, a director of CREEP and the first witness to testify at the Senate Watergate hearings last spring, will be rescued from obscurity by Peter Bogdanovich (why Redford felt it necessary to script such an insignificant character is unclear at present). Jim Backus, persuaded of the political merit of the project, has been induced to return to film in the role of bumbling Patrick Gray.

Baker. Fellow talk show host David Susskind promises to master the suave incompetence of Floridian Edward Gurney, and in one of the most superficially arresting choices, Zero Mostel will test his mettle as venerable Sam Ervin. Redford hints that Senator Sam's

fondness for the Old Testament have played no small part in the selection of the recently knighted Sir Zero.

The cast of lower level miscreants reads convincingly as gallery of rogues. Topping the list is Kirk Douglas as G. Gordon Liddy, the ex-FBI agent whose fervent patriotism led him to offer himself to be assassinated after him is Richard Widmark as the novelist and soldier of fortune E. Howard Hunt; then Merv Griffin as the grimly giddling Bernard Barker. Art Carney and Gene Hackman have been tapped to appear as celebrated wit Tony Ulasewicz and bureaucrat-cum-thug John Caulfield, respectively.

In perhaps his most audacious move, producer Redford has approached Peter Sellers about the possibility of his again taking on the role of Henry Kissinger. I Sellers accepts, this would be the first time since *Dr. Strangelov* that he gets to exhibit his German accent. Rounding out the picture are Tatum O'Neal as the pixielike Tricia Nixon Cox, and Donny Osmond, in his first dramatic part, as political scion David Eisenhower. His wife Julie will be played by Linda Blair. Redford emphasizes that the decision in favor of Miss Blair does not mean to suggest any proximity to the devil on the part of Mrs. Eisenhower. Theme music will be by Paul McCartney.

Hollywood sources also report that a potential box-office competitor, *The G. Gordon Liddy Story*, with script by Dalton Trumbo, is also being rushed into production.

Walter Matthau as President
Nixon counting his back taxes

Ernest Borgnine, after playing one fellow Italian-American, Vince Lombardi, says he deems it a great honor to play another, John Sirica. Elliot Richardson's magisterial sulk will be recreated by James Mason, while James Stewart will again exercise his rustic savvy in the role of Archibald Cox. Dustin Hoffman will be the perpetually perplexed Sam Dash; glib Dick Cavett will ape fellow enquirer Howard

John Denver as John Dean
testifying

# Film: Peter Sellers To Play Kissinger!

decorated the Watergate hearings, so will Cybill Shepherd adorn the set of *All the President's Men*. To everyone's delight, Woody Allen, a Watergate connoisseur, has consented to appear as Donald Segretti. Max Baer, Jr., who for many years played Jethro on *The Beverly Hillbillies*, is being actively considered to play the part of Charles Colson, but Redford seems intent on engaging only someone with a protruding lower lip — which Baer unfortunately lacks. Robert Wagner will, however, definitely bring to the screen the boyish good looks of Dwight Chapin, and Rock Hudson will embody the ravished Angelino Herbert Kalmbach.

fondness for the Old Testament played no small part in the selection of the recently knighted Sir Zero.

The cast of lower level miscreants reads convincingly as a gallery of rogues. Topping the list is Kirk Douglas as G. Gordon Liddy, the ex-FBI agent whose fervent patriotism led him to offer himself to be assassinated; after him is Richard Widmark as the novelist and soldier of fortune E. Howard Hunt; then Merv Griffin as the grimly giddy Bernard Barker. Art Carney and Gene Hackman have been tapped to appear as celebrated wit Tony Ulasewicz and bureaucrat-cum-thug John Caulfield, respectively.

In perhaps his most audacious move, producer Redford has approached Peter Sellers about the possibility of his again taking on the role of Henry Kissinger. If Sellers accepts, this would be the first time since *Dr. Strangelove* that he gets to exhibit his German accent. Rounding out the picture are Tatum O'Neal as the pixelike Tricia Nixon Cox, and Donny Osmond, in his first dramatic part, as political scion David Eisenhower. His wife Julie will be played by Linda Blair. Redford emphasizes that the decision in favor of Miss Blair does not mean to suggest any proximity to the devil on the part of Mrs. Eisenhower. Theme music will be by Paul McCartney.

Wall Street Journal Editorial
REVIEW & OUTLOOK 6/13/74

## Mr. Kissinger Fights Back

About the same time Henry Kissinger was holding a press conference in Salzburg and threatening to resign, former Watergate prosecutor Archibald Cox was speaking to the Harvard Chapter of Phi Beta Kappa, warning that some of the leaks of Watergate material smack of the tactics used by Senator Joseph McCarthy in the 1950s.

We were struck by the counterpoint, and particularly so in the context of one widespread reaction to Mr. Kissinger's threat—that he was overreacting, that he was tired, even that he was petulant over the lack of celebration of his Middle Eastern exploits. We think the matter has an importance transcending any one personality, and that Mr. Kissinger's instinct was right; the charges against him deserved a serious and even extraordinary reaction.

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which has already been over the evidence once, is now reviewing the question of how deeply Mr. Kissinger was involved in wiretapping in 1969 and 1970, and in particular whether his testimony before the committee was accurate. We do not pretend to know the definitive truth. Perhaps Professor Kissinger concocted the whole plot and forced it down the throat of J. Edgar Hoover, John Ehrlichman and other squeamish types. But somehow we doubt it.

It seems to us more plausible than the operation arose much the way Mr. Kissinger testified. He admitted, after all, that his concern over security leaks was an important input into the decision, and that he and his staff provided the names of some of those tapped. Given this, we have trouble understanding the significance of the debate over what seems to be a question of the precise point in this ongoing program any one tap could be considered to have been "initiated."

Human nature being what it is, we assume that Mr. Kissinger's account, and for that matter Mr. Kissinger's memory, paints his own role in the best possible light. Similarly, we would expect that other agencies and individuals involved in the wiretapping program would be protecting their flanks, trying to diffuse responsibility as widely as possible. There would be any number of

ways President Nixon could come to believe Mr. Kissinger asked for wiretaps, or that Mr. Kissinger's name could appear as the initiator in an FBI document. Perhaps the document has an "initiator" blank that needs to be filled in. No single piece of evidence is likely to be conclusive.

So you have conflicting accounts and conflicting memories about what almost certainly was even at the time an ambiguous course of events. Assuming that the truth of the matter runs something along this line, it is the perfect raw material for the kind of process that disturbs Mr. Cox. For at the moment we are in the grip of an alchemy that seizes on any available ambiguity and presents it in the worst possible light. In this atmosphere a semantic argument can easily become an accusation of perjury.

The alchemy of course arises from the climate of the moment. Everyone naturally interprets new events in the light of experience, and our recent experience has been Watergate. So a Congressman reading the documents, or a reporter writing about them, sees the available material in this context, applying to it unconscious stereotypes evolved from a record of official dissembling. The application of such stereotypes often highlights an important part of reality, but typically at the cost of obscuring much else that is also true. An artificial order is imposed on an unordered reality.

When the stereotype of duplicity is applied to high officials it highlights some truth, but it also has an especially destructive potential. For the very purpose of high officials is to deal with questions that are both weighty and ambivalent. Even if mercaculously there were no mistakes, there will always be ambiguities that can fit the theme of dishonesty. The stereotype can easily acquire an existence of its own, sooner or later carrying us beyond reality and obscuring more than it reveals.

Admittedly it is difficult to tell precisely where reality does end, and perhaps the charges against Mr. Kissinger do deserve more exploration. But of this we are quite sure: At some point a corrective will be necessary, and this cannot take place until someone like Mr. Kissinger starts to fight back.

James Reston:

Better If He Sticks Around

The art of resigning from political office — whether to slip or sneak away or go out with a bang — has declined rather seriously in this country in recent years. The people who should resign won't, and the people who shouldn't, threaten to do so.

When the old American politicians of another age differed on principle and policy or felt their "personal honor" required them to resign, they usually went out and slammed the door. But the last really dramatic political exit was Richard Nixon's own grand farewell after losing the California governor's race in 1962, and even then, alas, he didn't keep his word.

Henry Kissinger's recent resignation threat has done nothing to restore the art, and was not up to his usual style and wit. He was understandably irritated by charges that he had not been candid and may even have lied about his part in bugging his associates in the White House, but his

threat was out of all proportion to the offense.

THERE ARE only three effective ways to deal with useful but aggressive reporters like Clark Mollenhoff of the Des Moines Register and Tribune, who asked Kissinger, with his customary gentility, whether the secretary had retained counsel to answer charges of perjury. The first way, which Mollenhoff prefers, is to give him the keys to the files. The second is to repeal the First Amendment, and the third is to revive and legalize dueling for cases of "personal honor." But all three are a little awkward.

In this particular case, Kissinger somehow misplaced two of his most celebrated qualities — his sense of humor and his gift of logic. He performed like a great actor who threatens to quit the theater because he got a couple of bum reviews or was insulted going out the stage door.

"I do not believe it is possible," he said, "to conduct the

foreign policy of the United States. . . when the character and credibility of the secretary of State are at issue. And if it is not cleared up, I will resign."

This does restore an element of spunk and plainspeaking into our public affairs, but it is not very logical. For these charges against Kissinger have been rumbling in the committees of Congress and the back pages of the papers for years, and somehow, despite them, Kissinger has not only managed "to conduct the foreign policy of the United States," but has presided over one of the most brilliant chapters in the long history of American diplomacy, and has improved almost everything except the Irish question.

Fortunately, the nations of the world, in their dealings with the United States, are not so personal. President Sadat of Egypt, squiring Nixon and Kissinger on a whistlestop tour from Cairo to Alexandria, is probably not devoting much thought to Chairman Rodino of

the Judiciary Committee or Clark Mollenhoff, or even to the domestic troubles of Nixon and Kissinger.

PRESUMABLY he is dealing with the power and influence and ideals of America, which Kissinger with his remarkable gifts has been able to make him see. This is the paradox of the present controversy.

For while America's power and influence have always been there, somehow Kissinger has changed Washington's relations with the Middle East, China and the Soviet Union by the force of his intelligence, personality and character—particularly in his personal relations with Chou En-lai, Sadat, Faisal, and the leaders of Israel.

He did not do this by himself. Time, geography, and power were the essential ingredients, but Kissinger seized the moment, and it is ridiculous in his own terms and on his own record and objectives, to talk of resignation.

STAR NEWS
6-14-74

# Rationing Henry

It is hard to find fault with the brilliant performance of Henry Kissinger, as the President's top foreign-policy adviser in the White House and, in recent months, as secretary of State. A quibble over details of his operation is particularly subject to challenge in the glow of his achievement in bringing about military disengagement between Israel and Syria. But a couple of reservations are in order, quite apart from the controversy over his pre-Cabinet role in wiretapping to trace security leaks.

Now Kissinger's very personal success threatens to create problems that should be avoided if the country's overall handling of foreign affairs is not to suffer. With President Nixon scrambling to avoid being sacked, Kissinger's dominance of the foreign-policy field is such that the State Department has become a one-man show. The good professor makes all the decisions of importance, executes them himself, deals with and befriends foreign leaders and does all the significant explaining to President, Congress and public. He delegates little authority, and high-level posts at State are unfilled because men of stature find it demeaning to work for such a self-sufficient boss.

One hesitates to complain because Kissinger, with a small personal staff and mobile communications, is well organized, gets a lot of work done and does it superbly well. But in the wake of his 33 days of shuttle diplomacy to stop the shooting on the Golan Heights, it is time the secretary paused

to survey his broad responsibilities and decide how to get the service we all need from the nation's foreign-policy establishment. We do not question the high priority of Middle East peace and the avoidance of another superpower confrontation in that region, but the nation has countless other important tasks in the world and a one-man show, no matter how virtuoso, will leave many of these neglected.

There is the physical impossibility of Kissinger being good old Henry to the leaders of more than 160 nations, and going to live with their problems for 33 days at a time. The precedent is such, in the Islamic world at least, that the sheikhs of Abu Dhabi and Kuwait are reported unwilling to receive any lesser American messenger. Meanwhile there are huge countries that get little attention (Japan is one). A department head who is abroad more than a third of the time can hardly attend to affairs at the office, where he also lacks a subordinate with clout. In trying to do too much, he risks exhaustion that can hurt his judgment, as may have been the case in his threat to resign over press badgering on the wiretap issue.

So Kissinger, while retaining the President's confidence, should learn to share some of the awesome authority he commands, as well as the drudgery. If others at State are allowed to draw on Henry's bag of tricks, there may be enough foreign policy to go around, and a more effective institution to pass on to the next national administration.

Mrs. Kissinger Enters
Hospital for 10 Days

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, June 13—
The State Department said
today that Mrs. Henry A.
Kissinger, the wife of the
Secretary of State, had en-
tered Bethesda Naval Hospi-
tal today for 10 days to two
weeks of examination and
treatment in conection with
a history of ulcer trouble.

A spokesman would not
go into detail on Mrs. Kis-
singer's condition, but he
said that she went to the
hospital outside of Washing-
ton in suburban Maryland
by car and not ambulance.

Mrs. Kissinger, the former
Nancy Maginnes, a foreign
affairs specialist, was mar-
ried to Mr. Kissinger on
March 3.

Mrs. Kissinger's stay in the
hospital may interfere with
plans for a dinner dance in
honor of the Kisingers' mar-
riage being given on June 22
at the Rockefeller estate in
Pocantico Hills, N.Y.

NEW YORK
TIMES

6/14

WRSH POST 6-14-74

Stephen S. Rosenfeld

# Sparkman's
Gentle View
Of the World

Sen. John J. Sparkman (D-Ala.) is tickled pink to be becoming the next chairman of the august and potentially powerful Foreign Relations Committee, replacing Sen. J. William Fulbright (D-Ark.), defeated for renomination. To a friend's greeting, "Hi, Mr. Chairman-to-be," called from an adjoining table in the Senate Dining Room, he grins and bows, as though he hadn't already been a chairman (Banking and Currency) for seven years. "I get tremendous questions," he offers, "even down home."

Harry Truman put Sparkman on our United Nations delegation in 1950 and he then asked for, and soon received, a seat on Foreign Relations, eventually arriving at the No. 2 Democrat's chair at Fulbright's left elbow around the oval table in the quiet Foreign Relations Committee Room. The seniority system, says Sparkman, who has served more than half his 74 years in Congress, ensures experience in a chairman, both in procedure and substance. He has often served as acting chairman "while Bill campaigned," he notes, suggesting that he's already on top of what he'll be dealing with as chairman and needs no period of transition to break in.

He expects to run the committee gently ("I've never known any chairman who was a tyrant") and "pretty much the same" as Fulbright, handling confirmations and treaties and conducting (in subcommittee) policy oversight in particular geographical areas. He has nothing new in mind that he wants to investigate—"though others may," Nor does he have anything particular in mind that he wants to say about foreign policy; he'll consider speaking invitations as his calendar permits. There are a few experts outside the Senate he especially respects but he doesn't want to name them.

The Sparkman model of good congressional-executive relations is the close consultation he maintained, as head of the Far East subcommittee, with John Foster Dulles, whom Truman had appointed to negotiate a peace treaty with Japan in 1950-51. Dulles called him for "lunch, dinner, at night" each step along the way and, Sparkman fondly recalls, he joined the delegation that signed the treaty for the United States.

"I don't believe in fighting between Congress and the Executive," Sparkman says. "That doesn't mean we give in on everything. We must confront the issues. We generally hope to work out differences."

Sparkman has found Henry Kissinger "most cooperative" with the Foreign Relations Committee, while Kissinger was at the White House and since he's become Secretary of State too. He reports that in a phone call to him the other day, Kissinger said that he welcomed Sparkman's rise to the chairmanship and said it would be good for the country.

He salutes Kissinger as "envoy extraordinary" and says he's seen nothing to make him change his earlier judgment, rendered when he checked out Kissinger's wiretap record with the FBI last year, that the Secretary was not "involved directly" with the taps.

On matters of substance, Sparkman thinks that things are "working out well in foreign policy generally." As head of the European subcommittee, he believes that "we get along very well with our European allies. No other area is more important than Europe. We must retain good relations with all areas, but Europe includes the great industrial nations—our kinfolks, our neighbors and our trading partners." He has gone everywhere in Europe except Albania and likes to chat with returning American ambassadors and foreign dignitaries.

The administration has "established a good course of detente with China and Russia," Sparkman believes. He has visited the Soviet Union three times. He wishes the SALT talks would be "more expeditious but that's hard to do. There are many complexities." A supporter of the administration's request for money to develop more accurate missiles, he concedes that it's "probably true" that the Russians may react to the new American program. "But how can we avoid it? We can't afford to sit still. Until there is an agreement to limit arms, we must keep up."

Such is the viewpoint of John Sparkman. I would add: Sparkman is an amiable and unexcitable member of the Senate establishment with little of the intellectual and political vinegar that often seemed to course through Fulbright's veins. He is not inclined to conduct his new committee in a way that will either challenge administration policy or build support for it by rigorous review.

Sparkman does not seem intensely interested in great problems or great ideas in foreign affairs—perhaps least of all in the difficult "new" area of international economic policy. He has a low political metabolism. A considerable number of other senators on and off the Foreign Relations Committee have more interest in substantive policy areas.

With Fulbright leaving the Foreign Relations Committee, that is to say, the whole chemistry of foreign-policy politics in the United States will change.

FIRST LINE REPORT - WTOP

With Dan Rather

June 14, 1974

DAN RATHER: Dan Rather, CBS News White House correspondent, traveling with President Nixon through the Middle East. Good morning. Good-bye Egypt; hello Saudi Arabia, and details of President Nixon's ride on the Alexandria Cannonball.

(Announcement)

DAN RATHER: Starting today, President Nixon's attention switches from Egypt to Saudi Arabia. Between private talks with Egypt's President Sadat and visits to tourist attractions, such as the Pyramids, President Nixon took a trip from Cairo to Alexandria, going by rail, aboard what reporters dubbed, the "Alexandria Cannonball," a reasonably swift and efficient British-manufactured train.

In the President's special compartment, the finish was, what else, Victorian, all polished wood paneling, very ornate. The center section of the coach was open on both sides, but did have a top on it, a kind of open-sided gondola. As they entered small towns and villages, the two Presidents would stand and wave at the crowds, crowds of people, camels, donkeys and goats.

The railroad car was crowded with Secret Service men of both governments, journalists and photographers. President Nixon often stood with his right hand holding on to an overhead brass railing, his left hand waving. President Sadat, looking sleek and serene, stood and smiled, and he waved also.

President Nixon looked rather tired and drawn. The two Presidents had stuffed green leather chairs for sitting between the campaign-style stops in villages.

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger sat most of the journey, slumped in his chair. Kissinger looked dour, glum, unanimated, at times he slouched with his lower lip protruding and stared at his feet. Kissinger spoke some with Egyptian Foreign Minister Fahmi, and he went through the motions once of smiling for photographers.

- 2 -

But veteran regulars among White House reporters were awestruck by Kissinger's generally sour appearance. The train rolled on, through the rice fields and sunflower patches of Shubra, past the big sail barges in the Nile, and through the mudbrick huts and stone mosques of Bona.

At one point, Mrs. Nixon and Mrs. Sadat came into the open railroad car and stood unobtrusively in a corner, as their husbands waved, and waved, and waved. President Nixon finally noticed, and said something to a Secret Service man. The Secret Service man relayed the message to Mrs. Nixon's guard. "Searchlight wants her over here."

"Searchlight" is the Secret Service name for the President. The two First Ladies immediately took position in the center of the rail car and began waving. The train was accompanied by two Egyptian helicopters flying to the right, tow American helicopters to the left. Arab soldiers were placed along the tracks as guards. The train had dozens of military and civilian security men aboard, too.

At the last several villages, Arab women began eulaying. This is a kind of "whoo, whoo" shrill cry characteristic of the Nile Valley since the times of the Pharaohs. It expresses approval and excitement. Near midday, the rug and awning draped station of Alexander the Great's city by the sea came into view around the slight bend. The trip of the Alexandria Cannonball was over.

#######

JOHN R. WALLACH

US/USR

# Sen. Jackson Ready to Compromise

P-I Washington Bureau

Sen. Henry "Scoop" Jackson, D-Wash., is prepared to compromise to permit the administration's pillar for detente with the Soviet Union — its trade bill — to be enacted this summer.

But Jackson believes the State Department, and particularly Secretary of State Henry Kissinger who personally is handling the delicate issue, is doing a 'big disservice' by allowing the Kremlin to believe it can win American credits without first reforming its controversial discrimination policies.

Staff aides to Jackson, who is chief sponsor of an amendment to deny the Kremlin those benefits until Moscow renounces controls on Jewish emigration, have disclosed the Washington Democrat had presented a compromise plan to Kissinger to take to the Russians.

At the same time, the aides attacked a high-level state department assessment that key senators were defecting from the Jackson cause, charging such assertions played directly into Moscow's hands by depicting a Soviet compromise as unnecessary.

The Jackson plan proposes Moscow permit a "substantial" increase over last year's 34,000 in the number of Jews allowed to emigrate. It drops Jackson's previous insistence that the Kremlin once and for all lift all barriers to Jewish discrimination.

Also, the plan carefully outlines certain measures Moscow should take to end the harassment of dissenting intellectuals and other minorities.

The aides called the proposed number to be allowed to leave "reasonable, one that is consistent with the administration's foreign policy goals and not a number designed to produce a stalemate in U.S.-Soviet relations."

Jewish emigration has been reduced in recent months to about 1,500 a month, less than half of last year's rate.

Rather than tell the Russians how confident the administration is that the trade bill will pass, Jackson insists Kissinger confront the Kremlin with the "naïed truth" that the Jackson amendment to deny credits still has more than enough support to pass Congress.

This, in Jackson's view, would persuade the Soviets to pay the price of increased emigration if they want the reward of American trade benefits. Jackson doesn't think much of the Soviet attitude, shared by some U.S. policymakers, that his amendment is unwarranted interference in Soviet internal affairs.

Several months ago, the Russians were not even willing to discuss the issue, Jackson aides explain. "Now they are willing to talk," one staff man said. "I think they see the writing on the wall."

The aides conceded there had been some slippage in support for the Jackson view — perhaps as many as a dozen senators have changed their mind — but they insisted Jackson still had a comfortable margin of 16 to 18 votes.

Seventy-eight senators originally supported the Jackson amendment. Fifty are needed to enact the amendment into law.

Jackson deliberately has not publicized the exact number that would be acceptable to him but has indicated to Kissinger a "minimum" figure.

That, his aides explain, allows Kissinger "to use his discretion" to double the figure if he wants to and then come down by a third or a half in negotiations with the Soviets. Some reports have indicated Jackson demanded 100,000 as a "minimum" figure.

Jackson has met three times in recent months with Kissinger, the last time on the eve of his departure April 28 on his current Mideast trip. At the second meeting, Jackson is said to have received a commitment by Kissinger to propose his compromise plan to the Russians.

At the third meeting, late last month, "Kissinger came up with nothing. He hadn't gotten anything out of the Russians," a staff aide to Jackson explained. he conceded that the Washington Democrat had stood his ground, refusing any further compromises.

Administration officials were said to be not very eager to bring the trade bill to a vote before the planned Nixon summit in late June. A defeat in the Senate, particularly on the Jackson amendment, could further complicate Nixon's summit plans.

<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>
        <u>NBC NIGHTLY NEWS NBC TV</u><br>
        6:30 PM JUNE 13<br>
        No News of Relevance to DOD.
      </td>
      <td>
        Washington news conference but before he flew to Salzburg, KISSINGER talked with Howard K. Smith and Ted Koppel about the controversy that won't die.<br>
        TED KOPPEL: Mr. Secretary, a few days ago the American public saw something that they rarely see, and that is Henry KISSINGER losing his temper at the press conference and it was on the subject of wiretapping. I wonder if you quietly, calmly would explain the whole context of the wiretapping in 1969.
      </td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>
        <u>CBS EVENING NEWS CBS TV</u><br>
        7:00 PM JUNE 13<br>
        Calley Back in Custody<br>
        <br>
        <u>ROGER MUDD: A Federal court in New Orleans today ordered former Army Lieutenant William CALLEY back into custody.</u><br>
        CALLEY, convicted of the My Lai massacre, was ordered held until his appeal of the conviction is heard by a Columbus, Georgia Federal court.<br>
        The Army will determine where CALLEY should be imprisoned.
      </td>
      <td>
        SECRETARY HENRY KISSINGER: In 1969 a series of major leaks occured. The President decided, after consultation with the attorney general and the director of the FBI, to institute or to re-institute a system that had existed in the United States government since the Presidency of Franklin ROOSEVELT, namely the use of wiretaps to protect national security information.<br>
        The questions that are raised is was the procedure legal. There is no question that it was legal when it was ordered by the President. Did it follow proper procedures? Every individual case was authorized by the attorney general and requested by the Director of the FBI.
      </td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>
        <u>Cambodian Premier Resigns</u><br>
        MUDD: Cambodia's premier, Lon BURET (?) resigned today because of increasing dissension within his coalition cabinet.<br>
        Cambodian President Lon NOL immediately re-appointed Lon to try to form a new cabinet.
      </td>
      <td>
        In no case did it concern any other matter except the leakage of national security information.<br>
        KOPPEL: Well now the other question that remains is whether or not you initiated or whether the President initiated the wiretaps.
      </td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>
        <u>ABC EVENING NEWS ABC TV</u><br>
        7:00 PM JUNE 13<br>
        Wiretaps For National Security<br>
        <br>
        <u>HARRY REASONER: New Jersey's Republican Senator Clifford CASE today asked the administration to cooperate with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in its inquiry into Secretary of State KISSINGER's disputed role in wiretapping.</u><br>
        CASE said if the administration gives the committee FBI records and other evidence the inquiry should not take long.<br>
        Last Saturday after the wiretap charges were raised in his
      </td>
      <td>
        SECRETARY KISSINGER: The President ordered the institution of the system of wiretaps. I was ordered, as part of this system, to supply the names of the individuals who had had access to information that had leaked.<br>
        REASONER: That interview is part of an ABC News documentary, "Henry KISSINGER, An Action Biography," which will be seen in full tomorrow night at 9:30, 8:30 Central time.
      </td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>
        <u>HOWARD K. SMITH: A federal appeals court in New Orleans today ordered former Army Lieutenant William CALLEY returned to custody until the appeal of his conviction</u>
      </td>
      <td>
        <u>Calley Returned to Custody</u><br>
        <br>
        <u>Washington news conference but before he flew to Salzburg, KISSINGER talked with Howard K. Smith and Ted Koppel about the controversy that won't die.</u>
      </td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

2 Friday, June 14, 1974

VIEWPOINT

Boston Herald American

12 Thurs., June 13, 1974

Explosion in Salzburg

The bombshell resignation threat by Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, as delivered Tuesday in his emotional press conference in Salzburg, should serve at least one very good purpose. It dramatized, unwittingly but with breath-taking forcefulness, the ability of the Watergate wolf pack to create a crisis out of virtually nothing at all.

What, after all, is the issue in dispute? Basically it is the question of whether Dr. Kissinger, when serving as the President's national security adviser in 1969-71, was or was not personally responsible for instigating a series of wiretaps on 17 officials and newsmen. He claims he was not directly responsible. His critics have documents which indicate he may have been and therefore charge he is a liar.

It is important to grasp the nuance of responsibility in this. Dr. Kissinger says the wiretaps were ordered by President Nixon after he, Dr. Kissinger, expressed concern over a series of news leaks regarding highly sensitive Vietnam war negotiations. He says he did not specifically request them, but subsequently supplied names of suspects for FBI action. The critics insist he is more personally responsible for the taps than he admits.

To the extent that he complained repeatedly about security leaks, perhaps he is directly responsible for the taps. But so what? Those taps all were officially ordered by the President and all were legally authorized by the attorney general. The single truly important fact is that if some action had not been taken to plug the damaging security leaks, both Dr. Kissinger and President Nixon would have been remiss in their national security obligations.

So that, fundamentally, is what the whole teapot tempest boils down to — whether or not Dr. Kissinger told the precise truth of his role in the wiretaps when testifying before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee at confirmation

hearings on his present post. Was he, or was he not, more directly responsible for the urgently-needed taps than he testified?

Talk about making a mountain out of a molehill. Just compare it with the really important mountain in recent history — the almost incredible Israeli-Syrian troop disengagement agreement achieved by Dr. Kissinger. And that diplomatic triumph followed the Himalaya-size results of his previous peace efforts in Vietnam, China, Russia and at the Suez Canal.

Dr. Kissinger, after 33 days of the most arduous coaxing in Damascus and Jerusalem, returned home with the Israeli-Syrian agreement last week — an authentic hero if there ever was one. It is small wonder that he was literally stUNED at his first press conference last Thursday when asked if he had retained a lawyer to defend himself against possible perjury charges in the wiretap controversy.

The secretary of state is a proud and sensitive man. He has tried to stay clear of Watergate in every way. He also must have been bone-tired — and probably still is — from the superhuman mental and physical efforts which earned him the nickname of 'Henry Hercules' by newsmen during his recent marathon peace negotiations.

In any event he overreacted — with anger, dismay and a deep resentment. He gave a foretaste of his bitterness last Thursday. Then, on Tuesday, the seething personal turmoil within him erupted in the extraordinary Austrian press conference he called to defend his honor.

We trust he henceforth will be cooled down and see matters in their proper perspective. The Watergate dogs baying at his heels in a trivial dispute over interpretation would have achieved nothing if Dr. Kissinger had ignored them, as he should have. Now, having spoken his piece, he can and should get on with the magnificent work which has brought new hope to the whole human community.

A-8

Washington Star-News

Thursday, June 13, 1974

# Haig Sought Taps, Ex-FBI Aide Says

By Jeremiah O'Leary

Star-News Staff Writer

The original formal request for the controversial wiretaps on 17 government officials and newsmen was made on May 10, 1969, in a personal visit by Alexander Haig to the office of Asst. FBI Director William C. Sullivan, the retired investigative official told The Star-News today.

Sullivan said Haig never mentioned Henry A. Kissinger, who was a national security adviser at the time, or any other official as the initiator of the request for the wiretaps and characterized it as a White House request.

Sullivan's recollection that the taps were initiated by the FBI on the basis of a personal visit from Haig sheds some light on an ambiguous FBI memorandum of May 12, 1969, and a 15-page summary of the inquiry that became public yesterday. The memo to Asst. FBI Director Leonard M. Walter states in part:

> "THE ORIGINAL requests were from either Dr. Henry Kissinger or Gen. Alexander Haig (then Col. Haig) for wiretap coverage on knowledgeable NSC (National Security Council) personnel and certain newsmen who had particular

news interest in the SALT talks. The specific requests on this coverage were made to either former Director J. Edgar Hoover or former Assistant to the Director William C. Sullivan (and on one occasion by Gen. Haig to Special Agent Robert Haynes, FBI, White House liaison). Written authorization from the attorney general of the United States was secured on each wiretap."

Meanwhile, the Associated Press today quoted sources familiar with the surveillance program as saying that reports on the wiretaps went directly to Kissinger and President Nixon.

The sources said that FBI digests of the material overheard on the taps were hand-carried to the White House and delivered to Nixon and Kissinger, according to the AP.

Asked if Kissinger had called Hoover, the late FBI Director, as has been alleged, the day before the Haig visit, Sullivan replied, "There were many things Mr. Hoover never told me and he never told me of any such call. When Haig came to see me, he didn't seem to know about any call to the bureau the previous day."

However, a memorandum prepared for Hoover's file

and dated the day before Haig's visit to Sullivan (May 9) opens with a specific mention of such a call from Kissinger to Hoover, according to the Washington Post.

"Dr. Henry Kissinger, national security adviser to the President, called from Key Biscayne, Fla." the memo is quoted as stating.

In the memo, Kissinger, is reported to have warned that a story in the New York Times that day "is extraordinarily damaging and contains secret information."

The story referred to, as previously disclosed, was an article by William Beecher that U.S. B52s for the first time were striking at North Vietnamese and Viet Cong forces inside Cambodia and that Cambodia was not protecting the raids. The May 9 memo quotes Hoover as follows:

"Dr. Kissinger said they wondered whether I could make a major effort to find out where that came from. I said I would."

Later that day, according to the Post, Hoover phoned Kissinger again, speculating that the information may have been leaked to Beecher by Morton Halper in, then a member of the National Security Council staff.

On the following day Haig went to see Sullivan.

Sullivan said Haig told him there had been serious breaches of national security and furnished some of the names on which the FBI instituted wiretaps.

The former FBI intelligence specialist said he doubted that Hoover would ever have taken an order or suggestion from Kissinger.

Data on Kissinger Withheld

KISSINGER, From AI

The special prosecutor's office had
not responded to the Foreign Relations
Committee's request by last night.

But sources said the Senate commit-
tee had previously asked Special Pros-
ecutor Leon Jaworski's staff whether
it had any evidence that Kissinger had
lied about the wiretaps, and had been
told that it did not.

The core of the controversy is the
authorization of national security wire-
taps between 1969 and 1971 involving
13 high government officials and four
journalists.

Kissinger has repeatedly proclaimed
that his own role in the affair was pri-
marily to identify subordinates with
access to documents that figured in
four major news leaks in early 1969.

The Foreign Relations Committee,
when confronted with Kissinger's
threat to resign unless the allegations
about his testimony are cleared up,
agreed Tuesday to review the wiretap-
ping decisions.

Last Sept. 10, according to a commit-
tee source, Case and ranking majority
member John J. Sparkman (D-Ala.)
were permitted to read a 30-page FBI
summary of the government's wiretap
actions, and were orally briefed on the
decisions leading to the wiretaps.

The meeting, held in Case's Capitol
Hill office, was attended by then-Attor-
ney General Elliot L. Richardson,
then-Deputy Attorney General William
D. Ruckelshaus, Kissinger and commit-
tee aides.

Case said yesterday that what the
Justice Department showed him and
Sparkman was not a full report on the
wiretaps with all supporting documents,
but rather a synopsis prepared by the
FBI for the Justice Department.

Case said the synopsis indicated that
Kissinger had named persons to be
wiretapped, but that Kissinger—as well
as Richardson and Ruckelshaus—ex-
plained that the decision had already
been made elsewhere in the Nixon ad-
ministration to track down leaks.

"The only thing we saw was a memo-
randum prepared on this by the FBI,
and that went back to them (Justice
officials). We never kept it," Case said.

Case said the summary he was
shown at the meeting did not include a
memorandum from former FBI Direc-
tor J. Edgar Hoover saying that Kis-
singer, in a May 9, 1969, telephone con-
versations, had initiated the wiretaps.

The memo, the contents of which were
reported in The Washington Post yes-
terday, appeared to contradict Kissinger's
assertions that he merely supplied
names for a project initiated by others.

Sparkman also said yesterday he had
never seen the memo. "I've never
heard of it before. No, no, no, never
did I hear of such a thing," Sparkman
said.

The summaries shown to Case and
Sparkman included capsule reports on
17 wiretap cases, each starting off with
the name of the person under surveil-
lance and followed by a code letter in-
dicating the name of the official who
had named the object of the tap.

At least several of the capsule sum-
aries, according to Case, indicated
that the name of the person tapped
had been supplied by Kissinger.

Richardson said yesterday that at
the Capitol Hill meeting "it was made
clear that there were discrepancies be-
tween several of the documents in the
files and Dr. Kissinger's recollection."

However, Richardson added that
Kissinger "explained those discrepan-
cies to the (group's) apparent satis-
faction.

Sources said that Carl Marcy, then
the committee chief of staff and a par-
ticipant in the Sept. 10 meeting, took
notes and wrote a summary of his
recollection of what was said.

Subsequently a staff report pre-
pared in April concluded that no in-
formation had been uncovered that
contradicted any "major elements" in
Kissinger's confirmation testimony,
sources confirmed yesterday.

Last Friday, in testimony before the
committee, Kissinger repeated his
earlier assertions that he did not in-
itate or originally request the investi-
gative process.

Asked by Sen. Edmund S. Muskie
(D-Maine), "did you initiate any
recommendations for such wiretaps,"
Kissinger responded, "No, I did not."
He said the wiretap program was de-
cided upon between President Nixon,
then-Attorney General John N. Mit-
chell and Hoover.

A Justice Department spokesman
said yesterday that the basis of its re-
luctance to hand over the FBI memo-
randa was a lawsuit filed by Morton
Halperin, a former member of the Na-
tional Security Council staff, who is
suing to have punitive damages as-

sessed against the government for in-
vasion of privacy.

"Right now, the view is that we
would not want to entertain the
thought of turning over documents
that would affect pending litigation,"
the spokesman said. He added that this
is consistent with what Saxbe said in a
recent letter to the Foreign Relations
Committee.

However, the spokesman said Saxbe
might entertain a "compromise be-
tween the defendant's rights and the
needs of a committee conducting seri-
ous business."

Sen. J. W. Fulbright (D-Ark.), chair-
man of the committee, said yesterday
he thought Justice Department offi-
cials were interested in clearing up the
Kissinger matter. "Ultimately, I rather
think they will" release the docu-
ments, Fulbright said.

Meanwhile, a powerful swell of sup-
port for Kissinger began building up
in the Senate. Several GOP senators
attacked the "leaks" alleging that for-
mer FBI Director Hoover had identi-
fied Kissinger in a memo as the man
who initiated wiretaps in 1969 on Kis-
singer aides suspected of covertly talk-
ing to the press.

On the Senate floor, James B. Allen
(D-Ala.) introduced a resolution to
praise Kissinger, declaring that he had
done a "masterful job" for peace, com-
mending him, expressing Senate confi-
dence in his "integrity, sincerity and
veracity," and "deep gratitude" for his
work for peace.

Among the initial co-sponsors were
John Sparkman (D-Ala.), John Stennis
(D-Miss.), Carl Curtis (R-Neb.), Henry
M. Jackson (D-Wash.), Howard H.
Baker (R-Tenn.), Lawton Chiles (D-
Fla.), Sam Nunn (D-Ga.), Alan Bible
(D-Nev.), Sam 'J. Ervin Jr. (D-N.C.),
Robert P Griffin (R-Mich.), Walter
Huddleston (D-Ky.), John Tower (R-
Tex.) and Norris H. Cotton (R-N.H.). By
late afternoon, Allen had signed up 39
cosponsors including Majority Leader
Mike Mansfield (D-Mont.).

In Senate floor speeches, Edward J.
Gurney (R-Fla.) called reports that Kis-
singer may have ordered wiretapping
of aides in an attempt to stop news
leaks an "irresponsible and vicious"
media attack. Strom Thurmond (R-
S.C.) said "misleading innuendo" being
leveled against Kissinger is
"scurrilous, dangerous and damaging
to our foreign policy."

Kissinger Is Reserved
Day After His Statement

New York Times 6/3/74

Special to The New York Times

CAIRO, June 12 — Quite suddenly, it seemed, the man who appeared on the Newsweek cover of June 10 as Superintendent is today: no longer the center of attention. Singer, who had conducted the nation's foreign policy in Washington and in frequent trips abroad, quietly took a back seat to President Nixon in Cairo today.

It was expected that he would turn the stage over to the President for this trip to the Middle East. But today it seemed that Mr. Kissinger was more retiring than was characteristic of the man who has been so active in Middle East negotiations.

He would not talk to reporters, despite requests for him to do so on the Presidential flight from Salzburg. In public appearances with the President he was glum and quiet and stayed mostly in the background. He appeared to be still angry following his news conference yesterday, when he said he would resign unless he was cleared of charges that he acted improperly in connection with national security wiretaps.

Gen. Alexander M. Haig Jr., the White House chief of staff, and Mr. Kissinger's former associate on the staff of the National Security Council, was reported to feel that Mr. Kissinger conducted himself well in the news conference and would regain any loss of prestige without having to resign.

But it was not as clear how President Nixon felt about the abrupt ultimatum that Mr. Kissinger delivered, apparently without informing others in the Presidential party of his intention to do so.

Ronald L. Ziegler, Presidential press secretary, was asked if Mr. Kissinger had any regrets about his statement.

"I don't speak for the Secretary," he said. "It was a very personal statement on his part."

Mr. Kissinger met with the President aboard the plane regarding today's visit to Egypt, but Mr? Ziegler did not say how much time they spent together or whether the press conference was discussed.

THURSDAY MORNING

WASHINGTON POST - 13 JUNE 1974 Pg. 18
Editor Calls Charge Outrage

# Goldwater Sees 'Treason' In Post Use of FBI Data

Sen. Barry M. Goldwater (R-Ariz.) charged yesterday that The Washington Post had committed an "act of treason" by printing secret FBI documents that contradict Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger's denials that he initiated wiretaps on government officials and newsmen.

"... It's very obvious to me that any information that the government has can be obtained by The Washington Post or any other newspaper that wants to pay the price," Goldwater told reporters after delivering a Senate speech in defense of Kissinger.

"This is plain, outright treason, and I won't stand for it," he added.

Benjamin C. Bradley, executive editor of The Washington Post, replied in a statement, "That's really an outrageous charge. We neither stole the documents nor bought them."

Bradley added, "We have a right to look at any information given to us by responsible government officials, whether it's a senator or a President or a bureaucrat. And we have a responsibility to print all information that is relevant and newsworthy."

Reports published in The Washington Post, The New York Times and The Boston Globe yesterday sharply contradicted Kissinger's sworn testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that he did not order wiretaps

placed on the telephones of his sides in an attempt to stem four major news leaks in 1969.

The FBI documents quoted indicated that some of the wiretaps were requested by Kissinger and his chief assistant at the time, Gen. Alexander M. Haig Jr.

In his Senate speech, Goldwater urged Kissinger to "lay the case out in a plain and simple fashion so that any newsman will be able to understand it... What I mean is that it is time we decide once and for all whether it is more important to protect secret information relative to our government, or more important to provide more circulation for newspapers, more viewers and listeners to the electronic media, and more money and adulation for people willing to turn against their government."

To reporters, Goldwater said: "I'm worried about the fact that The Washington Post can print a facsimile of a top-secret paper stolen from the FBI and nobody does anything about it. I think the Attorney General should haul The Washington Post in and demand an explanation of how they got it, what they paid for it, who gave it or sold it to them, and go through the FBI and find the same thing."

"This is really serious. What Dr. Kissinger did is nothing compared to the dangers in-

volved in the constant leaking of top secret information here in the city of Washington," he added.

After making his charge about treason, Goldwater told a reporter: "I'm not blaming anybody, because if a guy like (Daniel) Ellsberg can get away with it, if I were a newsman with it, if I were a newsman I'd feel I could print anything I could lay my hands on, but as a senator... I'm going to raise all the noise I can."

# Kissinger Is Reserved ✓
## Day After His Statement

New York Times 6/13/74

Special to The New York Times

CAIRO, June 12 — Quite suddenly, it seemed, the man who appeared on the Newsweek cover of June 10 as Superintendent is today no longer the center of attention. singer, who had conducted the nation's foreign policy in Washington and in frequent trips abroad, quietly took a back seat to President Nixon in Cairo today.

Justice Still Bars Kissinger Data

Pending Lawsuit by Ex-U.S. Aide Cited

By William Claiborne
and Spencer Rich

Washington Post Staff Writers

The Justice Department said yesterday it has not changed its position in refusing to turn over to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee FBI documents that bear on Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger's role in the wiretapping of government officials and newsmen.

Release of the documents, which some committee members regard as essential to confirming Kissinger's version of the events leading to the wiretaps, would prejudice a civil suit filed against the government by a

former Kissinger aide, Justice Department officials said:

But department officials did not rule out the possibility that an accommodation may still be reached between Attorney William B. Saxbe and the Senate committee, providing the committee is willing to settle for something less than unrestricted access to the classified documents.

The committee nevertheless has begun attempts to bypass the Justice Department, making a formal request yesterday of the Watergate Special Prosecution Force for its copies of the wiretap orders, logs and memoranda.

Moreover, Sen. Clifford P. Case (R-N.J.), a senior member of the committee, said he would favor asking the House Judiciary Committee, if necessary, for copies of the wiretap documents to clear up apparent contradictions in Kissinger's sworn testimony at a confirmation hearing last September.

Both the special prosecutor's office and the House Judiciary Committee, which is conducting an impeachment investigation of President Nixon, have copies of the same wiretap memorandum that the Justice Department has denied the Foreign Relations Committee since February.

See KISSINGER, A19, Col. 1

d Udall said
rol legisla-
before the
suffer the

up until the time it was about
to be brought to the floor of
the House early this year.

Then, after a visit to the
White House by Interior Com-
mittee member Sam Steiger
(R-Ariz.), an opponent of the
bill, the White House reversed
its position. It backed a
weakener substitute sponsored
by Steiger and House Minor-
ty Leader John Rhodes (R-
Ariz.).

Morton, who was supporting
the Udall bill, switched last
week to supporting the
Steiger-Rhodes bill.

## Silver Exchange
Coins & Bullion

## OUR ASSETS

ies are available to
ment diversification.

s Available

0067

McCut Ave., N.W.

cussed the matter personally
with Young, and also with
Burch and Leonard Garment,
counsel to President Nixon and

## The Washington Post

Second class postage paid
at Washington, D.C. Printed
at 1150 15th St. NW. 20005

Telephone Numbers: (Area Code 202)

223-6000—News & Business

223-6100—Circulation Service

223-6200—Classified Adv.

Direct lines:

223-7300—District News Desk

223-7313—Md/Va News Desk

223-7582—Ombudsman

223-8060—Sports Scores

The Associated Press is entitled ex-
clusively to use for republication of
all news dispatches credited to it or
not otherwise credited. In this paper
and local news of spontaneous origin
published herein.

### CARRIER DELIVERY

Daily and Sunday: 1 week, $1.10;
1 month, $4.75. Daily Only: 1 week,
72c: 1 month, $3.10. Sunday Only:
50c per issue.

### BY MAIL U.S. & TERRITORIES

(Payable in Advance)

Daily and Sunday: 1 year, $90.00;
6 months, $45.00; 3 months, $25.00;
1 month, $9.50. Daily Only: 1 year,
$52.00; 6 months, $26.00; 3 months,
$14.50; 1 month, $5.50. Sunday Only:
1 year, $38.00; 6 months, $19.00; 3
months, $10.50; 1 month, $4.00.

Rates to Foreign Countries Will Be

## ADULT DEGREES

Offers 15 credit hours per 6 m
study with a 2 week residency
individual projects in this long
gree program in the East. Pas-
CLEP general tests, and "cr
grant advanced standing. Te
Fully accredited. Approved fo
efits.

A film showing and discussing
students in the program from

Mon. June 17 St. John's Ep.
6715 George

Tues. June 18 Paint Branch
3215 Powder

Wed. June 19 River Road U
6301 River Rd

Thurs. June 20 Davies Mem
7400 Temple
Md.

Fri. June 21 St. Christopher
6320 Hanover

FOR FURTHER INF

525-6

Data on Kissinger Withheld

KISSINGER, From A1

But sources said the Senate committee had previously asked Special Prosecutor Leon Jaworski's staff whether it had any evidence that Kissinger had lied about the wiretaps, and had been told that it did not.

The core of the controversy is the authorization of national security wiretaps between 1969 and 1971 involving 13 high government officials and four journalists.

Kissinger has repeatedly proclaimed that his own role in the affair was primarily to identify subordinates with access to documents that figured in four major news leaks in early 1969.

The Foreign Relations Committee, when confronted with Kissinger's threat to resign unless the allegations about his testimony are cleared up, agreed Tuesday to review the wiretapping decisions.

Last Sept. 10, according to a committee source, Case and ranking majority member John J. Sparkman (D-Ala.) were permitted to read a 30-page FBI summary of the government's wiretap actions, and were orally briefed on the decisions leading to the wiretaps.

The meeting, held in Case's Capitol Hill office, was attended by then-Attorney General Elliot L. Richardson, then-Deputy Attorney General William D. Ruckelshaus, Kissinger and committee aides.

Case said the synopsis indicated that Kissinger had named persons to be wiretapped, but that Kissinger—as well as Richardson and Ruckelshaus—explained that the decision had already been made elsewhere in the Nixon administration to track down leaks.

"The only thing we saw was a memorandum prepared on this by the FBI, and that went back to them (Justice officials). We never kept it," Case said.

Case said the summary he was shown at the meeting did not include a memorandum from former FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover saying that Kissinger, in a May 9, 1969, telephone conversations, had initiated the wiretaps.

The memo, the contents of which were reported in The Washington Post yesterday, appeared to contradict Kissinger's assertions that he merely supplied names for a project initiated by others.

The summaries shown to Case and Sparkman included capsule reports on 17 wiretap cases, each starting off with the name of the person under surveillance and followed by a code letter indicating the name of the official who had named the object of the tap.

At least several of the capsule summaries, according to Case, indicated that the name of the person tapped had been supplied by Kissinger.

Richardson said yesterday that at the Capitol Hill meeting "it was made clear that there were discrepancies between several of the documents in the files and Dr. Kissinger's recollection."

However, Richardson added that Kissinger "explained those discrepancies to the (group's) apparent satisfaction.

Sources said that Carl Marcy, then the committee chief of staff and a participant in the Sept. 10 meeting, took notes and wrote a summary of his recollection of what was said.

Subsequently a staff report prepared in April concluded that no information had been uncovered that contradicted any "major elements" in Kissinger's confirmation testimony, sources confirmed yesterday.

Last Friday, in testimony before the committee, Kissinger repeated his earlier assertions that he did not initiate or originally request the investigative process.

Asked by Sen. Edmund S. Muskie (D-Maine), "did you initiate any recommendations for such wiretaps," Kissinger responded, "No, I did not." He said the wiretap program was decided upon between President Nixon, then-Attorney General John N. Mitchell and Hoover.

A Justice Department spokesman said yesterday that the basis of its reluctance to hand over the FBI memorandum was a lawsuit filed by Morton Halperin, a former member of the National Security Council staff, who is suing to have punitive damages as

sessed against the government for invasion of privacy.

However, the spokesman said Saxbe might entertain a "compromise between the defendant's rights and the needs of a committee conducting serious business."

Sen. J. W. Fulbright (D-Ark.), chairman of the committee, said yesterday he thought Justice Department officials were interested in clearing up the Kissinger matter. "Ultimately, I rather think they will" release the documents, Fulbright said.

Meanwhile, a powerful swell of support for Kissinger began building up in the Senate. Several GOP senators attacked the "leaks" alleging that former FBI Director Hoover had identified Kissinger in a memo as the man who initiated wiretaps in 1969 on Kissinger aides suspected of covertly talking to the press.

On the Senate floor, James B. Allen (D-Ala.) introduced a resolution to praise Kissinger, declaring that he had done a "masterful job" for peace, commending him, expressing Senate confidence in his "integrity, sincerity and veracity," and "deep gratitude" for his work for peace.

Among the initial co-sponsors were John Sparkman (D-Ala.), John Stennis (D-Miss.), Carl Curtis (R-Neb.), Henry M. Jackson (D-Wash.), Howard H. Baker (R-Tenn.), Lawton Chiles (D-Fla.), Sam Nunn (D-Ga.), Alan Bible (D-Nev.), Sam J. Ervin Jr. (D-N.C.), Robert P Griffin (R-Mich.), Walter Huddleston (D-Ky.), John Tower (R-Tex.) and Norris H. Cotton (R-N.H.). By late afternoon, Allen had signed up 39 cosponsors including Majority Leader Mike Mansfield (D-Mont.).

In Senate floor speeches, Edward J. Gurney (R-Fla.) called reports that Kissinger may have ordered wiretapping of aides in an attempt to stop news leaks an "irresponsible and vicious" media attack. Strom Thurmond (R-S.C.) said "misleading innuendo" being leveled against Kissinger is "scurrilous, dangerous and damaging to our foreign policy."

## Crosby S. Noyes:

# Kissinger and Media Myopia

Watergate was not invented by the "media," as a good many people seem to believe. But the media have become Watergate-myopic to an extent that dangerously distorts their perspective of what is going on in this country and the world and leads to some ugly aberrations when it comes to their own role in the scheme of things.

Take Henry Kissinger, for instance. My colleagues in the press have been preening themselves for having subjected him to the most outrageous display of incivility ever inflicted on a secretary of State. The fact that he betrayed his anger at abuse that would have discombobulated the Pope is hailed as some kind of journalistic triumph.

BECAUSE Henry Kissinger is believed to be a central figure of the Watergate scandal? Hell, no. Precisely because he is about the only important figure in the Nixon administration still held in high esteem in the country and the world as a whole was reason enough.

The fact that Kissinger is able to operate effectively in the interests of the United States makes him automatically a prime target for the solicitude of those who identify themselves as "adversaries"

of anything and everything that the government of this country is trying to do.

And take, for that matter, President Nixon's present tour of the Middle East. It is, we have all been led to believe, an exercise in "Watergate diplomacy" — a fairly pathetic attempt by the President to leave his impeachment troubles behind him and bask, however momentarily, in the atmosphere of respect and prestige that normally attaches itself to the leaders of large countries.

But quite certainly, this is not the primary purpose of the trip. And if its significance is largely symbolic, it is symbolic of a fact that is and will be of overwhelming importance to the foreign policy of the United States, whoever may be president next year.

That fact, simply, is that the Middle East has become within the last 12 months an area of primary concern, not only to the United States, but to the entire industrialized Western world. The survival of the extremely complicated and vulnerable system that, for want of a better word, we call capitalism is going to depend for some time on what happens in the Middle East and what our relations with the governments there may be.

WE ARE JUST beginning to -wake up to the new reality. Over a period of years, if we thought about the Middle East at all, it was in the context of the conflict between Israel and her Arab neighbors, of Soviet-American relations in the area and, more recently, of the availability and cost of Arab oil.

But now very suddenly all of these diverse preoccupations have been engulfed by a new realization: Barring some kind of cataclysmic reordering of international reality, the nations of the Middle East, in a few years, will control a large part of the world's available monetary assets.

And if the capitalistic world expects to stay in business, it will have to do a very considerable share of that business with governments and people who have been regarded, if at all, with scant consideration.

The fact that the major oil-exporting nations — most of which are in the Middle East — will collect $70 billion in revenues this year and $140 billion next year transcends by a very large degree every other political and economic problem in the area. The President's trip to the Middle East represents a reordering of priorities throughout the industrialized Western world

that is not just suggested but absolutely required by this highly predictable fact.

THAT PEACE in the area is a primary requirement is clear on the face of it. That very much closer economic and political ties between the United States and the Arab nations also will be essential to the survival of the capitalistic system is much less clearly perceived by a press which is focused — virtually exclusively — on the objective of destroying its own government.

Fortunately for all of us, that government — beset as it may be—understands the problem. So do the others that are directly concerned, including Israel, the Arab states and even, to some extent, the Soviet Union.

The concern of the United States for the Middle East today is easily the equivalent of the concern of the United States for Western Europe in the period of the creation of the Marshall Plan and NATO — and for much the same reasons.

To consider this presidential trip an exercise in Watergate diplomacy and to delight in abusing the most effective secretary of State we have ever had amounts to myopia verging on outright blindness.

Kissinger is 'talk of the town'

BY GREGG RAMSHAW
Of The Washington bureau

JUN. 13 1974

A News Analysis

WASHINGTON—Official and unofficial Washington have been rocked by Henry Kissinger's threat to resign as secretary of state unless he is cleared of charges that he ordered wiretaps of subordinates and news- men during 1969-71.

Kissinger's announcement is, to use a cliche, "the talk of the town."

Cab drivers raise the subject as soon as you have piled into the back seat and announced your destination. Secretaries in the endless cafeteria lines in government office buildings are abuzz. Congressional aides debate the subject over coffee, lunch, cokes, cocktails, and dinner.

And the Washington press corps, waiting outside the chamber where the House Judiciary Committee is conducting its impeachment inquiry in secret, talk about Kissinger's theat in between the latest tidbits wrung out of committee members with artful questions.

THE ISSUE WAS succinctly captured by an aide to Rep. Dan Rostenkowski (D., Ill.). The aide, a woman in her early twenties who has lived abroad extensively and has admired Kissinger, complained:

"That's the trouble with Americans. They see everything in black or white, never in shades of gray."

She was angry that the achievements of

Kissinger, the man who has single-handedly wiped out the foreign image of the imperialist "Ugly American," would be sacrificed on the chopping block of self-righteousness.

The mood of the press corps, whose love affair with Kissinger came to a grinding halt last week with the latest disclosures of his role in the wiretap controversy, borders on self-righteous indignation.

If Kissinger did it—if he lied in his testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee last fall during his confirmation hearings—that's perjury, and it's a federal offense.

FORMER ATTY. Gen. Richard Klein-
dienst shaded the truth in his confirmation
testimony before the committee. He was
only mildly punished with a suspended sen-
tence. But he was penalized.

The argument being used against the
President's claim of executive privilege is
that no man is above the law—regardless of
his office, his status, his wealth, or his
achievements.

That must apply to the secretary of state
as well, no matter how indispensable he

appears to be, no matter what his achievements.

The press corps, which has been vilified by Congress and the administration as a result of Kissinger's threat, is capable of viewing Kissinger dispassionately. Their job is to ask tricky questions and report whatever leaks they can get. There seems to be no concerted effort to besmirch Kissinger, nor an effort to get him off.

THERE IS GENUINE regret that Kissinger was so thin-skinned, so petulant, that he forced a showdown with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee by his "put up or shut up" ultimatum. The man who has been a dogged, patient mediator had suddenly turned into a hard-lined belligerent defense of his name and honor.

"That damned fool—can't he take it?" asked crusty old Sen. George Aiken [R., V.]. "Why—that's part of the business, being criticized."

Elected officials here share a certain
scorn for appointed officials who have nev-
ei been subjected to the humilations of
running for public office—who have never
hid to ask for votes and financial support.
That scorn is a defense mechanism to a
similar scorn shared by appointees who are
inclined to look down their noses at "politi-
cians."

Elected officials like Aiken feel that Kissinger had been initiated by a fickle public

and press and was overreacting badly to
the press accounts of the wiretaps.

BUT LIKE an insulted Victorian, Kissinger slapped Congress with his glove and demanded vindication. A very reluctant Senate Foreign Relations Committee will begin the task of reinvestigating Kissinger's role in the wiretap controversy.

There is consternation and puzzlement over Kissinger's strategy. The last thing Congress wants and the White House needs is another investigation of the executive branch. Yet Kissinger has forced the issue.

If the committee finds he did take a more direct role in the wiretapping than he claimed, it must either absolve him or recommend he resign.

If the latter happens, it is agreed generally that the administration most assuredly would not be worth salvaging, for it would have lost its one saving grace.

Conducts own works

Composer William L. Dawson will conduct a program of his works at 4 p. m. June 23, in Monumental Baptist Church, 729 E. Oakwood Blvd.

The free concert, featuring a 100-member
choir, will follow a June 23 choral music
workshop with the theme "Our Black Musi-
cal Heritage."

Failure of Perception

NewyorkTimes
6-13-74

By Anthony Lewis

AT HOME ABROAD

LONDON, June 12 — Henry Kissinger's unique place in world politics was indicated plainly enough by the British treatment of his resignation threat. It made banner headlines even in the tabloids. The Guardian doubtless reflected informed opinion when it said his departure would be "a sad day."

His extraordinary position has its
heavy burdens. For months Mr. Kiss-
singer has conducted the foreign policy
of a great power in the virtual absence
of political leadership. He spent ex-
hausting weeks successfully negotiat-
ing in one of the most impossible situ-
ations on earth, the Middle East. He
might well feel, after all that, that the
press was sharper than a serpent's
tooth to question him again about wire-
tapping.

But sympathy stops there. Mr.
Kissinger has had ample glory from
his office, and less criticism than many
Secretaries of State. His threat of
resignation was calculated to arouse
alarm and support for him, especially
in Congress, and it did. But there are
questions that will not go away: ques-
tions about integrity, civility and re-
spect for the democratic process.

The immediate issue is whether Mr.
Kissinger was truthful in denying to
the Senate Foreign Relations Commit-
tee that he had "initiated" or "recom-
mended" the wiretapping of seventeen
White House colleagues and reporters
starting in 1969. But it is not just a
verbal quibble.

At his confirmation hearings the
Secretary sought to give the impression
that he had had only a remote rela-
tionship to that tapping. The committee
showed no desire to pursue the matter.
But evidence has emerged since then
to suggest that he was much more

centrally involved in the tapping epi-
sode.

In his angry press conference at
Salzburg he said it was a "fact" that
"the wiretaps in question were legal."
Many legal scholars would disagree.
The Supreme Court unanimously re-
jected the argument that the President
has inherent power to use taps against
domestic organizations thought to be
threatening the country's security.
Would the Court have found such a
power to tap, say, journalists, without
express Congressional authorization
and without court orders?

It is really more a question of de-
cency, of civility, than of law. Mr.
Kissinger says now that he finds wire-
tapping "distasteful," but some who
observed him first-hand in the White
House noticed no great qualms about
such surreptitious operations.

Try to imagine the great Republican
Secretaries of State of the past—
Charles Evans Hughes, or Henry
Stimson—standing still for the wire-
tapping of their associates. No one
would have dared make such a sug-
gestion to those men. Doubt remains
that Mr. Kissinger really perceives
how nasty it is to initiate or condone
spying on one's own colleagues and
friends.

When Mr. Kissinger complains of
being persecuted, of suffering attacks
on his honor, it is somewhat remis-
cent of President Nixon seeking sym-
pathy for his "difficult" decision to
bomb Hanoi at Christmas, 1972.
Sympathy should be saved for the
victims. In this case they were honor-
able public servants and journalists,
and their wives and children.

Unlike the President, the Secretary
of State evidently does have some-

thing nagging at his conscience. He
has come back to the wiretapping
question again and again, not only in
the remarkable Salzburg performance
but in private conversations. How
much pain might have been avoided
if he had been candid with the Senate
in the first place, if he had accepted
a share of responsibility for his abuse
of power.

The difficulty is that Henry Kissinger may not see any abuse. For the wiretap episode is closely related to his whole view of government power, who should exercise it and how.

What led to this wiretapping was
a story disclosing that the United
States was secretly bombing Cam-
bodia. Mr. Kissinger was furious at
the disclosure. And the premise of his
fury was that the President of the
United States should have power to
bomb another country without in-
forming, much less consulting, Con-
gress or the public.

That view of power fits some sys-
tems of government; it worked well
for Bismarck up to a point. But as
we learned so painfully in Vietnam,
the secret manipulation of power does
not suit our constitutional democracy.

Henry Kissinger has always wanted
to operate alone—to be the lone horse-
man, as he once put it. Some of his
resentment that boiled up in Salzburg
may relate not only to the wiretapping
issue but to doubts thrown recently
on the honor and effectiveness of his
one-man performance in the Vietnam
negotiations.

To ask him to accept the restraints
and inconveniences of our constitu-
tionalism is to ask a great deal. But
there is no alternative. That is what
Watergate is all about; The end does
not justify the means. Henry Kissinger
will still this disturbance only when
he accepts that he, like others, must
live by the rules.

His widow, Marie, and a sister, Jean Sands, survive.

## MAURICE BOWER SAUL

Maurice Bower Saul, who had been a lawyer in Philadelphia from 1905 until his retirement in 1970, died Monday evening at his home in Rose Valley, Pa. He was 90 years old.

Mr. Saul had been a director of the John Wanamaker Company and the John B. Stetson Company. He was also a trustee of the University of Pennsylvania, where he took bachelor's and law degree' in 1905 and 1906.

He leaves his wife, the former Adele Scott; a son, Christopher S.; a daughter, Mrs. Barbara S. Jacobsen, and six grandchildren.

## EDGAR ELLINGER JR.

Edgar Ellinger Jr., who had been a securities analyst and financial executive with Lionel D. Edie & Co., Lazard Frères and other Wall Street houses, died on Monday at his home in Mountain Ranch, Calif. He was 68 years old.

Mr. Ellinger left Wall Street in 1947 to live in Sedona, Ariz., where he raised quarter-horses and became a writer and photographer.

He leaves his wife, the former Maria La Guardia.

## MRS. HAROLD DUFFY

Mrs. Corinne L. Duffy, the mother of James E. Duffy, president of ABC-TV, died Saturday at her home in Princeton, Ill. She was 75 years old. Her husband, Harold, died last year.

Besides her son, she also leaves a daughter, Marjorie Ann Duffy, and four grandchildren.

Josiah K. Jr.; a daughter, Mrs. Lisa Butters, and nine grandchildren.

## CHARLES J. SPIES SR.

Charles J. Spies Sr., who retired as assistant treasurer of the Chase Manhattan Bank in 1958 after 40 years with the institution, died yesterday in St. Clare's Hospital, Denville, N.J. He was 80 years old and lived in Boonton Township.

Mr. Spies was Mayor of Boonton in 1938-39 and Mayor of Boonton Township from 1959 to 1962.

He leaves his wife, the former Marie Cunningham; 2 sons, Dr. Raymond J. and Charles J. Spies Jr.; a daughter, Mrs. Horace Blanchard; 16 grandchildren and a great-grandchild.

## Death

**BERNARDIK**—Ida F. Beloved mother of Beulah and Maurice. Loving mother-in-law of Louise and Herbert. Cherished grandmother of Sharon, Elizabeth, Judith and Joshua. Beloved sister of Herman & Jack Forstein and sister Lillian Roth. Services Thursday, June 13, 12:45 P.M. at "Riverside" 76 Street, and Amsterdam Avenue. Interment Mt. Hebron Cemetery, Flushing, New York.

**BERSHAD**—Frank, in his 90th year at Miami, Florida. Beloved husband, father grandfather and great-grandfather. Services at Park West, 115 West 79 St., Thursday 1 P.M. Interment at Mount Hebron Cemetery.

**BERTRAND**—Elizabeth, on June 10, 1974, devoted sister of Harry C. Bertrand and dear cousin of May F. Ryan. Reposing Walter B. Cooke Funeral Home, 3d Ave. at 85th St. Services 8 P.M., Thursday. Interment private.

**BUFFUM**—Marjorie North, on June 6, 1974, of New Canaan, Conn. Wife of the late David Bradley Buffum. Surviving is a brother Clarence J. North, Washington, D.C., and five nieces and nephews.

**BUTCHKISS**—Moe J., beloved husband of Bess, devoted father of Sandra, Martha and Lawrence. Jessie, loving grandmother of Alison. Services Thursday, 12:30, "The Riverside," Brooklyn, Ocean Pkwy. at Prospect Park.

**CAINE**—Daisy, beloved wife of Jack, loving sister of Lena Kalich, Rhoda Slotnick, Jack Slotnick and Cell Smolen. Services at The Boulevard Chapels, 312 Coney Island Ave. at Prospect Park, Brooklyn, today at 10 A.M.

**CAINE**—Mollie B. Beloved wife of Dr. Irving Caine, devoted mother of Edith Webber, Charlotte Frisch and Irma Caine. Dear sister of Miriam Sherman, Henry Gribensk and Herman Gribens. Loving grandmother. Services Friday, June 14th, 12 noon at "Garlick's" 1091 Yonkers Avenue, Yonkers, N.Y.

**CANNOVA**—Beverly on June 10, 1974. Be-

Church of St. Ignatius Loyola, Park Avenue at 84 Street Friday 10 A.M. Interment Calvary Cemetery

**MARKELL**—Myron Samuel. Born May 8, 1922, died June 11, 1974. He was a man of tremendous personal power and courage. He was the finest husband and father that it was humanly possible to be. His death leaves us with a sense of loss that cannot be put into words. We loved him more than ourselves.

Wife, Ellen

Children Robert, Susan and Joellen

**MARKELL**—Myron (Mike). The Officers, Board of Governors and Members of Willow Ridge Country Club, record with profound sorrow the passing of Myron Markell, a distinguished member of this club and extend their heartfelt sympathy to his family.

MORRIS SUSSMAN, President

**MARKELL**—Myron S. Temple Israel of New Rochelle, records with sorrow the death of its cherished member.

MURRAY GOLDSTEIN, President.

**MARTINEZ**—Arturo, M.D. The Society of Alumni of Bellevue Hospital records with profound sorrow the death of its fellow member.

MAX TRUBEK, M.D., Pres.

WALTER F. PIZZI, M.D., Secy.

**MATTURA**—Elsie Gleason, on June 11, 1974, beloved wife of the late Paul, dear mother of Paul, Wilbur, Elsie and Joyce. Also survived by two grandchildren and eight great-grandchildren. Reposing at the Walter B. Cooke Funeral Home, 117 W. 72 St. Mass of the Resurrection, St. Francis Xavier Church, 30 West 16 St., Friday, 10 A.M. Interment Gate of Heaven Cemetery.

**MILLER**—Eldredge. On June 12, 1974. Husband of Lois Bell Miller. Former Advertising Manager, Architectural Building Products Division, Johns-Manville Corporation. Service and interment private.

**MILLER**—Penelone Girdner, on June 11, 1974. Beloved wife of the late S. Lawrence Miller. Dear sister of Adela G. Atwood and Frederic W. Girdner. Also survived by granddaughter Mrs. Herbert Hlers and three great-grandchildren. Graveside service Friday 11 A.M. Kensico Cemetery, Valhalla, New York.

**MILLSPAUGH**—Lafayette E., of Bronxville, N.Y., on June 10, 1974. Belved husband of Ann Monahan. Millershaw. Devoted brother of Edith Littlefield, Harriet Goodwin and Laura Hathaway. Also surviving are several nieces and nephews. The family will be present at The Fred H. McGrath & Son Funeral Home, Bronxville from 2 P.M. until 4 P.M. & 7 P.M. until 9 P.M. Wednesday and Thursday. Mass of Christian Burial at St. Joseph's Church, Bronxville on Friday, June 14 at 10 A.M.

**MORROW**—Esther K., of Great Neck, on June 11, 1974. Wife of the late Lester W. W. Mother of John L., George L., and Anne Nees. Funeral services at the Fliederer Funeral Home Inc., 190 Middle Neck Rd., Great Neck, Thursday, June 13 at 1 P.M. Interment Lake View Cemetery, Ithaca, N.Y., Friday, June 14, 1974 at 1 P.M.

**MULLINS**—Florence Gulden, beloved wife of the late Thomas and devoted mother of Thomas F. and Gerald P. and the late Charles C. Mullins. Reposing at Campbell's Funeral Chapel, 81st Street and Madison Avenue. Services at the Chapel at 10:45 A.M. on Thursday, June 13. Burial at Woodlawn Cemetery.

**MULROY**—Martin, age 93, on June 11, 1974, native of Mellick, County Mayo, Ireland. Beloved husband of the late Annie (nee Jordan); father of Msr. John Martin and the late James. Survived by three grandchildren. Reposing at William F. Donovan Funeral Home, 1733 2nd Ave. (near 90 St.)

and devoted son of Rhoda Barris Gloria Bernstein. Dear brother of David Yetta Kleinman and Ida Weinstock. Services today, 1 P.M. Forest Park Chapel 76 Rd. & Queens Blvd.

**SHAKERDGE**—Elias. Beloved husband Semha, devoted father of Albert, Stephen Clementine Zangilbaff, Haron, Esperanza Hayne, Ronald and Fred, darling grandmother of Elaine, Debra, Gary, Pamela, Joyce, Linda, Shalom, Robert, Eric Tami. Services Thurs., 2:15 P.M., Schweins Bros., "Forest Park Chapels," Queens and 76 Rd., Forest Hills.

**SHENKEL**—Esther, beloved wife of Gustav devoted mother of Ruth Bernstein beloved step-mother of Irving Shenkel Sylvia Rubin. Dear sister of Harry Ruby Sharek. Darling grandmother, Chairman of the board, Irving Shenkel, a life long member dedicated to the cause of the aged. We were exemplary in her philanthropic work. We extend our sincere condolences with heartfelt sympathy to the bereaved family.

HARRY HABER, President

CLAIRE FOX, Executive Director

**SHENKEL**—Esther. The Officers and Directors of The Minnie Tullipan Society press their deep sorrow upon the sudden untimely passing of Esther Shenkel, voted wife of our Vice President, Gustav Shenkel and beloved stepmother of Chairman of the board, Irving Shenkel, a life long member dedicated to the cause of the aged. We were exemplary in her philanthropic work. We extend our sincere condolences with heartfelt sympathy to the bereaved family.

HARRY HABER, President

**SHENKEL**—Esther. The Officers and Directors of The Minnie Tullipan Society press their deep sorrow upon the sudden untimely passing of Esther Shenkel, devoted wife of our Vice President, Gustav Shenkel and beloved stepmother of Chairman of the board, Irving Shenkel, a life long member dedicated to the cause of the aged. We were exemplary in her philanthropic work. We extend our sincere condolences with heartfelt sympathy to the bereaved family.

SALLY REIBSTEIN, President

**SHENKEL**—Esther. The Women's and Men's Club of the Brooklyn Fellowship record with deep sorrow the passing of our esteemed and beloved member, Esther. She will never be forgotten. Our sincere sympathy to the bereaved family.

BEATRICE MEYERSON KOVEL

HERMAN GROVER—Presidents

**SHENKEL**—Esther. The Ladies League of The Haym Salomon Home is greatly saddened upon the untimely passing of Esther Shenkel. Our heartfelt sympathy to the bereaved family.

ANN DEBITZER, President

**SHENKEL**—Esther. The employees of Colonial Metal Splining & Stamping Co. Inc. express their deep sorrow on the loss of the devoted wife of Gustave Shenkel, our respected employer and founder.

**SPIES**—Charles J., Sr. Meadowbrook Road Boonton Township, N.J. On June 12, 1974 Funeral Lewis & Carey Funeral Home Boonton, N.J., Saturday 9 A.M. Mass Out Lady of Mt. Carmel Church 10 A.M. Visiting Thursday, 7-9 P.M.; Friday 2 & 7-9 P.M.

**SPIVAK**—Benjamin. On June 12, 1974 Brightwaters, L.I. Beloved husband Virginia, loving father of Richard and David, fond brother of Ethel Solvak and Jules. The family will receive friends the George C. White Funeral Home, 3 E. Main St. Bay Shore, Thursday evening 7-9 P.M. Funeral services at the funeral home, Friday 11 A.M. Interment Mt. Ararat Cemetery, Farmingdale, N.Y. In lieu flowers, contributions to the American Cancer Society would be appreciated.

**SUSSWEIN**—Anna. Hapoel Hamizrachi Women's Organization is deeply saddened by the death of the mother of our beloved National Vice-President Toby Willis. Our sincere sympathy to the bereaved family. Mrs. JOSEPH WEISS, National President.

**YOUNG**—Fred John. Of Park Dr. So., West

Engineer, 81;
Health Officer Dies

and another fruit, housing disputes, with fewer than 15 percent in the broader, controversial areas of court protests against the political and economic establishment.

## Senate Action Stalled

The Legal Services bill passed the House last June with a number of restrictive amendments and the Senate the following January in a more liberal version. A Senate-House conference unanimously adopted a compromise in May that a severe critic said retained 80 or 90 per cent of the House measure.

After a close 190 to 183 vote on recommitting the measure, the House approved the conference report, 227 to 143, on May 16.

Week after week since, Senators Gaylord Nelson, Democrat of Wisconsin, and Jacob K. Javits, Republican of New York, have shifted between pushing the legislation onto the calendar, thus putting the White

back to conference to eliminate back-up centers is a device to open the entire bill to major changes.

## $3.8-Million for Centers

Of $71.5-million in the current budget for Legal Services, only about $3.8-million finances the dozen back-up centers.

The conference report creates an 11-member corporation to operate the program, which will expire on June 30 unless some action is taken. All members are to be appointed by the President, subject to Senate confirmation, as Mr. Nixon insisted when he vetoed the earlier version.

Among the organizations pushing for final Senate approval of the conference report and prompt Presidential approval are the American Bar Association, the National Legal Aid and Defender Association and Action for Legal Rights, an umbrella organization of concerned legal and civil rights groups.

"It's not unusual father's shoes, as well as sweaters..."

"The worst wasting a saxophone, is a man who never learns to play the piano."

"A man never knows until he becomes a father."

Father's Day is What would he like to do? Come to Wal-Mart! We're overflowing with things he wants to buy, and all in good taste.

# Pan Am announces the closure of 747 to Brazil.

Start flying 747s to Rio, non-stop. (They'll leave JFK at 8:00 p.m. today, and Saturday.)

Lots of entertainment. (Very few without learning how to Samba.)

Lots to see. Even the sights are worth seeing. And something that's beautiful to see.

People who go to Rio or São Paulo often

can go more comfortable to a real dining room for first class. And then, of course, there's the option of having a meal who've never been to Brazil.

There you are, a real dinner room for first class. And something that's beautiful to see.

Big greeting
in Egypt

NIXON, from Al

should not be lost but rather
rasped with "vigilance, pers-
tence and dedication to build
durable and honorable
peace."

Mr. Nixon described the
Egyptian-American summit
meeting as one of those great
learning points which affects
 mankind for the better.

He praised the new relation-
ship and the new co-operation
working for great causes in
pelling out goals. However,
Mr. Nixon placed economic
progress ahead of the need for
peace that would be perma-
nent and just and equitable.

As the Egyptian leader had
praised him, so Mr. Nixon
praised President Sadat, say-

the Middle East upon the "ag-
gression" against the Palestin-\jan nation. "Let me be candid

did not have "ready-made solu-
tions" for all the area's prob-
lems.

Al

Egyptian police and troops try to push back crowds near C