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quarter past ten in order to get to work with the President. He was waiting for me.
We actually got down to work at half past ten and finished remaking the map of the
world, as we would have it, at half past twelve o'clock.

We took it systematically, first outlining general terms, such as open diplomacy, freedom of the seas, removing of economic barriers, establishment of equality of trade conditions, guaranties for the reduction of national armaments, adjustment of colonial claims, general associations of nations for the conservation of peace.
Then we began on Belgium, France and the other territorial readjustments. When we had finished, the President asked me to number these in the order I thought they should come. I did this by placing the general terms first and territorial adjustments last. He looked over my arrangement and said it coincided with his own views with the exception of the peace association which he thought should come last because it would round out the message properly, and permit him to say some things at the end which were necessary.

In discussing these questions, I insisted, and made a strong argument, for open
diplomacy. I told him there was nothing he could do that would better please the
American people and the democracies of the world, and that it was right and must be
the diplomacy of the future. I urged him to lay deep stress upon it and to place
it first.

I then suggested the removal, as far as possible, of trade barriers. He
argued that this would meet with opposition, particularly in the Senate. Nevertheless, I thought that since the document was to be a readjustment of world conditions, that it would not be a complete structure unless this was in it. I thought the two great causes of war were territorial and commercial greed, and that it was just as necessary to get rid of the one as it was the other. He made no argument against this; we proceeded to frame a paragraph to cover it. He wrote this almost wholly himself.

I then suggested that a discussion of the freedom of the seas. He

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asked my definition of this term. I answered that I went further than anyone I
knew, for I believed that in time of both war and peace a merchantman should tra-
verse the seas unmolested. He agreed to this, and the paragraph as framed read
something like this: "Absolute freedom of navigation upon the seas; outside terri-
torial waters, alike in peace and in war."

After the message had been entirely written and we had read it over three or
four times, wondering how England would receive this particular paragraph, I sug-
gested that he add to it that "the seas might be closed by international action in
order to enforce international covenants". The President seized this suggestion
with avidity and added it. I gave as my reason for this that I had discussed the
matter in England and I believed with this addition it might be acceptable to them.

One of the points we discussed was the reduction of armaments. We played
with this sometime before we could get it into its present form which satisfied us
both. I need not go into the difficulties of that question because they are ap-
parent to anyone who has tried to work out something satisfactory.

We had less trouble with the colonial question. At first it was thought
we might have to evade this entirely, but the President began to try his hand on
it and presently the paragraph which was adopted was acceptable to us both, and we
hoped would be to England, small Britons.

We took up Belgium, and that paragraph was written without difficulty.
Then a long discussion followed on France and whether Alsace and Lorraine should
be touched upon. I was in favor of not mentioning it specifically, if it were possible
not to do so, therefore, at first, we put in "All French territory should be freed
and the invaded portions restored." We left it there and went on to other terri-
torial readjustments, but came back to it time and again. The President convinced
me that it was necessary to say something about it, since the message was so spec-
ific as to other nations, and I could see he was right. I suggested then that it

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should be said "If Assace and Lorraine were restored to France, Germany should be given an equal economic opportunity"; and it was written this way and remained so until Monday morning.

On Monday, after we had eaten lunch, the President said as we were walking toward his study, "the only thing about the message that worries me is in regard to Alsace and Lorraine. I am wondering how that will be taken".

I replied that it was practically the only point that disturbed me and I suggested that we try our hands on it again. As it was, I was afraid it would neither suit France nor Germany. I thought he might leave out the economic part and put in the assertion that it had been for fifty years a cause of unrest in Europe, and that a just settlement of the question was as much in the interest of Germany as it was to the balance of the world.

Taking this suggestion, he then wrote the paragraph as it now stands with the exception that he had "must be righted" instead of "should be righted" as I thought best. We then went into a discussion of where "should" and where "Must" should be used, and we agreed that, where there was no difference as to the justice of a question, the word "must" ought to be used, and where there was a controversy, the word "should" was correct. He went through the entire message and corrected it in this way. He wondered whether that point would be caught. I thought it was certain it would be.

My argument was this, the American people might not consent to fight for the readjustment of European territory, therefore, in suggesting these readjustments, with the exception of Belgium, the word "should" ought to be used.

As to Russia, I urged him to be at his best. I read him a sentence that I had prepared regarding Russia, which I had submitted to the Russian Ambassador who thoroughly approved. I told the President that it did not make any difference how much we resented Russia's action, the part of wisdom was to segregate her,

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as far as we were able, from Germany, and that it could only be done by the broad-
est and friendliest expressions of sympathy and a promise of more substantial help.
There was no argument about this because our minds ran parallel, and what he wrote
about Russia is I think, in some respects, the most eloquent part of his message.

We spent sometime on Poland. I gave him the memoranda which the Po-
lish National Council in Paris had given me, containing a paragraph which they
wished the Interallied Conference to adopt, but which was refused. We read this
over carefully and both concluded that it could not be used in full, but the para-
graph as framed came as near to it as we felt was wise and expedient,

After the Turkish paragraph had been written, the President thought it
might be made more specific, and that Armenia, Mesoptamia, Syria and other parts
be mentioned by name. I disagreed with this, believing that what was said was
sufficient to indicate this, and it finally stood as originally framed.

The paragraph about Roumania, Serbia and Montenegro is interesting in as
much as the President asked me to submit it to Vesnitch, head of the Serbian Mis-
sion to this country, and Serbian Minister at Paris. He wished to get Vesnitch's
reaction on it. The idea was for me to tell Vesnitch that I had prepared it for
the President's consideration and that the President was desirous of knowing what
he thought of it.

I sent for Vesnitch to meet me at Gordon's home as I did not think it ad-
visable to have him come to the White House. Much to my surprise, he totally
disagreed with what had been written and said it would not satisfy Serbia. He
also said that peace should not be made at this time and that the discussion of
peace should be frowned upon. I told him that since Russia, Germany, Austria and
Great Britain were actually discussing peace it was not worth while to argue as to
whether a discussion was advisable or not, therefore, I asked him to concretely set
forth what he would suggest in preference to what I submitted to him. He wrote

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with some difficulty, underneath the paragraph which the President and I had fram-
ed the following:

"There will and there cannot be in Europe any lasting peace with the conser-
vation of actual Austria-Hungary. The nations kept in it, as well as Serbian,
Croats and Slovenes, as Turks and Slovaks, as Roumanians and Italians, will con-
tinue to combat the Germano-Magya domination. As to Bulgaria, Serbia stands firm
on the Treaty of Bucarest. The Allied Powers have guaranteed to her these fron-
tiers. It will be morally and materially impossible to get so rapidly an under-
standing of Balkan nations, which is of course desirable, and which may come. Bul-
garian treachery can and shall not be rewarded. I sincerely believe that serious
negotiations for the peace at this moment of the war would mean the complete fail-
ure of the policy of Allies and a grave collapse of the civilization of mankind".

Note

Vesnitch gave me a history of the Balkans, particularly that of Serbia,
and I had to check him, saying I had an engagement with the President.

The President was rather depressed at this first and only attempt to
obtain outside opinion regarding the message. I had not been in favor of going
to Vesnitch, and told him so. I have had so much experience with foreigners and
others who are obsessed with an idea that I felt it would be hopeless to expect a
reasonable viewpoint. I advised the President not to change the paragraph in the
slightest, and to go ahead as if no objection had been made, and this he did. There
was not one word or line changed, as will be seen from the little memorandum which
the President wrote, and which Vesnitch added to in his own handwriting, and which
I make a part of the record.

No one was consulted, either directly or indirectly, concerning this mes-
sage on War Aims, and Lansing was not called in until Monday afternoon at three
o'clock when he was told of it and it was read to him. Lansing accepted it in
toto, although he made several suggestions as to words which the President adopted.

Note. I have put this down just as he wrote it.

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I was in favor of giving notice to the world in Tuesday morning's papers that the President would go before Congress in order to give America's war aims. My idea being to have the whole world expect it. He argued against this, but came to no decision, and it was not done. He told Mrs. Wilson, however, on Monday night, that he had talked me out of my position. Mrs. Wilson repeated this to me when we were driving to the Capitol to hear the speech.

I returned from the Capitol in the motor with the President, and I told him what Mrs. Wilson had said and added that he was mistaken in thinking he had changed my views, that I thought it was a mistake to have made it so secret. I noticed that the Diplomatic Corps were not present, excepting those who had come to hear the Serbian address, and that some of the Cabinet were also absent. The President's argument was that in giving out such a notice as I suggested, the newspapers invariably commented and speculated as to what he would say and that these forecasts were often taken for what was really said.

The thing was done so secretly that his Private Secretary knew nothing of it until half past ten o'clock Tuesday morning, just two hours before the message was delivered. I had an engagement with Secretary Lane on Tuesday at two o'clock at the White House. I asked him how he liked the President's address. He replied "what speech do you mean, his message to Congress?" He was dumbfounded when I told him that the President had just delivered what was perhaps the most important utterance since he had been in office. Lane thought it was the limit of humiliation as far as the Cabinet was concerned. I later found that neither Lane, Houston nor Wilson had been notified and knew nothing of it until they were told of it in the afternoon. This I think was unfair, and I feel resentment myself at such treatment of them.

Lane went on to say that Burleson and Tumulty had poisoned the President's mind against him. Burleson, he thought, was angry because he, Lane, had not made

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an appointment which Burleson requested. He asked if I would not find out from
the President what his feeling was toward him. I promised to do this; and before
I left on Tuesday I asked the President. His reply was that "Lane has stood still".
That at the beginning of his administration he was considered a progressive, but
that he had not advanced at all and was now a conservative. He noticed that he
was recommended for the Supreme Court and other places of honor by conservatives
only. He condemned his action in regard to the leasing of oil lands in the West,
declaring that Lane was acting contrary to his, the President's, policy. He would
lease oil lands, or hang them up in such a way that they could be denuded of the
oil before they could be recovered by legal action.

I said if this were the case, he had better give Lane another office. He
expressed a willingness to do so, but wanted to know what I had in mind. I thought
any executive place in the Cabinet that did not have to do with the things he was
objecting to, for example, the War or Navy. What I had in mind was that Lane
could replace Baker and Baker could go to the Interior,

I have found since I have been in Washington that there is a great deal
of criticism of Baker's administration of the War Department. He is now compared
to Daniels, and to Baker's disadvantage. Feliz Frankfurter, who is in Baker's offto
fice, was asked by the Secretary to write a report on conditions in the War Depart-
ment. Frankfurter wrote the report, and then wrote one entitled, "The Secretary
of War" which he handed to Baker. Baker was rather dumbfounded at the audacity
of it. Frankfurter sent me a copy of this which is attached.

Frankfurter also said, if I requested it, that Brandeis would write me a
memorandum pointing out the shortcomings of the War Department. I asked him to
get Brandeis to do this. When it comes I shall consider taking the matter up with
the President. **Note.**

Note. Brandeis did this. See his letters.

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I cannot understand why the President is so obstinate when it comes to administrative affairs. He could make a record as being the greatest administrator this country has ever seen, and he could do it by merely letting those who understand such work reorganize that part of the Government having to do with the prosecution of the war.

The Navy has pretty well righted itself under the direction of such a man as General MacArthur, an efficient Navy officer, but somehow, Baker seems to be getting deeper into the mire, and the President cannot see it. Baker's mind is so sympathetic with that of the President's that the President does not realize that he is no more of an administrator than he is himself. What is needed is a forceful fellow like McAdoo or Hoover, with authority to act in regard to the railroads, and Hoover in the Food Administration.

The President has the mass of the country behind him, and he is working as hard as he can to put the country on a strong basis for the coming year. He has the support of the President's administration, and he is doing his best to make the country feel that he is doing his best to make the country strong.

The President has the support of the country in all matters of foreign policy, and he is working hard to secure that support. He has the support of the administration in all matters of administration, and he is doing his best to make the administration strong enough to carry on the administration for the coming year. He has the support of the country in all matters of foreign policy, and he is working hard to secure that support. He has the support of the administration in all matters of administration, and he is doing his best to make the administration strong enough to carry on the administration for the coming year.

I had lunch with Gordon and Janet Sunday to meet Sir Cecil and Lady Spring-Rice, the Belgian Minister, de Cartier, de Billy of the French High Commission, and the Marquis and Marquise de Polignac.

Spring-Rice gave me a cable which had just come from Lloyd George, which

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he asked me to take to the President. I have no copy of this, but the substance of it was that the reason Lloyd George felt called on to make his speech before the Labor Conference on Friday was that the labor situation in England was critical, and in order to get them to consent to the demands of the Government regarding further recruiting among them, it was necessary for him to state a liberal set of war aims. I have my doubts as to the truth of this, but I am giving him the benefit of the doubt. He was evidently uneasy as to its reception by the President. Lloyd George also said in the message that he had tried to conform to the well known views of the President as expressed in his several public messages on the subject.

And this reminds me that the President was uneasy Friday night lest George might anticipate his forthcoming address, and he asked me to send a cable to George telling him that he, the President, felt it necessary to say something further upon the subject of American war aims, and that he hoped nothing in the meantime would be said on their side that would affect the situation here.

My cable to Balfour about this on Saturday the fifth explains itself. Also my cable of congratulation to George upon his speech which I sent on the sixth.

When George's speech came out in Washington Saturday afternoon the President was depressed. He thought the terms which Lloyd George had given were so nearly akin to those he and I had worked out that it would be impossible for him to make the contemplated address before Congress. I insisted that the situation had been changed for the better rather than for the worse. I thought that Lloyd George had cleared the air and made it more necessary for the President to act. I also insisted that after the President had made his address, it would so smother the Lloyd George speech that it would be forgotten and that he, the President, would once more become the spokesman for the Entente, and, indeed, the spokesman for the liberals of the world. The President was greatly heartened by this opinion, and set to work again with renewed zest.

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After luncheon Sunday I went to the French Embassy to see Jusserand. He had a number of questions he wished to ask, the answers to which he desired to transmit to his Government. He read them off seriatim and I answered as quickly as they were read, for I was in a hurry to get back to the President.

When I reached the White House, the President had not finished the conclusion of his message and, since Gregory wanted to see me, I motored to his house and took him for a short drive. When I returned taxkmaxWhitex the President was waiting and he read to me the message as a whole. I again congratulated him and felicitated with him. I thought it was a declaration of human liberty and a declaration of the terms which should be written into the peace conference. I felt that it was the most important document that he had ever penned, and I laughingly remarked that we would either be on the crest of the wave after it had been delivered, or reposing peacefully in the depths.

The points we were most anxious about was as to how this country would receive our entrance into European affairs to the extent of declaring territorial aims.

I suggested to the President that a possible criticism Germany might make was that since the United States refused to permit European nations fixmax to interfere in any way with affairs in the Western Hemisphere, European nations should be equally insistent that the affairs in the Eastern Hemisphere be left to the nations therein. He admitted that this would be probably said, and the reply that he expected to make in that event would be that we were perfectly willing for the same principles to govern in the Western Hemisphere as we had outlined as being desirable for the Eastern Hemisphere.

He was quite insistent that nothing be put in the message of an argumentative nature, and once or twice I suggested making an argument in favor of some of the terms, but each time he thought it invisable because it would merely provoke

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controversy. I saw the reasonableness of this view and accepted it as wise.

The other points we were fearful of were Alsace and Lorraine, the freedom of the seas and the leveling of commercial barriers. However, we were both resolute in the determination that all these things should be said, and there was not the slightest hesitation on his part in saying them. The President shows an extraordinary courage in such things; and a wisdom in discussing them that places him easily in a rank by himself, as far as my observations go. The more I see of him, the more firmly am I convinced that there is not a statesman in the world who is his equal. He is the only one who measures up to the requirements of the day when the world is in such agony.

I am struck by the difference between the President and Lloyd George. I tried to get Lloyd George to do at Paris what the President has now done, but he was not big enough to realize the necessity for it, and has only seen the light since he returned to England and the necessity of the situation there compelled him to act, and upon the very same lines I urged upon him. The President, on the other hand, needed no arguments or urging but saw the opportunity at once. He saw that he had not adequately covered the case in his message to Congress in December, 1917, and went cheerfully to work to reconstruct and reconsider our war aims.

On Sunday evening we did nothing except to talk and listen to the President read aloud. He read a bacalaureate sermon which he had written at Princeton in 1909. It is a remarkable production and I call particularly attention to it as being a classic as far as its objects are concerned. He also read some short stories from Stephen Leacock and we talked and rested in this way.

Monday evening I went to dinner with Secretary and Mrs. McAdoo. There was no one present except the family and McAdoo and I conferred afterward concerning his presidential prospects. He does not conceal from me his keen desire to be President, although he declares he does not exhibit this feeling to anyone else. I

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cautioned him against it. He generously offered me the Secretaryship of State when he became President and I as generously declined. I told him I would be glad to help him as I had helped Wilson and that he, perhaps, was the only man I would be willing to serve again in such a capacity.

When I returned to the White House the President was waiting for me. I could not get him to go to bed, although it was nearly eleven o'clock. He insisted upon reading talking and reading from Wordsworth. We did not go to bed until half past eleven. We urged him to play golf in the morning and he agreed to do so even though he is to deliver his speech at 12.30 on Tuesday.

I shall not go into the conversations I had in Washington with an innumerable number of people, such as General Bliss, Benjamin Strong, Norman Hapgood, Lansing, Polk, etc. etc. It has been an exceedingly busy and fruitful visit, and the President, when I left, expressed his gratitude and pleasure at having me with him.

In speaking of the message in the family after it had been delivered, the President constantly and generously referred to it as "our message".

I left Washington at one o'clock last night and reached New York this morning around nine. I am delighted at the reception the address has received from all classes and conditions. The extreme radicals, even the socialists, approve it, and so do the conservatives and reactionaries. I am including in the diary some of the current newspaper comment, and I particularly commend for consideration the extraordinary editorial in the New York Tribune.

I tried hard to break away from callers, but it was necessary to see some of them. Among the more important were Cyrus McCormick of Chicago and Judge Abram Elkus. McCormick wished to talk of a coalition Cabinet. I told him it was impossible and referred him to Senator Root's address before the Republican Club last spring, explaining why the political construction of our Government

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made it inadvisable. He was also worried about the army and its conduct, and
many other things about which he wanted to unburden his mind.

I told Elkus that the President had decided to send him to Switzerland,
and that when Lansing was here next Saturday I would make an appointment for them
to get together.

We went to the theater with the W. A. Tuckers to see Laurette Taylor in
"Happiness", having dined previously at the Metropolitan Club.

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January 10, 1918.

Mezes and Lippmann came to suggest that the President call a con-
ference at Washington of the Entente Powers in order to formulate a plan for a
league to enforce peace. They thought if there was a <u>going</u> organization it would
facilitate peace and would be in a position, when peace ^came, to <u>functio</u>nalize function
at once. I explained how impossible such a plan was because it could not include
the Central Powers, and any exclusive organization by the Entente would meet with
suspicion by the enemy. Even features of the organization to which they might
readily agree were they a part in forming it, would be looked upon by them with
distrust.

Mr. William T. Ellis of Swarthmore, Pa. who has just returned from Russia, having passed six or eight months there, came to report upon conditions as he found them.

Herman Flexner, who has just returned from Rumania, followed Ellis and re-
ported on conditions there.

Sir Frederick Black came next. His trouble was lack of oil for the British
Navy. He wished me to help facilitate their getting a better supply which he
thought essential.

I have been working hard endeavoring to get rid of the accumulated work caus-
ed by my long absence in Washington.

January 11, 1918.

Roy Howard of the U. P., P. A. Vaile, of New Zealand, and George Foster
Peabody were interesting callers. Howard is going to South America and wishes to
get a letter from the President which he thinks would help him explain our war
aims.

Vaile, I found was "an enthusiastic admirer who desires to enlist under your
banner". He said I was making so many men that he hoped I would stretch out a

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hand toward him. He had prepared a very complimentary sketch of me for the sym-
dicate for which he writes. I attach it to the diary.

January 12, 1918.

This has been a rough day. I have been busy from start to finish. Secretary and Mrs. Lansing, Mrs. Adrian Iselin, Mezes and Miller took lunch with us. Lansing, Miller, Mezes and I adjourned to my study immediately after lunch in order to get Lansing's ideas regarding our Peace Inquiry Bureau. Lansing is tremendously interested in this and he told me that it was the ambition of his life to go to the peace conference. If I have my way, he will do so, although I am afraid the President will not want him as he has already expressed himself to that effect. It will be a mistake not to take him, besides an unnecessary slight. I agreed to do nearly all the things he had in mind to suggest as to our Peace Inquiry, although some of them seemed quite unnecessary.

Paderewski came almost directly after our conference was over. He expresses himself in such an extravagant way that I always hesitate to repeat what he says, although I know he must say practically the same things to the President. He greeted me as follows: "I come to kneel at your feet. You are the noblest man I have ever had the honor to know. You stand by yourseld, unapproachable by any means by which ordinary men are reached and influenced." Of course, all this was appropos of the clause in the President's address concerning Poland.

He was somewhat worried that the word "should" was applied to Poland while "must" was used for Belgium. I satisfied him on this point by telling him that it would not do to make an issue in the United States of the restoration of Poland as an ultimatum. He seemed to understand and assented.

Mrs. Cornelius Vanderbilt followed Paderewski. She wanted advice as to what she could best do to help our army in France. She suggested taking a great

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house in London and making of it an American club. When she found this had already been done, she asked me to suggest some other way by which she might be helpful. I promised to consider it and advise later.

James W. Beck came for advice as to going to England to make speeches. I told him something of the fate of Taft and Buttrick and suggested that he go with the Red Cross or in some other capacity, and then speak as an incident and not as a business.

Arthur Woods followed to seek advice as to how he could best serve the country. He has been offered positions with the Y.M.C.A., Red Cross and with Creel for the formation of a National Bureau abroad. I advised the latter.

We dined with Mr. and Mrs. David Miller. The only other guests were Janet and Gordon. After dinner we went to see Mrs. Fiske in "George Sand".

January 13, 1918.

Today has been one of work with the exception of luncheon with Mr. J. P. Morgan to meet the Duke of Devonshire. Among the other guests were, Elihu Root, Myron T. Herrick, Nicholas Murray Butler, and others. I sat at Mr. Morgan's right, and was interested in hearing him say that he had thanked God many times since the war began that McAdoo was Secretary of the Treasury. His reason was that McAdoo had courage to do the things necessary.

I had some talk with Butler and Root, and invited them to lunch with me the latter part of the week in order to discuss the gathering of peace data. Their minds and mine are not likely to run in the same channel, but I want them to feel that they are not ignored in this work.

I wish the President would do more of this kind of thing, but he has such strong prejudices that it is impossible to get him to do so.

I told Devonshire about Spring-Rice and his attitude toward accepting further

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honors from his Government. When I was in Washington I mentioned to Spring-Rice
that I had asked his Government "to pin all the badges possible upon him when he
was recalled". He drew himself up and said, "I shall accept no honors nor ser-
vice from my Government. It is something to be a gentleman". I asked Devonshire
to straighten Spring-Rice out and not let him do anything so foolish as to refuse
whatever honors they think fit to give him. I was sure the British Government
and the people of the world at large would take Spring-Rice at his own estimate,
and if he insisted that he was being disgraced, the public would accept it and be-
lieve there was reason for it. On the other hand, I advised that he go home as a
conquering hero, modestly bending his head to receive the laurel wreath. Devon-
shire is a kinsman of Lady Spring-Rice and said he would do what he could to
straighten matters out.

January 14, 1918.

This has been a day of work, and the only people I have seen of any
consequence were George Rublee of the Shipping Board and Paderewski. Rublee
came for advice about some matters of administration, and Paderewski's desires
were largely in the same direction as to Polish affairs.

January 15, 1918.

My most interesting caller today was Judge James W. Gerard. He has writ-
ten another book which he said he had been advised to call, "Face to Face with the
Kaiser". I suggested changing it to "Face to Face with Kaiserism" since that is
what he is writing about.

One of the interesting things he told was that he believed Hearst had been
bought by the Germans. He rather qualified this later by saying that if the money
had not gotten to Hearst, the Germans thought it had. When Gerard was in Germany
Zimmermann was talking about American opinion, and Gerard advised him not to waste
his money on small papers, but to buy Hearst, whom he said consumed nine tenths of

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the print paper of this country. Later, Gerard said, Bolo Pasha came over and the other day when Hearst was making an explanation of his acquaintance with Bolo Pasha, he said Bola Pasha told him that the reason he wanted to meet him, Hearst, was that he understood that his papers consumed nine tenths of the print paper used in this country. Gerard thinks this is conclusive evidence of the fact that Zimmemann repeated to Bola Pasha his, Gerard's, remark, and that Bola Pasha, in turn, repeated it to Hearst. Gerard thinks that Hearst has the gubernatorial and Presidential bee in his bonnet.

William R. Willcox desired advice as to accepting an offer which McAdoo has made him to be one of the Board of Arbitration between the railroads and labor. I advised him to take it. I thought it would do good to have a republican as prominent as Willcox to serve under a democratic administration in time of war.

Senator J. Hamilton Lewis was perhaps my most interesting caller, certainly the most picturesque. He had some long story about two Senators who had heard that I was deeply interested in Mexican bonds, and that when I went to Europe I did what I could to help the Mexican situation. He thought they were going to make speeches about it, and asked me for the facts. When he found that I not only did not own any Mexican bonds, or any other Mexican securities of any sort whatsoever, and had never been in Mexico, and when I had shown him my income tax receipt showing that I had less than $20,000, income, none of which came from anything over which the Government could either directly or indirectly exercise any control, Lewis declared he would burn the Senators up, in the event they made the charge.

Then the Senator came to the real object of his visit. What he said first was to show what an ardent friend of mine he was. I have my doubts as to the story and think he probably imagined it for the occasion. He desires to go to Europe and wishes the way prepared for him there so he can make some reputation in Illinois in order to win the Senatorship again.

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January 16, 1918.

Frank Cobb, of the New York World, came this morning at my invitation to discuss the suggestion which I made last August regarding the advisability of the <u>World</u> challenging the <u>Tageblatt</u> to a discussion of German and American war aims. We agreed that he should write a memorandum on the subject and that I should submit it to the President. Sir William Wiseman is enthusiastic over the plan, and I have put him in touch with Cobb in order to better work it out.

Professor Scott Nearing and Louis V. Lochner followed Cobb. I did not want to see them, but since my policy is to see every shade of opinion, I concluded to give them a hearing. There was nothing of interest said, but they seemed to go away satisfied.

Major Frederick Palmer was an afternoon caller as was also Doctor Battin of Swarthmore.

January 17, 1918.

We paid an interesting visit today to the Morgan Library on 36th Street where Mr. and Mrs. Morgan showed Loulie and me the rare manuscripts and books in that wonderful collection. Morgan assured me of his desire to help the Government and Administration in every way possible. I have no doubt as to his sincerity, for patriotism is something the Morgans pride themselves on.

I took lunch at the Geographical Society with Director Bowmann where we have rooms for our organization in the preparation of peace data.

Last night when Garfield's coal order was given out, bedlam broke loose. Press Association, newspaper editors etc. etc. made my life miserable. This has continued all day. There is nothing that the Administration has done that I regret so much. It may be necessary, but it certainly was not necessary to do it in such a casual and abrupt way. It is one of the things I have feared the President would sometime do. He seems to have done it. I have

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never heard such a storm of protest. What I am afraid of is that it will weaken confidence in his administrative ability and bring Congress about his ears. I look to see them meddling with everything from now on, and I look to see an insistent demand that some change be made in the organization responsible for the conduct of the war.

This question has disturbed me since my return from Europe. Men of every shade of political opinion condemn the organization as it now exists. The President and Secretary Baker seem to be the only ones that think the organization is as it should be. Men like Lovett, Nelson Perkins, Baruch, Cyrus McCormick, Bainbridge Colby and other staunch supporters of the Administration have but one story to tell. They look to me to influence the President. I have hesitated to mention the matter to him for the reason that I tried at the beginning of the war to get him to accept what I thought to be the right sort of organization-- an organization which everybody now thinks is essential. I do not like to intrude my advice upon him. He knows quite well what I think, and he knows that I do not believe that he has an effective war organization, and I have been content to let it go at that.

The fact that he does not consult me about these matters indicates that he knows we disagree, but he has believed he could work it out along the lines which he has pursued. In foreign affairs, he does nothing without the closest possible cooperation with me, and since I am so much more interested in that than in domestic affairs, I have been willing to accept the situation as he has willed it. However, matters have gotten so bad now since this coal order of Garfield's that I have concluded, in justice to the President, that I should give a helping hand whether he asks for it or not.

I have therefore arranged for Secretary Baker to come over Sunday to be with me a large part of the day. If I can get him into a proper frame of mind and to see the necessity for a radical and thorough reorganization of affairs,

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I will take it up with the President. The President will not want it but, at the moment, it looks as if he will have no choice, for if he does not do it himself, Congress may force it upon him.

This storm shows how easily a situation may change from good to bad. It is literally like a storm at sea. At one moment you are sailing along through seas smooth *wakaxa* and clear skies, and then within the hour the whole face of the water becomes turbulent and dangerous.

January 18, 1918.

The confusion and disturbance over the Garfield coal order grows worse rather than better. This, with an unusually heavy mail and other demands upon my time, has made the day maddening.

Some days ago I invited Senator Root and Nicholas Murray Butler to lunch with Sidney and myself. Unfortunately, they remained until half past three o'clock which, of course, drew the limits tighter as to my working time. Just as I anticipated, we got nothing of value from either Root or Butler, but they seemed pleased at having been called in for consultation concerning the preparation of peace data.

Ambassador Fletcher was an interesting caller. He reported on the Mexican situation and it was not favorable. The trouble, as always, is with Carranza. He is stubborn and determined to play the part of neutral between Germany and the United States. Fletcher finds no sympathetic effort in Mexico to cooperate with the United States, and the situation is so critical that trouble may at any time be precipitated.

Felix Frankfurter, Mrs. Ellison Adams, Bainbridge Colby, Miss Rose Young and many others added to the confusion of the day.

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January 19, 1918.

President Schurman of Cornell, Professor Shotwell of Columbia, Mezes, David Miller and Walter Lippmann came to lunch. We discussed the organization for gathering peace data, especially in regard to the Balkans with which Schurman is more familiar than almost any prominent man we have in this country.

Commodore Gaunt, of the British Navy, came to tell of his desire to get a K.C.B. or, if not that, at least the K.C.St.M. & G. He said Spring-Rice had promised it, provided he, Gaunt, would serve on this side of the Atlantic instead of returning to the Grand Fleet, but that Spring-Rice was now out of power and that he had told him that we would probably not be able to fulfil his promise. I told Gaunt I would try and see that his Government recognized him. Just why he wants this bauble I do not know, but since he does, we will try to get it for him.

My most interesting caller was Edward R. Stettinius of Morgan & Co. I have been working hard all week to fathom the cause of the criticism of the conduct of the war. I saw Stettinius in order to get his opinion regarding the various plans for betterment which have been brought before me. Stettinius is considered the last word in the way of organization by republicans, the British, the France, and many of the democrats. I was therefore pleased to find that he was not altogether dissatisfied with what was being done. He believes with the present organization changed to give more authority to a few men, things can be worked out satisfactorily. This is contrary to the opinion of almost everybody else. It is my purpose to use Stettinius' testimony to sustain the President, in the event it is necessary.

I took dinner with Sir William Wiseman this evening. There was no one else present, for our purpose was to have a free talk together. One of the interesting things he told me was that Lord Robert Cecil had written what has now

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become the most famous of Lloyd George's speeches, the one delivered before the
Labor Conference on January 4th, in which he outlined Great Britain's war aims.

Sir William gave me a copy of a printed memorandum which Lord Robert had
handed him before he left England which expressed his, Lord Robert's, war aims.
These war aims were framed after several conferences with Sir William after his
return from Paris.

Wiseman did not know of the Lloyd George speech or that of the President un-
til he arrived on this side of the sea, being on the water at the time both
were delivered. Much to his surprise, upon reading Lloyd George's speech, he
discovered it was so familiar that he looked up the memorandum given him by Lord
Robert Cecil, and in comparing the two, he found they were identical. Lloyd George
left out some of what Lord Robert had prepared, and he added a few sentences at
the beginning. Other than this, there was no change excepting a word here and
there.

This bears out my first thought, which I expressed to the President, that
Lloyd George had not written it. The style is clearly not his, neither is the
substance. Knowing the inside of things as I do, it makes me wonder where the
credit really lies for the great things that have been done in the world.

January 20, 1918.

This has been one of my busiest days. First in the early morning, the
French Ambassador came, and before he left, Secretary Baker arrived to remain
until half past twelve o'clock, when he rushed to catch the one o'clock train
for Washington.

Jusserand's visit was apropos of nothing further than a general discussion of the President's war aims and to get me to throw light on the different points.

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Baker came by pre-arrangement in order to talk over the reorganization of the War Department. He gave a history of everything that had happened up to date, and explained away many of the criticisms which have been rife. One of the things for which his Department has been charged was refusing to use the Enfield rifles when our factories were making them in enormous quantities for Great Britain, and could have turned them out in time to have quickly armed all our men.

Baker says it was a question of using a rimless or rimmed cartridge. The rimless cartridge does not jam, the other does, and Baker says the rimless was invented in time not to commit this country to the other type. He says the British have not used any of the vast quantity of Enfield rifles we have made for her for this reason. I merely mention this as an example of how unfair criticism can be.

Baker thinks his department has been efficient in almost every direction. He confessed failure in the Ordnance Department and in the clothing of the troops, neither of which he thinks could have been avoided.

I told him of my interview with Stettinius, and he expressed a willingness to meet the changes which Stettinius considers necessary to make the Department more efficient. I can see, however, that Baker does not appreciate the seriousness of the situation. He believes the criticism is a trumped up affair by the republicans to make capital in the next congressional campaign. He does not at all appreciate the fact that everyone who knows the situation in Washington has lost confidence in the organization. Neither does the President appreciate this, so there you are.

Bainbridge Colby came in the afternoon to tell the usual story of the lack of coordination, not only in the Shipping Board, of which he is a member, but elsewhere. I asked him if he was willing to tell his story to the Pres-

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ident as he had told it to me. He said he would gladly do so. I gave him a
letter to the President to mail upon his arrival in Washington tomorrow. In
this letter, I asked the President to send for Colby and hear what he had to say.
If he tells him what he told me, the President will get what is the prevailing
opinion in Washington concerning the war organization.

We went to lunch with Mrs. Willard Straight to meet Ambassador and Mrs.
Fletcher. It was a simple family affair and no one else was present. Fletcher
said he would like to resign and become my secretary. I met this half humorous
suggestion by replying that Miss Denton had held this position for some thirty
years and would perhaps be disinclined to give it up.

January 21, 1918.

I have been trying to get the British Government to lift the ban on
the International News Service. Representations have been made that the
Hearst papers are only a part of this service, and that many hundred⁵ of news-
papers that are loyal, not only to the American cause but to the Allied cause,
are deprived of their foreign news. I have declined to ask for this di-
rectly, but have had Sir William Wiseman advise it and say that I also advised
it. It appears now that they are willing to yield to the suggestion.

Hearst sent me word that he would be everlastingly grateful, and that I
could command him at any time. I sent word back to him that I was merely do-
ing it because it was right, and that I hoped nothing would ever happen to
make me call on him to reciprocate.

Arthur D. Howden Smith of the Evening Post, tells me he has been dele-
gated by his paper to write a series of rather ambitious articles about me,
something in the nature of a real biography. I tried to dissuade him, and I
asked him to at least not write them now, but to wait until I loom again in
the public eye. I have a feeling that the people are tired of reading of

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me. One character sketch after another has appeared within the past few months and have been syndicated throughout the breadth of the land. It is seldom that one picks up a paper, either daily or weekly, or a magazine or periodical, that I am not mentioned in some way in it. It grows tiresome to me, and I am sure it must be to takaray others.

Edward Filene called to say that the President and Lansing have objected to the referendum which the United States Chamber of Commerce put out regarding a possible economic boycott of Germany in the event a just peace is not made. I read the statement carefully which they are sending to the chambers of commerce throughout the country and I could see nothing objectionable. It seems that Filene is claiming that he did it with my approval, but this is hardly a correct statement.

We went to dinner with Mr. and Mrs. Edmund Baylies. Loulie went to the opera with them, but I returned home after dinner. There is not a day but I decline such invitations. They come without number. I notice that the proportion grows in volume as I appear in the public eye, and grow less as I fade away.

January 22, 1918.

It was a wild day in the Senate yesterday. Senator Stone attacked Roosevelt, the President attacked Senator Chamberlain, and Senator Penrose attacked me. Penrose does not like the President sending me abroad without the consent of the Senate. Senator Lewis undertook to defend me and provoked Senator Penrose into calling me a lobbyist. Just why he did this I do not know, for of all the people in public life or semi-public life in this country, I suppose no one has done less toward influencing legislators. Unless my memory is at fault, I was never in the Legislature in Texas while it was in session but once and then in the company of Governor Hogg. If my memory serves me too, I have never spoken to a legislator, either state or national, concerning any measure

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either good or bad. It is not one of the ways by which I try to serve. Even public where measures are of a wholly bad nature, and are to the public advantage, I leave, and have always left, that function to others. Of course, it is something to have earned the disapproval of such a man as Penrose, but it is to be remembered that when Penrose called me a lobbyist, he did not think he was being offensive.

Col. Josiah Wedgwood has just arrived from England. He is on his way to Siberia on an important mission for his Government. He is an interesting and unusual character and I am always glad to talk with him.

Miss Ida Tarbell followed to get the truth about how well this Government is going ahead with its war affairs. I gave her a long talk, the substance of which she will use in the lectures she is to make throughout the country.

Macfarlane, of the Boston American, was another caller. He desires to bring about a <u>rapproachment</u> between the Administration and Hearst, and he also wished to talk over matters in general.

January 23, 1918.

One of my most interesting callers was Col. David Hunter, who is just back from Persia and Siberia. I could not quite get his status. At one time he said he was connected with the Russian Army, at another time, he was Chief of Staff of the Persian Army, and then again, he was a Canadian under British orders. It may be he was all three. He seemed to be in a highly excited state owing, I understand, to some great personal bereavement which the news of which came to him today. He believes the only solution for Russia now is to back the Bolsheviki Government since we let the opportunity pass for other action.

January 24, 1918.

Among my callers today were, Otto Wierum, John Whitehouse, of our Legation

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at Berne, Miss Myra Reed, Editress of McCall's Magazine, and Stevens of the Shipping Board.

Wierum came to tell me something which he thought might be of value to the President, and which seemed to prove that a conspiracy is going on in republican circles against the President.

Whitehouse is on the eve of returning to Switzerland and came to talk of conditions in nearby countries and to ask if I had any suggestions regarding the work.

Miss Reed came at the request of Albert Bigelow Paine, and for the purpose, I think, of writing about me.

Stevens is planning to go to England to sit on the Shipping Council and asked my advice as to the personnel of his staff, and other matters connected with his work.

Sir William Wiseman returned from Washington and gave a full account of his interview with the President. I suggested to him that it might be well for Oxford University to offer the President the degree of Doctor of Civil Laws, and we decided to put it in process. I did not let him know, of course, that the President desires it, or that I am doing it at the suggestion of Mrs. Wilson, who is always eager for the President to have what he wants. The President knows nothing of the matter.

January 25, 1918.

Arthur Howden Smith, of the Evening Post, came again to ask further questions in his plan to write a biographical sketch of me.

Aronson, of Palestine, who has lived practically all his life in Palestine came, at Brandeis's suggestion, to tell of conditions there. I got some useful information.

Dr. George E. Hale, of the Academy of Science, with Dr. Merriman came

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for advice for the governing of future activities of that organization.

Milton Berry, of Chicago, came all the way from that place to tell me of
conditions at Camp Grant which he claims are good but which are being misrepre-
sented by people adverse to the Administration, and who desire to make political
capital out of the conduct of the war.

Washington,

January 26, 1918.

Gregory came this morning for breakfast and accompanied me to the 11.08 train which I took for Washington. We went over together a good many matters of passing importance. It was a terrible rush getting off. Sir William Wiseman, Martin, telephone calls and important letters to be answered before leaving.

I found myself in the midst of a theatrical troop on the train, and present-
ly the authors of the play sought me out, and I was unable to do the work I had
planned. It was fortunate, however, for I needed the diversion. Smith and
Golden were the playwrites; and they were taking their new play, "Lightning", to Washington. They urged me to bring a party of friends to the opening.

I came directly to Gordon and Janet, No. 1728 19th Street. We had a
delightful evening together. Mrs. Wilson had telephoned to inquire of my move-
ments and, I take it, I shall see the President tomorrow. He doubtless desires
to see me concerning the Hertling and Czernin speeches.

January 27, , 1918.

We invited Senator Warren of Wyoming to lunch with us. I desired to
talk with him about General Pershing, his son-in-law. We had an intimate talk,
the Senator getting very confidential. He told everything that was going on in
the Committee on Military Affairs, of which he is the oldest member, and of which
he was always chairman when the republicans controlled the Senate. He is thor-
oughly out of sympathy with the attack upon the War Department and the Administra-

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tion. He thinks it not unlikely that Roosevelt and General Wood are back of it.
I made clear to Warren that General Pershing's fortunes were linked closely with
that of the Administration, and that to hurt the one would be to hurt the other.

Lincoln Colcord came for a few minutes. I find that when he stays in
Washington he loses his perspective hopelessly. It is no longer a pleasure to
talk with him. He is always filled with some point of view which he has gathered
ed in the incessant merry-go-round at Washington.

André Tardieu came to ask if I would not advocate a chairman of an in-
ternational board, consisting of representatives of Great Britain, France and
the United States, for the purpose of working out a plan for an economic war
against Germany in the event it was necessary. His thought was that a plan
should be ready in the event it was necessary, even though nothing was said of
its formation. In reply I thought the only thing khaxwax needful was the pas-
sage of a resolution by Congress, giving this Government power to put an embargo
on raw materials for five years after the war. I thought this should be done
without debate and with but little comment. It should be directed at no one, but
Germany would get word of it through her agents and would know the significance
of it. I particularly advised against threats. Ixam disapprove of such meth-
ods. They do not accomplish their objects and they lead to additional trouble.
Tardieu accepted this suggestion as being wise and simple. I added that England
and France could also pass such measures and without comment, and that these laws
should not be made at the same time, but at different periods not widely separa-
ted. He said he would communicate with his Government and tell them of my
views.

Mrs. Wilson telephoned saying the President would like me to come to dinner
in order that we might have a conference afterward.

I found the President still suffering from a cold, but able to get

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about and to dine in the breakfast room. I mentioned to him that he did not seem worried at the attacks being made upon him in Congress and elsewhere concerning the management of the war. He replied, "You would think they would know me well enough by now to see that they cannot force me to do what I consider unwise."

There was no one at dinner excepting the President, Mrs. Wilson, Miss Bones and myself. After dinner we went to the study, lighted the fire, and began a discussion of the speeches of the German Chancellor and the Austrain Prime Minister. We discussed the advisability of making an answer. My advice was to do nothing for the present; that the situation was becoming more and more favorable for peace, and that no chances should be taken of making a wrong step.

This agreed with the President's view, and it was decided to keep in close touch with the situation and let it develop further before coming to a definite conclusion.

He said he had received a letter from Mr. Bryan which stated among other things that he, Bryan, was preparing for the peace conference with the expectation that the President would make him a commissioner. The President was dissatisfied over this and asked what I would advise. I asked what he had replied to Bryan. He said he had evaded the question by not mentioning it, but writing about the other matters which the letter contained. He wanted to know if I did not think the best excuse would be to appoint officials rather than individuals; and Bryan could be given this as an excuse. I did not believe this would carry very far. I told him I had changed my mind as to the size of the commission. I thought at one time it should not consist of more than himself, or at least, be very small. The Paris Inter-Allied Conference has taught me that this was an impossible working arrangement; that it would be necessary to have sufficient members to go upon the different committees which must be formed to discuss and formulate policies.

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The President wondered if I thought five would be sufficient. I thought it would be, but that seven would be better. This would give four democrats and three republicans. He immediately announced his intention of not appointing more than two republicans in any event. I had some difficulty in persuading him that if he went to the conference, he would dominate our representatives; and that he need have no apprehension as to how they would vote. What I have in mind is a unit rule which would make for a united front, therefore, a majority would decide.

Mrs. Wilson said she was disappointed to hear that there would be anyone excepting the President and myself. "I thought that you and Woodrow would go alone" she naively said. The President asked if I had thought of the possible delegates. Much to my surprise he said, "I suppose Lansing would have to go." To which I readily assented. He said, "Lansing with you and myself would make three, and if we have five, it would not be necessary to go outside". If we had more, he wondered what I thought of Baker to represent the War Department. He thought this would give an excuse to Bryan because I was so nearly official, and so closely wrapped up with all his policies and the Administration, that my appointment would be expected.

Mrs. Wilson wondered how Root or Taft would do. Again, to my surprise, the President did not seriously object. I thought that Taft would be the better of the two, for the reason that he comes from Ohio and if Lansing went on from New York, we would not want two from that State. I thought also that Taft would be more flexible and tractable, for he is good natured and easily led.

I suggested as a possibility, Senator Johnson of California. The President did not have any opinion of this one way or the other since he did not know Johnson. Neither do I, but I shall look him up and get some idea of his mentality and attitude.

We went over the Foreign Relations Committee of the Senate, but without result. Stone, the Chairman, was utterly out of the question. Lodge, on the

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other side, was almost as objectionable, because of his narrow and partisan attitude.
I wondered if Lawrence Lowell would do. He thought not. He did not think much of
college presidents. I was surprised at this, and told him that the last time we
talked, he told me the hope of the country he thought was in the universities, by
which I assumed he meant the presidents. He replied that he did not, but meant
more particularly the faculties or people associated directly or indirectly with
the universities. I told him the only two college presidents I had met who were
equal to the task of being President were himself and Houston. As a matter of
fact, I had Mezes in mind also, but I did not consider it wise to mention him be-
cause of our relationship.

This led to our talking of the Cabinet. He asked if I thought McAdoo had a
chance for the nomination in 1920. I thought he had, and that it was his play to
move and to win. I wondered if he had the political sagacity to move correctly. I
thought McAdoo might make a dangerous President but, on the other hand, he might
make an exceedingly brilliant one. The President thought the responsibility of the
office would perhaps meet his and overcome the characteristics and criticism I had
in mind. I, too, thought it would be a restraining influence.

I felt if Baker made as great a success of the War Department as we all
hoped, that he, too, would be a formidable candidate.

In the Cabinet he said he had been struck by the fact that no one listened to
McAdoo. There was general whispering when he was talking and little or no atten-
tion was paid to what he said. This he thought was also true of Redfield of whose
good sense he has a high estimate. Houston, he said, usually spoke last upon a
subject of general discussion and he found himself nearly always agreeing with what
he said. Before we reached this point, however, and while we were talking for can-
didates for President, I told him that to my mind Houston was the ablest man in the
Cabinet as far as sheer intellectuality and good judgment was concerned, but the

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trouble with him was that he was undiplomatic and lazy. The President was surprised at the last comment, but said that to him to was the most unmagnetic man he had ever met, and he agreed with me that it would be impossible to make him a nominee.

When we were deciding upon the peace delegates, I said it reminded me of when we used to amuse ourselves by forming his Cabinet during his campaign for his first nomination. The President replied, "I think the only ones definitely decided upon were Bryan and Burleson". As a matter of fact, the President is wholly mistaken in this, for we never decided upon Burleson until long after he, the President, had been elected and was almost ready to be inaugurated, and Bryan was never more than a tentative choice until after the election.

We were having such an interesting discussion that I was loath to leave and the President continued to hold me. I had intended to go at ten o'clock but it was twenty minutes after before I left. The President has not been well and I did not like to keep him up since this is the first day he has been out of bed. It was agreed that we had had one of the pleasantest sessions for a long while.

January 28, 1918.

Among those I have seen today were Secretary Lansing, Admiral Benson, Secretaries Daniels, McAdoo and Lane, the Attorney General, Baruch of the War Industries Board, General Davis of the Red Cross, Richard Hooker, of the Springfield Republican, William R. Willcox, and the people around the State Department.

Lansing and I had an interesting talk about the peace conference. I did not tell him of of the President's decision to take him, although the fact that I was willing to talk about the details indicated that he was to be of the party.

In thinking of the person he suggested that three of the commissioners be made ambassadors and three ministers. I told him the President was certain to go barring accident. He thought the ambassadors and the President should control

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40
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teress and conditions in general. Gregory came to dinner and later he, Janet, Gordon, Dr. Grayson, and Bill Nye and I went to the theater to see "Lightnin". John Golden took us behind the scenes which those of the party who had not had such an experience enjoyed very much.

January 29, 1918.

I have William Bullitt of the State Department gathering expressions from German and Austrian papers concerning the President's speech, and the Chancelor's and Czernin's replies. I am intensely interested as to its reception in the Dual Empire and in Germany. It looks as if the chism which we tried to create by this speech is more successful than we dared to hope. And this reminds me to say that the President constantly uses the word "we" in reference to that speech.

I lunched with the President and Mrs. Wilson, Miss Bones and Eleanor McAdoo. After lunch the President and I went to his study and went over some data I had gathered since yesterday about the foreign situation. A little later he, Mrs. Wilson and I went motoring. It was the first time the President had been out for several days. He told Mrs. Wilson that "we have tentatively decided to answer the Hertling and Czernin speeches in this way: In reply to Hertling's assertion that differences between Russia and Germany must be settled between the two, and questions between France and Germany should be settled in like manner, we will call attention to the fact that this is the old diplomacy which has brought the world into such difficulties, and if carried to its logical conclusion, Germany and the rest of the world cannot object if England and the United States should conclude between themselves treaties by which the balance of the world would be excluded from their raw materials." We discussed the best method of making his views public.

This morning when I was with him Laning suggested that he give out an interview. In speaking of this to the President he disagreed with this conclusion. He said he wanted to make a habit of delivering through Con-

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gress what he had to say. I agreed with this procedure because I thought it was
in line with open diplomacy and would make a good impression.

He wondered what excuse he could make for going before Congress again. I
suggested that he get a member of the Foreign Relations Committee to write him a
letter which would call forth a promise to address Congress on the subject upon
which he desired information. He objected to this as he did not wish Congress
to think they could control him in any way or take part in handling foreign af-
fairs. I then suggested that he state that the questions now pending between
the nations were of such importance he felt that every move he made, or contem-
plated making, or whatever thought he had concerning the international situation,
should be communicated through Congress.

I had thought to take the night train home, but having finished every-
thing I concluded to go on the four o'clock. The President therefore drove me
directly to Janet's and bade me goodbye there, expressing a hope that I would soon
come back. He asked when I thought he should make the speech. My advice was
not to be in a hurry, but to prepare it next week, and about Monday or Tuesday of
the following week, deliver it. This seemed to meet his approval.

When he left he returned in about five minutes to say that he would send
his car back to take me to the train.

I had a hurried departure. McAdoo called just as I was leaving to ask advice
about the British loan which was maturing on February 1st. There is some dif-
ference as to collateral. I advised being generous and not allowing small matters
mar the big way in which we have heretofore dealt with them.

Hugh Wallace drove to the station with me. I was met there by Senator Owen
who rode with me to Baltimore in order to discuss some resolutions he is prepar-
ing to introduce in the Senate concerning foreign affairs. I suggested that
there might be some resentment in the Committee on Foreign Affairs Relations of

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which he is not a member. He expressed regret that he was not a member, but said
he chose in preference the Banking and Currency Committee in order to put through
the *Banking and Currency* Federal Reserve Act, which he modestly claimed as pretty
much his own.

So here is another with whom I have to divide the honors, ~~if~~ there is
one piece of legislation which I steered from its inception, even before the elec-
tion of Woodrow Wilson, until it was finally enacted into law, this is the one. I
do not and cannot claim credit for the actual text of the law, but I do claim to
have pushed it to the fore during the campaign for the nomination in 1912, and
the presidential campaign following, and for having *uniquely* steered its way after
election until it became a law.

When I was talking with McAdoo over the telephone he asked whether there
was anything he could do for me. I answered "nothing except to have the train
reach New York on time". He laughingly promised that it would be done, and so
it was.

One matter I discussed with the President was the appointment of Baruch as
Chairman of the War Industries Board. During our ride he told me that W. W.
Harris & Co. of Boston, with whom I had put him in touch regarding his investments,
wanted him to buy some British bonds which yield 6%. He refused to buy them and
for reasons which are apparent. He asked if I saw any objection to his buying
Liberty bonds. I told him none whatever. This was apropos of investments in
general and of how careful we both needs be.

New York.
January 30, 1918.

Among my callers today were P. W. Wilson of the London Daily News, and
Felix Frankfurter, who is sailing for Europe and wanted a last word with me as to
his activities over there. One of the things I advised was the trailing of Gen-
eral Wood so as to neutralize the unpatriotic expressions against the Government.

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Page cables the State Department that Wood had frightened the English by his talk of our complete unpreparedness, and the manner in which war preparations were being conducted. Men like Wood and Admiral Fiske are so anxious to get not into print that they are willing to try to remedy through the proper channels the things which they consider wrong. Admiral Fiske stated in a public address not long ago that the Navy should pursue a certain plan. In doing this he gave to the world a plan upon which the Navy has been working for months and which they hoped to make effective this spring. Admiral Benson was so angry when he read what Fiske had to say that if he had had the power, I believe he would have courtmarshalled him and had him shot. I am not sure that he does not deserve it.

General Wood has had every opportunity a man could have. I spoke to the President about him before he was inaugurated and asked him to retain Wood. He did so and, when his term of office as Chief of Staff, was out, he retained him for the full legal limit. Because the President did not take him into all his councils, and because the President chose to work through the Secretary of War rather than through him, Wood started a systematic criticism, not only of the War Department, but of the entire Administration.

I told Wood several times when he complained to me of the shortcomings of the War Department, to take such matters to the Secretary himself. He declined to do this. He has preferred to make himself a lion and martyr before the public. He is not generally liked in the Army, and General Pershing requested that he should not be sent to France if it were possible to avoid it.

I asked the President why he had been sent to France in this instance. His reply was that he did not know he had been sent, and that Baker's excuse was that he thought it better to let Wood go rather than permit him to make a martyr of himself. As soon as Wood reached England he used his official position to do all the harm he could to the Administration in general and the War

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Department in particular. I have always been a friend of General Wood and
have wanted to see him given an active part, but my patience is exhausted and I
hope he will receive the fate he merits.

January 31, 1918.

I have a cable from Mr. Balfour which is a part of the record. I
also have a letter from the President which is attached. The President always
addresses his envelopes to me himself, never using the typewriter. I have often
wondered why. I suppose it is because he uses larger envelopes than his little
Corona will take.

J. Willing Hare of Philadelphia, who is at the head of the organization
to visit cantonments and of generally looking into and criticizing the workings
of the War Department, called. There are some things he thought were going
wrong which he wished to bring through me to the attention of the President. He
has brought them to the attention of the Secretary of War, and while Baker admit-
ted they should be rectified, nothing has been done. I told Hare not to bother
the President or even the Secretary, but to step on the heels of the officers
having the task directly in charge. Most of his criticism was directed at the
work in the Quartermaster's Department. I told him Goethals was the man then
upon whose heels to tread, and that if Goethals said he was unable to act because
of lack of authority, or because the Secretary of War refused to permit him to do
so, then would be the time to go to the Secretary. Hare thanked me cordially
for this advice and said he would proceed in that way.

February 1, 1918.

I have a letter from the President today which is a part of the record as
well as my reply.

The State Department turns over to me practically every cable or report
that comes in concerning foreign affairs, and I am constantly steeped in this

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atmosphere. The President also sends me what he considers important cables
fearing lest I may not have them. He does not realize how closely I keep in
touch with the State Department. When cables of importance come to the Depart-
ment they are immediately telephoned me over the private wire. The matters
about which I write in the diary are therefore only a part of my activities, for
I am doing important things each day over the telephone of which I have no record.

David Lawrence of the Evening Post came to discuss an article he is writing
for today's issue concerning the Russian situation. I gave him the right steer
and he wrote the article as it appeared.

Henry Endicott came all the way from Boston to see me for five min-
utes. His trouble was the railroad situation. He has no railroad securities
but he was fraid the situation would become tangled and affect the next Liberty
Loan issue. I advised him to prepare a memorandum giving his views and those
of his associates, and I would then take it up with Washington.

Marcel Knecht is always an interesting visitor. There were several mat-
ters he had on his mind. One was the attitude the French should assume toward
the Hearst papers. The French desire to be friendly with them, but they cannot
bring themselves to be so because of Hearst's attitude toward Alsace and Lorraine.
He also suggested that he use Frank Munsey and ex-Governor Herrick in some way.
He said they were very critical of the Administration and he thought by a little
flattery, they might be brought into line.

I have cables and reports from Carl Ackerman and from Ambassador Sharp,
sent through the State Department, which are attached.

Last night we entertained Judge and Mrs. Pendleton, Mr. and Mrs. Frank
and
Gray Griswold, Mr. and Mrs. Frederic Coudert, Mr. Julliard having sent us his
box at the Metropolitan Opera House. They all went excepting myself. I re-
mained at home to work.

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February 2, 1918.

Ambassador Fletcher came from Washington this morning with some cables
from the State Department for me.

I went to a matinee this afternoon for the first time in so long a time
that I cannot recall. I went with my old schoolmate, Alfred Millard of Omaha.

When I returned Frank Polk and I had an hour or more together. We decided upon many pending matters. One was to send a man to England to pick up all the information he could in liberal and labor circles. We also concluded to have Felix Frankfurter do the same in Paris. We did this at Gordon's suggestion. now
And this reminds me that Gordon seems to be next to Lansing and Polk in importance
in the State Department.

Gordon telephoned that the President had called him over the telephone
and asked the whereabouts of Sir William Wiseman. I advised writing the Presi-
dent a note stating that Sir William would come to Washington at once to be there
over Saturday and Sunday. Upon receipt of the note the President
telephoned to Gordon asking Sir William to lunch with him tomorrow. Sir William
has an apartment just under ours so the whole matter was arranged in short order.

My letter to the President, carried by Wiseman, is a part of the record. Before leaving Sir William and I had an conference of an hour or more. We discussed something of his future. I thought when Reading had finished, that he might succeed him as British Ambassador. It pleased me to have him say that he would rather follow my method and career and work for his country as I have worked for mine. I told him of the difficulties involved in a successful career without the power of either office, wealth or influence. He understands, but is willing to go as far as he can lacking these essentials.

I have given Wiseman an immense leverage by putting him in touch with the
President and with the leaders of his own country. They do not quite understand

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why I have done this, but it is because of his ability, loyalty and trustworthiness. He has qualities which are rarely met with in one man.

February 3, 1918.

This Sunday has been one of the busiest days I have had for a long while. We had the Bollings and Mezes for lunch. Cleveland Dodge followed at 2.30. Major General Barry was with me in the morning, Bertron and Fletcher came in the afternoon. There was a long cable from Frazier which came through the French Consul General's office, just why I do not know. I was on the private wire for more than an hour talking mostly to Gordon and Sir William Wiseman. Gordon was reading cables that had come in during the day, some of them for me and some to the Department. Sir William was telling of his luncheon with the President and Secretary Baker. We also discussed a cable which the President asked him to send Mr. Balfour which he read to me for my approval and correction, and which Miss Denton took down and gave to Sir William's secretary to be coded and sent to London.

General Barry, who has just landed from France, told of General Wood. Barry claims to have given Wood his first start in the Army and to have stood sponsor for him. He said Wood was a good physician, be he had done nothing to prove he was a good soldier. Barry wondered why the Administration permitted him to be so insubordinate. He, too, had heard of the things Wood had said in London where he arrived just after Wood had left.

Bertron's trouble was the wounded sensibilities of young McLean, owner of the Washington Post. He thought something should be done by the Administration to assuage them. I promised to help in this direction.

Ambassador Fletcher came for advice about getting John Rathom of the Providence Journal to help offset Goffman propaganda in the City of Mexico and to expose it. I advised caution because Rathom is in "hot water" with the De-

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Department of Justice over some articles he has been writing for World's Work.
Strangely enough, Rathom telephoned me today about this matter.

Cleveland Dodge was wondering if I could not influence the President to
build permanent housing quarters for shipyard builders rather than the temporary
structures they have in mind. The permanent would cost twice as much but would
last forever, while the temporary would eventually be a sheer waste of money.

The President desired to see Wiseman in order to take up the question of
using our troops in the French and British Armies. Balfour has been sending
cables freely about this matter and so has Pershing. Sir William's cable to Mr.
Balfour, a copy of which is attached, will explain the President's position.

We went to the Mezes for dinner but I had to return early in order to rid
my desk of work upon it.

February 4, 1918.

Herbert Bayard Swope took lunch with me. We had an interesting talk concerning his work in Washington where he went to investigate for the World the conditions regarding our war preparations. After seeing many people on both sides of the question, he has come to the conclusion that most things had been well done.

Doctor Moton of Tuskegee was an afternoon caller. We agreed that the President was a good friend of the Negro for the reason that his general policy of protecting the "under dog" would eventually encourage and benefit his race. He wanted advice as to whether to press for the appointment of a negro on the Labor Commission. He asked if I saw any objection to such an appointment. I did not, but told him I was not familiar enough with the situation to make my advice of much value. I suggested that he see Secretary Wilson and tell him that I had sent him and get a candidate statement from him.

R. H. Dana, Charles Burlingham and Secretary Keyes of the National Civil
Service Reform League, came to talk over matters relating to their organization

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and to receive advice.

We dined with Mr. and Mrs. Henry Clews. The only other guests were Mr. and Mrs. Stephen H. Olin. All of the party went to the opera excepting myself. I had to return to my work. My letter to the President is a part of the record.

February 5, 1918.

The intensely cold weather has made this an easy day. Wiseman is back from Washington and gives me a fuller report of what the President, Baker and he discussed.

I had Howden Smith, of the Evening Post, to lunch. This is his last visit before writing the articles about me which he contemplates and which I had hoped to dissuade him from doing at present.

P. W. Wilson, of the Daily News, came to discuss the Supreme War Council's statement. The Liberals in England are up in arms as I expected and expressed in my letter to the President of Sunday.

Among the cables which Gordon sent me to read on Sunday was one from Paris, giving the statement of the Supreme War Council, which was issued yesterday. I at once wrote the President my opinion of it and sent the letter by Ambassador Fletcher.

Gordon has just read me another cable from Frazier telling what happened in the War Council, and the discussion which followed the adoption of this statement. Lloyd George, it seems, did not approve, saying that he did not believe that President Wilson or Colonel House would approve. I shall ask Gordon to send me this cable in full and will attach it hereto.

Gordon tells me the President has written a few indignant lines on the cable and returned it to the State Department. What he wrote was very much in line with my letter to him which he must have received on Monday morning.

February 6, 1918.

Sam Blythe and Sidney lunched with me. We have arranged to have Blythe

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write a memorandum on the Far Eastern question for the information of our Peace In-
quiry.

Mrs. Carrie Chapman Catt came for advice concerning the cause of the Suffra-
gists. Mr. and Mrs. Richard Washburn Child followed. I am looking around for
someone to be liaison officer between the Polish National Council in Paris and
our Government, and I had thought of Child as a possibility. Mrs. Child, however,
is in delicate health and I doubt whether it would be wise for them to go.

February 7, 1918.

Karl von Weigand was one of my callers. I get information from him concerning the German frame of mind and how best to foment trouble between the Liberals and Imperialists in Germany. I am particularly anxious for such information now because of the President's forthcoming address. I am looking each day for the President to summons me to Washington for we agreed that he should write the address this week along the lines we discussed, and that he should deliver it on Monday or Tuesday of next week.

Milenko Vesnitch, head of the Serbian Mission, was one of my callers. The President had asked him to see me and confer about writing a memorandum on the Serbian and Balkan question for our Peace Inquiry. I was glad to give him the opportunity. I put him in touch with Meze and asked him to give Vesnitch every facility.

One of the most interesting men I have had call recently and one whom I
had never met before was, George E. Vincent, of the Rockefeller Foundation. I
liked his manner, I liked his mind and I liked his direct way of talking and
leaving promptly when he had finished. The numerous societies and individuals
undertaking to formulate plans and means to rehabilitate devastated European cities
want the President to appoint a committee to look into the matter and to ascertain
the cost and feasibility of doing such work.

I convinced Vincent in a few words that if the President should do this it

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would tentatively commit this Government or would at least be a suggestion that the Government had such an undertaking in mind. There is no chance of the Government doing such a thing and it would be folly to raise false hopes. He saw the point at once, and we agreed upon another way by which the matter might be reached. We were of one mind as to the impracticability of the plan, and what is needed now is to show this to the enthusiasts having who are pushing the project.

George A. Carden, once Chairman of the Texas Democratic State Executive Committee, followed Vincent. He wished advice about the purchase of some ships in South America which I declined to give. I advised him to go to the proper authorities in Washington.

We dined with Albert and Mrs. Roberts. Mr. and Mrs. William A. Hazard were there. Mrs. Hazard is a niece of Samuel J. Tilden and we had some pleasant conversation about the 1876 campaign and its historic aftermath.

The White House,
Washington, D. C.
February 8, 1918.

Gordon called me over the telephone this morning at ten o'clock to say that the President was eager for me to come down as soon as possible. Through the assistance of Joseph Nye of the Secret Service I succeeded in getting off comfortably on the 11.08 train.

I reached Washington practically on time and drove first to 1827 Nineteenth Street to see Janet and Louise. I then came to the White House where the President was awaiting me. We immediately went into conference.

We first cleared the decks by reading all the despatches bearing on foreign affairs that had come during the day, and by reading the address to Congress which he had prepared and was holding for my criticism.

We did not finish and start to dress until seven minutes of seven. I walked out of my room at seven o'clock to find that the President had beaten me by a half minute. Both he and Mrs. Wilson are rapid dressers.

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After dinner we went into executive session and continued until bedtime. I did not interrupt while he read the draft of the message, but I made mental notes of changes I thought necessary. When he had finished I praised it most cordially. I felt that it was a remarkable document, but I knew that much of it would have to be eliminated. I nearly always praise at first in order to strengthen the President's confidence in himself which, strangely enough, is often lacking, and it was particularly so of this address.

After I had praised it as a whole, we agreed to go over it in detail and criticise. Mrs. Wilson keeps the original manuscripts of these speeches. The President said he had departed from his usual custom and did not first write the address out in shorthand but had typed it from the beginning, and had written it disjointedly and in sections. He usually devotes hours at a time to these messages, but in this instance, on account of the pressure of affairs, he did not do so. The original typewritten manuscript will doubtless some day be published, and when published, the eliminations made will be seen. I have never advised a quarter as many eliminations in any previous address as in this one. He had something about Alsace and Lorraine which I asked him to cut out and explained why. He did so without comment. He did not argue with me at all when I pointed out changes. This in itself, showed that he was not confident.

The main eliminations were toward the end of the message. I objected to his stating that we had 1,500,000 men ready to go to Europe and that we had 10,000,000 men that would go if necessary. I asked him to eliminate such statements because it seemed like boasting, and I thought the whole world knew, as well as he or I, of the resources of the United States, both in men and wealth. He accepted this quite cheerfully.

I objected to his making such positive statements as to Czernin's opinions. In one instance I asked him to use the expression "it seems" rather than the more positive one which he used concerning Czernin. When we had finished polishing it off we went to bed with no conversation upon other subjects.

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February 9, 1918.

The President and I went over the message again today and made some minor changes. Contrary to his usual custom, he had Schwem write the address in its entirety after we finished the corrections.

He called in Lansing today around twelve o'clock and read it to him. Lansing made two or three suggestions as to changes of words which the President adopted and which I think added to its strength. I saw Lansing before he went over and told him about what was in the message. I also had a general talk of a very satisfactory nature with him. The President, I told him, was exceedingly pleased at the cordial way he, Lansing, worked with me, and he expressed admiration at the big manner in which he acted. Lansing assured me that what he desired was accomplishment and it did not matter to him how it was done, through me or through himself.

In talking to the President of this I told him that Lansing was constantly urging me to come to Washington and that if I came as often as he wishes, I would be there all the time. The President smiled and replied "I suppose he has found out that the only time he knows anything of what is going on is when you are here". I am much more frank with Lansing than the President is, and I have such confidence in his discretion that I do not hesitate to tell him anything.

In talking to the President today about matters in general, I told of my sense of humiliation as a member of the human family that there was so much malicious scandal and gossip going about, and that people of refinement, of education and of standing were willing to repeat obvious lies against public men and against one another. I wondered if it was peculiar to the upper stratum of society. If it was, I wondered whether it was a good thing to try to lift people in general up to the so-called top. The President thought it was largely a question of having leisure time. Busy people and the people who were

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doing things worth while have neither the time nor the inclination to go to the sewers for topics of conversation. He cited stories he had heard of Garfield. One was if Garfield had not been assassinated when he was a scandal of a grievous nature would have been brought out. He also told one of Washington. There was a story current that Washington caught his death by crossing the Potomac in an open boat on a winter's night in order to go to the house of his mistress, a colored woman who lived on the other side of the river. The absurdity of such stories is apparent, but doubtless many evil minded people believe them. The President thought stories of this nature about public men, and he included himself, rose and fell with their popularity. He noticed that scurrilous letters and criticisms came in when he was attacked most vigorously by Congress. When he was on the crest of the wave, they almost or entirely ceased. I can confirm this because I get the reflex action in the same ratio as the President's popularity is strong or weak.

The President, Mrs. Wilson, Eleanor McAdoo and I went to the National Theater to see "Pollyanna". The President and Mrs. Wilson went to a charity ball afterward and wished me to join them, but I preferred to return to the White House after taking Eleanor home.

February 10, 1918.

I did not arise until late and then motored to Godron's and with him, Janet and Louise, rode for an hour an a half in the country. I stopped on the way back at Gregory's whose mother died yesterday. I walked from there to Gordon's to meet Richard Washburn Child. I was interested to hear Child say that he found the Washington atmosphere intolerable and intended leaving to take an apartment in New York.

Senator Hiram Johnson, of California, lunched with us. I found him almost everything I expected not to find. He seemed to put himself out to be pleasant, and naturally I received a favorable impression. I am looking him

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over for the purpose of suggesting his name to the President as a possible com-
missioner to the peace conference. After lunch I drew him out on the European
situation to find how his mind functioned there. I explained a great many
things about our foreign relations of which he was ignorant.

I explained the President's January 8th speech, to some parts of which
he took exception. He thought the speech committed us to a policy of helping
European countries to territorial acquisition. He was gratified to hear the
President's real views upon this subject. He declared the President would find
him supporting him in his peace program when that came about. Much to my
surprise, he appeared modest and not self-assertive. Whether this was his
natural manner or an excessive desire to please, I cannot determine by this one
interview.

I told the President of my interview with Johnson and of my intention
to see Senators and Representatives from time to time and try and get them in a
happier frame of mind toward the administration. He approved, but does not
realize that no one but himself can do this effectively.

Herbert Hoover followed Johnson. As usual he was full of pessimism. He
spoke well of McAdoo, but thought he should resign from the Treasury and give
his entire attention to the railroads. He complained that as it was, McAdoo
"was merely a megaphone" expressing the opinions which the railroad experts un-
loaded on him. He went into the food situation at considerable length and also
the question of the distribution of coal. He had a plan which he wanted Gar-
field to adopt and which he wanted me to approve and take to the President to
force on Garfield.

In talking to the President later he said it was disagreeable to have
interviews with Hoover because of his excessive pessimism. Nothing was ever
being done right. I expressed the thought that Hoover and McAdoo were much
alike in desiring all the power in sight in their own hands, but the difference

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between them was that McAdoo had much charm and magnetism, while Hoover had none.

Louise and I walked to Gregory's again after Hoover left. While I was ed there the President came in and I took his hand and said, "I will return with him to the White House. I was glad I did so because it gave me the opportunity to express my feeling that his address to Congress still lacked something, and the something I thought it lacked was the focusing of the world's attention on the military party in Germany. I thought he should say that the entire world was now in substantial agreement as to a just peace with the exception of this small group who seemed determined to drive millions of men to their death in order to have their will."

The President caught at my suggestion and took a pad and pencil and began to frame a new paragraph. This paragraph begins: "a general peace erected upon such foundations can be discussed," and ends with the sentence, "the tragic circumstance is that this one party in Germany is apparently willing and able to send millions of men to their deaths to prevent what all the world sees to be just."

He had the word "thousand" to which I objected and suggested "millions" to which he readily assented.

I thoroughly approve the message as it now stands. The President is not enthusiastic about it, but I have told him time and again that he need not worry for I was certain it would meet with almost universal approval.

I had expected to meet Lord Reading at the station when he arrived at six o'clock but I was unable to do so because of this change in the address which we had under discussion.

Margaret had Mr. and Mrs. Crampton of New York for the week end. I was struck with the extreme courtesy of the President toward them. He took as much trouble to entertain them, and was as deferential as I am sure he was to the Duke and Duchess of Devonshire who were recently his luncheon guests.

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The President's inate refinement is always striking.

After dinner I went to see McAdoo. He usually goes to bed at eight o'clock, has his dinner in bed, and does what work there is to be done there. He came down in his pajamas to <u>Swemm</u> the drawing room to see me. I tried to leave in a half hour, but it was almost an hour before he finished with his budget. He insisted again that he was not a candidate for the Presidency, and I almost think he believes it. His reason is that he has no money which, of course, is no reason at all, for if he remains in the Cabinet, the drain will be from that position, not as a candidate and not as President should he be successful.

I returned to the White House at half past nine o'clock and the President and I had a short conference until ten. The President desired his speech re-written by <u>Swemm</u>, and the question was how it could be done without giving any intimation to the Executive Office. He had the White House usher, Hoover's understudy, take a message to Swemm cautioning him not to mention to anyone in the Offices anything concerning the address. I cannot understand why the President will continue such an intolerable state of affairs. It hampers him in every direction. It has come to the point where he will trust the flunkies around the White House rather than his own Secretary.

We went to bed early because of the day the President has before him tomorrow.

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February 11, 1918.

The Postmaster General was my first caller at the White House. He arrived at nine o'clock. He is in a belligerent mood against the Germans, against labor, against pacifists etc. He is the most belligerent of the Cabinet.

After he left I started to the State Department but received word that the President would like to see me in his study. He had a letter from McAdoo enclosing a cabbe from Oscar Crosby. Crosby suggested that it would be a good idea for him to sit in the Supreme War Council, and McAdoo in his letter approved. He also wished Crosby made High Commissioner. The President handed me the letter without comment, asking my opinion as to how he should answer it. I advised making Crosby a high commissioner if he, Crosby, desired it, but I would not allow him to sit in the Supreme War Council. I thought it would be a dangerous experiment. The President said he not only would not have him sit in the Supreme War Council, but he would not make him a high commissioner. He did not believe in these high sounding titles, besides he was not doing more important work than Stevens, and it would cause trouble to have one a high commissioner and the other not. As for the Supreme War Council, he would not allow anyone to sit in it other than myself.

I asked him what was in his mind regarding my going over and sitting in it. Personally, I was opposed to any civilian sitting in that Council, and believed it should be made up of purely military members. He disagreed with this and thought the civil representatives should sit in with the military as we could not secure close cooperation otherwise. As to my going over, he thought we had better wait and see what his message to Congressaccomplished. If things settled down again, and the war was likely to go on through the summer, then he thought I should go over again. This followed out my original suggestion that I should go around the first of April.

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After leaving the President I went to the State Department and saw Polk, Fletcher, Baruch and several others. When I returned, Mrs. Wilson, Mrs. Bolling, Margaret and Janet, whom Mrs. Wilson had invited to go with us, went to the Capitol to hear the President's address; delivered at half past twelve o'clock.

The President was in fairly good form and seemed anxious to impress Congress with the importance of his speech. They applauded some of the points, but they were not enthusiastic. He was talking over their heads and but few of them knew what it was all about or what his purpose was in addressing them again at this time.

On the return from the Capitol I drove with the President. He was only half pleased with his reception and only scantily hopeful of the success of his speech. I differed with him and was enthusiastic, which seemed to hearten him.

After lunch I drove to Lord Reading's. He has re-taken his old quarters at No. 2315 Massachusetts Avenue. I was delighted to hear him say, "I would have given a year of my life to have made the last of the President's speech". I said I was sure he would want to know why the last half of the reply was that the first half was merely a reiteration of Czernin's and Hertling's positions, but the last half was a noble utterance, both from an oratorical viewpoint and from that of a statesman.

who

Sir William Wiseman was with Lord Reading and Gordon, who took lunch there, pronounced it the best address the President has yet delivered.

I drove from Reading's to see Janet and Louise, and then returned to the White House where the President was waiting to hear if I had any news from Reading. He was delighted when I told him what Reading, Wiseman and Gordon had to say. He was more cheerful and more hopeful about the result of the speech. Neither he nor I consider it as highly as they do. I regard the President's January 22nd speech of 1917, and his January 8th speech of this year the greatest he has made. In speaking of the January 8th speech I told the President that it

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that was a great adventure. He stood to win or lose by it, while this speech
was a perfectly safe proposition.

Both the President and Mrs. Wilson urged me to remain over until tomorrow.
There is to be an exhibition of Navy pictures this evening at the White House and
they thought I would enjoy them. I had made my arrangements, however, to take
the four o'clock and did so. Mr. and Mrs. Edward S. Martin, Margaret Wilson and
her friends, the Cramptons, and Sir William Wiseman came over with me. Someone
called my attention to the fact that there were two large engines attached to the
train. This recalled McAdoo's promise last night that I should get to New York
the
on time. At any rate we ran in some places, I felt that he should have added,
If you get there at all."

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February 12, 1918.

Today has been busy as usual. In addition to the correspondence and many telephone calls both from Washington and elsewhere, I saw Paderewski, Ralph Easley, Walling and Pleasant A. Stovall. Paderewski, as usual, was full of protestations of gratitude and asked permission to tell the Poles of America what a friend I had been to them. He believed I would have their prayers every day if they but realized what I had done and was trying to do for them. He spoke kindly too of Gordon, who now has charge of the Polish Section in the Department of State. There were many details about which he wished advice and there were many facts of which he thought I should have information.

I sent for Minister Stovall to straighten him out in regard to Judge Elkus who will be sent to Switzerland in a few days. In talking to the President, he promised to see Elkus immediately, and I have advised Elkus to go to Washington tomorrow. I advised Stovall to attend strictly to his Legation work and not to try to meddle in any way with what Elkus was doing since he had an exceedingly dangerous undertaking and would likely burn his fingers before he was through.

February 13, 1918.

Edward Bok, of the Ladies Home Journal, called for advice as to whether he should "soft pedal" on war news in his May number which goes to press almost at once. If there was any chance of peace, he did not wish to bring out an edition full of war stuff. I advised him to soft pedal until the President and the Central Powers got through passing notes, and until the expected offensive on the Western Front actually began.

Ripley Hitchcock, of Harper Brothers, was a delightful caller. He came to ask whether I thought the President, when he retired, would accept "The Easy Chair" now occupied by William Dean Howells, at a salary of $20,000. I hoped the President would either do nothing or would take some such quiet place of dig-

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nity. I would not like to see him become a reporter like Roosevelt or a chau-
tauqua lecturer like Taft. Hitchcock is to lunch with me Tuesday and is to bring
a letter asking me certain questions which I, in turn, will submit to the President
for decision.

Charles R. Crane and David Miller followed in succession. A cable to
Lord Robert Cecil is a part of the record.

February 14, 1918.

S. K. Ratcliffe, of the Manchester Guardian, P. W. Wilson, of the London
Daily News, Herbert Croly of the New Republic, Major Frederick Palmer, Abram Elkus
and Arthur Howden Smith called in the afternoon.

Ratcliffe discussed the differences between the Lloyd George and the Presi-
dent's speeches. Frederick Palmer came to bid me goodbye. I sent messages by
him to General Pershing and other friends in France.

Elkus reported on his visit to Washington. He saw the President yesterday
He wished to know what further information he should gather before leaving for
Switzerland.

Croly came to discuss the President's foreign policy so as to be certain
the New Republic properly understood it.

Arthur Howden Smith came for some further data for the biography he is writ-
ing of me. It now turns out that he wants to make a book instead of a series of
articles. He writes in the most complimentary way-- too complimentary for my
safety. He speaks of me as "one of the two or three greatest Americans of this
generation, perhaps of any generation". I shall endeavor to have him tone down
his praise for I am fearful lest it will lead to trouble.

February 15, 1918.

My first caller was Gordon Abbott of Boston. He had some suggestions
to make on the New England Railroad situation.

I had Captain Gherardi and Richard Washburn Child to lunch. Gherardi is

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in command of the U. S. Cruiser de Kalb. We discussed the submarine situation and other matters of naval interest.

Child wanted to write some articles for Collier's clarifying the Administration's position on some phases of foreign affairs. My other visitors were unimportant and uninteresting.

Sir William Wiseman comes every morning to confer as to the days work. He is to arrange for a private telephone line between his office and the British Embassy in Washington so he can keep in closer touch with affairs. Reading seems inclined to work in harmony with us.

I was deeply shocked yesterday to have word of the sudden death of poor Sir Cecil Spring-Rice.

February 16, 1918.

President Woodward, of the Hanover National Bank, was an early morning caller. He is on the Executive Committee of the International Corporation which has a contract with the Government to deliver ships from the Hog Island Shipyards. I like Woodward and I believe him to be a man of integrity, but I do not like the look of that contract and my letter to the President today will indicate my advice to him in the premises.

Edward R. Stettinius was an interesting caller who came to discuss reorganization plans. He showed me a letter written by Mr. Morgan which gave me detail every corporation in which the firm of Morgan & Company was interested and the amount of their holdings. He also gave a list of the corporations in which the firm was represented on the board of directors, giving the name and the number in each case. This will go to the Secretary of War for his information in order that there may be no complication as far as Stettinius is concerned. I was glad to see them place their cards on the table.

However, people in big business, or business of any sort I suppose, do not have a proper viewpoint, unless I have the wrong one myself. Stettinius

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spoke of a man wanting to float a sulphur company and selling the sulphur to the Government. He called the man's attention to the fact that the land was owned by Morgan & Company, B. M. Baruch, Eugene Meyer and several others who are working for the Government, and largely on the War Purchasing Board. The man saw no impropriety, and, strangely enough, the only impropriety Stittenius saw, was the excessive profits which the man had in mind to make. Stettinius thought that, in the circumstances, if the sulphur could be produced at five dollars, it should be sold to the Government around seven dollars, while his friend had in mind a profit somewhere around thirty per ton.

Peter Brady, my labor friend, came to talk about governmental difficulties at Hog Island and elsewhere with organized labor.

February 17, 1918.

Eduard de Billy, of the French High Commission, came to bid me goodbye.
I sent messages by him to Clemenceau, Pichon and other friends in France,
for
We had lunch with Ambassador and Mrs. Fletcher, Mrs. E. H. Harriman and Mrs.

Willard Straight. After lunch, Fletcher and I talked over Mexican affairs. He
is leaving this afternoon for his post. He believes if Carranza could eliminated,
our difficulties with Mexico would disappear.

February 18, 1918.

Mrs. Philip Lydig, Judge William McAdoo and Mr. Hawkins of the United Press called among others. Mrs. Lydig is interested in the social work of Dr. Percy Grant and asked to make an appointment for him. Judge McAdoo came to give me all the genial gossip going around in the City political circles. He and his family seem to have made friends with Secretary McAdoo.

Hawkins came to discuss the reinstatement in England and France of the
International News Service. I explained my connection with it. He said he
understood that McAdoo and Tumulty were the ones who were urging it and that they

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were claiming they were responsible for it. I did not controvert either claim
for, as a matter of fact, it was McAdoo who brought the matter to my attention. I
tried to make Hawkins see that it was not Hearst alone that was involved, but it
was some four or five hundred papers in the West that had been entirely loyal both
to this country and to the Allies.

I have had innumerable cables through Sir William and the State Department,
from London, Paris and Berne.

February 19, 1918.

Frank Harris, of Pearson's Magazine, came to me in much distress over a
summons he has had from the Postmaster General. My letter to the Postmaster
General of today will explain.

Ripley Hitchcock lunched with me in order to confer more fully about the
offer Harper & Brothers have made the President of the "Easy Chair" after he
leaves the Presidency. We discussed the best way by which Harper Brothers could
become sole publishers of the President's works, both past and in the future. The
letter of Harper Brothers to me in which they offer the President $20,000, a year
is a part of the record.

Dr. Percy Grant came by appointment to tell of his plan to inaugurate
an international forum by which he hopes to bring about better relations between
capital and labor. I asked him to condense his verbal statements in a letter
and I shall take it to Washington if I think it advisable.

The last half of the afternoon was full of excitement. Lord Reading put
in a S.O.S. call for Sir William. The President wrote a letter to Lansing, in
reply to one Lansing had written, complaining that Oscar Crosby, sitting on the
Interallied Council, had committed this Government, as far as such a Board could
do so, to a policy in regard to the Bolshevik Government and its relations to
the Russian National debt. The President took this occasion to ask Lansing to

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protest to the Allied Governments against using the Supreme War Council and other boards upon which the United States has no representation for the purpose of issuing war aims and other political statements.

He makes it clear that one of his objections to having this country represented on these boards is that the things that are now happening might come about. Lansing was indiscreet enough to write a letter to the British, French and Italian Ambassadors quoting the President verbatim. It fell upon them like a bomb, and the S.O.S. call came in at once for Wiseman. Note.

Lansing should have called the Ambassadors to the State Department and informed them diplomatically and verbally what was in the President's mind and asked them to convey it to their governments. It was very badly done and if made public would perhaps overthrow the Lloyd George Government, and would have had a tendency to create bad feeling in both Italy and France. It is one of those stupid things which governments, every now and then, do and which creates much ill feeling.

We went to dinner with George Moore. The other guests were Mr. and Mrs. James A. Burden. He took us to see "Why Marry" almost inane play badly acted. It was so bad that it became amusing.

February 20, 1918.

Dodge & Company, Publishers, have commissioned Harry W. Walker to write a biography of me. The only consolation I have in this is that if Doran & Co. publish Howden Smith's book and Dodge and Co. publish Harry Walker's it will deter anyone else from attempting to put out another, for, I take it, that neither will be successful financially. No life of me that would be worth while can be written until some of my important papers can be divulged.

Commodore Gaunt has just returned from Ottawa where he attended the funeral of Sir Cecil Spring-Rice. He had some messages from Lady Spring-Rice that he wanted to give me. I take it that his real object in calling was to hear some-

If the President knew just how badly Lansing did this and what a row it has raised, I am afraid he would again agitate Lansing's resignation.

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thing more about the K.C.B. which we are trying to get for him.

Dr. J. C. Reuter, from Helsingford, Finland, called to pay his respects and to place before me his plan to obtain recognition for the Finnish Republic. He speaks English well and is an intelligent man. I gave him some advice as to procedure and expressed warm sympathy for the object of his visit.

My other callers were unimportant. I have been busy with the State Department over the direct line telephone line most of the day trying to help straighten out some of the tangles between this Government and the British.

We dined with Frank Trumbull. The other guests were Mrs. Henry Redmond, Miss Scott and Stuyvesant Fish. We went to see Margaret Anglin in "Billetted".

In discussing books, Mrs. Redmond startled me by asking "I have recently read an interesting book called Philip Dru, Administrator, I wonder whether you have read it?" I quickly changed the subject. I am not certain whether it was an innocent remark or whether she knows that I wrote it and was trying to draw me out.

February 21, 1918.

Perhaps my most interesting caller today was a Doctor Davis from Berlin. He has been the Kaiser's dentist for some fifteen years; knows him well; has recently seen him and under circumstances which gave the Kaiser an opportunity to talk with his usual indiscretion. Davis says the Kaiser hates the President until it is an obsession. He believes the President has tried to get the German people to overthrow him and do away with the Hohenzollern Dynasty. The Kaiser said that when it came to a "skow down"; President Wilson would be the first throat cut. He does not believe we have many troops in Europe or that the Americans will fight earnestly.

I have a feeling that men like Davis are being let out of Germany in order to tell us some things the Germans wish us to know. I obtained but little of

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real value from him. He claims that the food situation is not bad in Germany except in Berlin and Hamburg. We happen to know better. He admitted the railroad service was bad and growing worse. He denied, however, that there was a lack of fats was a serious menace. This, again, we know to be untrue. He says the average German would not consider making peace on a basis of the status quo ante; that they desire both indemnities and territory.

The Kaiser told Davis that he did not intend to demobilize his army and do away with militarism. He said that Wilson brought the United States into the war in order to be able to sit around the peace table. He, the Kaiser, would see that the President never sat at the peace table because he was going to dictate peace terms himself after he had broken through the western front. There was much more of this childish prattle scarcely worth repeating.

Rabbi Wise followed to discuss the Zionist movement and to ask advice as to sending representatives abroad and a number of other questions.

The most interesting thing that came over the private telephone from Washington today was the news that the British had intercepted a despatch from the Austrian Emperor Karl to the Spanish King asking him to convey a message to the President. The substance of the message is that the United States and Austria should commence peace parleys without the knowledge of London, where they think it would be unsympathetic. The English picked this message up by wireless and decoded it. The President telephoned Gordon upon receipt of it and asked him to convey it to me. Gordon replied that he was afraid to take it up over the telephone or even to send it through the mail, but he gave me the substance quardedly over the private wire. The President asked when I would be down.

February 22, 1918.

Ray Stannard Baker and Mark Sullivan took lunch with me today. Also Major L. S. Morey. I asked Baker in order to discuss with him his forthcoming trip to England where he is being sent to gather information regarding the

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liberal thought there. We find it impossible to get this from Page.

Washington, D. C.
February 23, 1918.

Frank Andrews, of Texas, took breakfast with us this morning. I left on the 11.08 train for Washington. The train arrived on time and I went immediately to Gordon's where I am to stop this time. Their dinner guests were Secretary and Mrs. Lane, the Swiss Minister and his wife, Henry White, Sir William Wiseman, a John Saltonstall and Mrs. Ames.

Justice Brandeis had been telephoning Gordon that it was important for him to see me at once upon my arrival so I gave him a half hour before dinner. He is disturbed over the conduct of the War Department and Secretary Baker's trip to Europe. He wants Baker or the President to make General Crowder acting Secretary of War while Baker is away instead of Assistant Secretary Crowell. He does not believe Crowell can do the work efficiently. He also believes that Baker is exhausted physically and that "his mind does not function properly". I promised to see Crowder in the morning and to take the matter up with the President later if I thought it advisable. I cannot quite understand why a Justice of the Supreme Court should bother about other people's business as Brandeis does.

February 24, 1918.

General Crowder was my first caller. However, Secretary Baker made an announcement in this morning's paper that General Crowell would act in his absence, therefore there was nothing to do but accept it. As a matter of fact, I am not certain that Baker is not right. Crowder is an able fellow but has the usual keen desire of strong men to control and run everything according to his own ideas. He is not content with efficiently performing the duties of Adjutant General.

The President telephoned at ten o'clock asking me to go to church with him and to lunch afterward. I tried to evade the church part of it but he seemed

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ed so disappointed that I gave way. He and Mrs. Wilson called at ten minutes before eleven and we motored to the unfinished Episcopal Cathedral where they are holding services in a chapel. We had seats directly under the pulpit and it looked as if the rector was about to preach a sermon showing up the deficiencies of the War Department. I was relieved when he switched off into a different direction. Both the President and I thought he might have preached a different sermon had the President not been there. The vicar's prayer was for "the President of the United States and his counsellor".

In dictating this my secretary wonders how long such things can continue without causing trouble. I wonder too.

When we returned to the White House we had time before lunch to discuss the Austrian Emperor's note to the President sent through the King of Spain, which the British have intercepted and already given us. We agreed that it would be well to ask Balfour's opinion of it and we outlined the following cable. The President wrote it on his typewriter and it is attached.

"To, A. J. Balfour:

In view of the intercepted message from the Emperor of Austria to the King of Spain and your recent message to the President through me which I received on the 8th, the President would very much appreciate any comments or suggestions you may be kind enough to make. The actual message has not yet been received from Spain. How far would you think it necessary to go in apprising the Entente Governments of the character of the message from Austria?"

(Signed) Edward House

When we had finished this we discussed the English Labor program recently announced at Nottingham. Much to my surprise, he said he did not disagree with it further than the minimum wage which he confessed to know little about, and he had not thought of any visible way by which it could be maintained.

We discussed the trend of liberal opinion in the world and came to

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the conclusion that the wise thing to do was to lead the movement intelligently and sympathetically and not allow the ignoble element to run away with the situation as they had in Russia. He spoke of the necessity of forming a new political party in order to achieve these ends. He did not believe the Democratic Party could be used as an instrument to go as far as it would be needful to go and largely because of the reactionary element in the South. I disagreed with him. I thought it would be unwise to attempt the building of a new party without first seeing whether the Democratic Party could be forced into the direction we thought advisable. I did not believe the people of the South would sustain the reactionary element provided the President came out strongly enough against them. I do not know whether I convinced him but at least he stopped arguing against my opinion.

Again let me say that the President has started so actively on the liberal road that I find myself, instead of leading as I always did at first, rather in the rear and holding him back. He turned to me and said almost pathetically, "that is a big program for a tired man to think of undertaking".

I asked if he remembered how we used to say that we would put through everything during the first term, as rapidly as it was possible to do, so that if a second term was not to be had, we would have at least made a shining mark. The pathos of it is that I used to spur him on to get through in the early part of his administration in order that he might rest during the latter part, but the farther we go the less rest there is in sight.

He said he remembered quite well this attitude and that it reminded him of a farmer who had a sick bullock and concluded to yoke himself up with the remaining one. The bullock ran awat at a terrible pace down the road the farmer yelling "for God's sake why does'nt some damn fool stop us".

While we were talking, McAdoo telephoned to say he had received a letter from the President rebuking him for meddling with the restoration by the

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British and French Governments of the International News Service, and requesting me to explain to him how it happened. I undertook to do this, telling the President the whole story. He replied that McAdoo was never satisfied with letting other people's business alone; that the matter was absolutely a function of the State Department, but as usual, McAdoo had "butted in". I tried to explain that it was done "unofficially". He said, "well that may be, but with you and McAdoo telling them to do it, it does not sound very official".

The President said, as far as he was concerned, he did not wish Hearst to be under any obligations to him and upon receipt of letters from the Hearst people thanking him for what had been done, he immediately replied that he had done nothing and knew nothing about it and did not approve.

I told him Melville Stone was offended because he had asked for an appointment upon two separate days and he had declined to see him. The President replied, "You may tell Stone I never expect to receive him, for I do not believe in him, and want nothing to do with him". Mrs. Wilson who was sitting by turned to me and said, "are you going to tell him that?" To which I replied, "you know well enough I am not going to tell him any such thing." She asked what I would tell him. "That," I said, "I will decide later, but it will not be the message the President has sent". The President listened to this and smiled broadly.

While we were on the newspaper question, I thought I would cover it all. I therefore brought up the New York Times' outline of a way by which that situation might be righted. Again he said "I do not care what The Times said, for it is not of the slightest importance since they represent an element for whom I have no respect and would as soon have them against me as for me". From my viewpoint he is wrong in all these matters. I would use the newspapers to help the Government rather than to hinder it.

We decided to go out in the motor, and we motored more than fifty

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miles into Maryland. They asked me to dine at the White House but I returned to Gordon's because there were many matters to attend to. During the drive we talked of various things. Among them the offer of Harper Brothers and the difficulty of his discharging his duties as President if he were at the peace conference. He did not think he could get bills from Congress over in time to veto them within the ten day limit, and he wondered if he might be able to do it by cable.

I found he had completely forgotten the engagement I asked him to make with Frank Cobb and Sam Elythe. He set it for Thursday and I will notify them. While we were driving he declared that when he was out of office he would follow warm weather. He spoke of Bermuda as a "Lotus Land". He said if it belonged to the United States he would like to live there permanently.

When they left me at Gordon's a great rush of callers began. Gregory, Polk and many others came. McAdoo had me on the telephone frequently.

I dined with Lord Reading. There was no one else present excepting Lady Reading, Sir William Wiseman and Reading's immediate staff. I asked him to send a cable recommending Commander Gaunt for a K. C. B. He promised to do so.

He told me of an interesting conversation he had with Cardinal Gibbons, pledging me to secrecy. It seems the Pope wishes to sit at the peace conference. Reading thought it was to regain temporal power. Gibbons denied this. Reading then thought it was to help Austria and Gibbons only half-way denied this.

We discussed the Versailles statement which Reading agreed was ill advised. I gave him, in confidence, the context of the President's note to Lansing on this subject and let him know that it was Lansing's *faux pas* and not the President's that such a curt document was sent Great Britain, France and Italy.

Reading spoke of Lloyd George's characteristics and said that of all our public men McAdoo reminded him most of George. He said George seldom went deep

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into any subject, but he quickly obtained a superficial knowledge which enabled him to discuss it intelligently, though superficially; that whenever an attempt was made to drive him into a subject greater than his depth, he evaded it and adroitly led the conversation away into different channels.

February 25, 1918.

I have seen a multitude of people today. Gifford, Admiral Benson, Lansing and Jusserand were the most important. Gifford suggested a plan by which the President should form the Secretaries of the Treasury, War and Navy, Chairmen of the Shipping, War Industries, Food and Coal Boards into a War Board. His idea is to have them meet at the White House once a week and have the President sit with them. He thought it would have a fine effect upon the country and would enable those mentioned to function better. He gave me charts showing the deficiencies in the different departments. It is a chart easily understood and shows in what industries we are behind at present and those in which we are not. It also shows, at a glance, the shipping, coal and other situations. (note)

I dined with the President and outlined the plan to which he agreed. He said he might give up one Cabinet Day for this purpose and meet with them as suggested. I urged him to do this.

Benson gave all the Naval information to date which was interesting and which I later transmitted to the President. He feels, as I do, that before the year is out, we will have the submarines largely curbed.

In talking to Lansing, I was surprised to have him tell me that sometime ago the President called his attention rather sharply to a statement which not appeared in the newspapers to the effect that I was going abroad again, but that he, Lansing, would probably go in my stead. Lansing explained to the President that he had merely told the newspaper people that he knew of no plan for my going at present. The President remarked, "You had better leave the newspaper men alone". (Note)

Note. 1. The President later put this plan in operation.

Note. It is in such ways that W. W. shows his affection for me.

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Ambassador Jusserand was in an excited mood when we first began to talk. He had received the President's abrupt demand of the Allies regarding the giving out of political statements from the Supreme War Council. I gave him the same explanation I did to Reading with which he was delighted. IQuoted him, however against mentioning it, for I did not want to get Lansing into any trouble. Jusserand agreed that Lansing was a fine fellow and ought to be protected even if now and then he let his foot slip. There were a lot of other matters he wished to go into but I had no time to do more than touch them lightly.

After dinner with the President and Mrs. Wilson we went into executive session, finishing up a lot of matters about which the President desired an opinion. He had a letter from W. F. McCombs asking permission to serve in some capacity, with or without salary. He also asked for an interview with the President. I advised seeing him and putting him at work where he could give no trouble. The President said he would see him, but he did not intend permitting him to get in a position where he could give more trouble than he had already done.

We discussed the advisability of not sending Elkus to Switzerland at the present time. I thought if it were done, it would be impossible to make the Entente believe he had not been sent over for the purpose of discussing peace with Austria.

We discussed, at great length, the question of Japanese intervention in Siberia, but came to no conclusion. There are arguments both for and against it. My thought was that unless Japan went in under a promise to withdraw, or at least be subject to the disposition of the peace conference, the Entente in backing her would place themselves in exactly the same position as the Germans now occupied toward Western Russia, to which there is such vociferous objection among the Western Powers.

I left early as I was tired and I thought the President was also.

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February 26, 1918.

I have not been very fit today and have tried to keep quiet, but it has
been impossible. The President sent me a note and a lot of papers to go through
about which he wanted advice.

I lunched with McAdoo alone. We had a long conversation concerning cur-
rent affairs relating to the Treasury and to the railroads. I found it difficult to
get away from him as he was so full of talk.

I have seen Wiseman constantly while here. At my request he has remained in
Washington until I go home, for we are taking up various matters confronting our two
Governments, particularly the Austrian-Spanish note.

This afternoon, the Spanish Ambassador asked for an audience, and handed the
President the note from the Emperor of Austria. The President said he had difficul-
ty in composing his face and in trying to look surprised. He has written a memoran-
dum in reply to Emperor Charles which he read to me last night and which I thorough-
ly approve. It is non-committal and seeks further information.

No one can know the amount of discussion the President, Lord Reading, Sir Wil-
liam Wiseman, Lansing, Gordon and I have had concerning what action the President
should take regarding this note from the Emperor of Austria, and what attitude he
should assume toward the Entente in regard to it. As I told the President last
night, it is one of the most delicate and difficult situations with which he has yet
had to deal. There is so much involved; it is not only the Austrian-German situa-
tion, but also, the question of the Entente and our relations with them.

Sir William Wiseman dined with us tonight. Janet left on the four o'clock for
New York. I had planned to go with her, but at the President's request, I remained.
He seemed so loath to have me go at this critical time. He desired me to wait until
Balfour's reply came to the despatch I sent him tonight.

February 27, 1918.

Henry P. Davison and Mr. Case of the Red Cross called yesterday. They

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wished advice as to Russia; and whether to continue to send succor there. I advised
sending it. Davison said he was leaving for Europe this week. I congratulated him
upon the splendid work the Red Cross was doing under his direction.

I dined with the President and Mrs. Wilson and we went to the theater. Eleanor
McAdoo came into the box during the evening. Just before and during dinner we dis-
cussed matters of interest pending and the developments since we were together. After
the theater, The President insisted upon taking Eleanor and me home before going to
the White House. While these theater parties are the most restful diversions he
has, I am fearful of them. I am afraid that some day someone will try to assassinate
him.

The President complained of being tired. Though he looks better than upon my last
visit, I can see indications of fatigue. He does not remember names as well and he
does not think to do the things we decide upon. Grayson was talking of this yester-
day. He said that while he gave the impression to everyone that the President work-
ed day and night, he and I knew that eight hours work a day was about all he was equal
to. I will say this, however, that I believe the President can do more in eight hours
than any man I knew. He wastes no time in talking or useless argument or energy
of any sort. McAdoo has more energy and staying powers, and works perhaps twice as
many hours as the President, but he does not accomplish as much because he wastes so
much energy in talking.

February 28, 1918.

When I awakened this morning I hear Sir William in the next room taking
down a message from Balfour which was being repeated to him from my apartment in
New York over the private telephone which now runs through the State Department and
to Gordon's house. His secretary, knowing of this private wire, telephoned Sir
William at Lord Reading's and told him the despatch had arrived. Wiseman came to
Gordon's a little after seven o'clock and took down the message. The despatch is

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appended and is in reply to mine of Sunday.

It is about as I expected and does not alter the situation in any way. After
seeing two or three people and discussing the matter with Wiseman and Gordon, I went
to the White House at 11.30 and was with the President for an hour before his appoint-
ment with the French Ambassador. We concluded that there was nothing in the message
which prevented the President from carrying out our plan of sending the message he had
prepared to the Austrian Emperor.

I asked the President last night if he had cautioned Secretary Baker, who is
on his way to Europe, about talking pacifism. It is one of the matters he had for-
gotten, but he said he would send a wireless to him at once. Gordon prepared one
which I reviewed and which the President approved, and it was sent to the Secretary by
Admiral Benson later in the day.

The President asked me to take his reply to the Austrian Emperor and show it
to Lansing while he, the President, was with Jusserand. Lansing came to the White
House and approved the text with the exception of one paragraph. In submitting it
to the President later he asked if I agreed with Lansing. Upon receiving an affirma-
tive reply, he cut out the paragraph without further discussion. In my opinion, the
paragraph had better been left in if the Entente had not objected.

The President was pleased with his interview with the French Ambassador. He
expected rather a stormy time because he intended to tell him of his communication to
the Austrians. Jusserand thought he was acting wisely. The Ambassador said that
his Government had picked up some information which led them to believe that the two
Kaisers, Wilhelm and Karl, had gotten the Apostolic Delegate in Munich to take their
peace terms to Rome for the purpose of having the Pope use his good offices toward
peace. I have my doubts as to the correctness of this information, but the French
seem to credit it.

Besides the Maxima family, McAdoo, Doctor Axson and Vance McComick were at

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lunch. McAdoo and I talked for nearly an hour afterward. I went from the White House to the State Department to see Lansing and Gordon. Since William Phillips is sick and Frank Polk is away, Lansing and Gordon are doing all the work. The Secretary and I discussed the Japanese intervention proposal and the question as to whether the President should make known to the Entente the exact context of his message to the Emperor of Austria. Lansing was strongly in favor of doing so and I agreed with some mental reservations.

Sir William Wiseman called at 4.30 to say he had advised Lord Reading of the context of the President's message which I had requested him to do, but asked Reading not to cable his Government until he had official information. I told Sir William that Lever of the British Treasury Department, who is now on Reading's staff, was persona non grata to McAdoo and he wished for a change. I urged Wiseman to attend to this promptly, giving the reasons for McAdoo's attitude.

Wiseman saw Reading and the change was agreed upon, Reading endorsing McAdoo's opinion of Lever. I had a half hour with Reading at six when he called to say goodbye and to discuss pending matters.

I forgot to say that before lunch today the President thought I should not leave Washington at present; that the situation was critical, and he hoped I would think best to remain. He puts such requests so nicely that I hate to disagree with him, and yet I think it best for me to leave. I promised to return soon. He remarked that my coming created so much comment that he wondered if it would not be better for me to come oftener and remain longer rather than to come infrequently and cause a sensation.

I dined at the White House. Dr. Axson and one of Mrs. Wilson's brothers were present. The President wanted me to go to the theater but I declined. After dinner we settled some pending questions. I told him Hoover had asked me to recommend someone to represent the Food Board on the Interallied Council and I wondered whether he wished to send someone in that capacity. Upon asking for

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my advice, I thought he had better do so since he had accepted the principle of
sending representatives of the Treasury and of the Shipping Board. Note.

Dr. Axson is now working as Secretary of the Red Cross under Harry Davison.
He asked if I did not think Davison a fine, lovable fellow. The President was
amused at my reply that "he seemed to be". I did not commit myself further.
And this reminds me that last night at dinner, the President, Mrs. Wilson and I
were discussing how ubiquitous Jews were; one stumbled over them at every move
and they were so persistent that it was impossible to avoid them. I thought it
surprising in view of the fact that there were so few in the world. This brought
on an argument as to how many there were. I thought not more than fifteen mil-
lion-- twenty millions at the outside. Mrs. Wilson guessed fifty millions and
the President one hundred millions. To settle it he sent the butler for a
World's Almanac and was greatly surprised to find that in Europe there were less
than ten millions, in Asia about a half million and in this country about three
millions. He could not believe it even after he saw the figures. The reason
I happened to hit the mark was that I remembered having read somewhere that one
tenth of the Jews of the world were living in New York City. While I knew this
was not strictly true, I thought it somewhere near the truth.

I drove with the party to the theater and then went to Nineteenth Street
where Gordon, David Miller and I had a pleasant evening together until Wiseman
called in the Ambassador's car to take Miller and me to the midnight train.

At the theater the other evening, the people sitting in the box next to
us moved baco so far in order not to obstruct our view that I called the attention
of the President to their consideration. The President immediately got up and
went over to the edge of our box and asked if they would not move forward; that
while he appreciated their action, it was unnecessary because we could see per-
fectly well if they, too, made themselves comfortable. This shows the Presi-
dent's great consideration in such matters.

Note. I later selected my old schoolmate James H. Skinner of St Paul for the place

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One of the most important things I did while in Washington was to suggest to the President, and got him to agree, to ask Congress to pass a law giving our Government the right to place an embargo upon raw materials for a period of five years after the war, the law not to mention any specific nation, but to authorize the Government to use it against any or all governments at will. I thought unless he did this he would not have any potent weapon in his pocket to deal with the Central Powers at the Peace Congress. It was no use to threaten, I thought, besides a peace conference was no place to make threats, and even if he made one it was not certain he would be able to carry it into effect. He saw the point; made a memorandum and declared he would do it at once.

I have arranged with Sir William Wiseman to cable his Government to do likewise. I have mentioned this before in writing of an interview I had some weeks ago with André Tardieu.

I had Wiseman write a cable to Balfour in reply to the one I received from him this morning. I brought out clearly some points I wanted the British to know so they could better appreciate the President's position. I am sending this despatch without the knowledge of the President but I am confident of his entire approval.

New York,

March 1, 1918.

Mr. Alfred Millard, Bizzell of the World and Abram Elkus were among my callers. Bizzell was sent by Lincoln of the World to get interpretations of some cables they had received from London which they did not understand well enough to use intelligently.

Elkus came at my request in order to be told that he would have to defer his trip to Switzerland until matters had composed themselves here.

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March 2, 1918.

The Russian Ambassador, Rabbi Wise and Replogle of the War Industries Board were among my callers.

The Russian Ambassador desired to call my attention to the danger of the Japanese sending an expeditionary force into Siberia. He thought it would throw the Russians into the arms of the Germans, for, between the two, there would be no question as to which they would choose. We did not disagree upon this position.

Replogle gave a statement of the steel plate output, showing how far the curve had gone downward and the cause for it. I took this up with the President when I was in Washington, for it is a matter of considerable importance.

Rabbi Wise called in reference to the Zionist movement and the sending of a medical unit to Palestine.

March 3, 1918.

Senator Root was my most interesting caller. He came with Bertron, who was also a member of the Mission to Russia, to discuss the Japanese-Siberian situation. Root agrees with the Russian Ambassador that it is a mistake for the Japanese to go in, giving the same reason as Bakhmateff gave yesterday, and to which I fully agreed.

The President and I discussed this backward and forward during the last week and, as a matter of fact, we have discussed it intermittently since my return from Europe. While I was in Europe, as the diary will show, it was almost a daily topic between the British, French and myself. I have never changed my mind as to the inadvisability of Japanese intervention, and my letter to the President of today, which is a part of the record, will explain more fully my position.

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Miss Beatty, who has just returned from Russia, was another interesting caller, and so was Richard Washburn Child, who submitted an article he has written for Collier's. He, too, wanted to discuss and give his views on the proposed Japanese intervention. He differs from the rest of us in as much as he believes with certain guarantees it is a proper and desirable action, through Child.

March 4, 1918.

Today has been a stirring one. The President telephoned Gordon over Lansing's private wire and asked whether his memorandum which was to be sent to Japan had been submitted to me before I wrote my letter to him of yesterday which he had just received.

The State Department has started a courier service between the Department and me, using two of the Secret Service men for the purpose. This is done to avoid the danger of important despatches and papers becoming lost or stolen in the mails. It is a quicker and surer method.

The President was much disturbed over my letter and has stopped, for the moment, the memorandum or note which was to go to Japan. A copy of this first note, which really embodies what he and I agreed upon before I left Washington, is attached. I did not know he was going to act so quickly. The truth of the matter is I was not well while in Washington and was not able to give the matter as clear thought as its importance deserved. The President, too, was tired. I never realized before how important it is for both of us to keep in good physical condition and not over work. Neither of us, I think, was altogether fit last week to properly solve the problems which confronted us. There was never a more critical week in our history and the fact that it found us both at rather low ebb was unfortunate to say the least.

Upon my return to New York I quickly regained my equilibrium and on Sunday

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it was clear to me what should be done in the Far Eastern situation. I have sent
the President, through Gordon (over the telephone) a memorandum which he transmitted
A copy of this is attached. I am not at all satisfied with the situation as is
exists, xakka neither is the President. My cable to Mr. Balfour is one of the
important events of the day.

March 5, 1918.

The President called for Polk this morning and handed him a new note to
Japan which was to be substituted for the one written the other day and later held
up. I agree with what the President says in this last note. He told Polk he
had written the new note and held up the other under my advice and after receiving
my letter. Polk disagreed with him as to the advisability of his action, and Polk
and I had a long argument over the telephone about the matter after he had seen the
President. However unfortunate it may be that the State Department had given the
substance of the first note to the Japanese and Allied Ambassadors, nevertheless, I
believe the President was wise in changing it and substituting the note written
yesterday. Copies of both notes are attached.

I had Gordon send him word that I approved entirely and thought he had re-
trieved an awkward situation. I am sorry I did not suggest his using the words
"sending an expeditionary force into Siberia" rather than using the word "invasion".
Wiseman called my attention to this when I showed him what the President had re-
written. He did not like the last note as well as the one recalled, but in this
instance I wholly disagree with him.

Clement Roeff and several other Alsatians came to ask my good offices in
behalf of their countrymen in the matter of alien repatriation.

Lord and Lady Aberdeen followed, but apropos of nothing.

Ripley Hitchcock, of Harper Brothers, came while they were here in order
that I might read to him the letter the President wrote in reference to the offer
Harper Brothers made regarding the editorship of The Easy Chair and the publication
of his books.

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March 6, 1918.

This has been what might be termed "Diplomatic Day". Ambassador Jusserand was the first caller at half past nine o'clock. I was delighted to find him in thorough accord with the President and me regarding the Far Eastern situation. We discussed some minor matters like the Alsace-Lorraine citizenship question. He said his Government had formed the habit of writing him sharp notes, and he was taking them with but little protest until the end of the war because he wanted to see it through here. He intimated that after the war was over, the worm would turn.

The Belgian Minister followed Jusserand. He desired me to use my good offices to have Belgium represented on the Interallied Council at London. I immediately call Washington and had Gordon write a memorandum to send to the President for his O.K., instructing our representatives in London to press our views upon the Allies looking to the furthering of Belgium's desire.

I lunched with Sir William Wiseman and Lord Reading. The three of us had an intimate talk. I tried to get from Reading his views of the coming British elections. He doesn't think they will take place until September, and he believes the present Government will be returned. I also obtained his views as to British representatives at the peace conference. He thought, as the Government was now constituted, it would be Lloyd George, Balfour and Asquith.

Reading and I drove in the Park after lunch and discussed the Far Eastern situation during the entire time. I talked him out of his position and he agreed to send a cable to his Government this afternoon favorable to our views. My letter to the President explains this further.

My other callers were unimportant. I took up with Washington the usual detail matters which come up from day to day.

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March 7, 1922.

Last night Mrs. Philip Lydig gave an interesting dinner, at least it was interesting to her, and it was so absurd that it became a matter of amusement to me. I thought we were going to a small party of perhaps five or six. I found a number of people, among them, Judge and Mrs. Gery, Frank Munsey, August and Mrs. Belmont, Sabin of the Guaranty Trust Co. and other reactionaries of that ilk. Mrs. Lydig's plan was to start in that good company a socialistic movement to bring capital and labor together. She requested me to ask Dr. Percy Grant to give his views on this matter, which he did in a memorandum he had prepared. He talked for about a half hour, but his words fell upon stony ground. Why Mrs. Lydig thought good could come from such a gathering is beyond me.

I sowed good seed in one direction. I persuaded Frank Munsey to give the President support in his foreign policy, particularly in the attitude taken toward Japan's sending an expeditionary force into Siberia. The editorial in the Sun this morning indicates that he is trying to play fair and I am looking forward to others.

Cables from Mr. Balfour are parts of the record.

The Archbishop of York was my most interesting caller. He asked me to lunch with him. I declined and invited him to lunch with me tomorrow, and we compromised by his calling this afternoon. I gave him an outline of the United States' position regarding Japan in which he wholly agreed. I also gave him an insight into the President's policies and told of the opposition to the President and where it lay.

The Archbishop is interested in the League to Enforce Peace, and he is a part of the English Committee appointed by the Government to submit plans. We talked of this at length. I told him of Root's position and that of Lowell. We both totally disagree with Lowell's plan and for reasons which I will outline in a letter to the President tomorrow. The Archbishop is to lunch with me on

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April 11th when he returns to New York from his speaking tour in the West.

Among other callers this afternoon was Mrs. Joseph Fels. She maintains that it is necessary for her to see me every now and then in order to keep her composure. She is one of the best of womankind.

We gave a dinner tonight in honor of Lord and Lady Reading. Among the guests were, Mr. and Mrs. Henry Clews, Judge and Mrs. Jas. W. Gerard, Mr. and Mrs. James A. Burden, Mr. and Mrs. Baylies, Mrs. Goelet, Mrs. Bayard Cutting, Mr. and Mrs. Fulton Cutting, Lloyd Griscom, Frank Trumbull, Sir William Wiseman, Mr. Julliard, Mrs. Adrian Iselin and Nancy and Sidney. We gave the dinner at the Colony Club because it was too large for our accommodations here.

March 8, 1918.

There were a number of interesting visitors today. Ida Tarbell, The British Ambassador, Lloyd Griscom, Rabbi Wise being among them. The Ambassador and I went over pending international matters. He read me all the cables he had received in the last day, particularly those relating to the Japanese-Siberian question.

Miss Tarbell is about to venture forth on a lecture tour and wished information to use.

Lloyd Griscom is on the eve of going to France with his division. I am thinking of recommending him to General Pershing to do his diplomatic work, about which I have written several times.

Rabbi Wise came again about the Zionist Unit which the Jews desire to send to Palestine. The State Department, for some reason, do not wish them to go. I telephoned Frank Polk after Wise left and asked him to give them passports which, after some argument, he agreed to do.

The State Department also wish to hold up the passport of Karl von Weigand, and again I asked them to let him have it.

My cables from Balfour and my letter to the President are parts of the diary.

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March 9, 1918.

Frank Cobb and Samuel Blythe lunched with me to discuss their publicity work.
Paderewski followed for advice regarding his Polish plans. Hamilton Holt came to
bid me goodbye before sailing for France and England.

March 10, 1918.

Mezes, David Miller and Walter Lippman and their wives took lunch with us. I
did not have a chance to have much discussion with them because Cleveland Dodge came
in soon after lunch. Then came August Belmont to tell of his work in Spain. After
him the Dutch Minister followed.

The day has been a busy one. My letters to the President and to Lawrence
Lowell are parts of the record.

The Secret Service courier from the State Department delivered many in-
teresting despatches, some of which are parts of the record, particularly the one
from Carl Ackerman. Willard Straight cabled concerning the work I have in mind
for him to do in Paris.

The President, through Gordon, asked me to come to Washington tomorrow and stop with him at the White House. I take it he wishes to discuss the advisability of sending a message, or of making an address. I asked Gordon yesterday to see Senator Warren and ask him what he thought of my suggestion of Lloyd Griscom as diplomatic adviser to General Pershing. Warren thought well of it. I therefore had Gordon send a cable to General Pershing making the suggestion and telling him that both Senator Warren and I approved. I want a reply before Griscom leaves so I may instruct him fully what to do. Pershing would hardly know how to guide him.

Secretary Lane sends me a letter today from Judge Houghton of California in which he says: "It goes without saying that in the next campaign the successful candidate for the Presidency must be a statesman of known standing as to capacity and popularity. Rarely--never before, it may be said-- has a man who has not been

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an operator in the political field, but who has demonstrated his possession of
these qualities; been available; but the Democratic Party has one today, in the
person of Colonel E. M. House. Should he be put forward, he would have behind him
all the forces of the present administration, and, should he preserve, from start
to finish, the attitude above alluded to, as it seems highly probably he would,
there can be no question as to the result". My letter to Lane will give my reply.

March 11, 1918.

I developed a first class case of grip today and was unable to go to
Washington. Fortunately, I wrote the President last night suggesting that he
cable the Soviet COMMUNIST-CONGRESS Congress at Moscow, expressing our sympathy for the
Russian people. I advised that he so word the message as to cover our position
on Japanese intervention in Siberia. He acted upon the suggestion and wrote one
of the most cleverly worded, three sentenced, messages extant.

I have had to cancel all engagements.

March 18, 1918.

I have had fever every day and while at no time have I remained in
bed later than noon and have done the necessary day's work, still I have declined
to see people with the exception of a few where I thought it necessary.

Lord Reading has received a cable from his Government urging him to again
press the Japanese intervention plan. I sent a message to the President through
Gordon saying I had not changed my opinion in that matter. I asked Wiseman,
after reading Reading's interview with the President, what the President had told
him. He replied that the President said, "I have not changed my mind".

I have talked Sir William quite out of the proposal and he, in turn, has
shaken Reading's views to such an extent that the Ambassador could not put up any
argument for his Government.

March 21, 1918.

I am still miserable with grip. However, I saw Gifford of the Council for

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National Defence this afternoon. He wished advice as to whether he should go with the Aviation Board or with Baruch. Baruch has offered him, so he tells me, $20,000. in cash and a $20,000. salary, out of his own pocket, if he will go with him. I advised going with Baruch, believing he could serve better there. I also advised keeping an eye on the Aviation and having Baruch also do so. That part of the service is going badly and all our great expectations have come to nothing.

March 22, 1918.

Dr. Reuter, Diplomatic Delegate from Finland, came to ask as to his method of procedure at Washington. He desires to see the President and to get recognition for Finland, and he was instructed to see me first and to be governed by my advice.

The President writes me a long and important letter which I received today. It concerns Henderson, the British Labor Leader, and the League to Enforce Peace. My letters to him cover the matter.

March 23, 1918.

Frank Polk came today and remained for an hour and a half. We covered pending matters pretty thoroughly. Everyone is anxious about the great German offensive which is now on.

March 24, 1918.

My letter to the President explains itself. The situation in Flanders keeps one from thinking of anything else. I am receiving constant telephone calls from newspaper men, diplomats and others asking for my opinion, but evidently for the purpose of being reassured. I see signs of panic, and today in my letter to the President I suggested that he send a cable to Field Marshal Haig. This was suggested to me by Gordon and I acted upon it, and the President, in turn, upon the receipt of my letter, sent the message. I am trying to keep everyone's courage up. While I am anxious, still I am not worried, I have asked Cobb of The World to write a steadying editorial.

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March 26, 1918.

Cobb had a fine editorial in The World this morning. The Herald also had something directly from me. Things look better and the panic feeling seems to be subsiding.

I received a cable from Mr. Balfour at noon and I immediately had Gordon transmit it to the President with my recommendation that he act upon it favorably. I sent a reassuring message to Balfour in acknowledgment of his. Balfour's able and my reply are parts of the record.

Anders Tardieu came at ten o'clock. We discussed the great drive now going on in France and its possible outcome. We also discussed the necessity for closer interallied cooperation. It is beginning to be clear to me that what the Allies lack is first class military leadership. The British are particularly deficient, and I am afraid that we will be no better.

I forgot to say that Lloyd Griscom came on Sunday at my request and I partially arranged to have him act as "Diplomatic Agent" for General Pershing.

The thing that is upsetting me most these days is not the war and not the various problems brought before me, but it is these unpositive biographies being written of me. They are putting out lurid advertisements and I feel like quitting public work and going somewhere into obscurity.

March 27, 1918.

Lord Reading was my most important visitor. He remained for an hour. He brought the cables he had received during the last twenty-four hours. There was one from Lloyd George which he is to read in his speech at the Lotus Club tonight. I called his attention to the fact that a part of it might be considered objectionable-- that part concerning the "earnest request that America send more troops over and immediately". Reading did not think it was open to the objection I raised and, not feeling well, I let the matter pass.

Felix Frankfurter is back from England and France and came to report.

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The White House,
Washington.
March 28, 1918.

I came to Washington this morning with Janet and David Miller on the 11.08 train. The trip was without incident. I was really not able to travel but I had put off coming so long and the President was so insistent that I decided to make the effort.

I came directly to the White House. The President was not in but I had tea with Mrs. Wilson and a confidential chat before he appeared. After dinner he and I went into executive session and cleared up our budgets. As I anticipated, he was much annoyed at Lloyd George's cable to Reading and at Reading's lack of judgment in reading it. I told him the circumstances, and tried to smooth the matter over, both as to Lloyd George and the Ambassador. I told him George had been requested to send the cable because of Reading's proposed speech, but that Reading did not give him any intimation as to what to say.

The President's point was that it was a most discourteous and unusual, as well as an undiplomatic thing, for an ambassador to give out publicly a message from his government directly to the people of another country without addressing it to the head of that Government. He said it was sufficient cause to send an ambassador home.

We had this conversation when I first saw him this afternoon. Strangely enough, Reading had an appointment with the President within the hour, and he expressed his intention of telling Reading how he felt. I dissuaded him from this, saying it was all meant in good part, and that Reading himself had had no diplomatic experience. I thought we ought not to be critical since he was our sincere friend and doing the best he knew.

The main work we did tonight was to outline the speech we decided he should make soon. The opportunity will be given him when he reviews the Camp Meade troops at Baltimore on April 6th, which is the anniversary of our entrance into the war. It is to the occasion of opening the Third Liberty Loan.

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We had no difficulty in agreeing as to what the speech should contain,
for we were practically of one mind. In talking of our ambassadors; he showed
me a cable from Sharp, remarking that he considered him altogether the most satis-
factory ambassadorial appointment he had made. He thought Sharp had "judicial
turn of mind", and he expressed a desire to give him a Federal judgeship, should
an opportunity occur. He was surprised to hear me say he was not a lawyer but a
business man.

March 29, 1918.

I called on Reading at the British Embassy. I told him of the President's
feeling regarding the Lloyd George message and his speech. I thought it advisa-
ble to do this in order to make him more careful in the future. He expressed his
regret and hoped I had smoothed the matter over. He suggested that the Presi-
dent make a statement as to what the United States had done for the Allies since
the war began, and what we were doing now. I thought that he, Reading, or his
Government, were the ones to make such a statement and not the President. The
thought flashed over me while we were talking that it would be a *coup d'état* for
the President if he could get the British Government committed to the assertion
that his administration had done everything in the past, and was doing everything
now, that could be done to help.

In discussing the matter later with Wiseman, he fully shared this view,
and said that Lloyd George at any time, in order to save himself, might blame the
result of the failure in France on the President.

Reading did not know what he could do in this direction, but he said he
would try to frame a despatch to send the Prime Minister, which the Prime Minister
would be requested to give to the Press.

It was afterwards determined, under Sir William's guidance, to write a
message to Lloyd George and ask him to give it out as his own. Sir William
helped Reading frame the cable. He sat at his elbow, pushing him along in the

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right direction until it was done. When I told the President about it he was pleased beyond measure, and wondered whether it would be successful. We shall see in a day or two.

March 30, 1918.

This has been a busy day. I saw Lord Reading again. He is very nervous and anxious and Wiseman and I have to be constantly around in order to cheer him. All through this terrible offensive Sir William has never lost his self possession. As a matter of fact, outside of the President, Sir William and myself, there seems to be a general inclination to be "rattled". All the despatches we are receiving from the other side indicate it, and the most demoralizing feature of the situation, as the President and I see it, is the poise which seems to be failing the French and British Governments at this time. This is especially true of the English with whom, of course, we are in closer touch. The President remarked today that he hoped the British military men were not panicky, for if they were, it would communicate itself to the men and disaster would be sure to follow.

I piloted my friend, James H. Skinner, around today. I introduced him to Lansing, Burleson and to Lord Reading and to some other whom I thought it would be useful for him to be able to say he had met. He sails on Saturday to sit on the Interallied Council representing our Food Administration.

March 31, 1918.

I spent most of the day at Janet's. We had the Attorney General and Nelson Perkins to lunch. Sir William Wiseman and John Hays Hammond were among the callers.

I began to feel badly again in the afternoon. I went to the White House around six o'clock and told the President I was in for another spell. He immediately sent for Dr. Grayson who confirmed my view. I insisted upon going to Janet's, but both the President and Grayson vetoed this proposal so vigorously that I had nothing to do except to pick the most convenient room to be ill in,

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have my things moved from the Yellow Room which I usually occupy when I am well, and
go to bed.

April 9, 1918.

I have had a miserable time since this diary was broken off. I had fever
the night of the 31st and all during the following day, nausea and everything
disagreeable that could happen to one.

The President came in repeatedly to sit by my bedside. I had arranged
for him to see Sir William Wiseman Monday afternoon and he hoped to bring him to
my bedroom so we might talk matters over together, but, unfortunately, both
high fever and the state of my stomach prevented. It has been definitely ar-
ranged for Wiseman to go to Europe at once. Reading objected, but the President
agrees with me that he should go, and while I cannot use the President's name to
the Ambassador, I have pressed it upon him as my desire until Reading was com-
pelled to yield. I had to promise to look out for him during Sir William's ab-
sence, and he was finally content when he was told that he could keep in touch
with me through Gordon as closely as he had through Sir William.

The message to Lloyd George turned out just as planned. He gave out
to the press the cable that Reading sent him, practically as it was written.
The President was delighted. He remarked, "that pockets Mr. Lloyd George for
the moment". I told him it not only pocketed Lloyd George, but it pocketed Mr.
Roosevelt, General Wood and a few other critics. I was not well enough to feel
happy over anything, but if I could have been braced up, the success of this man-
euver would have done so. It is in these ways that I constantly try to help and
he appreciates
protect the President, and *it is very difficult to find such things as he appreciates* keenly. He
shows it in every way possible, and I could not ask for greater consideration.

I got out of bed on Wednesday but was miserable all the week. The
President would not go to the theater a single night, although he usually goes

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two or three times. I do not believe this was wholly on my account, for I went to bed so early that his remaining waukxhaxa added but little to my pleasure.

He wrote something on his speech almost every night and we would then talk it over. He would come in with the speech in section to discuss it. He made such eliminations as occurred to me as being advisable without argument. There were but few. He outlined the speech first in paragraphs and it was admirably done. Each paragraph was afterwards enlarged. We agreed that it should be short, and that it should leave the door open for peace and yet strike a note clearly that the German Military Party would understand. We both hoped that what he said about our meeting force with force would allay something of the panicy feeling in England and France. I notice by the press dispatches that it has done so.

The President received a Greek lady who very much desired him to send a message to Venizelos. She thought Greece had been neglected and that the Greeks felt the slight. The President asked what I thought of sending a message to Venizelos upon the anniversary of our entering the war, saying that the newest republic sent greetings to the oldest western nation, etc. etc. I thought it would seem like dragging it in by the heels. I wondered whether he could not use Venizelos' birthday as a pretext if it should happen to fall in the near future. We looked in Who's Who and found he was born in 1864 but it gave no date. He then called his office and asked them to find from the Greek Legation the date of Venizelos' birth. Strangely enough, no one knew. Irving Hoover was finally appealed to, and in order to beat the State Department and the Executive Offices, he took the trouble, after exhausting every other resource, to telephone a Greek newspaper in New York where he found that Venizelos was born in January, the third I think. This closed that avenue. Before we finally decided upon a method of procedure, a cable came from Venizelos himself congratulating the President upon the United States' entry in the war. The President

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thought it a very strange coincidence-- something almost miraculous. I suggested that the Greek lady was a very clever personage and seeing that he hesitated to send the message without some proper excuse, she probably sent a cable to Venzelos, or had the Legation do so, suggesting his action. The President finally accepted this theory rather than that of a miracle or coincidence.

A message came from King George a propos of the anniversary. I suggested the form of the President's reply, which he accepted. I thought the State Department should answer such cables for him. He replied that there was no one there to do it. This is largely his fault because he does not keep in touch with them or use them as he should.

There was an intimation from the French quarter that the French were sensitive because the President had sent a cable to Haig congratulating him upon holding the lindand had said nothing about the French. The President had a weary smile and asked what should be done. I suggested that he use Foch's appointment as Generalissimo as the occasion to congratulate the French upan, saying something about their courage etc. This he did, and seemed much relieved with such an easy way out.

I sent Foch a cable as follows:

I did not expect a reply when he is bearing the weight of such a gigan-
tic burden.

One night, I think it was Saturday, we were sitting around playing games.
Someone suggested getting out the ouija board. This was done and Mrs. Wilson
and her brother tried to see what success they would have. It was a rather re-
markable demonstration, but it did not convince me. I observed afterward that

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those using it should be blindfolded. A message came from what purported to be a soldier in France. He gave his name as Lieutenant Robert Fisher, of a certain infantry regiment, claiming that he knew miss Helen Bones, and that the message was for the President. It was; "please send us food, men and guns as rapidly as possible". He also sent a message to "Colonel House" which read "God bless him". Ask him to get well soon". This in view of the fact that I was sick would have been more interesting if the operators had been blindfolded.

On Sunday afternoon the President dropped into my bedroom to see me, Mrs. Wilson soon followed, then came McAdoo, Mrs. McAdoo, and while they were there Dr. Grayson brought in Ned McLean of the Washington Post, who was not shown into the room until the others left.

McLean wished to say that the Post and Cincinnati Enquirer were at the disposal of the Administration if we would use them. I promised to see what could be done. I have a notion to write an editorial which, if they will publish it, will put them as safely in our pocket as Lloyd George placed himself when he sent the message ~~prepared by Reading and Wiseman~~ today and prepared by Reading and Wiseman.

I had the President, Mrs. Wilson, Dr. Grayson and the entire household to oppose when I announced I would leave on Monday morning for New York. I was confident that getting home and the change would do me good. They were confident that I should remain there another week. However, I felt as if I could not stand being away from home longer and I determined to go come what may.

I was right in my conclusion for I improved from the moment I left Washington and I am feeling better today than since my relapse.

I showed the President while in Washington the lurid advertisements which nearly all the papers are carrying on the forthcoming book, "The Real Colonel House", which is syndicated throughout the country. I told him they were advertising me like a brand of soap. There is nothing in the book to warrant these extravagant, full-paged notices which are appearing in The Times,

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World and other papers throughout the country.

I have received many cables from Balfour and others while in Washington, all of them being parts of the record.

Lord Reading called Gordon today in some excitement and asked him to come to the Embassy. He had a despatch from his Government concerning our agreement as to placing our man power on the Western Front. I advised Reading, through Gordon, not to ask for an appointment with the President until tomorrow and not to see him until after he had received a letter from me which I will write today and which will become a part of the record. This letter will explain the controversy which has arisen.

April 10, 1918.

Up to one o'clock today the President had not made an appointment with the British Ambassador. Reading is leaving for Chicago at five o'clock and Frank Polk and Gordon are having nervous prostration over it. I have tried to calm them, saying the President would certainly see Reading, but that he was irritated because it was necessary and that he would delay it as long as possible. This proved to be true for he saw Reading at two o'clock.

They had what Reading considered only a fairly satisfactory conference. He sent for Gordon immediately and with his help framed a cable to his Government explaining the President's attitude. He is to give Gordon a paraphrase of this cable to send me and it will be attached to the diary. Reading is using Gordon as liaison officer between himself and me in exactly the way he used Wiseman. This indeed, was our understanding when I insisted that Wiseman should go to England, to which Reading strongly objected until I proposed the plan of using Gordon in his stead.

April 11, 1918.

The Archbishop of York, ex-President Taft, Senator Root, Presidents

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Lowell and Mezes came to lunch today. The discussing during the main part of the meal was largely about the Civil War, its causes and the attitude of Great Britain and her statesmen toward the belligerents. Interesting as it was, I was compelled to break in when luncheon was over in order to start the discussion for which I had called them together. I wished to harmonize the divergent views of Taft, Lowell, and Root and the British group with the President's as how best to prevent future wars.

I read them an extract from the President's letter on this subject as well as a letter from Lansing. There was general disagreement with Lansing. Root agreed with him as far as he went but I thought he left the matter in a state where it is now and was before the war. Lansing's idea is that it is only necessary to democratize the world, and that the democracies will not war upon one another. This is a fallacy which I made clear by recalling recent wars in which democracies have engaged. I cited the Fashoda incident which a few years ago brought Great Britain and France to the verge of war. The only thing that prevented it was the menace of Germany in the background.

None of them altogether agreed with the President. They thought he did not go far enough. The final conclusion was that Root should draw up a memorandum embracing three proposals:

1. That every nation was interested in war, no matter how small or in what quarter of the Globe.

2. That some machinery should be set up during peace times through which, at the threat of war, a conference of nations could be held for the purpose of making an attempt to stop it.

3. Some machinery establishing a court or bureau of arbitration to which controversial matters might be referred.

The Archbishop was to receive a degree at Columbia University and

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was compelled to leave before we had finished our conference.

If this war should end today it would leave but three first class powers in the world: Great Britain, Germany and the United States, and if any two of these powers should suddenly war with one another, it would practically be impossible to stop them. Therefore, in working out a plan for a league to enforce peace, or a similar organization, it is necessary to take into consideration this possibility.

I am trying to keep the threads of this subject all in my hands so that nothing will be done contrary to the President's wishes, and no agitation started that might ripen into a controversy.

April 12, 1918.

Robert Ford and Jeremiah Lawlor, of the Irish World, called in order to enlist my good offices in behalf of their publication which seems to be scraping the rocks like so many others. Lawlor, it is to be remembered, is the worthy who went to Washington to see Senator Penrose with some sort of concocted story about me. Even Penrose declined to notice it, which proves how utterly false it was. Lawlor does not know that I have his record from the day he landed in America. He started to tell me something of himself. I shut him off by saying I knew all about him. I let it go at that. I devoted myself to Ford who is a likable fellow and not dissimilar in looks to Henry Ford, to whom I believe there is no relationship.

Burke Cochran followed. He had some plan regarding conscription in Ireland, a plan which would involve his going over there to put it in motion.

The Archbishop of York was with me for an hour again today. We went over many matters of international interest as well as methods by which peace might possibly be insured in the future. The more I see of him the better I like him. He has a judicial mind and is a clear thinker. He made me promise that sometime when we were in England I would visit him at his home near York.

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April 13, 1918.

Sir Ernest Shackleton called without an appointment. I saw him for a moment and arranged for him to return tomorrow.

The Belgian Minister, M. de Cartier, lunched with us. He came to present the Belgian Order of the Crown, which the King conferred upon me. I knew they were planning to do this and I evaded it as long as possible. I hoped it could be postponed until after the war, but the Minister received a mandatory from his Government to deliver it to me. The King's formal letter, and the letter from the Belgian Minister for Foreign Affairs are parts of the record as well as my letter of thanks sent through the Minister. I have asked that it be given no publicity.

April 14, 1918.

Mrs. August Belmont was with me for an hour this morning. We outlined some additional work for her to do in her speech-making tours. I gave her information that I thought might be of value in her addressed.

Sir Ernest Shackleton called in the afternoon to tell of his recent travels in Argentine and Chile. He thinks Americans are not popular in either country, and largely because they believe we desire to dominate South America. He gave an intimate sketch of the new President of Argentine. It is a great pity that nations, like individuals, are so suspicious of one another, and are not willing to believe even the obvious when it happens to be to the credit of another.

The Italian Ambassador followed Shackleton. In addition, Edward Martin and Mrs. Cornelius Vanderbilt dropped in so we had something of a tea party together before I talked with the Ambassador. He came to tell of Italy's reasons for entering the war and the very valuable part she had played in it. One

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point he brought out was that when the Germans broke through Belgium and France, the French had 200 000 troops on the Italian border which they were afraid to remove lest Italy came in on the side of the Central Powers. Word was sent by his Government that Italy would be neutral. These 200 000 troops were thus made immediately available for the Battle of the Marne. He claims that when the Germans were pushing the Russians hardest, Italy declared war, although she was not ready. She did this in order to relieve the pressure on Russia. He claims that Italy merely desires a rectification of her frontier which will make it impossible for Austria to invade her at will. At present, Austrai has the entire advantage, both by land and by sea, an advantage which he claims is totally unfair.

Di Cellere seems not altogether up with the procession. He says he has not been able to see the President and even hesitated to approach me, since I had become so great". This is arrant nonsense. He can see the President whenever it is needful, and he can keep in touch with me just as the British and French Ambassadors do, and as the Russian Ambassador did. I have arranged for di Cellere to keep in touch with me through Gordon in the future.

The Department sent over a messenger last night with important cables, some of which I am attaching to the record. The others have been burned as usual.

I have an interesting letter from Minister Stovall. He complains bitterly of his treatment at Washington. I am investigating it. My letter to him will explain.

Yesterday I wrote letters to Lord Bryce, Walter Page, André Cheradame and others.

April 15, 1918.

George Doran, the publisher, came to talk with me about "The Real Colonel House", by Arthur D. Howden Smith which he is publishing. I insisted

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that the extravagant advertising being done in the syndicated papers be dis-
pensed with hand that a more dignified form be used. He promised to do this. I
have never been more annoyed in my life than I have by the statements made about
me and my work.

April 16, 1918.

Edward Bok of the Ladies Home Journal took nearly an hour of my time
although I intended to give him but a few minutes. We discussed not only his
publication, but the entire Curtis Publications. He thinks Mr. Curtis desires
to support the President, and I outlined ways in which this might be done.

Mrs. Borden Harriman, Thomas Lamont, of Morgan & Co. Colonel Thompson of Russian fame, and S. R. Bertron were some of my callers. Lamont and Thompson wished advice about Russia, and so did Bertron.

April 17, 1918.

T. Suffern Tailer and Oswald Garrison Villard were late afternoon callers. Tailer has a financial plan by which the Government can borrow from three to four billions of dollars and not have to pay any interest and practically no principal. It is a great scheme and worthy of John Law. I did not argue with Tailer, but placed him on Governor Strong's broad back, telling him if he could convince Strong of the feasibility of the plan, I would be glad to go into it further.

Villard was complaining bitterly of the criticism that he was pro-German,
and wanted me to "take a sharp stick" to some of his accusers.

April 18, 1918.

Governor Benj. Strong was perhaps my most interesting caller today. We
dismissed the Suffern Tailer plan with a few words and went into more serious
subjects. He is worried over the price fixing policy of the Government. He
believes that unless the country is rationed all the way through, and prices
fixed from top to bottom, it is unwise to fix prices on a few commodities as

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is now being done. He says he has had great difficulty in keeping some of the political economists from criticising the Federal Reserve Bank, and the Government's financial policy. Such men as Sprague of Harvard, Irving Fisher of Yale, and many others he has quieted by telling them the inside facts and difficulties.

Frederick Dixon, of the Christian Monitor, came from Boston by appointment to have a general clearance talk. Thomas, of the "New World" followed Dixon.

We dined with the Jas. W. Gerards and went with them to see "My Four Years in Germany" on the screen.

April 19, 1918.

Lieut. General Tom Bridges and Major General Hutcheson of the British Army arrived in New York yesterday, and directly from the Front. I invited them to lunch today and had to meet them, Judge Jas. W. Gerard, Henry C. Frick and Frank Munsey. We had an interesting time. I had Bridges and Hutcheson come in advance of the others so we might have an intimate talk of conditions before the other guests arrived.

Hutcheson is over here to speed up the transportation of our troops. I told him his missionery work had best be done on the Army; that the President, and Secretary Baker were sympathetic, but the Army was not altogether so.

Robert E. Ford and Jeremiah Lawlor came twice about The Irish World which is being suspended at the moment. I advised Ford to go to Washington and get his Congressman, Tom Smith, to take the matter up with the Postmaster General.

Dr. George E. Hale came from Washington to discuss plans for the reorganization and betterment of the National Academy of Science and its connections abroad. He finds great difficulty with the several Departments at Washington, especially with Secretaries Houston and Redfield, whom he tells