# Inside Report: Train stays on the track

By ROWLAND EVANS and ROBERT NOVAK

WASHINGTON — The deep split between Russell Train and the White House over watering down the Clean Air Act reached a hysterical climax in the White House two weeks ago when conservative Republican Sen. William Scott of Virginia demanded that Train “quit.”

Scott was rebuked by other Republican members of Congress present, but he was not far from representing the true sentiment in the oval office. If President Nixon was stronger politically, he might well have fired Train.

The scene of Scott's outburst was the breakfast table at the White House mess. Train, energy czar William Simon, assorted White House aides and key Republican members of Congress were thrashing over the environmental dispute resulting from the energy crisis which has split the administration. Suddenly, Scott stood up. "Anyone who will not support the administration on this ought to quit and I mean you," he told Train. Then, recalled one witness, he added: "They can find some ambassadorship for you, maybe Russia or China."

Train, impassive, replied quietly: "Bill, you're way out of line." After an embarrassed silence, several Republicans leapt to the defense of the embattled environmentalist.

In Train's corner was Sen. Howard Baker of Tennessee, an administration stalwart. New York's conservative Republican Sen. James Buckley (a strong conservationist) backed Train, as did Rep. John Heinz of Pennsylvania, a liberal Republican.

Simon, supported by President Nixon's Domestic Council, explained that Mr. Nixon's proposed amendments to the Clean Air Act would only delay, not wipe out, air quality improvements in the present law. This was essential, Simon said, to allow oil-fired electric utilities to convert back to coal.

In the final compromise between Train and the Simon-White House position, four of the proposed amendments were dropped; on the other two, the White House told Train and Simon to take their conflicting positions to Congress with the White House formally neutral. Train's refusal to accept the rape of the Clean Air Act

was strongly backed by Democratic Sens. Henry M. Jackson of Washington and Edmund Muskie of Maine.

## JOBERT VS. KISSINGER

French Foreign Minister Michel Jobert's campaign against the U.S. reached a high point in Riyadh, capital of oil-rich Saudi Arabia, just before he went to Syria in late January to lobby against a quick end of the anti-U.S. oil boycott.

Jobert, given high marks by Secretary of State Henry Kissinger as one of the most subtle of the world's diplomats, carried that subtlety a step too far in a long talk with austere King Faisal on the weekend of Jan. 25.

France, Jobert told the king, would boycott the Washington conference of energy-consuming nations, scheduled for Feb. 11, "out of deference to Arab sensitivities" — and particularly out of deference to King Faisal.

The king was annoyed. The mid-February Washington conference was the brainchild of

Kissinger. Kissinger's frequent visits to King Faisal since the Yom Kippur war have reinforced traditional ties between Washington and Riyadh, stretched to the breaking point by earlier U.S. backing of Israel in the Arab-Israeli conflict.

So, when Jobert dropped his subtle hint about snubbing Kissinger, Faisal registered disapproval. He told Jobert he wanted the Washington conference to succeed and that harmonious relations between oil-producing and oil-consuming nations were in the highest interest of this country.

Jobert's sly approach to Faisal was really intended to give the French a pro-Arab cover for boycotting Kissinger's February conference, a boycott highly attractive to the French government anyway. But when Faisal reacted harshly, the French felt compelled to come to Washington (where they alone refused to go along with the final communique).

Publishers-Hall Syndicate

Callen March 31-74

DPS PATROLMAN L. L. HANCOCK INSTRUCTS CYCLIST

(Photo by Guile Gonzalez)

Many policemen back to

Frequently one of the first persons to arrive at the scene of a traffic accident are police patrolmen. Most have at one time or another seen a youngster mangled in an accident only days after he got a motorcycle.

Many express concern for the lack of education of motorcyclists and if not publicly, suggest that license testing is not tough enough.

Corpus Christi Patrolman Sid Smith, a motorcycle officer for nearly five years, suggested motorcycle safety classes which could be conducted by the schools, Department of Public Safety or the local police department.

"Failure to control a vehicle is the major cause of accidents. They lose their balance and lose control. There are too many persons that are buying motorcycles right off the showroom and expect to master the machines in a short

time. And the exams for obtaining motorcycle licenses are just too easy."

"There are nine motorcycle officers in the department and each has about three to 16 years of riding experience and all of us have hit the ground at one time or another. And we ride the motorcycles eight hours a day, five days a week," Smith said.

He blamed overconfidence as one major factor contributing to motorcycle accidents. "The more confident you get the more susceptible you become to an accident."

He disagreed with the theory of unlimited visibility. "with the big helmets, you can only see well if you are looking straight ahead." He added that the mandatory use of helmets in Texas was the biggest lifesaving measure in protecting the motorcyclist.

"The helmets are great because there

are very few minor motorcyclists involved in accidents generally wind up with a bad burn on their legs,"

According to Smith, hazardous maneuvers for the average motorcyclist is changing lanes. "The number of accidents is changing from the left lane to the right lane, and he has a blind spot."

The patrolman added a wet surface more motorcyclist's chance of avoiding an accident. "People are braking too early, and their braking system. If you are on the rear or the front, going to be thrown off."

"Motorcycles are so popular, and can be riding along and have you're on the ground alert all the time," he said.

"With motorcycles you

EDITOR'S REPORT

Mission to Moscow

By WILLIAM RANDOLPH HEARST JR.
Editor-In-Chief, The Hearst Newspapers

SAN SIMEON, Calif.—If you believe the Watergate jackals hounding the President of the United States, Henry A. Kissinger

has just failed in a major assignment and is likely to fail in others because of our trumpeted political scandals.

The alleged upset cited by the yammering critics was Dr. Kissinger's return this week from three days of talks in Moscow without achieving what he had termed a "conceptual" breakthrough toward a new Soviet-American agreement on nuclear arms limitations.

William Randolph Hearst Jr.

According to the doomsayers, whose delight was thinly concealed indeed, our secretary of state came his first major cropper

in diplomacy because the Muscovites are uncertain that President Nixon will last long enough to insure implementation of any new arms reduction agreement.

For the first time since the Watergate dam let loose, the critics suggested, important international relations have been seriously hindered. The idea is that even the redoubtable miracle man of world problems could not overcome the handicap posed by the domestic troubles of his boss.

I do not believe this for one minute—any more than I went along with Winston Churchill when he said in a 1939 broadcast:

"The action of Russia cannot be forecast. It is a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma."

No such thing. Throughout my whole adult life, in every circumstance, the reaction of Soviet Russia to any world situation has been almost completely predictable.

The reaction of the Communist Commissars in the Kremlin to any challenge has been and always will be to figure out how to take immediate advantage of it and make the most of it for themselves.

You can't blame them for that. It is the only sensible attitude to take. What is so discouraging is that a certain group of people in our country invariably work together to aid them instead of defending our own best interests.

The injection of Watergate in the Kissinger Moscow mission is a perfect example of this. For the men who run the Russian state can only be amused as were my hosts in Peking last November at this nation's concern over political chicanery they take for granted in free countries.

This is not to condone wire tapping, spying on political foes or using money for the power it represents. These are abuses of democracy which are to be condemned and stopped, not used to weaken our system further.

In Russia, this past week, Communist Party boss Brezhnev failed to agree with Dr. Kissinger on the need of further mutual concessions on nuclear arms solely because it was the practical position for him to take.

As an eminently practical Communist, well aware of Mr. Nixon's hostility to the system he represents, Brezhnev knew there has been no fundamental weakening of his goals.

But he knows that Richard Nixon's greatest hope is to achieve progress toward a more secure world. He also knows that just about the only consideration that would cause the President to step down would be a feeling world peace might be jeopardized by his continuing in office.

Watergate, in the Communist world, basically is considered as a somewhat laughable internal political affair which is typical of countries that allow their citizens freedom of thought and action. It has little to do with basic resolution.

At the present time Moscow, of course and as always, is seeking to get the best possible terms it can in the stalemated SALT II talks. It is in no hurry. Watergate is only an erratic passing phenomenon which cannot possibly alter the all-important pending final arrangements on armaments.

Moscow knows that the overriding name of the game is insuring the security of its nation in every way possible—and that leadership in the United States is motivated by the same essential.

It knows, further, that no American leader would ever compromise that principle out of personal political difficulties, however severe. Watergate, if it amounts to anything at all in the Kremlin mind, is only another instrument to further the Communist tactic of stalling for every possible advantage.

I am convinced that the stalling tactics now being manifest in the SALT II talks would be going on as they are whether Watergate had happened or not. And that Dr. Kissinger never really had a chance to accomplish that "conceptual breakthrough" he had sought.

It isn't Watergate which is slowing Moscow cooperation toward a better world.

It is our basic incompatibility with the Communist's concept of what the world should be. It will last long after the Watergate affair has been resolved.

Reprinted from the March 31, 1974 Issue of
**The Hearst Newspapers**

# Nixon's woes erode Kissinger Soviet bargaining position

By Thomas B. Ross
*Sun-Times Bureau*

WASHINGTON — Sec. of State Henry A. Kissinger had more than the normal reasons to be happy about escaping Saturday on a honeymoon to Mexico. For the worst fears of his workaday diplomacy were realized last week.

Before he left for Moscow last weekend, Kissinger confided to a friend that successful diplomacy rested on the power to "threaten and persuade." He wondered if that puouer had been taken from him by the uncertainty as to whether President Nixon will survive in office.

Now, returning empty-handed from negotiations with the Soviet leadership, he must be aware, indeed, that his diplomatic strength has been eroded seriously.

Kissinger declared on arrival in Moscow Monday that he expected to achieve a "conceptual breakthrough" in the second round of the strategic-arms-limitation talks. But he conceded, on departure Thursday that he had failed and that the United States and the Soviet Union were nowhere near a breakthrough.

Instead of making the compromises Kissinger anticipated, the Russians slapped down, without warning, a hard new negotiating position. It called upon the United States to make concessions on multiple warheads, where there is a major U.S. technological lead, without compensating limit on payloads, where Russia had a major advantage.

The first SALT agreement in 1972 gave the Soviet Union a lead in numbers of missiles—2,360 to 1,710. But because Russia had not yet perfected a multiple warhead, the United States retained a lead in the number of separate nuclear bombs that could be directed to target—5,700 to 2,360.

However, the Russians are now known to be developing multiple warheads and once wedded to their larger payloads, twice the total U.S. throw weight, they will produce a decided advantage in both numbers of missiles and numbers of warheads.

The U.S. arsenal will have 10,000 multiple warheads on 1,700 missiles in 1977. If Russia achieves the same technical proficiency, they will have 28,000 warheads on 2,300 missiles.

With that large an edge, Pentagon officials fear Russia might be tempted in war to try to eliminate the fixed U.S. land-based missiles in a first strike. That would leave the United States with the choice of retaliating with submarine missiles against Soviet cities — drawing the inevitable counterstrike against U.S. cities — or yielding to Russian peace terms.

Defense Sec. James R. Schlesinger has proposed, as a deterrent to such a Soviet strategy, that U.S. missiles be "retargeted" toward noncivilian as well as civilian sites. As The Sun-Times disclosed last Sunday, Schlesinger gave Kissinger a "clarification" of his retargeting plan in advance of the Moscow trip so as to reassure Russia that the United States was not itself developing a first-strike counterforce strategy.

But the clarification clearly did not stimulate the Russians to concessions of their own. Now Schlesinger is taking a hard line in response to the Kremlin's hard line. And he has expressed confidence that the President, deep as he is in Watergate troubles, will stand with him.

"Anybody who knows President Nixon," Schlesinger declared, "knows full well that he would do nothing to compromise the national security in the long run, irrespective of any political disputes that exist within the United States."

The blunt truth, however, is that Schlesinger does not know what Mr. Nixon would do. Schlesinger was never close to the President in his days in the Budget Bureau and later as head of the Atomic Energy Commission and the Central Intelligence Agency.

Even now as secretary of defense he never meets privately with Mr. Nixon or talks to him on the phone. Their only contact is a distant one at infrequent and superficial Cabinet meetings.

THE WASHINGTON POST Sunday, March 31, 1974

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* Brenda Denise Woodard,
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found stabbed Nov. 16, 1971.

* Diane Williams, 17, of
3857 Halley Ter. SE, found
strangled Sept. 6, 1972.

Five of the victims had been
picked up off the street and

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# The Nation

## In Summary

### 4 Years Later, 'Kent State 8' Are Indicted

It has been almost four years since a state grand jury cleared Ohio National Guard troops in the slaying of four students during antiwar demonstrations at Kent State University, and almost three years since former Attorney General John N. Mitchell dropped a Justice Department investigation of the case.

But Friday, a Federal grand jury in Cleveland indicted eight of the guardsmen present at the shooting on charges that they had fired in the direction of the protesters and violated their constitutional rights. The jury however, found no conspiracy among the guardsmen to shoot the demonstrators as had been charged in a widely-circulated private report by a church group. Nor did it cite any Guard or state officials who have been criticized for contributing to the highly-charged atmosphere that led to the shootings. But the indictments raised some questions:

* Why hadn't the original state grand jury been shown a Justice Department summary of an F.B.I. report? It declared the National Guard fired, without warning to the students and that the guardsmen's claim that their lives were endangered by the demonstrators was fabricated after the event.

(The state grand jury, which met in an atmosphere of local backlash against campus demonstrators and failed to call key guardsmen to testify, exonerated the National Guard, blamed the university for permissiveness and indicted 24 students and a faculty member on riot charges, most of which were dropped.)

* What explains the disparity between the actions of Mr. Mitchell who found further investigation unwarranted and said that "every possible action to serve justice had been taken," and the indictments just handed up by the Federal grand jury that made extensive use of the 8,000-page F.B.I. report available to Mr. Mitchell?

The defendants, all but one of whom have since left the Guard, were charged with willfully assaulting and intimidating protesters on the Kent State campus during demonstrations against the U.S. incursion into Cambodia. The 13-second volley of fire occured on May 4, 1970.

The tragedy also left a bitter aftertaste that set off many more antiwar demonstrations and only refueled demands for further criminal action against the National Guard. Parents, fellow students of the victims and others

At prices considerably higher than before the embargo, domestic supplies of gasoline have improved to the point where New Jersey Gov. Brendan T. Byrne announced that sometime in April the state's odd-even gas rationing system would be suspended. However, the Governor cautioned he would reimpose the system if supplies fell substantially.

### The Public and Nuclear Power: Who's Listening?

A study of the public role in one of the most important technological decisions of the times—to what degree should the electric power industry switch to nuclear power plants?—concludes that public hearings on the issue are a "charade," and suggests ways of making them meaningful.

The utility sponsoring a nuclear generating station in a particular locality is practically assured of victory, says the 289-page study by Steven Ebbin, director of the Environmental Policy Study Group at George Washington University, and Raphael Kasper, a nuclear engineer with the National Science Foundation.

Basically, they say, the Atomic Energy Commission, which holds the hearings in which citizen groups are invited to participate, shares a "common set of interests" with the utilities and reactor manufacturers. Then, they add, the issues are argued in technical and legalistic language that leaves the layman confused.

To correct this imbalance the authors recommend that the public be informed of plans for nuclear facilities five years in advance, that the plans be assessed by independent

At the Heart of It Is the Price

### What Arabs Taught the Industrial Giants

By LEONARD SILK

Like a small bomb triggering a larger one, the October war in the Middle East triggered a larger war: the economic attack by the Arab oil-producing states against the industrialized nations. The oil embargo has largely been lifted, but the consequences of that display of economic power are likely to be long-lasting for the world's economy. Western statesmen and money managers are struggling to find the technical answers to questions raised by the "oil war."

**What is the key to the problem?**

It is the price of oil. Before October, the price of crude in the Persian Gulf was about $2. Today it's about $8.

**That sounds prosaic enough: What will it do to the world economy?**

First of all, it will mean a vast transfer of resources from oil-importing nations to the Saudis, Kuwaitis, Iranians and the other oil producers. By the end of this year they will have piled up about $100-billion in investible funds. Of course, oil prices could decline, but if the present price holds—and the oil nations are likely to restrict supply to keep it up—the members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries could have, according to one estimate, investible funds of half a trillion dollars by 1980.

**Will that be inflationary, or will it cause a contraction in the world economy?**

It could be both.

First, for contraction. King Faisal, the Shah of Iran and others have transferred money earned in the West to their own accounts. This money has been

taken, in the final analysis paying more for gasoline food grown on petrochemicals and so on. The Westerners commit to people less they will have to spend means a real drain on

The inflationary effect of current technology, oil prices and higher-priced oil remains many other goods. That individuals will struggle and nations to maintain of those higher oil bills banks will seek to spend enough money into the contractionary effect of the oil market. This will be inflationary, but not reverse the real one.

**But will the oil producing countries get back in the game?**

Yes. Literally speaking, the West. Deposits at West from American, European and to Arab and Iranian countries will buy goods or real Carolina, gold, Cadillac made) and so on. But most of it is for securities of one kind or the other.

Much of it now seems loans in the Eurodollar, the possibility that their investments nationalized, anonymity to long-term investors in some of the money will be of Africa and Asia. Arab countries are expected to finance repayment of the Arab League last winter, but the Arab League has not made a commitment bank for Africa having in capitalization. But, co- operation of the Arab world will gain, these countries will gain.

**If all the petrodollars in the world are going to one country, what will it mean to the rest of the world?**

One is that the big oil producing countries are going to use their goods and services to the benefit of their investments could imbalance the economies. Money used to buy oil is a different effect from machinery, housing or communications.

Another danger is that the dollars may feed money to the rest of the world, but leave other countries in the dust.

He Likes to Be Liked, and Still Have His Way

NYT 3/3/174

# Sly Sadat: Ingratiation Is His Game

By EDWARD R. F. SHEEHAN

PARIS—Egyptian President Anwar el-Sadat is pursuing toward the United States what the French call "la politique du sourire"—the politics of ingratiation. In a remarkable contrast to the style of his predecessor, Gamal Abdel Nasser, he is heaping encomiums on Secretary of State Kissinger and President Nixon as though determined to embarrass them into fulfilling his ends. It is no secret that Mr. Kissinger has promised Mr. Sadat to achieve substantial Israeli withdrawal. So far, he has delivered only a thin strip of sand on the Suez Canal's east bank. Whether he can prevail on the Israelis to disgorge the remainder of the Sinai and the other Arab territories remains to be seen, but Mr. Sadat is banking all on Mr. Kissinger's word.

The politics of ingratiation corresponds to Mr. Sadat's character. His decisions are slow but his mind is sly. President Nasser seemed to revel in making enemies; Mr. Sadat delights in making friends. Mr. Nasser quarreled bitterly with King Faisal of Saudi Arabia and the other oil princes of the Persian Gulf; Mr. Sadat soothes them in his embrace, and they respond with money. The princes have their price, of course. They, particularly King Faisal, have no mind to finance Soviet or any other radical form of Socialism in Egypt.

When Mr. Sadat visited the oil sheikdom of Abu Dhabi earlier this year, he was asked about his relations with Mr. Kissinger. Mr. Sadat replied, not only with gracious praise for the Secretary of State, but extolled the "wise guidance" of President Nixon in changing American policy in the Middle East. Unceasingly since then Mr. Sadat has professed to Arab leaders and western journalists his total trust in "Henry, my friend, my brother" and his conviction that Mr. Kissinger will arrange a complete withdrawal of Israeli troops from Arab territory.

On the other hand, western diplomats report, Mr. Sadat revealed to the Sheik of Abu Dhabi that his rapport with the Russians had so deteriorated since the October war that "late one night I decided to sever diplomatic relations. Only in the morning did I change my mind." The strains have persisted, and, Mr. Sadat has expatiated on them in confidential conversations with visitors from the West.

Finally, last week, Pravda itself assailed Mr.

Sadat's policy of close relations with the United States and of diminishing the Socialist system established by President Nasser. Pravda's warning dramatizes anew the Russian anxiety for their immense material investment in Egypt, their resentment of what they regard as Egyptian ingratitude, and their determination to be intimately involved in any final Middle Eastern settlement. They made this clear to Mr. Kissinger in their negotiations in the Kremlin.

This new foreign alignment does much to explain Mr. Sadat's evolving domestic policy. Egypt's population approaches 37 million confined to the narrow ribbon of green along the Nile. Inflation is becoming a pestilence, and the populace is multiplying so rapidly that no ordinary regime can produce sufficient work and bread. The ministries are crammed with university graduates who are paid pittances and who must dispute among themselves for chairs to sit upon. The war debt is staggering. To feed his people, Mr. Sadat desperately needs peace and development. He says he wants to clear the Suez Canal, widen it vastly, rebuild its cities, embark upon mammoth irrigation projects. He says he wishes to erect a prosperous industrial state within the next decade, and for that he would need an economic miracle.

He does not feel that he can attain it with the cumbersome Socialist apparatus he inherited from Mr. Nasser, nor by relying predominantly on the Soviet model or an Soviet help. He needs huge

amounts of capital, and he knows that that kind of aid can only come from conservative Arab regimes. He needs Western technology, and, since American technology is the best, he aspires to that as eagerly as do the Saudis and Kuwaitis.

There is a danger that as this policy unfolds it will in fact favor the Egyptian bourgeoisie who are Mr. Sadat's principal supporters. Arab oil money, seeking a quick return, may gravitate towards luxury real estate and tourism that comfort the rich and not the poor. The social gains of Nasserism, though far from adequate, were not insignificant and Mr. Sadat must consolidate them. Egypt's wretched peasantry —still the bulk of the population—and its murmuring urban multitudes should, in fairness, profit foremost from Arab oil wealth and the opening to the West. Mr. Sadat's leftist critics doubt they will.

Even some leaders of the technocracy and the middle class have misgivings about his policy of putting all his cards on the United States. Mr. Sadat removed the celebrated Mohammed Hassanein Heikal from his post as editor of the prestigious newspaper Al Ahram precisely for voicing such reservations.

Mr. Sadat is popular in Egypt today because he has persuaded most of his people that his pro-American policy will pay off. Unpredictable allies like Libya's Col. Muammar el-Qaddafi drive him to distraction, but he has rallied King Faisal and Presidents Hafez al Assad of Syria and Houari Boumediene of Algeria to his "minimalist" objective: return of the territories, then peace with Israel. The policy, however, will collapse unless it produces results. If the region reverts to another stalemate of "no-peace, no-war," the very cause of the October conflagration, then the initiative will pass to the Arab "maximalists," the Iraqis, the extremist Palestinians, Colonel Qaddafi.

This very scenario may be doomed to happen unless Mr. Kissinger delivers. And he may not be able to deliver unless both he and Mr. Sadat make a greater effort to involve the Soviet Union more actively in the dynamics of peacemaking. The Russians may be losing influence in Egypt, but they can still destroy a settlement. Russia is still the arsenal of the Arabs, and Leonid Brezhnev will lack no clients for independence if he does not deem that peace is in the Kremlin's interest. In their recent public statements both Mr. Nixon and Mr. Kissinger have recognized this.

The French have grandiose pretensions of playing a major part in a Middle Eastern settlement, but they lack true power. The British are resigned to their impotence. Only America and Russia, acting in concert, can consummate with the Arabs and the Israelis what the rest of the world so ardently wishes. As for Mr. Sadat, it is not too late for him to avoid the pitfalls of a great strategic mistake. There is no reason why he cannot entertain 'good relations with Washington and Moscow at once. Egypt's future—and his own—may depend upon it.

Edward R. F. Sheehan is a journalist and novelist who has served in the American diplomatic corps in the Middle East.

ers insisted that they had been murdered.

Finally, when Elliot L. Richardson became Attorney General in 1973, he reopened the case. When Mr. Richardson left, Assistant Attorney General J. Stanley Pottinger, in charge of the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division, pressed forward with the investigation. Mr. Pottinger said that the grand jury would not be discharged and could be reconvened to hear further evidence.

## Embargo Inquest: How Big Was Big Oil's Role?

With oil output in the major Arab producing nations now higher than it was before the October war, the Senate has begun a post-mortem on the role of American companies in the Arab embargo and the sudden rise in prices that accompanied it.

Investigators for the Senate Subcommittee Investigating Multinational Corporations charged that the companies did indeed have a role: They had acted in concert to help increase oil prices and profits, principally through agreements made years ago and intended to offset an oil surplus by limiting production.

The subcommittee also made public the accounts of the Arabian American Oil Company, the world's largest oil producer, owned by Exxon, Standard Oil of California, Texaco, Mobil and the Saudi Arabian Government. The documents showed that on 1973 revenues of $8.7-billion, Aramco had paid taxes and royalties of $5-billion to Saudi Arabia, leaving a profit of $3.2-billion. Taxes paid to the United States came to $3-million.

The documents also showed that Aramco's profits and the prices paid to Saudi Arabia both rose 350 per cent during the past five years, and the subcommittee chairman, Frank Church, Democrat of Idaho, observed that the oil companies were riding "in tandem with the Arab Governments."

An Exxon official told the committee: "I can assure you that we had the will and incentive to keep prices down and I think we did a good job until the oil-producing nations said we have had enough of you and we are going to go our own way."

"The world has a very serious monetary situation and excessive prices today. Frankly, I think they are too high. I don't know how we are going to wriggle out of it."

centers financed by Congress and the states, that public hearings be made accessible through evening and weekend sessions, and that advocates of nuclear power be required to speak plain English.

## Mr. Hearst Tries Another Offer To Kidnappers

In still another effort to induce the Symbionese Liberation Army to contact him, Randolph Hearst has announced that $4-million more will be made available to buy food for the poor. The money is to be released when his daughter, Patricia, is freed by the S.L.A., which has claimed responsibility for her kidnapping Feb. 4.

Mr. Hearst said that if he did not hear from the kidnappers after his latest offer, he would be "fearful that Patty is dead." But, he added, "I don't believe she is, and I think I will hear from them." There has been no word from the kidnappers since March 9.

Two S.L.A. members, who are in jail and whose fate has been linked to Miss Hearst's by the terrorist group, said last week that they were "confident" she would be released unharmed. In a letter, Joseph Remiro and Russell Little said: We admire the courage she has displayed and send her our warmest regards." They added that she would not be harmed "for anything that might happen to us."

Most observers felt that the message had not originated with the S.L.A. itself; the belief was that the prisoners, who have been indicted in the murder of the Oakland. Superintendent of Schools, were simply trying to generate favorable publicity.

## A Mexican Abduction

Three times in the past year, Mexican rebels in the northern part of the country have interrupted the bank robberies that finance their operations to kidnap foreign diplomats or Mexican industrialists. They apparently struck again last week. This time the victim was John Patterson, the 31-year-old commercial attache at the United States consulate in Hermosillo, 160 miles south of the Arizona border. Authorities had received a ransom note, apparently written by Mr. Patterson. It demanded $500,000 for his return.

Anthony Austin and Milton Leebaw

## Education Bill Has Passed the House

## Mr. Nixon Emphasizes The Scare Word, But

By LINDA CHARLTON

WASHINGTON—The House of Representatives last week passed a four-year, multibillion-dollar education measure whose most notable feature was a provision that would effectively end busing of school children for desegregation purposes.

Perhaps the most interesting aspect of the bill in political terms was that President Nixon spent 12 minutes last weekend on nationwide radio talking about it.

"Bureaucrats in Washington cannot educate your children," he said. And, "parents know that the education of their children can most effectively be carried out in neighborhood schools." And he used such guaranteed-to-raise-the-hackles phrases as "faraway officials in Washington, D.C."

None of this was new. Mr. Nixon's stand on busing, and on the desirability of "local control over education," has been consistent. And even those phrases had the familiar ring of campaign-speech oratory, worn flat by repetition.

But Mr. Nixon chose to make a fairly lengthy speech on this and related subjects, and it is probably not coincidental that the phrases had that somewhere-I've-heard-you timber. For, in a sense, Mr.

Nixon is running for the run before.

Opposition to busing pleaser—especially in this is now seeking renewed It is an issue that has or conservative lines. And that bloc of Senators that to see as his ultimate busing from office.

If the House measured child would be required or next closest" to his court order to bus children back to court to have them not conform with these

Antibusing measures fied by the courts, and believe that this bill, constitutional. Some observed as an academic exercise political profit for the

In any case, passage unlikely because the S-1 antibusing provision upper chamber will not

Beyond the busing qu

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except

NYT 3/3/74

# KISSINGER VOICES HOPE FOR ACCORD

Continued From Page 1, Col. 4

meeting, Mr. Kissinger has agreed to more consultations, including a scheduled session with Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko in Washington on April 15, when the Soviet official is in this country for a special session of the United Nations General Assembly on raw materials.

## Shelling Expected to End

Mr. Kissinger said his discussion with Mr. Dayan today, which lasted 90 minutes and covered matters other than disengagement, had been "very constructive and we made good progress, and I remain hopeful that we can succeed in the effort on which we are engaged to separate Israel and Syrian forces."

Mr. Dayan was asked about the continued shelling on the Golan Heights, but shrugged it off and predicted that the fighting "will not deteriorate into all-out war."

He said he was "really glad" to have come to Washington because "the fighting we can do alone at home." But "to reach agreement and peace, we have to come to Washington and work through the Secretary."

He predicted an end to the shelling when "some agreement" is reached, "and I hope it will be in the near future."

American officials said that Mr. Kissinger still planned to go to the Middle East late in April to conclude the troop-separation accord. The diplomatic effort will then be concentrated on bringing about a further accord between Egypt and Israel.

["Birm News 3.31.74", "40-YEAR VETERAN", "Media", "# AP's foreign news analyst Ryan talks about people, world situation", "BY DENNIS WASHBURN\nNews staff writer", "When old soldiers get togeth-\ner they tell war stories. Old\nnewsmen —well, they talk\nabout the stories behind the\nstories they’ve written.", "Not that William L. Ryan is an old newsman. Newsman, yes, for the past 40 years; old, he's not. His step is springy, the blue eyes sparkle and his stance is just as straight as it must have been in the late 1920's when he was considering becoming a banker.", "And if you're not careful, that ready Irish wit will charm you into trying to tell him stories instead of getting a story from him. He's charmed news sources that way in more than a hundred countries over the world.", "At the moment he's foreign news analyst for Associated Press. He's been with AP for the past 30 years and spent most of it \"between trips.\"", "In Birmingham last week for two nights to attend a conference on the art of communicating, Ryan spent as much of his time as possible with local newspeople. He asked questions about the local papers, the electronic media, Wallace, Birmingham. And he talked. About people, the world situation, Russia, China and detente.", "On Henry Kissinger he was blunt, emphatic. Kissinger—Hell! He's absolutely remarkable. The classic diplomat. He's done things that were thought impossible a short time ago, particularly in the Middle East.", "\"Most of the world's professional diplomats would have laughed at the idea the Arabs would ever negotiate with the Israelis. It's a minor miracle. Kissinger is a master of the pragmatic.", "He's no upstart or Johnny-\ncome-lately. He's been in the\nbackground for a good many\nyears. In his Harvard years he\nwas frequently called on by\nboth the Democrats and\nRepublicans to get them out of\nholes.\"", "Ryan leaned forward inten-\nly, clasping his hands. \"I have\nto say that Kissinger's style is\nsomething new for a secretary\nof state. He uses what he has to\nwork with, the balances that\nexist. He's carried China, Rus-\nsia and the U. S. into a\ntriangular relationship and this\ncreated a kind of world stabil-\nity that didn't exist before.\"", "The veteran newsman used\nhis hands to show what he\nmeant. \"The man has placed\nthe U. S. right about the middle\nof a see-saw, with Russia on", "RYAN", "one side and China on the\nother. They don't know which\nway he'll slide and tip the bal-\nance. It forces all the great\npowers to use more caution.", "He compared Kissinger with the late John Foster Dulles, saying Dulles had a lot of power as secretary of state, maybe more than Kissinger, but Dulles insisted on running a one-man state department.", "Ryan said the difference between Kissinger and Dulles was primarily in philosophy. \"Dulles was an incorrigible anti-communist. He thought in terms of a deterrent or threat. Kissinger thinks in terms of compromise. And he has a great deal of power and discretion.\"", "The newsman said he didn't think the Democrats could have gotten a Vietnam peace. And he didn't think they could have ever worked out the current detente.", "\"In general, the Russian and Chinese Communist governments are more likely to trust a reactionary government than a reform government. They think they understand the reactionaries better and they want to deal with the known quantities, not the unknown,\" he said.", "As an afterthought he re-\nmarked that John F. Kennedy\nwas an unknown quantity to the\nRussians. \"They didn't know\nwhat he might do, how he\nmight react. And they made\nsome mistakes in dealing with\nhim.\"", "Ryan said he has reserv-\nations on detente, I think we\nought to pay particular atten-\ntion to what the Russians are\nsaying to each other, their\nallies and to the Communist\nparties around the world.", "\"We first heard the U.S.S.R.", "advocating approval of detente in June, 1969 during the World Communist Conference. They embellished the idea and approved it at the international Communist Conference in March, 1971. They told their allies and the other Communist parties that detente would advance the cause of socialism in the world.", "\"And, more important, they warned their allies and the rest of the world to understand that while there's a measure of detente in trade, there can be no truce in ideas. They said that detente would sharpen the ideological confrontation,\" said Ryan.", "He said the Russians have achieved already much of what they wanted to get \"and maybe that's why Henry Kissinger came back from Russia empty-handed last week,\" he added.", "\"They've gotten the European Security Conference and this gives them the 35-member approval of the inviolability of the European borders as evolved by World War II. This makes these borders and their buffer zones permanent.", "\"Right now they're shooting for a European summit conference, but the Western powers are resisting this — so far.\"", "Despite his reservations about the detente, Ryan said he thinks the U. S. should continue on its present course of trading with the Communists.", "Why?", "\"Because it might help to dilute the power of the communists internally,\" he said, \"the more consumerized their society becomes, the more relaxed it becomes. You can't have a consumer based society in isolation.\"", "Ryan said right now there's a dilemma on both sides of the Communist world. \"The wealthier they get, the more difficult it is for them to keep a tight control on their people.\"", "Speaking of the U.S.S.R., he said whenever the Russians feel they have to deviate from the teachings of Karl Marx they call it \"Living Marxism.\" They can make Marxism or Leninism mean anything they want, he said.", "\"The Chinese don't go along with this. They think it threatens the claim to power the Communist Party has,\" said Ryan.", "He said one of the price tags on the current detente might be a progressive weakening of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). \"NATO has always been stronger or weaker in direct relationship to the feeling of menace that affects the think-", "ing of the NATO Powers. This is the reason it was created 25 years ago,\" he said.", "One of the problems facing NATO right now, said Ryan, is France. They're not even in the integrated military forces. And most people feel that France is a paradox. \"The French are saying, 'Get out of Europe.'\" from one side of their mouth; and \"Don't go.\" from the other side. This makes sense to Frenchmen, but not to the rest of the world,\" he said.", "He said the French made out pretty well in the recent oil shortage which almost crippled other parts of Europe. \"And remember, they did their damndest to persuade the Arabs not to lift the embargo as far as the U. S. is concerned.", "\"What happened was that as soon as the threat of an oil embargo became evident, the French began prospecting around throughout the Middle East and got commitments for millions of tons of petroleum annually. Since they didn't have any kind of energy crisis, they decided that it might be a good thing for them if the U. S. did have a fuel crisis.\"", "Announcements", "INVITATION TO DIS", "Sealed bids for lighting a baseball field will be received at the Trafford City Hall, Trafford, Alabama, by Vicki Stockley, City Clerk, until 7:00 p.m. Wednesday, April 10, 1974, at which time and place they will be opened and read.", "Plans and specifications are avail-\nable for contractors inspection at\nTrafford City Hall.", "The Twin of Trafford reserves the right to reject any or all bids submitted and to waive any informailities.", "VICKI STOCKLEY,\nCity Clerk, Trafford, Alabama.\nNews, March 31, 1974.", "1 Deaths", "CAMP, Mr. Edwin Ferrar Sr., age 54 of Clay Ales, passed away Friday. Survivors include his wife Mrs. Margaret Rodgers Camp, one daughter Mrs. Cathy C. Hall of Bham, one son Edward Ferrar Camp Jr., one son Mrs. Dorothy C. Keith of Detroit, Mich. Three brothers Onist, 19, and 20, and one sister Mrs. Doroty Alexander, Mrs. Penny Chvoívici, Mrs. Madsene Potins all of Bham, Mrs. Angela Strimskay of Bham, one brother Mr. William C. DeMoes of Bham, two listed Misses Katties DeMoes of Bham, Mrs. Dla Marmidela of Delange, Miss. Memorials made to Holy Trinity Greek Ormond Church, Tristation 7:30 Sunday, in memory of Mrs. Mabel Katties, DeMoes of Bham, Mrs. DeMoes of Bham, Mrs. Dla Marmidela of Delange, Miss. Memorials made to Holy Trinity Greek Ormond Church, Tristation 7:3

c, (what else?) and
the method Phonelab. And he
promises to teach you French,
Spanish, Italian or German
quicker than you can say
'viens me chercher de bonne
heur, dit mireille a Yvonne, je

It so
cially if you a
language, plus a win
subject it to hours of con-
tact with a cold, hard receiver.

The rest of us might best
dial-an-interpreter.

## Boston Herald
—-—
# Lets Ask Henry—
## If We Can Find Him

By MARY McGRATH

Well, at least one thing is becoming perfectly clear: It's
time for those of us who feel hostile, aggressive and definitely
out of step with our peers to declare themselves a special state,
and call on Henry Kissinger to negotiate some sort of settle-
ment for a lasting peace.

After all, we've done damn near all there is to do and
things don't seem to get any better. Despite our noblest inten-
tions to rise above our petty problems, we find ourselves giving
in to our most basic emotions, enlarging the chips we have
been balancing on our shoulders, and find ourselves accepting,
if not actually applauding, those more overt types who carry
out their threats — and seem to get away with it.

It seems unfair that we should have to muddle through,
leaderless, when Henry the K seems to find it so simple to
solve the problems of other people with one lip tied behind his
back.

Why should a bunch of strangers be the beneficiaries of all
the finessing the K seems to find so simple to accomplish?

Of course it could be that, just as scientists would rather
study space then try to unravel the mess their peers have
perpetrated upon the earth, American political leaders find it
much more rewarding to spread their beneficence abroad, than
to try and break the logjam of anger and confusion spreading
out stain like here at home.

It hardly seems fair, though, that we are unable to call on
the man who can get the Israelis and Egyptians at least talk-
ing together, to arrange some sort of detente between the local
citizens here and the government that seems increasingly out
to get 'em.

It's like having a lawyer in the family who's always too
busy with his clients to be able to help you make out your will.

There was a time when being an American was an all right
thing to be for no other reason than being it.

Now the best thing about it ought to be that we should get
"first dibs" on Henry K. to solve our problems.

Unfortunately it's not working out that way. Finding him at
home seems to be the biggest problem of all!

Copyright, 1974, by United Feature Syndicate, Inc.

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Kissinger hopeful of troop pullback

WASHINGTON (AP) — Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger said Saturday he expects to be able to work out a separation of Israeli and Syrian forces in the Golan Heights.

"We haven't heard the Syrian reaction, but we think we have a useful basis," Kissinger told newsmen after reviewing an Israeli proposal and map with Defense Minister Moshe Dayan.

"I basically believe that we will succeed as we did in the Egyptian disengagement in bringing together the points of view of the two sides," Kissinger added.

The secretary saw Dayan out of the State Department building and prepared for a 10-day vacation in Acapulco, Mexico, his first in a year. He will receive a Syrian negotiator separately around April 11.

It is taken for granted that Israel will yield most, if not all, of the land it gained from Syria last October after repulsing an attack. But, backed by the Soviet Union, the Syrians are understood to be demanding a broader withdrawal to include the city of Kuneitra and other territory occupied during the six-day war of 1967.

Neither Kissinger nor Dayan provided details of the proposal the defense minister brought with him from Jerusalem. But Kissinger said Dayan's presentation in behalf of the Israeli cabinet "obviously is a sincere proposal."

Dayan, meanwhile, said he did not think the artillery skirmishes with Syria along the Golan Heights "will deteriorate into an all-out war."

In any event, the general added, "the fighting we can do alone at home. But to reach an agreement we have to work with the secretary."

Max Lerner

3-30-74

BOSTON HERALD
Advertiser

# Success Spoil Henry?

With a foray into Russia, to be followed by another into the Middle East, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger runs the danger of becoming a figure of fun as a candidate for perpetual motion. Some are tempted to dismiss him as a dervish, others as a false magus, still others as a tribal shaman. All the images are from necromancy and its allied areas. Which is what legends feed on.

Kissinger gets his effects, says one commentator, by sheer speed — a continuous, breathless juggling of his various projects, punctuated by surprises. It is like saying that a ropewalker gets his effects by waving his arms. If the inner discipline and the body's cunning were not there, the arm-waving would do little good. Kissinger has control of his material, and he has the cunning that comes from reading the blurred shape of the future in the remembered outline of the past.

But things are getting harder for him in the present. There are signs that his carefully contrived world is coming unhinged. In fact, George Ball suggested the other day in Brussels that Kissinger himself was coming unhinged from flying fatigue combined with jet lag. Maybe so. But Kissinger exhausted can claim to have done more to change world diplomacy than George Ball and his associates ever did in the State Dept. at their freshest.

His problem is not his travel addiction nor his work neurosis: Most government servants would be better if their lives contained more of both. The real problem is that the task is too vast, and his political resources on his home turf too lean.

The task has been nothing less than the reorganizing of world diplomacy. There was a burning Faustian will in it, and some felt that — like Faust — Kissinger sold his soul to the devil to achieve his dream. There are some who still feel that way, who won't forgive him because he works for President Nixon.

There are signs of discontent with the results of Kissinger's policies. In China there are moves, doubtless with Mao's approval, pointing to a new Cultural Revolution, this time directed at Chou En-lai, who committed himself to a new deal with the United States. In Russia, there are discontents in the Kremlin, largely because Kissinger has been too successful, and has given the United States the center of the stage as Mideast mediator and peacemaker,

pushing Leonid Brezhnev and the Russians into the background.

In Europe there are discontents because Kissinger, wearied of the serpentine maneuvers of European (especially French) diplomacy for the past decade and more, has chosen to play a bad-guy role, and talk tough both at Paris and Brussels.

There are also discontents at home. The conservatives feel that Mr. Nixon should never have shaken Mao's hand or Brezhnev's. Those for whom Sen. Henry Jackson (D-Wash.) is spokesman feel that Kissinger hasn't bargained enough — inside the detente with Russia — for freedom of emigration and dissent in the Soviet Union. Across political lines, many feel that the United States got the short end of the stick on the wheat sale and — far more important — on the SALT talks.

Thus the discontents pile up. In some degree they are a price Kissinger pays for his successes. His spectacular Middle East role, including his strong working relationship with President Anwar Sadat of Egypt, has not delighted the Russians. Nor has the lifting of the Arab oil embargo helped the mood in Moscow. The French, too, are worried at Kissinger's headway on the energy crisis, which may account for Foreign Minister Michel Jobert's new-found concern about an equal oil deal for Holland and Denmark.

Yet in the end it isn't his successes that will spoil Kissinger's plans, but the shrinking of the ground he stands on.

For however fast he whirls around the globe, he is lamed by President Nixon's darkening destiny at home. The danger to Kissinger is not primarily — as sometimes put — that the Russians no longer trust Mr. Nixon's power to carry through his trade undertakings. The greater danger is that Brezhnev, sensing Mr. Nixon's increasing weakness, will decide to crowd him in the coming negotiations, especially on the SALT talks. If they feel that politically Mr. Nixon needs another Russian treaty, and especially needs his planned June trip to Moscow, they may exact a very high price for what he needs.

That is why even the subtlest diplomat may find it ever harder to work for a President whose world is falling around his shoulders.

Informed Him
Mideast War

The interview referring to
the Soviet Ambassador was
with a Lebanese journalist.
Mrs. Alia el-Solh. She quoted
the President as having said
that six hours after the Egyp-
tian forces began their cross-
ing of the Suez Canal Oct. 6
he was called out of the opera-
tions rom at headquarters by
Mr. Vinogradov and told that
Syria, with Moscow as a go-
between, was requesting an
immediate cease-fire.

Conversation Recalled

"I asked the ambassador whether this was for my information or he was telling me for another reason," Mr. Sadat was quoted as having said. "The ambassador answered 'We have an official request from Syria and want to get in touch with al-Assad'.

Mr. Sadat's "harsh" words
to Mr. Vinogradov came the
next day, the day the Egyptian
President received a message
from the Syrian leader deny-
ting that he was seeking a

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JACKETS CABLES

SOVIET HOPEFUL
ON ARMS ACCORD

NYT 3/30/74

Brushing Aside 'Pessimism'
in West, It Says Pact Can
Be Arranged by June

Special to The New York Times

MOSCOW, March 29 — The Soviet Union today brushed aside "pessimistic" Western press appraisal of Secretary of State Kissinger's mission to Moscow and asserted that a new accord on strategic-arms limitation "can be worked out by the time of" President Nixon's visit here in late June.

This Soviet assessment contrasted sharply with the version given American reporters traveling home with Mr. Kissinger after his talks here this week with Leonid I. Brezhnev, the Soviet Communist party leader.

In Washington, the Administration sought to counter what the State Department called "an unusual amount of gloom" in the press over the results of Mr. Kissinger's talks in Moscow. It said that it would be useful for Mr. Nixon to make the trip in June even though Mr. Kissinger did not achieve the breakthrough on arms limitation he had sought.

Another Visit Held Possible

Meanwhile, American officials here said the Soviet Foreign Minister, Andrei A. Gromyko, would probably go to Washington to carry on the dialogue on such key issues as arms control on about April 9, when he attends the United Nations General Assembly.

They also held out some prospect that Mr. Kissinger might come back to Moscow in May for another attempt at a breakthrough on the arms accord, despite the failure to achieve major progress during the latest round of talks in the

Continued on Page 11, Column 3

SOVIET HOPEFUL
ON ARMS ACCORD

Continued From Page 1, Col. 4

Kremlin.

Tonight, the Soviet Govern-
ment newspaper Izvestia said:
"The tone and content of the
talks far from correspond to
the pessimistic mood music
with which some Western or-
gans of information accom-
panied the Kissinger mission."

More to the point, Za Rube-
zhom, the foreign-affairs week-
ly published by the union of
journalists, carried a major
commentary covering its entire
front page stressing favorable
prospects for the crucial agree-
ment to limit the offensive
strategic arsenals of both sides.

"As a result of the talks in
the Kremlin," the paper said,
good chances now exist for
achieving progress on this is-

sue, and agreement can be
worked out in time for the
planned summit meeting."

Izvestia cited what it called
the "noticeable pressure of the
military-industrial complex" in
the United States, but none-
theless also took a positive ap-
proach to the prospects for an
arms accord.

"Mr. Kissinger's visit showed that given consistency and a realistic and constructive approach by both sides, there are possibilities for the attainment of mutually acceptable solutions," the paper said.

American officials have said
that Moscow turned down the
American proposals for putting
brakes on the arms race, espe-
cially on multiple, independent-
ly guided warheads, known as
MIRV's, and in turn offered a
proposal that the American
side considered unacceptable.

The Soviet press dealt with
none of these details, but only
projected its more positive
assessment in broad terms, re-
flecting the cordial atmosphere
that the Soviet officials had
conveyed to newsmen at the
time of the talks.

The one slightly doubtful
note was a final paragraph in
the Tass account of the meet-
ings that quoted Mr. Kissinger
as having said in departure,
that he hoped the Nixon-Brezh-
nev summit meeting would take
place at the appointed time.
In some quarters, this was read
as a sign that the Russians
themselves might still have
some doubts about the timing,
since Soviet press accounts
normally omit points that au-
thorities here do not want to
raise.

Narrowing of Positions

The general line today, how-
ever, was very positive. Izves-
tia asserted that there had
been a "narrowing of posi-
tions" on some of the princi-
pal questions at issue in prepa-
rations for a European security
conference.

American officials said that
Mr. Brezhnev had engaged in
quite detailed discussion of
such intricate and still-unre-
solved issues as the dispute
over Russian demands for a
final declaration that affirms
European borders as fixed an
inviolable.

West Germany, the United
States and other Western na-
tions want a provision that al-
lows for peaceful change of
borders through negotiations,
thus allowing, for instance, for
peaceful reunification of Ger-
many. But so far, Moscow ob-
jects.

Mr. Brezhnev was also said
to have taken part in the dis-
cussion of disagreements over
and East-West interchange of
ideas and information. But the
Soviet press gave no indication
where, if at all, differences on
these issues had narrowed.

Both Soviet commentaries
today suggested that the West-
ern press, radio and televi-
sion were being used by Zion-
ists and opponents of improved
relations to hinder the process
of easing tensions.

The Izvestia commentary, in
mentioning the pessimistic
estimates of the Brezhnev-Kis-
singer talks, did not say that
most accounts of failure in the
talks had been based on brief-
ings to newsmen by a high
American official on the home-
ward-bound Kissinger plane.

For your bust
your thighs
back support
instantly!

## TITO SAID TO WARN SADAT OVER UNITY

Visiting Egyptian Urged to
Close Ranks With Other
Arab Lands on Policy

By MALCOLM W. BROWNE

Special to The New York Times

BRIONI ISLAND, Yugoslavia, March 29 — President Tito of Yugoslavia has pointedly re-proached President Anwar el-Sadat of Egypt for his negotiations with the United States toward resolving the Middle East crisis, sources close to the Yugoslav Government disclosed today.

Mister Sadat arrived here yesterday reportedly hoping for endorsement of his policies by Marshal Tito, who is esteemed by Arab nations as the patriarch of the so-called nonaligned world. Instead, Mister Sadat

## Burial of Smokey Bear
Planned in New Mexico

Special to The New York Times

CAPITAN, N. M., March 30 — This mountain village is making plans for its most famous native — the aging Smokey Bear—to be buried with honor at his birthplace here when he dies.

Mayor Jay T. Johnston has requested the United States Forest Service, which adopted Smokey as a "living fire prevention symbol" and placed him in the national zoo in Washington 25 years ago, to have his remains sent here for burial in a Smokey the Bear Memorial Museum and Park.

United States Representative Harold Runnels, Democrat of New Mexico, has introduced a resolution in the House that would provide for Smokey's return to Capitan, "when he goes to the great honey tree in the sky."

with President Sadat were therefore badly received here.

Officials express annoyance that for the last three months they say, Mr. Kissinger has declined to receive the Yugoslav Ambassador in Washington.

### 'Antiquated System'

Yugoslav leaders feel that great-power diplomacy and economic policies are again driving small, disunited countries to the wall, and President Tito said last night, "Some developed countries are still seeking solutions within an antiquated system whereby the largest part of the burden is borne by undeveloped countries."

Commenting on the Egyptian visit, the Belgrade newspaper Politika, which reflects Communist party policy, said bluntly, "Sadat is relying too much on mediation and is not coordinating enough with the Arabs and his other friends."

President Sadat had little opportunity to enjoy the beauty of this island, where thousands of tame deer roam vast lawns

wp 3/30/74

# Sadat Says Soviets
# Misinformed Egypt

From News Dispatches

Egyptian President Anwar Sadat said in an interview published yesterday that the Soviet Union told him in the early hours of the October war that Syria had asked for a cease-fire. He said the report, which turned out to be false, was a Soviet attempt to get Egypt to stop fighting.

Sadat said he made his own
inquiry, and Syrian President
Hafez Assad denied the re-
port.

In an interview with the
Beirut daily Al Anwar, Sadat
said the false report of a
cease-fire was relayed to him
the night of Oct. 6 by Soviet
Ambassador Vladimir Vino-
gradov.

The Egyptian leader's accu-
sation seems certain to put an
even greater strain on Cairo's
relations with Moscow, its ma-
jor supplier of arms and other
assistance. Relations were al-
ready uneasy because of
Egypt's heavy reliance on U.S.
diplomacy to reach a military
disengagement with Israel.

Sadat was in Yugoslavia yes-
terday for talks with Presi-
dent Tito centering on Egypt's
relations with the U.S.

Describing a meeting with
Vinogradov only hours after
Egyptian troops stormed the
Israeli defense lines on the
Suez Canal, Sadat said in the
interview; "I was surprised
when he told me that Syria
was asking for a cease-fire and
that she requested this from
the Soviet Union . . . I refused
to order a cease-fire and told
the ambassador to inform his
government.

"Then I cabled President

Assad and the next day re-
ceived a reply."

Sadat said Vinogradov, with
whom he reportedly was never
on good terms, asked for
another meeting and re-
peated that Syria was seeking
a cease-fire.

"My reply to him was vio-
lent," Sadat said.

Sadat also said in the inter-
view that he decided to liqui-
date the Israeli positions on
the Western bank of the Suez
Canal two months after the
cease-fire.

Sadat said he made the deci-
sion last Dec. 24, following an
eight-hour meeting of the
higher council of the Egyptian
armed forces.

"The only thing left was to give the signal to start the attack," he said. The interview gave no explanation for why the attack was not made.

Israel later withdrew from
the west bank under the disen-
gagement agreement negoti-
ated by U.S. Secretary of
State Henry Kissinger.

Meanwhile, Israeli officials
announced in Jerusalem that
the foreign ministers of Israel
and France will exchange vis-
its this year in a major move
to soothe the strained rela-
tions between the two coun-
tries.

Military spokesman in Tel
Aviv and Damascus reported
that Syrian and Israeli forces
exchanged artillery and tank
fire on the Golan Heights
front for the 18th successive
day. Syria said several Israelis
were killed or wounded, but
Israel denied the reports.

WP 3/30/74

# U.S. Upbeat On Moscow Talk Results

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

The State Department got out yesterday to counteract descriptions of Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger's mission to Moscow as a "failure" by labeling the talks "a definite step forward."

Characterizations of the talks between Kissinger and Soviet Communist Party leader Leonid I. Brezhnev as unsuccessful, or even barren of results, visibly disturbed the Nixon administration.

Labeling the Moscow talks a failure, which some European newspapers did in sweeping language, undermines justification for President Nixon's planned summit trip to Moscow in June. Administration officials reemphasized yesterday that the President's trip is still scheduled, whether or not a new nuclear arms agreement can be signed with the Soviet Union.

In an unusual move, the official Soviet press yesterday also disputed reports that the Kissinger-Brezhnev talks were a failure, or cast gloom over the prospects for continuing U.S.-Soviet detente.

Western specialists noted, however, that this approach can serve a dual Soviet purpose: to portray the Soviet Union as blameless, as well, for the lack of more tangible results in the Moscow talks.

The Soviet news agency, Tass, said there are no grounds for "pessimism" about the Moscow meeting earlier this week; Tass said allegations that the Soviet Union took a "tough position" that blocked progress are "idle speculation."

State Department spokes-

See SUMMIT, A4, Col. 2

# U.S. Seeks to Offset Reports That Kissinger Talks Failed

## SUMMIT, From A1

man George S. Vest said that "first reaction" to the three days of talks in Moscow has been "a bit gloomier than the circumstances warrant."

Newsmen noted that it was Kissinger who said he expected to achieve in Moscow a "conceptual breakthrough" for a new American-Soviet accord on nuclear weapons control. This is what was reported as "failure" in the American press, not the entire mission.

The spokesman acknowledged that. But he said that in dealing with "the most serious life-and-death issues that we talk about in foreign policy," if one has "not as yet reached the stage where you have a conceptual breakthrough," that does not mean "that everything is in the stage of failure."

"... The fact that you have not reached that moment," said Vest, "does not mean that you have gone to hell in a handbasket. It means that much more thought and study needs to be given."

Vest said "the talks were a definite step forward. We are not calling it, of course, a 'breakthrough.' But . . . we do not see the talks as the 'failure' which some have described it. This was a very serious . . . talk about an extraordinarily delicate subject."

Kissinger conferred with President Nixon at the White House yesterday morning to review the Moscow talks. Officials stated afterward that the President's intention to visit the Soviet Union this summer is unchanged.

In further diplomacy to advance preparations for the President's trip, Vest publicly confirmed that Kissinger plans to meet Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko in New York around April 15,

during the special U.N. conference on resources. Later, "if it appears to be useful," Vest also confirmed, Kissinger "might even make a further trip to Moscow in May."

Vest was questioned closely by newsmen about President Nixon's recent public statements that summit conferences are justified only if they can produce concrete results.

The spokesman said that in Moscow "there were a number of other areas of substantial agreement, which will be available to be discussed at the summit."

Asked to specify them, Vest said that in addition to nuclear arms limitation, Brezhnev and Kissinger discussed the Middle East, mutual troop reductions in Europe, the 35-

nation European security conference in Geneva, and "East-West policy in its broadest sense," and the linked subject of expanded U.S.-Soviet trade and Soviet emigration policy.

There was "a considerable meeting of minds in our approach" to issues before the European security conference, said Vest, but he said he could not discuss specifics of this or any other topic at this stage.

It is premature to say what can be agreed upon at a Moscow summit, the spokesman said. Without "trying to blame anybody," he said, what the administration wants to counter is what he described as "an unusual degree of gloom in the press over this particular [summit preparation] meeting" by Kissinger.

the pictures show little evidence of a planet cooking in the sun as Mercury has done every day for 4.6 billion years.

The pictures of the planet were described by scientists as "superb," particularly in light of the fact that the best pictures ever taken of Mercury from earth showed no features smaller than 300 miles across.

Today's photos show details smaller than a mile. The pictures covered almost half the planet's surface. They show a rugged surface covered with craters as deep as 20 miles, as wide as 100 miles and as small as five miles across.

There are craters inside craters and craters piled on top of craters. There are giant cracks in the surface suggesting high heats beneath it, but there are no obvious volcano remnants anywhere such as those found scattered across the planet Mars.

"I think that what we saw today was a planet in between Mars and the moon" said Har-

thing a little more active than the moon."

Mercury looked far more cratered than Mars and almost as beat up as the moon. The craters strewn across the surface ran the spectrum, from ancient craters almost covered by the erosion of time to young craters with bright halos of freshly dug soil.

This is another thing that makes Mercury different from Mars. There are no haloed craters on Mars, leading scientists to believe that young craters on the Martian surface are covered over by the dust storms that constantly sweep the red planet.

One thing missing from Mercury was the huge basin-like craters that appear in five or six regions of the moon. The lunar basins are circled by mountains as high as six miles, which were conspicuously absent on Mercury.

"This is very mysterious and we must ask ourselves why," Masursky said. "It either

While there were no signs of volcanos on Mercury, there was the appearance of some ancient volcanic activity. It was seen in a few rille-like ravines that crossed craters and in the dome-like hills that showed up on some of the last pictures Mariner 10 took today before speeding past the planet.

When Life Is Essent

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Reshaping
Of Trade
Bill Seen

Associated Press

The chairman of the Senate Finance Committee indicated yesterday that strong opposition from organized labor could force a major reshaping of trade reform legislation.

"We are going to have to reconsider some of our positions," Chairman Russell B. Long (D-La.) said after United Steelworkers President I. W. Abel called the bill "nothing more than quackery."

"You and Mr. Meany have made a very strong case against this bill. We will have to face up to the fact that there is a difference between foreign aid and foreign trade," Long said.

AFL-CIO President George Meany earlier this week denounced the Nixon administration's approach to foreign trade, saying it has the effect of giving concessions to other nations and getting nothing in return.

Abel took the same approach.

"We cannot support policies which seem to us to be detrimental to the economic and social well-being of this country even though they are wrapped in red-white-and-blue bunting or are tagged with the outworn labels and code

Flight of Mariner 10 past the planet Mercury is charted at left. Early photograph of plan

## Planet Mercury Shows

By Thomas O'Toole

Washington Post Staff Writer

PASADENA, Calif., March 29—A Mariner spacecraft flew

measured a thin atmosphere around the planet. It appeared to be made up almost entirely of argon and helium. Both gasses are present in the

found by Mariner 10 had to come from inside the planet.

The discovery of a magnetic field around Mercury means that the planet has an inner core that is hot enough to be liquid, making Mercury more like the earth than the moon. Just how hot the core of Mercury might be was unknown tonight.

Mariner 10 also took Mercury's temperature, which turned out to be about 600 degrees Fahrenheit. This came as no surprise since Mercury is the planet nearest the sun, never swinging any farther from the solar disc than 43 million miles and coming in as close as 29 million miles.

A temperature of 600 degrees is hot enough to melt lead, which might exist in large quantities on the planet. Scientists believe Mercury to made up largely of iron and nickel, which melt at temperatures much higher than 600.

WP 3/30/74

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

The State Department set out yesterday to counteract descriptions of Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger's mission to Moscow as a "failure" by labeling the talks "a definite step forward."

The Soviet news agency, Tass, said there are no grounds for "pessimism" about the Moscow meeting earlier this week: Tass said allegations that the Soviet Union took a "tough position" that blocked progress are "idle speculation."

State Department spokes-

See SUMMIT, A4, Col. 2

comment on the case.

Rhind said the IRS "appears to be exploring the parameters of its own rules," which allow the tax exclusion up to $3,000 for each committee, thereby permitting the accumulation of massive tax-free gifts for the benefit of individual candidates.

The attorney said it was unclear to what extent the IRS would expect the donor to investigate each committee to ensure its legitimacy, or whether the donor would later be taxed if the committee

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Second class postage paid at Washington, D.C. Printed at 1150 15th St. NW, 20005

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YEONAS-REALTORS

## SUMMIT, From A1

S Moon-Like Face

the pictures show little evi-
dence of a planet cooking in
the sun as Mercury has done
every day for 4.6 billion years.

The pictures of the planet
were described by scientists as
"superb," particularly in light
of the fact that the best pic-
tures ever taken of Mercury
from earth showed no features
smaller than 300 miles across.

"I think that what we saw
today was a planet in between
Mars and the moon," said Har-

thing a little more active than
the moon.”

This is another thing that
makes Mercury different from
Mars. There are no haloed
craters on Mars, leading scient-
tists to believe that young
craters on the Martian surface
are covered over by the dust
storms that constantly sweep
the red planet.

One thing missing from Mer-
cury was the huge basin-like
craters that appear in five or
six regions of the moon. The
lunar basins are circled by
mountains as high as six miles,
which were conspicuously ab-
sent on Mercury.

"This is very mysterious and
we must ask ourselves why,"
Masursky said, "It either

While there were no signs
of volcanos on Mercury, there
was the appearance of some
ancient volcanic activity. It
was seen in a few rille-like
ravines that crossed craters
and in the dome-like hills that
showed up on some of the last
pictures Mariner 10 took to-
day before speeding past the
planet.

When Li
In T
Is Esse

to your
theatre, do
are invit-
mid-week
require
answerin-
cally acti-
like our
You're bu-
ours.
One and
fums fro-

Reshaping
Of Trade
Bill Seen

Associated Press

AFL-CIO President George Meany earlier this week announced the Nixon administration's approach to foreign trade, saying it has the effect of giving concessions to other nations and getting nothing in return.

Abel took the same approach.

"We cannot support policies which seem to us to be detrimental to the economic and social well-being of this country even though they are wrapped in red-white-and-blue bunting or are tagged with the Union labels and code

## Planet Mercury Show!

By Thomas O'Toole

Washington Post Staff Writer

PASADENA, Calif., March

29—A Mariner spacecraft flew

WP 3/30/74

# Sadat Says Soviets Misinformed Egypt

From News Dispatches

Sadat said he made his own inquiry, and Syrian President Hafez Assad denied the report.

In an interview with the Beirut daily Al Anwar, Sadat said the false report of a cease-fire was relayed to him the night of Oct. 6 by Soviet Ambassador Vladimir Vinogradov.

The Egyptian leader's accusation seems certain to put an even greater strain on Cairo's relations with Moscow, its major supplier of arms and other assistance. Relations were already uneasy because of Egypt's heavy reliance on U.S. diplomacy to reach a military disengagement with Israel.

Sadat was in Yugoslavia yesterday for talks with President Tito centering on Egypt's relations with the U.S.

Describing a meeting with Vinogradov only hours after Egyptian troops stormed the Israeli defense lines on the Suez Canal, Sadat said in the interview: "I was surprised when he told me that Syria was asking for a cease-fire and that she requested this from the Soviet Union . . . I refused to order a cease-fire and told the ambassador to inform his government.

"Then I cabled President

Assad and the next day received a reply."

Sadat said Vinogradov, with whom he reportedly was never on good terms, asked for another meeting and repeated that Syria was seeking a cease-fire.

"My reply to him was violent," Sadat said.

Sadat also said in the interview that he decided to liquidate the Israeli positions on the Western bank of the Suez Canal two months after the cease-fire.

Sadat said he made the decision last Dec. 24, following an eight-hour meeting of the higher council of the Egyptian armed forces.

Israel later withdrew from the west bank under the disengagement agreement negotiated by U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger.

Meanwhile, Israeli officials announced in Jerusalem that the foreign ministers of Israel and France will exchange visits this year in a major move to soothe the strained relations between the two countries.

NYT 3/29/74

# Specter of Watergate at U.S.-Soviet Talks

By HEDRICK SMITH
Special to The New York Times

MOSCOW, March 28 — For the first time in two years, the Watergate affair has had some discernible impact on important Soviet-American negotiations.

During Secretary of State Kissinger's talks

News Analysis

here with Leonid I. Brezhnev, each side went out of its way to assure

the other that despite Mr. Nixon's Watergate troubles, it was still committed to improving relations, regardless of personalities.

The very need to make such commitments in public, through the ritualistic language of toasts and communiqués suggested how much Watergate and Mr. Nixon's personal future are now on Moscow's mind as well as Washington's.

Officially the final com-

muniqué announced that both sides would push ahead with preparations for the visit of President Nixon to Moscow. But at a Soviet reception for American correspondents, one Soviet official kiddingly asked an American journalist, "Are you looking forward to the visit of President Ford? Such jocular irreverence would have been unthinkable for Moscow a few months ago."

Other Soviet officials were particularly keen to probe and question the Washington corre-

spondents traveling with Mr. Kissinger about the likelihood of impeachment proceedings against the President. In their private comments, they showed new respect for the power and autonomy of Congress.

The Watergate factor was undoubtedly one reason for the disappointing results of the Brezhnev-Kissinger talks. For Mr. Kissinger came here with a weak negotiating hand and the Soviet leadership obviously felt no compulsion to rush toward compromise with a weakened Administration.

The tables have turned dramatically since the spring of 1972 when Mr. Nixon's first Presidential visit was being prepared. Then, the Russians knew privately that they were headed for a disastrous harvest and that they needed both

Continued on Page 4, Column 4

Continued From Page 1, Col. 8

American wheat and an arms
agreement to signal formally
to the world that the United
States accepted the Soviet Un-
ion as a nuclear equal.

This spring, Mr. Kissinger
arrived not only with his Presi-
dent trying to hold Cngress
at bay but also with the At-
lantic alliance rent with fun-
damental divisions. This situa-
tion undercut any chance for
him to act as interlocutor with
Moscow for the divided West.
on such major East-West is-
sues as reductions of military
forces in the center of Eu-
rope or terms for a European
security conference.

On arms limitations, Moscow
knows that the Nixon Adminis-
tration is divided and may
well wonder whether Mr. Nix-
on would be able to persuade
Congress to accept any deal
to which Moscow might ulti-

mately agree. Again, reason to
pause to see how the power
struggle over the Presidency
is resolved.

With Marshal Andrei A.
Grechko, the Soviet Defense
Minister, now in the Politburo,
Mr. Brezhnev must apparently
move more carefully on the
arms issue. Marshal Grechko's
rapid return home from a visit
to Iraq pointed up his impor-
tance in the exchanges with Mr.
Kissinger.

Rather consistently in the
last three months, the 70-
year-old marshal has taken a
more wary public stance on im-
proving relations than other top
leaders and has stressed the
need to push ahead with
"strengthening" of the Soviet
arsenal. He was invited to Mr.
Kissinger's luncheon yesterday
but, along with a few other
Soviet officials, did not attend.
Tonight, however, American of-
ficials said they attached "no

special significance" to his ab-
sence.

Despite the Kremlin's unwill-
ingness to make concessions
on the hard, practical issues,
the Soviet leadership quite de-
liberately chose Mr. Kissinger's
visit to take the recent chill
off Soviet-American relations
and to warm up the atmos-
phere.

Soviet officials from Mr.
Brezhnev on down fairly
exuded good fellowship and op-
timism during Mr. Kissinger's
brier stay, though they let him
go home without the crucial
negotiating breakthrough on
arms control or the other con-
crete results he had sought.

One implication is that the
Kremlin hopes a more cordial
mood with Washington, after
obvious recent strains, may en-
courage Congress to liberalize
the terms of trade with the
Soviet Union.

As if recognizing Mr. Nix-
on's impotence to move Con-
gress on the trade issue, the
Soviet leadership reportedly of-
ferd some slight flexibiliy on
the Jewish emigration ques-
tion, presumably to see whe-
ther Congress could be swayed.

A Waiting Game

But the Kremlin seems in-
clined to wait to see what hap-
pens on the bread-and-butter
issue of lower tariffs and big-
ger credits before striking any
major new deals with Presi-
dent Nixon, perhaps with the
thought that the pressures of
the next weeks may make his
own terms softer.

Once again, the Watergate
affair and Mr. Nixon's low
popularity ratings at home may
have an impact on a kind of
deadline diplomacy by Mos-
cow. One theory here is that
the Kremlin believes Mr.
Nixon will be ready to pay a
high price for a successful
visit, indicate a willingness to
compromise, and send Mr.
Kissinger back to Moscow for
more negotiating.

The deliberately downbeat
assessment of the talks in Mr.
Kissinger's party as he flew
home could be intended to
believe such a Soviet view, by
signaling that the Administra-
tion was prepared to forgo
success when Mr. Nixon came
to Moscow rather than make
unacceptable compromises.

Schlesinger Says Nixon
Can't Be Coerced on Arms

NYT

3/29/74

By JOHN W. FINNEY

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, March 28—
Secretary of Defense James R.
Schlesinger said today that if
the Soviet Union believed that
it could take advantage of Presi-
dent Nixon's difficulties over
Watergate to obtain concessions
on a strategic arms agreement
it "would soon be disabused
of this notion."

Speaking in response to ques-
tions at a news conference, Mr.
Schlesinger said that the Presi-
dent would not rush into such
an agreement to improve his
domestic political position.

"Anybody who knows Mr.
Nixon knows full well he would
do nothing to compromise na-
tional security in the long run,
irrespective of any political dis-

putes that exist within the
United States," the Defense
Secretary declared.

While Mr. Schlesinger did
not voluntarily raise the issue,
he spoke at length and with
unusual emphasis in seeking to
deny suggestions that the Presi-
dent's bargaining position in
the negotiations with the So-
viet Union on limited strategic
arms had been critically weak-
ened by the Watergate affair.

"The Administration," he
said, "continues to be in a
position in which it can demand
what is essential for the long-
run security of the United
States."

The news conference was
held at the Pentagon shortly
after a communiqué was issued
in Moscow making clear that
Secretary of State Kissinger, in
discussions with the Soviet
party leader, Leonid I. Brezh-
nev, had failed to achieve the
"conceptual breakthrough" he
had been seeking for a perma-
nent agreement limiting of-
fensive strategic weapons. In
1972, the United States and the
Soviet Union concluded an in-
terim accord covering some
offensive arms for five years.

As interpreted by Mr. Schles-
inger, the discussions between
Mr. Kissinger and Mr. Brezhnev
resulted in "clarification of cer-
tain questions," a better under-
standing of basic issues to be
resolved, but "not resolution of
possible areas of differences."

To Mr. Schlesinger, this
meant that "progress was
made" in the Moscow discus-
sions, which were to lay the
groundwork for President Nix-
on's trip to Moscow early this
summer. At the same time, the

Continued on Page 5, Column 1

...Mideast Barometer

NYT 3/29/74

The pace of Middle East diplomacy in the coming weeks may provide a clearer signal of the prospects for superpower détente than did the unilluminating communiqué in Moscow.

If Mr. Kissinger was unable to gain Soviet support—or at least absence of opposition—for his ongoing mediation effort between Israel and Syria, the whole American peacemaking initiative could be in for a sharp and sudden setback.

For many months United States policymakers believed that the Soviet Union had good reasons of national interest to tolerate, if not actively promote, the American mediation. The opening of the Suez Canal, for instance, gives potential strategic benefit to the Russians, with new possibilities for easy naval access to the Indian Ocean.

Yet, as the American good offices gained momentum, Soviet comments on Mr. Kissinger grew more shrill and suspicious, right up to the eve of the Moscow talks. Some American diplomats concede that it may have been a tactical error to complete last January's disengagement agreement between Egypt and Israel without any Soviet participation, not even a symbolic signing ceremony at the Geneva conference. This exclusion, considered humiliating by Moscow, might in itself have led to the apparent Soviet encouragement to stiffen Syria's demands for the next round of disengagement talks due to begin with the arrival in Washington today of Israel's Defense Minister, Moshe Dayan.

At the same time, the Soviet leadership grew openly disenchanted with Egyptian President Sadat as United States influence in Egypt mounted. It was Mr. Sadat who took the lead, against Arab and apparently Soviet opposition, in calling off the oil embargo. The Egyptians turned to the United States and Britain for technical help in clearing out the blocked Suez Canal, a prestige project which the Russians are now trying to join.

Mr. Kissinger and his aides have been frankly uncertain whether the new Soviet coolness was a reaction of pique at Mr. Sadat's seeming ingratitude for past Soviet support, or of more profound Soviet disquiet at any political progress between the Middle East belligerents. This point was being tested in the Moscow talks.

Soviet influence in Syria remains strong. If necessary

ken out of service. [1:1.]

## Sports

Venezuela tax demand delays Foreman departure. Page 35

Knicks to begin playoff series with Bullets. Page 35

Nets, Squires meet tonight in playoff opener. Page 35

Revson is eulogized as racer at services here. Page 35

Nicklaus opens with 66 on wet course. Page 35

Harrelson, Jones scuffle: Was just a "no-hitter." Page 35

Aura of mystery on court aids Miss Louie. Page 35

Campion of Manhattan named best by writers. Page 36

McDowell doesn't believe Yanks will cut him. Page 37

People in Sports: W.F.L. loses No. 1 draft choice. Page 38

## Notes on People Page 41

## Man in the News

Adm. James L. Holloway 3d, Zumwalt successor. Page 14

## Editorials and Comment

Editorials and Letters. Page 32

James Reston on playing the waiting game. Page 33

Tom Wicker sees new test on integration. Page 33

J. P. Rowan and W. J. Simon on Vietnam vets. Page 33

Joseph Farkas proposes voter I.Q. test. Page 33

## News Analysis

Hedrick Smith on Kissinger's Soviet visit. Page 1

Bill Kovach on jury report on Nixon. Page 16

## CORRECTION

In the review in The New York Times yesterday of the Handel Society of New York's performance of "Alcina," the solo cellist was singled out for special praise. She was incorrectly identified. Her name is Alla Goldberg.

near the statue of his friend and counselor, Hamilton, at Weehawken.

Divorces in that period were more frequent than historians have long believed, Professor Hershkowitz said, and he estimated that between 5 and 10 per cent of all Chancery cases were divorce actions.

## Historical Trivia

The archives also provided a flock of historical trivia; Hamilton's mahogany coffin cost $25 in 1804 and, notwithstanding his views on personal enterprise, the state paid; churches received $9 to toll their bells for Hamilton; a woman, Mary Stratton, carved the figure of Justice for the City Hall cupola for $525 in 1860; a 1692 will contains what Professor Hershkowitz believes is the only extant signature of the notorious Capt. William Kidd (signed "Kid"); and the city provided the clothes for the city "wipper" who administered the floggings.

And given the city's troubled criminal justice system today, it was perhaps an omen that, according to court records, the first prisoner of New York's first General Sessions (Criminal) Court in 1684 failed to appear for trial. The Sheriff explained the absence in his reort "Break Prison and made his Escape."

A year later, however, the prisoner, Henry Thomassen, was back to answer the charge that he "feloniously and Burgularly" did break into the home of William Cox "with an intent to Steale and Spoile the goods and Chattles of the said William."

This time a 12-man jury found Thomassen guilty and sentenced him to be "branded in the forehead with the Letter B and be whipped on the bare back Eleven Stripes."

NYT 3/29/74

# Soviet Shadows...

The news from Moscow is somber. Little or no progress has been achieved by Secretary of State Kissinger's visit on a new strategic arms limitation treaty (SALT), on mutual force reductions in Central Europe, on trade and emigration issues or on the Mideast peace negotiations. Watergate, for the first time, evidently has begun to play an important part in Soviet calculations, as has the intensified questioning on both sides about the value of the Soviet-American relationship.

There is new lip-service to making the improvement in Soviet-American relations "irreversible" — a pledge that events alone can determine, not pious hopes. And President Nixon has renewed his promise to fly to Moscow this summer for another summit meeting, but chances of any substantial accomplishment already have been tentatively downgraded in advance. A new SALT agreement at that time appears unlikely; indeed, the world is being told that a broad exchange of views is enough to justify a summit conference, no spectacular agreements are required.

On SALT, instead of the "conceptual breakthrough" for which Mr. Kissinger hoped, there is a Soviet response to the new American proposal that does little to close the gap between the positions of the two sides. The United States wants to limit Soviet deployment of new missiles that can carry MIRV multiple warheads. The aim evidently is to assure "essential equivalence" in MIRV-able payload of land-based missiles and in the payloads of other delivery systems, including bombers. But the Soviet Union evidently wants to limit MIRV warhead numbers, where the United States is thousands ahead—but with warheads much smaller than those the Soviet Union ultimately will be able to deploy.

Despite some "clarification" of Soviet emigration policy, there is no optimism on the American side that the modifications go far enough to achieve a compromise with Senate opponents of trade legislation lifting tariff discrimination against Soviet exports.

About the only area of progress appears to be on the Geneva Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe, where the United States has agreed to a 35-nation summit meeting to ratify an agreement—if one is reached. But to build confidence in Europe further progress is needed on East-West "human contacts" and security measures such as exchanges of military observers and, above all, advance notice of maneuvers.

The West has proposed that two months' notice be given of any European land maneuvers of division-size or larger, with detailed information to be provided about the units involved, dates and destinations. The Soviet Union heretofore has offered to give only five or six days' notice of maneuvers close to the Iron Curtain—and to limit such notice to those involving an Army Corps or more. That would mean that most maneuvers would not be subject to notice and that notice, when given, would arrive well after Western intelligence had detected the movements.

The Western proposals have the support of most neutrals; some, Yugoslavia, particularly, would prefer notice on all large troop movements, not merely maneuvers. The Soviet Union, as a result, is under some pressure to improve its offer and there evidently were some indications in the Kissinger visit that this would be done. Substantial progress here would also improve prospects for the Vienna negotiations on mutual force reductions.

The atmosphere of the Moscow talks was friendly, but there was no give on anything of substance. The Soviet leaders exuded optimism about future cooperation; thus far, however, concessions that would make concrete agreements possible are being held in abeyance.

Drawbacks of a Summer Summit

Despite the disappointing results of Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger's trip to Moscow, President Nixon apparently remains determined to go through with a summit visit to the Soviet Union this summer. We think he should postpone his decision.

Kissinger's conversations with Soviet leaders covered a broad range of topics, and on at least one there were positive results. He brought home a Soviet proposal to allow a greater flow of Jewish emigres to Israel. It remains to be seen whether the Russian offer is substantial enough to overcome congressional opposition to the granting of credits and tariff concessions to the Soviet Union, but Kissinger obviously hopes that it will.

From what is known, however, the secretary of state got nowhere in his efforts to persuade Soviet party chief Leonid I. Brezhnev and other Kremlin leaders to use their influence to encourage rather than discourage a settlement between Israel and Syria. Most important of all, Kissinger failed to achieve the "conceptual breakthrough" that he hoped would end a deadlock in the strategic arms limitation talks.

For the record, Kissinger said "some progress" was made on arms control. And the official communique said, "There are possibilities for reaching mutually acceptable solutions." But an unidentified senior official said flatly that Soviet proposals in this area were "unacceptable."

The Soviet Union enjoys a massive lead in the number of strategic nuclear missiles and in the ex-

plosive power of their warheads. This is offset by the American lead in missile accuracy, number of warheads and multiple-warhead technology, but the balance is threatened by Soviet advances in these areas.

Kissinger proposed a formula—the details of which are not known—for a new agreement that would take into account the qualitative side of the arms race. The ruling Politburo rejected it at a hastily called meeting, then made a counterproposal.

What the Russians seem to want is an agreement perpetuating their numerical superiority in missiles while allowing them to overtake the United States lead in qualitative areas. This would give them a dangerous preponderance of nuclear striking power; it cannot be permitted to happen.

You have to suspect that the Kremlin is deliberately marking time in the arms control talks now in hope that an impeachment-threatening American President will be so badly in need of a seeming triumph in foreign policy by next summer that he will be willing to make major, though disguised, concessions to the Soviet view. Though the Administration vehemently denies it, the Kremlin could be right.

Unless relations with this country's NATO allies are patched up enough to allow a presidential trip to Western Europe this spring, a U.S.-Soviet summit this summer is of dubious wisdom anyway. Barring unexpected progress on arms control in the weeks immediately ahead, the drawbacks of such a trip clearly outweigh any prospective advantages.

STOKES TO BULLOCKS DOWNTOWN

HOSIERY, Street Floor

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Famous name sheer panty hose. 1.75 .. 99¢
Famous name panty hose opaque. $2..59¢
Famous name body suits. Orig. $7-$12 99¢

FASHION SHOES, Third Floor

Erica shoes. Orig. $34-$42........12.99
Custom Craft. Orig. $32-$40........12.99
Amalfi. Orig. $23-$38...........12.99
Famous name boots. Special at ......9.99

SHERWYN SHOES, Street Floor

*Red Cross shoes. Orig. $20-$23......7.99
Socialites. Originally $21-$25......7.99
Cobbies. Originally $18-$22......7.99
Selby shoes. Orig. $26-$29 now......7.99

*No connection whatsoever with the American
National Red Cross

COLLEGIENNE LINGERIE, Fourth Floor

Sleepwear. Orig. $8-$16........3.99-8.99
Robes. Orig. $20-$26........7.99-13.99

COLLEGIENNE SHOES, Fourth Floor

Capezio shoes. Orig. $17-$25......1.99
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BRIDAL SALON, Third Floor

Bridal gowns. Orig. $100-$200......49.99
Bridesmaid, formal gowns. $36-$60 $15.99

MEN'S STORE

MEN'S CLOTHING, Second Floor

Men's imported suits. Orig. $100......$69
Men's suits, broken sizes. $125-$145..$19
Sport coats. Orig. $75-$85........$19
Men's slacks. Orig. $26-32.50......19.99

MEN'S SLACKS & COORDINATES,

Street Floor

Famous designer slacks. Orig. $55..14.99
Famous designer jackets. $110-$135 39.99
Poly sport shirts. Orig. $12-$19......1.99
Double knit slacks. Orig. $15-$25.....2.99

CHILDREN, TEENS

INFANTSWEAR AND FURNITURE,

Fourth Floor

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Group items. Originally $5........99¢
Training pants. Size 1-4. Special....2/1.29
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Rockin Rascal chairs. Orig. 12.50....3.99
Kiddie Keepers. Originally $17......6.99

TODDLER GIRLS, Fourth Floor

Poly./cotton knit pants. Orig. $5......2.99
Popover sets. Special at........3.99
Knit tops. Originally 1.89-2.50......99¢

TODDLER BOYS, Fourth Floor

Easter suits. Orig. $7........3.49
Cotton/poly. knit tops. Special.....2/4.99
Separates. Orig. $3-$6........99¢-1.99

MEN'S SPORTSWEAR, Street Floor

Imported fashion sweaters, mostly pullovers. Originally $35-$45........12.99
Patterned sleeveless sweaters. $12-$20 4.99
Sport shirts, short and long sleeve styles. Originally $10-$16........3.99

MEN'S FURNISHINGS, Street Floor

Short sleeve dress shirts. $9........2/87
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ing

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estaurants

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4 TO 6X GIRLS, Fourth Floor

U.S.-Russ Detente
Pace Seen Slowed

Nixon Won't Be
Forced Into Pact,
Schlesinger Says

BY RUDY ABRAMSON
Times Staff Writer

WASHINGTON—President Nixon will not allow his domestic political struggle to force him into a weapons control agreement with the Soviet Union that would not be in the best interests of U.S. national security, Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger said Thursday.

"Anybody who knows President Nixon knows well that he would do nothing to compromise national security, irrespective of any political dispute in the United States," Schlesinger told a Pentagon news conference.

His comment came in response to questions about whether Mr. Nixon's sagging political fortunes and the threat of impeachment might push him to accept an otherwise unacceptable nuclear arms pact just to boost his popularity.

"I would emphasize the fact that Indeed President Nixon would certainly not consider such a course of action," Schlesinger said.

Asserting that the Watergate scandal has not undermined this country's ability to respond to international military problems, Kissinger said if Soviet leaders believe they can capitalize on political turmoil here, "they would soon be disabled of that notion."

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger ended talks with Soviet leaders in Moscow Wednesday without reaching a hoped-for breakthrough in strategic arms limitation talks.

Schlesinger said, nevertheless, that Kissinger's meetings had been productive because issues that have brought the Geneva negotiations to an impasse have now been clarified.

The major hangup in the effort to place limits on offensive strategic arms reportedly concerns Soviet development of multiple warheads

Kissinger Arms
Talks Indicate
Tougher Stands

BY MURRAY SEEGER
Times Staff Writer

MOSCOW—The failure of American and Soviet negotiators to reach an agreement for advancing the stalled strategic arms limitations talks in Moscow this week suggests that the pace of political detente between the two countries has slowed.

From the Soviet side, it appears the Kremlin is unwilling to give President Nixon any favors in the form of an early new arms agreement, at a time when he needs a major new success in international affairs to offset his deep political crisis at home.

From the American side, there is a suggestion that the Administration is taking a tougher line in its negotiations with the Soviet Union, either for tactical reasons or because of domestic political pressure challenging the claimed benefits of detente.

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger left Moscow Thursday morning telling correspondents that his three days of talks with Communist Party chief Leonid I. Brezhnev had produced "good progress on a number of bilateral issues."

Asked if he had been able to make the "conceptual breakthrough" on the issue of arms limitation talks that he had said was his goal this week, Kissinger answered, "It depends on what you mean by a breakthrough."

"We had a good discussion," he added.

Later, after the secretary had left Moscow, American sources revealed that not only had Kissinger failed to reach an agreement, as he had hoped, but also that the Russians had made counterproposals that he found unacceptable.

(During a stopover in London, Kissinger repeated similar views af-

Please Turn to Page 13, Col. 1

Please Turn to Page 12, Col. 1

ty of the new conflict-of-interest
law. (Part 1, Page 3.)

A state Senate panel was told that
the Symbionese Liberation Army is
linked to San Quentin Prison terror-
ist violence. (Part 1, Page 3.)

A Los Angeles policeman was in-
dicted on two felony gun charges in
connection with the slaying of an
unarmed man. (Part 1, Page 3.)

troop disengagement along the Syri-
an front. (Part 1, Page 4.)

Ex-SEC Chairman G. Bradford
Cook said Maurice Stans once admit-
ted to him that he lied to a grand
jury. (Part 1, Page 5.)

Sen. Robert P. Griffin said Im-
peachment was likelier now and the
House committee inquiry should be
speeded. (Part 1, Page 6.)

News in Brief

FRIDAY, MARCH 29, 1974

Complied from the Los Angeles Times, the Los
Angeles Times-Washington Post News Service and
major wire and supplementary news agencies.

THE WORLD

Russ Demand Copter Held in China

Russia demanded from China the
immediate return of an army heli-
copter that came down in Sinkiang
earlier this month and accused Pek-
ing of violating international law by
holding its three-man crew. The de-
mand came in a note, handed to the
Chinese ambassador in Moscow, that
rejected Chinese charges that the
helicopter had been on a spying mis-
sion.

Government troops drove off
Communist attackers in two battles
—one lasting 32 hours—northwest
and south of Saigon, inflicting a six-
month record high of 155 Commu-
nist dead, the South Vietnamese mil-
itary command said. In Paris, Sai-
gon charged the Communists were
holding more than 100,000 South
Vietnamese civilians and military
prisoners incommunicado.

Cambodian rebels occupied a
Buddhist temple complex about 25
miles north of Phnom Penh after
government forces fled in confusion
and panic, military and diplomatic
sources said. After the retreat,
government planes bombed the Tep
Pranam pagoda compound to de-
stroy abandoned artillery and equip-
ment. The sources said the rebels
captured hundreds of civilians who
were holled up in the temple area
during a 10-day insurgent siege.

Nicolae Ceausescu was elected Ro-
mania's first president in a move
that, legalized his almost unlimited
authority over the nation. His elec-
tion by the national assembly fol-
lowed the resignation of Premier
Ion Gheorghe Maurer, 71. The up-
grading of Ceausescu, the 56-year-

ings, starting fires and injuring 24
persons with flying glass. The inju-
ries occurred when a 500-pound
bomb in a hijacked truck blew up
outside a British army headquarters
on Belfast's main shopping street.
Three Irish Republican Army gun-
men attacked an army post with a
Russian-made shoulder-launched
antitank rocket, injuring three sol-
diers.

Italian police working with the
U.S. Narcotics Bureau have
smashed a major Mafia drug smug-
gling gang operating between the
United States and Europe, a police
spokesman said in Rome. Eleven
persons have been arrested—seven
in Rome and Palermo and four in
New York—and more arrest war-
rants are likely soon, he said.

The Brazilian government mount-
ed a massive aid and rescue program
for thousands of flood victims in
seven states. The worst hit was the
southern state of Santa Catarina,
which was declared a disaster area
with 100,000 persons homeless. The
government said 1,000 persons were
missing, but a Sao Paulo newspaper,
O'Estado, which sent 42 reporters in
planes and helicopters to the flooded
region, estimated the death toll at
up to 10,000. An army official
said Tubarao, a city of 70,000 popu-
lation, "does not exist any more."

Rebel troops ended a three-day
occupation of Asmara, Ethiopia's
second largest city, but the heat
wasn't off the government of the
strife-torn country. Mounting civil

12 Part I—Fri., Mar. 29, 1974

Los Angeles Times

DETENTE PACE

Continued from First Page

ter talking with British leaders. He said there had been "some progress" toward solving the complex problem of limiting strategic nuclear weapons.

"(But it is still too early to form a definitive judgment as to whether a breakthrough has been achieved," he said.

(After discussions with British Prime Minister Harold Wilson, Foreign Secretary James Callaghan and other members of the government, Kissinger noted that "it's really up to the Europeans" to decide if they want to join in a new declaration expressing the changing nature of trans-Atlantic relationships.

"I think all countries, including the United States, have understood, as the result of events of recent months, that the Atlantic relationship is really too valuable to have destroyed as a result of misunderstandings and essentially procedural disputes," he said.

(Kissinger then continued on to Washington).

Despite the impasse in the arms talks the American and Soviet sides seemed determined to keep the atmosphere warm enough for President Nixon to carry out

his second Moscow summit meeting as planned in late June or early July.

In the official statement issued at the conclusion of the talks, the American and Soviet negotiators stated that "despite the complexity of the problem" of limiting strategic arms development, "there are possibilities of reaching mutually acceptable solutions."

"They are determined to continue to make energetic efforts to find such solutions," the statement said.

The Americans were told that Kissinger's proposals for setting the general conditions for resuming the stalled arms talks in Geneva were presented to the ruling Politburo at a special meeting Wednesday morning. It appeared that Marshal Andrei A. Grechko, the defense minister, was called home from Iraq a day early to take part in the session.

Some observers took as a negative sign the fact that Grechko did not attend a luncheon Wednesday which Kissinger gave in honor of Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko.

On other issues, the Americans are hopeful that the Soviet Union will soon make a new gesture to ease emigration restrictions for its citizens, especially

Jews. This is an issue that has caused Congress to block the granting of new trade and credit concessions to the Russians.

The two sides, according to the communique, also agreed they would make "efforts to promote the solution of the key questions of the Middle East settlement."

On the issues of negotiating a European security agreement with provisions for increasing human and cultural contacts and for reducing the size of troop concentrations and armaments in Central Europe, there was no apparent progress.

An imponderable question is whether the Soviet leaders feel they can win more concessions from Mr. Nixon in this period of the Watergate scandals, when he is dealing from a position much weaker than two years ago when he signed the first strategic arms agreement.

The Soviet military may also have refused to accept Kissinger's blueprint for future talks because they still want to test further and develop more of their new multi-head rockets (MIRVs) before putting limits on their deployment.

On the other side is the question of whether the White House is taking a tougher stance now in hopes the Soviet leaders will bend and accept Mr.

Nixon's terms for new arms talks in fear a successor might be more difficult to deal with.

The White House is aware that any agreements Mr. Nixon makes now on sensitive issues like arms control will be scrutinized especially hard by his political critics, who feel he is in such a weakened position that he should not be negotiating at all with the Russians.

The negotiators, Kissinger for the United States and Brezhnev and Gromyko for the Soviet Union, all expressed firm commitments for continuing the course of improved relations initiated two years ago with Mr. Nixon's first summit conference in Moscow.

So far, however, progress attributed to the policy of detente has been much easier to make on the issues of scientific, technical, trade and economic relations than on the questions of slowing the arms race and reducing military power.

Associated Press

Secretary of Defense Schlesinger talks to the press.

WP 3/29/74

# Schlesinger Calls U.S. Policy Firm

By Michael Getler

Washington Post Staff Writer

Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger said yesterday that President Nixon could not rush into any new arms agreement with the Soviet Union just to rebuild his political image.

Nor, Schlesinger added, has the administration lost its ability to negotiate forcefully with the Russians, despite its Watergate problems.

"Anybody who knows President Nixon," Schlesinger said, "knows full well that he would do nothing to compromise the national security in the long run, irrespective of any political disputes that exist within the United States."

The Defense Secretary appeared at a Pentagon news conference yesterday shortly after reports from Moscow indicated that President Nixon's trip to the Soviet Union is still scheduled for this summer even though Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger apparently failed to achieve the

breakthrough he sought on new nuclear arms limitation agreements in talks in Moscow this week.

The prospects for a new agreement on offensive nuclear weaponry was to be the centerpiece for this summer's summit meeting.

Newsmen repeatedly asked Schlesinger whether the events this week in Moscow might reflect a Soviet intention to take advantage of a politically weakened administration to gain a more favorable agreement on nuclear arms at the summit.

Schlesinger said it was hard to know precisely what the Russians were thinking, but added, "If they believe that, they will quickly be disabused of that notion."

As to the arms negotiations, he said, "I believe the administration can continue to be in a position in which it can de-

See SALT, A20, Col. 6

NYD 3/29/74

# U.S.-Soviet Arms Dispute

By LESLIE H. GELB

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, March 28—Reports from Moscow suggest that Secretary of State Kissinger and the Soviet leader, Leonid I. Brezhnev, were not able to agree on a formula to move ahead on the limitation of strategic arms, but the precise nature of the problem remains uncertain at this stage. What is known is the nature of the differences that persisted up to the time of Mr. Kissinger's Moscow trip.

The Russians are concerned about the American lead in MIRV's, missiles with multiple warheads that can be aimed at many targets. They are also worried about the presence of American tactical aircraft loaded with nuclear bombs in and around Europe. Their position has centered on limiting American capability in these areas without restricting their own programs. Reports from Moscow seemed to say that there was little change in this stance.

American concerns have focused on two Soviet advantages: the lead in numbers of missiles—2,360 as against 1,710 for the United States—and the 2-to-1 edge in the payloads of land-based missiles, that is, the amount that can be hurled at the opposing side.

Washington's proposal before Mr. Kissinger's trip to Moscow was designed to check the Soviet superiority, but without restraining American MIRV's and tactical aircraft in Europe.

Behind this proposal is a generally shared fear in official Washington that Moscow might be tempted to use its advantages to attack American land-based missiles. This, it is said, would leave Washington with no alternative but to strike at Soviet cities, inviting attack on American cities.

Officials have discussed two ways of dealing with the problem. Some, including Mr. Kissinger, have argued for controlling MIRV's, which would limit both the number and the accuracy of nuclear warheads. Others, including Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger, have argued for reducing missile numbers and explosive power. This would check the Soviet Union's ability to destroy underground American missiles.

The second group won out a month ago, when Mr. Kissinger reportedly joined them without openly abandoning his own position. The winning point was that MIRV developments had gone too far to control.

When current programs are completed in 1977, the American arsenal will contain 10,000 MIRV's mounted on about 1,700 missiles. The Russians began testing MIRV's last August and are expected to begin their deployment in less than two years.

The question being asked here now by experts in the field is whether Mr. Kissinger stuck to the proposal given Moscow a month ago or whether, with the President's approval, he included MIRV restrictions as well.

A senior official who traveled aboard the Kissinger plane predicted to reporters that there would be a brawl in Washington when Mr. Kissinger returned with the Soviet proposals. But the feeling among the experts here was that if Mr. Kissinger used teh opportunity of his talks with Soviet leaders to raise the MIRV issue anew, any bureaucratic brawl might go beyond mere reaction to the Soviet proposal.

If, on the other hand, Mr. Kissinger did not propose MIRV limits, this line of reasoning went, the comments by the senior official on the secretary's plane raised the question whether he might be deliberately trying to set reporters and interested legislators off the track.

U.S.-Soviet Communique on Brezhnev-Kissinger Talk

MOSCOW, March 28 (AP)
-Following is the text of the
joint United States-Soviet
communiqué on the visit of
Secretary of State Kissinger:

In accordance with the
previously reached under-
standing, Henry A. Kissin-
ger, Secretary of State of the
United States and assistant
to the President for national
security affairs, visited Mos-
cow from March 24 to 28.
He had discussions with
Leonid I. Brezhnev, General
Secretary of the Central
Committee of the Communist
party of the Soviet Union,
and Andre A. Gromyko,
member of the Politburo of
the Central Committee of the
C.P.S.U., Minister of Foreign
Affairs of the U.S.S.R.

Taking part in the discus-
sions on the Soviet side
were: the Ambassador of the
U.S.S.R. in the U.S.A., A. F.
Dobrynin; assistant to the
General Secretary of the
Central Committee of the
Communist party of the So-
viet Union, A.M. Alexandrov;
members of the collegium of
the Ministry of Foreign Af-
fairs of the U.S.S.R., G.M.
Korniyenko and M.D. Syten-
ko. On the American side:
the Ambassador of the U.S.A.
to the U.S.S.R., Walter J.
Stoessel Jr.; officials of the
Department of State, Helmut
Sonnenfeldt, Arthur A. Hart-
man, Alfred L. Ahterton,
Carlyle E. Maw, William G.
Hyland, and Jan M. Lodal
of the staff of the National-
Security Council.

An exchange of views was
held on a broad range of
questions of mutual interest
in connection with the prepa-
ration for the visits to the
Soviet Union of the President
of the United States, Richard
M. Nixon.

The sides noted with sat-
isfaction that the course
taken by the two countries
toward a relaxation of ten-
sion and a major improve-

ment of relations between
them continues to be imple-
mented successfully and
brings tangible results. The
exceptional importance of the
fundamental decisions adopt-
ed at the two previous Sovi-
et-American summit meet-
ings, first of all the basic
principles of relations be-
tween the U.S.S.R. and the
U.S., the agreement on the
prevention of nuclear war
and the agreements on the
limitation of strategic arms,
has been convincingly dem-
onstrated.

The sides are determined
to pursue, on the basis of
strict observance of the ob-
ligations they have assumed,
the established policy aimed
at making the process of im-
proving Soviet-American re-
lations irreversible.

In the course of the dis-
cussions, considerable atten-
tion was given to the
problem, and there are possi-
bilities for reaching mutually
acceptable solutions. They
are determined to continue
to make energetic efforts to
find such solutions. Certain
other questions relative to
the area of arms limitation
and disarmament were also
considered.

Further Efforts Forecast

Noting the favorable devel-
opment of bilateral relations
in a number of directions de-
termined by the agreements
signed by the U.S.S.R. and
the U.S.A., the two sides in-
tend to develop further mu-
tually beneficial ties and
businesslike cooperation in
different areas, including
trade, economic and scientific
and technological areas, on
a long-term basis.

In discussing international
problems, particular attention
was paid to the state of af-
fairs regarding a peaceful
settlement in the Middle
East. The sides would make
efforts to promote the solu-
tion of the key questions of

the Middle East settlement.

The questions pertaining to
security and cooperation in
Europe were also examined
—first of all the progress of
the conference on security
and cooperation in Europe
and the state of the talks on
the reduction of armed forces
and armaments in Central
Europe.

The exchange of views was
held in a constructive and
businesslike atmosphere. The
sides are convinced that it
has been an important stage
in the preparation for the
successful holding of the
forthcoming Soviet-American
summit meeting and for
Soviet-American relations in
general.

<table><tr><td>ACTION/</td><td>15-10</td></tr><tr><td>CRS-2</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>SUPVR</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>MASTER</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>NO. COPY</td><td>79</td></tr><tr><td>INTIALS</td><td>P</td></tr></table>

Amembassy London
IN TELEGRAM

3446

FOR AGENT USE ONLY

UNCLASSIFIED

IMMEDIATE

DE RUEADWW 1455 0870727
ZNR UUUUU

0 280615Z MAR 74 1590

FM THE WHITE HOUSE //TOSEC 147//
TO RUDTC/AMEMBASSY LONDON
INFO RUEHC/SECSTATE

BT

UNCLAS WH40804

PLEASE PASS TO THE S/S TEAM FOR THE SECRETARY
NEWS SUMMARY

MARCH 28, 1974

(WED. NETS, WIRES)

THE MAJOR STORIES OF THE DAY:

-- HAK-BREZHNEV WOUND UP THEIR PRE-SUMMIT TALKS W/OUT WORD OF BREAKTHRU ON SALT. LED ABC/CBS (9NBC) AS KALB ON CBS SAID HAK "FAILED" TO GET BREAKTHRU HE WANTED, MEANING MUCH NEGOTIATING REMAINS BEFORE RN CAN GO TO MOSCOW FOR MORE THAN A "SIGHTSEEING SPECTACULAR." ABC/NBC NOTED TALKS WERE CALLED "BUISNESSLIKE AND CONSTRUCTIVE," WORDS HKS CALLED "ACTUALLY PRETTY STERN" DIPLOMATIC LANGUAGE. THO NBC'S DANCEY QUOTED USSR SPOKESMAN AS DE-NYING MORNING SESSION HAD BEEN CANCELLED BECAUSE OF A "SNAG," ABC REPORTED USSR SOURCES SAID M-E WAS PROVING A "HANG-UP."

-- ABC/NBC NOTED WHAT CHANCELLOR CALLED "2 PIECES OF GOOD ECONOMIC NEWS": THAT INDEX OF BUSINESS INDICATORS WAS UP 1.8 PERCENT IN FEB. AFTER 1.2 PERCENT RISE IN JAN; AND, DESPITE HIGHER PETROL IMPORT BILL, 8TH MONTH IN ROW OF BOP SURPLUS, $213M IN FEB.

-- ALL NETS W/FILM AS CHURCH'S FOREIGN RELATIONS SUBCOMM. ON MULTINAT'LS QUESTIONED OIL EXEC'S ABOUT RISING PROFITS DURING E-CRISIS. CHURCH NOTED ARAMCO'S PROFITS ROSE 350 PERCENT IN '69-'73 PERIOD EVEN AS CRUDE PRICE ROSE ROUGHLY THE SAME PERCENT. AS CHURCH SAID ON ABC ARAMCO WAS "RIDING IN TANDEM" W/ARAB GOV'TS, A POINT ARAMCO'S JOHNSTON HAD NO ANSWER FOR. MUSKIE ON ALL NETS ASKED JOHNSTON IF HE REALLY BELIEVED OIL COMPANIES ARE IN THE BEST POSITION TO REPRESENT CONSUMERS IN NEGOTIATIONS W/ARABS. JOHNSTON REPLIED THAT HE DIDN'T BELIEVE OIL COMPANIES HAVE ANY MAJOR NEGOTIATING STRENGTH LEFT.

UNCLASSIFIED

FROM: WHITE HOUSE
0804
NO: 280615B

RECD: MAR 28 1974

0847

UNCLASSIFIED

FROM: White House 0804
(POST) (MRN)

ALL NETS NOTED KIDNAP LAST FRI. OF US CONSULAR
OFFICIAL JOHN PATTERSON IN MEXICO. OFFICIALS GAVE FEW
DETAILS BECAUSE OF FEAR HE'S IN GRAVE DANGER. CBS NOTED
KIDNAPPING WAS INadvertently REVEALED BY SAXBE IN
ANNOUNCING HE'D POSTPONED TRIP TO MEXICO BECAUSE OF HIS
CASE. (ABC NOTED POSTPONEMENT.)

US-USSR

OVER SILENT FILM OF HAK AT GROMYKO LUNCHEON (ALSO ON
NBC), KALB ON CBS SAID WHILE BREZHNEV MET IN "EXTRAORDINARY"
CONF. W/POLITBURO, HAK UTTERED "FORGETTABLE ONE-LINERS," AND
WHEN GROMYKO WAS ASKED HOW THINGS WERE GOING, HE SAID ONLY
"AHEAD." LATER, KALB SAID, HAK MET PRIVATELY W/BREZ TO
LEARN HE COULD NOT GET DEAL HE'D HOPED FOR AND W/BREZ
"DRIVING HARD BARGAIN," HAK WAS FORCED HOME FOR
INSTRUCTIONS, BOTH SIDES HAVING GONE AS FAR AS THEY COULD
NBC'S DANCEY REPORTED TALKS WERE PROVING EVEN MORE
DIFFICULT THAN HAK THOUGHT W/SEVERAL ISSUES UNTOUCHED SUCH
AS SPECIAL PLEA HAK WAS TO MAKE FOR EXIT VISAS FOR SOVIET
JWS. DANCEY NOTED I SOVIET OFFICIAL CALLED TALKS
"COMPLICATED," SUGGESTING 6 HR. POSTPONEMENT OF TALKS
WHILE POLITBURO MET MAY HAVE BEEN TO CONSIDER DECISIONS ON
US INITIATIVES.

HAK SAID NEGOTIATIONS "ARE GOING SATISFACTORILY" AND
THAT AM BREAK ALLOWED SOVIETS TO HAVE "THEIR OWN INTERNAL
DISCUSSIONS."

SEVAREID ADDRESSED HIMSELF TO "SEC'Y OF THE WORLD" HAK'S
STYLE OF PERSONAL DIPLOMACY, PHOTO'D W/WORST CRITICS SUCH
AS JACKSON, EMBRACING SADAT, BREZHNEV, ET AL. THIS SEEMS
NEW, SAID ERIC, AN ATTRACTION OF THE NEW ART OF
MANIPULATING PRESS AND TV FOR ONE'S OWN PURPOSES. TODAY,
SEVAREID SAID, PEOPLE DON'T WANT TO WORRY ABOUT SOVIETS,
THUS THE SMILES. IN '50'S, PEOPLE DID WANT TO WORRY, SO IN
HIS "KITCHEN DEBATE," RN" SCOWLED" AND POINTED FINGER
AT KHRUSCHEV, AND "GOT A LOT OF MILEAGE OUT OF THAT."
SO WHY THE "HAPPY STYLE DIPLOMACY TODAY?" QUERIED SEVAREID.
ERIC ATTRIBUTES IT TO HIGH-SPEED CAMERAS AND MODERN DEN-
TISTRY. PREVIOUS SECY'S OF STATE HAD BAD TEETH AND WERE ILL
AT EASE WAITING FOR MAGNESIUM FLASH OF OLD STYLE
CAMERAS. THINGS SHOULD HAVE BEEN HAPPIER IN MOSCOW WED.,
SAID ERIC, GIVEN THEY HAD THAT NEW DEFENSE CONCEPT TO
DISCUSS IN WHICH WE AGREE JUST TO BLOW UP EACH OTHER'S NUKE
STOCKPILES RATHER THAN PEOPLE: ONE COULDN'T FAIL TO SMILE
AT JUST A "IDDY-BITTY APOCALYPSE," CONCLUDED SEVAREID.

MEANY CALLED US MOVES TOWARD DETENTE AN ABSOLUTE FRAUD
AND ATTEMPT TO APPEASE SOVIETS. IN TURN, USSR WANTS DETENTE
TO WEAKEN US MILITARY STRENGTH.
OTHER FOREIGN AFFAIRS

W. GERM. FINANCE MINISTER SCHMIDT DISMISSED FEARS OF A
SERIOUS U-EUR SPLIT ON POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC ISSUES, SAYING
"THERE'LL ALWAYS BE IRRITATIONS. THIS IS TRUE OF A GOOD
MARRIAGE. JUST BECAUSE OF IRRITATIONS, ONE DOESN'T IM-
MEDIATELY RUN TO A DIVORCE JUDGE." HE DOESN'T BELIEVE

UNCLASSIFIED