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and man as an essential part of American life. It thus is a vital and ineradicable element in American society.

Hence the current picture of an ideal nation: a country in which poverty shall not exist; in which education shall be available as a tool of life and liberty to everyone who will use it; in which the political state is the servant and not the master; in which commercial production has as its primary end to increase the standard of living and range of life-choice of every American, in which every man may develop to the fullest extent his physical, mental and moral capacity - in which as he develops he finds fulfillment and joy in sharing with and assisting according to his capacity his fellow Americans.

This must be emphasized as we approach the problem of foreign relations. As will appear, this consensus of a free and creative society has somehow given rise to the greatest tensile strength and on the whole to the greatest stability of government presently existing in any large society perhaps in the entire world. Successive attempts have been made by foreign powers in the past forty years to tear American society to pieces - with almost trivial results. The Imperial German government endeavored to divide America by organizing twenty-odd millions of Americans of German blood and ancestry in 1916 - 1918. The attempt was later repeated by the powerful Nazi propaganda machine from 1936 on, Fascist Italy made the same attempt at the same time. From 1928 to the present the Communist movement, based on Soviet Russia, endeavored to break up the American structure through its doctrine of the

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class-war. These efforts, running through two cataclysmic world wars and one equally cataclysmic economic depression, and backed in some cases by immense amounts of money and skillful organization, yielded no results save to demonstrate the tensile strength of the American synthesis. This is a fact in the international scene of which other nations take note. In large part we believe this tensile strength results precisely from the continuing and developing idealist concept of the United States to which Americans hold. Starting from bare ground, the structure has been achieved within the (historically) short space of about 300 years.

II (c)

The American Picture of an Ideal World

American consensus on the outlines of an ideal world also exists, though it has become accepted only during the twentieth century. Dimly, of course, its basic conceptions and a measure of acceptance was always present in greater or less degree; but the historical record from the second to the sixth decade of the twentieth century appears to have convinced a continuing majority of Americans that no ideal picture of the United States could be realized, -- and indeed that the nation which does exist would be difficult or perhaps impossible to maintain -- save in a framework of world conditions which at least moves towards an ideal picture. Dreams of moralists and idealists

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of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and their hopes of world peace,
world order, world prosperity and world government ceased in the United States
to be merely abstract conceptions from World War I on. They became policy
criteria as well. This happens to correspond with and perhaps is due to,
the growth of a state of affairs, political, military, economic, technical, in
which maintenance of the existing nation and its movement towards its ideal
picture was increasingly difficult in isolation, and probably impossible in any
case unless certain world conditions were present.

The first element in the American picture of an ideal world is that of
peace. Neither the United States nor any other country could be happy or safe
when war occurred.

But peace had to have a content, for peace alone might mean a world
enslaved and held subject by some tyranny or combination of differences. The
American consensus has thus distrusted peace imposed irrespective of the
underlying conditions of peoples and human beings; therefore, world peace had
to be worked out under a framework of order which permitted freedom or at any
rate satisfaction to peoples. The conception emerged, and now exists of an
ideal peace organized and maintained through a community of free nations; a
peace of peoples rather than peace maintained by a combination of force, or
even by a "balance of power" which recked little of human worth and dignity.

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Consensus likewise includes in its ideal picture of the world, wide-
spread and growing economic well-being. This is not an end in itself; it is
rather a recognition of the fact that peoples living in perpetual hunger and
misery can not realize themselves and so have little real freedom. Likewise
it is considered that the world will not be permanently at peace unless a
respectable measure of human material needs are adequately met. Again there
is no American dogma as to how this should or can be done in respect of any
given people. There is wide measure of recognition that different people will
work out differing social structures according to their own needs and concepts;
but somehow these must satisfy at least elementary human wants, else any
social structure will not survive, and peace will be interrupted.

Probably the best formulation of this "ideal world" is found in the first
Article of the Charter of the United Nations; this was largely the product of
American thought:

"Article 1. The purposes of the United Nations are:

1. To maintain international peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the peace;

2. To develop friendly relations among nations based on respect for the principle of equal rights and self-determination of peoples, and to take other appropriate measures to strengthen universal peace;

3. To achieve international co-operation in solving international problems of an economic, social, cultural, or humanitarian character, and in promoting and encouraging respect for human rights and for fundamental freedoms for all without distinction as to race, sex, language, or religion;"

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III

ENDURING OBJECTIVES IN AMERICAN INTERNATIONAL ACTION

The combination of this vague but forcefully influential ideal of the United States, and of a world permitting its realization, sets up permanent objectives which are the foundation of American foreign policy. So long as the American government is responsive to American public opinion, it must, with greater or less diligence and effectiveness, pursue these objectives or be rejected by American public opinion, and brought once more into line with the American ideal. This is basic. The American ideal itself changes but slowly; short of a change in it, the determinants of American policy can not themselves be changed. A government which fails to act in conformity with these is eventually thrown out by American political process and replaced by one which will.

In result, the United States must necessarily work toward development of a general international order: men can not trade or exchange ideas, let alone realize more subtle aspects of their worth, in a world characterized by disorder, rebellion and war.

International order, like international peace, is not enough by itself; there is order of a kind in a slave plantation or prison; though without order there can not be free minds and free men. Consequently the vague aspirations of the American conscience has been that of an international order based on a

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community of nations achieving the assent and support of sufficient of the
community so that the order maintains itself and rests only incidentally upon
policing or pressure.

As a part of this effort, the United States necessarily has to work
to maintain peace, not as an end in itself, but as that state of society which
under ordinary conditions contributes most to the realization of basic human
values. Peace is thus not an abstraction, but the resultant of a number of
elements in balance. Threats to human values imposed by maintaining "peace
at any price" in a given situation must be weighed against those which would
be created by war in the same situation. The American concept of peace,
together with that of the need for order, requires exhaustion of all devices
for maintaining peace before falling back on force as a means of foreign
policy. But it also contemplates use of force when no alternative method exists
for preserving human values and international order in the longer run.

This statement of objectives poses the issue between the American
concept polarized by the United States and the Communist concept as posed
by the leaders of the Soviet Union. Both seek international "order"; but the
bases of that order differ. The American concept seeks order for the purpose
of realizing human dignity and the nature of man providing possibility for doing
so. Under it, if ever humanism is sacrificed to method -- the end justifies the
means -- the humanist end is obliterated and only the inhuman means -- the
power machine -- remains. This Americans consider a universal value and

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consequently international order which must ride rough-shod over human per-
sonality, maintained by oppressive force, is not "peace."

The Soviet theory likewise claims that its ultimate objective is a
humanist order but that during the process of transformation unlimited sacrifice
of humanist values may and must be made. This is, in effect, frank denial
of humanism.

"Marxism-Leninism is in principle against
petty-bourgeois humanism, which operates
under the slogan of defense of an abstract
human being and humanity in general."
(Kommunist - No. 5 1957)

It postpones the dignity of man and the humanist way of life until some distant
Nirvana occurs when the Communist state has withered away.

It is possible that the brutal Communist picture of a world in which
ends justify means, in which no life is valuable, in which order any where
may be wrecked for the purpose of permitting expansion of the Soviet system,
may not survive another generation. The famous "Poem for Adults" was
published by Adam Wazyk in Warsaw's "New Culture", August 19, 1955
(New Leader October 1957):

"We make demands on this earth,
for the people who are overworked,
for keys to open doors,
for rooms with windows,
for walls which do not rot,
for hatred of little documents,
for holy human time,
for safe homecoming,
for a simple distinction between words and deeds.

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We make demands on this earth,
for which we did not throw dice,
for which a million perished in battle;
for a clear truth,
for the bread of freedom
for burning reason,
for burning reason.

We demand these every day,
We demand through the Party."

Clearly it is questionable whether the Communist world will approach the vague
but forceful American picture, though she claims a universal value of humanism.

A short-hand attempt to summarize the American objectives was made
during World War II under the title "Four Freedoms": Freedom from Fear;
Freedom from Want; Freedom of Information; Religious Freedom. They became
for a time the battle cry of most of the world. Fundamentally that statement
is still valid.

The objectives described are global in the sense that they are the
objectives of the United States to be sought generally throughout the world.
They are global in two other senses. In their emphasis on order as an
instrument to forward the dignity of man, they are thought to reflect the aspira-
tions of men everywhere and are consistent with them, and in most cases they
cannot be realized unilaterally but require the cooperative effort of others.
Also, some of the forces imposing cooperation with other peoples are elements
of the world revolution observable today -- disintegration of the old bases of
international order, the revolution of "rising expectations," and technological
change. Some of the consequences of these forces should be traced in greater
detail.

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International order of some sort, as noted, is essential to the achievement of the fundamental objectives of the United States. Yet the national purposes of the United States would hardly permit it to impose that order by naked fiat, even if it had power to do so. It must therefore, seek consensual basis for that order; that is, an international consensus upon certain common principles, and this will involve cooperative arrangements toward this end.

Similarly if the "revolution of rising expectations" is to be met, there will have to be far greater production and exchange of goods, services and ideas and far greater certainty that this exchange will be uninterrupted than now exists. The factors entering into this wider exchange are not fully worked out, but they too will require a variety of cooperative efforts. Among these are included

(a) A general access to raw materials and sources of energy on terms which do not admit of exploitation by either the landlord or the consumer.

(Exploitation by manufacturing countries of the exporter of raw materials has become a recognized stereotype; the possibility of the exploited consumer, though not so well understood, is just as important to be avoided.)

(b) The adequate development of autonomous techniques of economic organization. It may be through such development that the problem of fair exchange referred to above may be dealt with. Considerable advances have been made along these lines within Europe.

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(c) Guaranteed freedom of essential transport by sea, air, and certain international highways and waterways. This, of course, is related closely to both of the two previous factors.

(d) Uninterrupted communication, with opportunities for all people to participate. (Note: the points on page 16 should ultimately be edited to correspond to the "Conclusions on Policy" at the end of the report. These pages like the conclusions should be re-edited after consultation.)

Although technological change offers possibilities of meeting the "revolution of rising expectations," it requires an order beyond and above that of separate nation states to do so. Under today's conditions productive economic relations clearly require a variety of international arrangements in order to attain complete utility. Even the United States is not self-sufficient in raw materials; it sells about 10% of its agricultural production abroad; it is deeply committed to international trade. This situation is far more true for countries less fortunate than the United States in area and economic resources.

An important force making for a common minimum of objectives among peoples and for cooperative efforts among them is the technical imperative for concerted measures in certain activities which can safeguard and enrich mankind. For example, allocation of wave lengths for radio broadcasting, essential if airwaves are to be used at all, has been achieved through international agreements, which (despite some law-breaking such as "jamming") on the whole have stood up fairly well through the years. These technical necessities