Continued from Page 5

how the Europeans behave toward U.S. demands that Europeans bear more of the burden of their own defense.

President Pompidou is considered by Western diplomats to be more realistic and pragmatic than de Gaulle. But France has steadfastly taken the position that there should be no lumping together of military and economic issues in U.S.-Europe negotiations. And it is not likely to take kindly to any effort by the United States to get trade concessions — particularly with respect to the Common Market agriculture policy — in return for keeping U.S. forces in Europe.

In Britain and West Germany things will be easier.

THE BRITISH FOREIGN OFFICE gave an unmistakable welcome to the Kissinger speech, though it could not be publicly too enthusiastic. The British are still in the position of convincing their new partners in the Common Market, especially the suspicious French, that they are truly "Europeans" now and not automatically in favor of anything American.

But Prime Minister Edward Heath last year became the first British premier ever to visit Japan and he came back strongly convinced of the need to keep Japan in the Western camp.

The British, like other West Europeans, have been nervous since President Nixon's summit trip to Moscow last year.

They worried that the United States might be deciding that it was easier to deal with old adversaries than with old allies and that the Western alliance might be put on the shelf in favor of superpower "bilateralism."

They also worried that the United States and the Russians might make a deal over the heads of Europe to pull U.S. troops out of NATO.

AND THEY WORRIED THAT the spirit of detente, being pushed so hard by the Russians, might get so out of hand that the Western alliance would fall into obsolescence.

Already, as the respected Economist weekly in Britain observed recently, the detente idea has affected West European attitudes toward defense, with young people asking, "If they tell us a new era is here, why bother with the burdens of the old one?"

Hence there was special welcome for Kissinger's pledge that Mr. Nixon is "adamantly opposed to unilateral withdrawals" of U.S. troops from Europe.

According to U.S. sources here Mr. Nixon wants the United States and European leaders to produce a document setting out the principles of the new "Atlantic Charter" that he can sign on his trip to European capitals in the fall.

There is still, in the view of Europeans, a lot of very tough negotiations standing in the way of that result.

As one British official remarked, the Kissinger speech was a "good and important start" but "we've got a long way to go before all is rosy."

## The secret of family happiness

Why are some families so compatible? They seem to have more fun, and never seem "out of cash". A sociologist has the answers— and gives six rules that make for truly successful families. One of 48 articles and features in the

MAY Reader's Digest

By Bob Rose

Our West Coast Bureau Chief

LOS ANGELES — U.S. District Court Judge Matt Byrne told the Pentagon Papers prosecution to come clean, fast, with what the government has on evidence of White House interference in the case.

Or, he made it clear, he'll dismiss the trial of defendants Daniel Ellsberg and Anthony J. Russo, which entered its fifth month Thursday, or grant a mistrial.

"What you have given me is nothing," the annoyed judge told prosecutor David R. Nissen. "The government is coming to the end of its case, and if it does and I don't have the facts, I will have to act."

THE JUDGE ordered sides to come up with written arguments about a missal or a mistrial.

Nissen did come up with backup statements from presidential aide John Ehrlichman, dated Tuesday, who later admitted he had hired tergater conspirators G. O. Liddy and E. Howard H. probe Ellsberg and the ton Papers leaks.

This time Ehrlichman also saw FBI reports from Ellisberg's wife, Patricia on Neil Sheehan of the York Times, the report whom Ellisberg gave the secret Defense Department study of the Vietnam War.

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Chicago Sun-Times

Kissinger Reaffirms Agreement to Meet With Tho

By Marilyn Berger

Washington Post Staff Writer

Henry A. Kissinger yesterday reaffirmed that the United States has a firm agreement with North Vietnam—backed up by messages—to hold a meeting with Le Duc Tho on restoring the cease-fire agreement.

The presidential adviser's remarks followed by a day a statement by Hanoi's deputy foreign minister, Nguyen Co Thach, who said that the atmosphere for a meeting "is not favorable at present."

Kissinger, however, told reporters at the White House: "There is an agreement that there should be a meeting, but since we have not agreed on the time of announcement and similar matters, I don't want to go any further than that." He said this was "supported by messages that were received."

On April 26 White House officials said they anticipated that the Kissinger-Tho meeting would probably be held in Paris in the middle of May if the preparatory talks were reasonably successful.

Those preparatory talks were held in Paris last weekend between Deputy Assistant Secretary of State William H. Sullivan and Thach. After three meetings Sullivan left for Washington and Thach for Hanoi, with each side calling on the other to implement the Jan. 27 cease-fire agreement.

Sullivan told reporters, however, that the meetings had accomplished the intended goal "to prepare a review of the implementation of the agreement." This indicated that the way had been paved for the Kissinger-Tho meeting despite Thach's observation that the atmosphere was not favorable. Kissinger's comment yester-

day nevertheless suggested that there may not be a firm date for a meeting.

Officials in Washington, meanwhile, played down what had been read as a threat in remarks by Sullivan who, on leaving Paris, said Hanoi would have to make a choice "as to whether they are going to have a full and faithful implementation of the agreement or whether they will take the path that leads back to the unfortunate military situation" that had hopefully been ended by the Jan. 27 agreement. But these officials reiterated that Hanoi would have to face that choice.

In Congress yesterday, Deputy Secretary of State Kenneth Rush appeared before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to defend the administration's military and economic aid program.

Rush's testimony added some specific figures to the record, including a request for $261 million in grant military assistance for South Korea, $21 million for the Philippines, $23 million for Indonesia, $58 million for Thailand, $40 million for Jordan (plus $65 million in economic sup-

porting assistance) and $98 million for Turkey (plus $75 million in foreign military sales credits).

Israel was slated to receive $300 million in foreign military sales credits and $25 million in economic supporting assistance, a drop of $25 million from last year's request.

Israel Lays Basis for Staying at Sharm el Sheikh

By Jim Hoagland
Washington Post Foreign Service

SHARM EL SHEIKH— Israeli government and private investment are beginning to give concrete shape to Israel's determination to hang on to this strategic coastal point in the southern Sinai Peninsula, wrested away from Egypt in the 1967 war.

Sand, which has partly filled

years to protect our security," says an aide to Prime Minister Golda Meir. "We can do it, but why should we have to lose men for this purpose?"

Primarily for economic reasons, the government withheld loans for permanent tourist facilities at Sharm el Sheikh until last year, when the policy was quietly changed as more Israeli and foreign tourists flocked into the area and filled up the tents and rough bungalows that had been built.

Now, investors are able to get comparatively low-interest loans from the government for permanent structures. Construction of two hotels is expected to begin this year.

Government and private investment, which is usually underwritten by government agencies, will have totaled about $20 million by the end of the year.

private houses on the northern cliff of Sharm el Sheikh. An important Israeli military installation will continue to occupy the southern part of the area.

Two flights from Tel Aviv's Lod airport now land every day at the gleaming new air terminal here, finished only two months ago. Propeller aircraft currently make the trip, but the runway, built by the military, is already prepared to take Boeing 707s and other jets.

A Swiss businessman has set up a professional and fully stocked scuba diving center, which did a thriving business when an estimated 30,000 persons visited the area over the five-day Passover and Easter holidays in April.

A drive along the twisting 150-mile road that the Israelis have cut from Eilat to

CURRENT NEWS
AFTERNOON EDITION-1400

FRIDAY, MAY 4, 1973

WASHINGTON STAR & NEWS 4 May 1973 P12

Kissinger Tones Down
U.S. Threats to Hanoi

LOS ANGELES TIMES 4 May 1973 P4

Move to Bar Bombing
Funds Fails in House

BY THOMAS J. FOLEY

Times Staff Writer

WASHINGTON — Defying House Democratic leaders, the House Appropriations Committee Thursday rejected a move to bar funds for bombing in Cambodia.

The 31 to 14 vote against the Democratic-sponsored proposal came shortly after the House Democratic Policy and Steering Committee had recommended its approval, 18 to 3.

Among those voting for the steering committee resolution was the policy unit's chairman, House Speaker Carl Albert (D-Okla.). It was the first time Albert had broken with the Administration on Indochina.

## Showdown Set

The votes set the stage for a showdown between House Democratic leaders and the Administration when the fund bill reaches the House floor next Thursday.

Meanwhile, the bombing issue erupted in brief but emotional debate on the Senate floor after Sen. Charles McC. Mathias (R-Md.) introduced a resolution to declare the bombing unconstitutional.

Sen. John Tower (R-Tex.) said the bombing was necessary to halt North Vietnamese aggression. He said any effort "to proscribe our efforts to win (North Vietnamese) compliance would lead to greater war."

In reply, Senate Majority BOMBING FUNDS-Pg 2

LOS ANGELES TIMES

4 May 1973 P11

Packard Called
Probable New
Defense Chief

Exclusive to The Times from
* Staff Writer

WASHINGTON—David Packard, the wealthy, independent-minded Californian who was the No. 2 civilian at the Pentagon for the first three years of the Nixon Administration, may be returning as secretary of defense.

Packard came quietly to Washington earlier this week to confer with President Nixon about his availability to replace Elliot L. Richardson as secretary of defense.

Mr. Nixon picked Richardson Monday to replace Atty. Gen. Richard G. Kleindienst, who tendered his resignation—effective upon his successor's confirmation by the Senate — because of his "intimate relationships" with individuals linked to the Watergate scandal.

Packard's nomination for the coming Pentagon vacancy was predicted by a senior Democratic member of the Senate Armed Service Committee. An informed Administration source called his selection "probable."

Packard was said to be PACKARD...Page 2

By GEORGE SHERMAN

Star-News Staff Writer

Henry A. Kissinger, looking toward new talks with Hanoi negotiator Le Duc Tho in Paris, has carefully softened the threatening tones about Indonesia voiced in President Nixon's formal annual foreign policy report.

The 232-page report, completed two weeks ago but sent to Congress only yesterday, warns of "revived confrontation" and charges Hanoi with "blatant disregard" of the Paris agreement on Vietnam.

President Nixon, in a brief radio message recorded to summarize the report, also said that "we will not turn our backs on our friends and allies while Hanoi makes a mockery of its promise to help keep the peace."

BUT KISSINGER, at a crowded press briefing yesterday on the "State of the World" message (the drafting of which he had supervised), struck a far more encouraging note about the fighting in Cambodia — the part of Indonesia that most worries the administration. Later, he said the shift in emphasis was deliberate.

"We are not too pessimistic that over a period of weeks, maybe some months, some cease-fire negotiations could start," he said of Cambodia, where U.S. bombing raids support the government against insurgent forces backed by Hanoi.

His words suggested to observers that administration fears that Nixon's authority in Congress may have waned because of the Watergate scandal, plus the onset of the rainy season which slows military activity in Cambodia, had led the administration to emphasize once again the negotiating track with Hanoi on Indochina.

WHITE HOUSE officials have said Hanoi agreed to a new meeting in Paris in mid-May with Kissinger, though North Vietnam publicly has cast doubt that any such agreement on a new meeting

exists.

Kissinger said yesterday that although the military situation in Cambodia is "uneven, and in some sense precarious," the real problem is saving the political structure in the capital of Phnom Penh "from collapse through demoralization". Opposing forces, said Kissinger, do not have the military capacity to take over the whole country.

"If the political structure can be maintained," he said, noting the recent broadening of the government in Phnom Penh, "and we believe a basis for negotiations exists... the rainy season is approaching, there has been no major change in the military situation in recent weeks, and in fact, there has been probably a slight slackening of pressure."

THE ANNUAL foreign policy report, the fourth since Nixon took office, is entitled "Shaping a Durable Peace." It is a wide-ranging blueprint looking toward foreign policy goals the President hopes to achieve during this second term.

The survey makes the following points outside of Indochina:

* That the administration wants an overhaul of nuclear defense strategy for Western Europe within NATO, looking for agreement on new "security goals" which the Western allies should seek in negotiations this fall with the Soviet Union on mutual force reductions.

* That Western Europe, now being unified through the Common Market, must stop using "economic regionalism" to discriminate against trade with its American allies.

* That a way must be found for all NATO allies — not just the Germans — to make up the foreign currency costs to the United States of keeping 300,000 American forces in Europe.

* That President Nixon intends to make a trip to Latin America this year, as well as the one mentioned already to

KISSINGER...Page 2

PREPARED BY THE AIR FORCE (SAFA) AS EXECUTIVE AGENT FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE TO BRING TO THE ATTENTION OF KEY DOD PERSONNEL MATTERS WITHIN THEIR OFFICIAL RESPONSIBILITIES.

JAMES KILLINGBECK, CHIEF, CURRENT NEWS BRANCH, OX 78765

FOR RESEARCH, CLIPPING SERVICE AND DISTRIBUTION CALL

HARRY ZUBKOFF, CHIEF,

HELEN YOUNG, ASSISTANT CHIEF
EXECUTIVE AGENCY SERVICE, OX 52884

Kissinger hopeful
on Cambodia truce

By ADAM CLYMER

Washington Bureau of The Sun

Washington — A "slight slackening" of Communist military pressure in Cambodia provides a basis for hope that cease-fire talks could begin there within a period of weeks or months, Henry A. Kissinger said yesterday.

President Nixon's national security adviser, briefing reporters on Mr. Nixon's state-of-the-world message, said the recent broadening of the Lon Nol government, the unification of rebel forces and the imminence of the rainy season contributed to this hope.

More pessimistic tone

"The conditions exist for a negotiation," he said. "But anyone who will say flatly that it will come about of course would be excessively optimistic."

The report itself took a more pessimistic tone, complaining that "Hanoi still pursues aggression in Cambodia," but Dr. Kissinger's remarks at the

briefing, which he noted were based on more recent developments, avoided reference to any North Vietnamese role in Cambodia.

Meanwhile, the administration won a vote in the House Appropriations Committee on a Pentagon request to transfer $430 million to pay for bombing in Cambodia. But the 31-to-14 vote in the committee was only a prelude to a stiff challenge expected next week on the House floor and similar battles in the Senate.

And in the Senate, Senator Charles McC. Mathias, Jr. (R., Md.) introduced a resolution to express the opinion of that body that "continuation of hostilities anywhere in Indochina including Cambodia unless specifically authorized by the Congress is contrary to both the Constitution and specific statutes prohibiting such hostilities enacted by the Congress and signed by President Nixon."

Mr. Nixon himself, in a radio
See INDOCHINA, A4, Col. 1

unexplained reasons ... A6

Robert L. Vesco, the financier who made the $200,000 contribution, was ordered arrested by a federal judge to force him to appear before a grand jury investigating his business dealings as well as the contribution ... A6

JOHN N. MITCHELL
... Martha's husband

asylum ... A6

In the wake of the Watergate scandal, Congress appears ready for a thorough re-examination of campaign spending and related election laws ... A6

Senator Barry M. Goldwater (R., Ariz.) charged that Democrats as well as Republicans engaged in bugging in the 1972 campaign ... A6

President Nixon is expected to announce at least an interim appointment this weekend to fill one of the major vacancies at the White House ... A6

Rains that fell earlier in the week in the nation's soggy midsection caused the Mississippi River to rise again in several areas ... A7

## In the city and state

All charges of lying during polygraph examinations for "possible violations of gambling, prostitution and liquor laws" brought against four policemen were dismissed by a police trial board ... Page A1

The Maryland secretary of employment and social services announced that the state has filed suit in Federal Court to force the federal government to release some $26 million in impounded aid that was being withheld from his department ... Page A1

A group of nationally prominent New York financiers has contracted to pay $12,575,000 for 350 acres of choice land at the northeast corner of the Harrisburg expressway and Shawan road and hope to build a major "town center" there ... Back Page

INDOCHINA, from A1

summary of the report last
night, warned that Hanoi's ac-
tions threatened peace in all of
Indochina. He said: "The
peace in Vietnam and the par-
allel peace in Laos remain
fragile because of North Viet-
nam's continued violations of
the peace agreement. A cease-
fire still has not been reached
in Cambodia."

"We earnestly hope these
problems can be solved at the
conference table," he said, but

warned: "We will not turn our
back on our friends and allies
while Hanoi makes a mockery
of its promise to help keep the
peace."

Dr. Kissinger also said a
halt to the fighting in Laos
was not being held up by inter-
nal political questions, but be-
cause of the reluctance of
North Vietnam (although he
did not name the country in
the briefing) to withdraw its
troops. "The obstacle to a set-
tlement right now is the reluctance to withdraw troops rather

than the conditions of the settle-
ment,” he said.

The report itself also re-
newed administration warnings
to North Vietnam. "The most
ominous aspect of the situation
has been the continued infiltra-
tion of North Vietnamese
troops in violation of the
agreement . . . Whether this is
a prelude to another offensive
is not clear," it said.

"What is clear is that it
must cease. We have told
Hanoi, privately and publicly,
that we will not tolerate viola-
tions of the agreement," it
added.

"Much greater efforts"

The report did not spell out
what the United States would
do if the agreement was not
upheld, other than to abandon
any thought of reconstruction
aid to North Vietnam. Military
measures, such as renewed
bombing, were not mentioned.

While noting a reduction of
cease-fire violations, the report
warned that "much greater ef-
forts are needed to stop the
conflict completely and fully
stabilize the situation."

In a clear warning to China
and the Soviet Union, the re-
port said outside powers must
"lend a moderating influence
to the affairs of Indochina"
and added: "We will take their
performance into account in
the conduct of our bilateral
relations." It also said there

was no need for arms ship-
ments to North Vietnam since
that country was not threat-
ened by its neighbors.

U.S. disappointment

On Vietnam, too, Dr. Kissin-
ger spoke with some apparent
optimism. While he noted
United States disappointment
with violations of the cease-fire
agreement, he said: "We are
not pessimistic about the long-
range prospects. In the nego-
tiations that we are conducting
with the North Vietnamese, we
are approaching them with the
attitude that the difficulties
can be ameliorated if not
solved, and that one should
look at this as an evolutionary
process rather than as a final
settlement."

"The issue in Southeast
Asia," he said, "is not whether
a consciousness of harmony
can be brought about, or the
absence of tension, but
whether the political evolution
that will inevitably occur takes
place in essentially peaceful
forms, or at least without
large-scale conflict."

The report also renewed the
basic American position that a
Communist takeover of South
Vietnam, if achieved by peace-
ful means, would not be op-
posed by the United States. "If
Hanoi chooses this path, the
United States will abide by
whatever the historical process
produces in Indochina."

Nixon Warns Hanoi of 'Revived Confrontation'

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

President Nixon told North Vietnam yesterday that it risks "revived confrontation" if it exploits the Indochina cease-fire just when the United States seeks "new doctrines of defense and diplomacy" to reduce world tension.

The President sought to turn American and world attention away from the plaguing memories of Indochina to new challenges ahead for "Shaping a Durable Peace," in his fourth major review of foreign policy.

In order to build on the "dramatic progress" made during 1972 in curbing hostility with China and the Soviet Union and improving world order. Mr. Nixon placed priority on "restructuring" the American alliances with Western Europe and Japan.

The United States, he said, must reshape its alliance relationships in order to deal with the increasing "economic and political assertiveness" of its affluent allies, and also to coordinate Western defense as a result of the new relaxation of tensions with the Communist world.

President Nixon bluntly acknowledged that the North Atlantic Treaty Organization requires a new strategic doctrine, now that the era of American nuclear supremacy is over. Presidential security adviser Henry A. Kissinger disclosed that the United States has just sent its NATO allies American suggestions for a new concept for the defense of Europe, and for negotiating mutual reductions of forces with the Communist nations of Europe.

Despite the Nixon administration's desire to concentrate on these future matters in its 232-page, 60,000-word analysis of the international scene, however, the Indochina problem remained.

See WORLD, A23, Col. 1

President Nixon and French President Georges Pompidou will meet in Iceland May 31 and June 1.

Associated Press

President Nixon and Henry Kissinger (left) relax after sending foreign policy report to Congress.

Telephone Numbers:

223-6000—News & Business
223-6100—Circulation Service
223-6200—Classified

The Associated Press is entitled ex-
clusively to use for republication of
all news dispatches credited to it or
not otherwise credited in this paper
and local news of spontaneous origin
published herein.

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THE WASHINGTON POST

# Kissinger Drops Sweden Stop

By Dusko Dodes

Washington Post Staff Writer

Presidential adviser Henry Kissinger has cancelled plans to visit Stockholm next week, advising the Swedish government such a visit would not be "appropriate at this time."

The cancellation was relayed through the U.S. embassy in Stockholm Wednesday, the day after Prime Minister Olof Palme and Foreign Minister Krister Wickman publicly accused the United States of violating the Paris peace agreement by bombing "defenseless people" in Cambodia.

Kissinger's move was seen as a rebuke for the latest in a long series of official Swedish condemnations of U.S. policies in Indochina that

have created severe strain in U.S.-Swedish relations.

Kissinger said in an interview with the Oslo newspaper Dagbladet last month that he would attend a conference of Western politicians and diplomats at Saltsjoebaden, near Stockholm, May 11 to 13. Palme and other senior Swedish officials are scheduled to attend the conference.

Kissinger, who departed for Moscow last night, was to have stopped off in Stockholm on his way back to the United States.

A White House spokesman acknowledged yesterday that Kissinger had considered attending the conference "in his private, academic capacity." The spokesman stressed that the presidential adviser never

formally accepted the invitation, however.

Swedish officials had viewed Kissinger's visit to Stockholm as an opportunity for him and Palme to discuss possible steps to normalize diplomatic relations between the two countries.

The recent history of diplomatic tension between Washington and Stockholm was precipitated by what U.S. officials regard as Palme's excessively strident anti-Americanism. Sweden was the first Western country to give full diplomatic recognition to Hanoi. She has also granted asylum to several hundred U.S. deserters.

The United States withdrew its ambassador to Stockholm last August in protest over repeated Swedish criticism of the U.S. role in Indochina.

After Palme compared the American bombing of North Vietnam last December with Nazi massacres in World War II, the United States advised Sweden that its new ambassador to Washington would not bewelocmed for the present and that the U.S. charge d'affairs would not return to Stockholm.

Throughout this year, the senior American at the embassy in Stockholm is the No. 3 man, political counselor Arthur J. Olsen.

The Swedish government made it clear on several occasions in recent months that it would welcome a resumption of normal relations with Washington.

FIGARO

0,70 F

• Sans la liberté de clamer, il n'est pas d'éloge flatteur. • BEAUMARCHAIS

Bagues de fiançailles

BRILLANTS - RUBIS - SAPHIRS - ÉMERAUDES

Cérésole

JOAILLIER

16 RUE ROYALE

<table><tr><td>PARIS PREMIÈRE</td></tr></table>

Directeur Pierre BRISSON (1934-1964)

147° ANNÉE — N° 8.906 depuis la Libération

Bague, 12 p.; Italie, 150 lires; Autriche, 6 sch.; Belgique, FB 7; Luxembourg, FL 7; Suisse, 6,60 Fr. s.; Allemagne, 6,80 DM; Grande-Bretagne, 10 p.; Hollande, 0,75 fl.

Malgré un accord entre Palestiniens et gouvernement libanais

Poursuite des combats autour de Beyrouth

• Des dizaines de morts et de blessés

PAGE 3 : la dépêche de Marc LUGET

AGE
ALE

ausses
6 %
1974

ités

ES DE LA FUTURE STATION "GARE DE LYON"

PREMIÈRE DÉCLARATION OFFICIELLE DU NOUVEAU MINISTRE DES AFFAIRES CULTURELLES

"LA GARE D'ORSAY SERA LE MUSÉE DU 19e SIÈCLE"

confirme Maurice Druon

PAGE 27 : extraits de l'interview recueillie par Jean MAURIAC

Le complément du Louvre

Dès la formation du nouveau gouvernement, nous avions rappelé qu'un des dossiers les plus importants qu'aurait à examiner le nouveau ministre des Affaires culturelles serait celui de la gare d'Orsay. La campagne que nous avions entreprise dans Le Figaro pour faire de ce bâtiment un musée du XIXe siècle avait été très vite couronnée de succès : M. Jacques Duhâmel avait obtenu que l'ancien hôtel du Palais d'Orsay fût attribué à la direction des musées pour y installer la peinture impressionniste.

Pour la gare d'Orsay tout entière, plusieurs projets étaient à l'étude dont un centre de tourisme et une sorte de jardin couvert pour la jeunesse. Nous sommes heureux que M. Maurice Druon exprime la volonté du gouverne-

der des problèmes plus terre à terre mais qu'il importe de régler d'urgence, car les travaux de transformation de la gare en musée seront longs : prévoir au prochain budget des Affaires culturelles les crédits nécessaires à l'achat et à la réfection des bâtiments.

L'opinion est très sensible à ce grand projet d'un musée de l'art du XIXe siècle ; de nombreuses lettres que nous avons reçues de nos lecteurs pour approuver et encourager notre campagne en témoignant. Chaque régime a contribué à enrichir le Louvre. La IVe République lui a restitué le Pavillon de Flore. La Ve s'engage à lui donner tout près, une prestigieuse annexe.

Les idées de M. Maurice Druon sur la statuaire méri-

32 PAGES

2, 3, 4, 32 -

ETRANGER

VIETNAM : La prochaine rencontre Kissinger - Le Duc Tho.

Le séjour en France se M. Ohira.

R.F.A. : La fin du voyage de M. Brandt à Washington.

ITALIE : Retour du fascisme.

ETATS - UNIS : Les « scandales ».

4, 5. - ENQUÊTE

La politique fait irruption dans l'usine par André CAMPANA

8. - SOCIAL

Peugeot-Saint-Etienne : Après les incidents de mercredi le personnel non agréviste ne s'est pas présenté hier à l'usine.

10, 11, 12. - ECONOMIE-FINANCES

Le « boom » des pièces d'or à la Bourse de Paris

12. - LOGEMENT

Ler architectes, eux aussi, veulent se « recycler ».

16, 17. - INFORMATIONS GÉNÉRALES

EDITORIALS

NEW YORK TIMES - 5 MAY 1973 (7)

Opening Wedge

Representative Carl Albert, Speaker of the House and a long-time supporter of the Administration's war policy in Vietnam, has joined the widening band of legislators ready to challenge the President's continuation of the war in Cambodia. A fight on the floor of the House of Representatives looms next week over the requested appropriation of funds to pay for the current military actions that threaten to re-engage this country in the civil wars across Indochina.

At the same time, Republican Senator Mathias of Maryland and Senator Mansfield, the Democratic floor leader, are pressing for debate next week on their resolution advising the President of the Senate's judgment that the Cambodian action is illegal and unconstitutional.

In attempting to justify the Cambodian bombing, Secretary of State Rogers argued that the President has authority under the peace agreement signed in Paris last January to use American military power to enforce the cease-fire. This dubious line of reasoning apparently has now been extended to cover the threat of resumed military action in Vietnam itself unless Hanoi honors the terms of the Paris accords, as interpreted by the United States Government.

It may be that the cease-fire agreement does not rule out military action by one side if the other side fails to comply with its terms. But by no stretch of the imagination can an agreement that has never been submitted to Congress be regarded as a substitute for the Congressional action required under the Constitution to commit this country to war.

Although the conflict in Indochina has never ceased, as Mr. Rogers conceded, the last pretext for Presidential military action there—the necessity for protecting United States troops—became “inoperative,” to borrow a White House phrase, when the last American combat soldier came home. This was what turned Speaker Albert around. Now both houses of Congress have the vehicles to assert their constitutional authority against this latest abuse of Presidential power before the country again finds itself enmeshed in endless warfare.

LOUISVILLE COURIER
JOURNAL

30 APRIL 1973 (7May)

Why is the Army
still bottling up
the Peers' report?

THE SUSPICIOUSLY early retirement of Lieutenant General William R. Peers the other day is a reminder that the Army's leaders are still unwilling to tell the public the results of the independent, battle-qualified General's inquiry into the slayings at My Lai in South Vietnam.

General Peers' 260-page report on the 1969 incident is classified "Secret." As one of the civilian lawyers who assisted the Peers panel in compiling it has said, the military's averted eyes leave "the impression that the Army was not really serious about punishing those responsible" for My Lai and its aftermath, when responsibility for the tragedy was avoided by

NEW YORK NEWS - 6 MAY 1973 (7)

WARNING NOTICE TO HANOI

President Richard M. Nixon, in his message on world affairs, has voiced the government's mounting anger over North Vietnamese violations of the ceasefire agreement in the bluntest terms yet.

Henry Kissinger

Earlier protests consisted of relatively mild tut-tutting of the sort used to reprimand a wayward youth for some minor deficiency.

This time Mr. Nixon laid it on the line: Continued brazen aggression in South Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos "would risk revived confrontation with us."

Four years of dealing with Mr. Nixon ought to have taught the Vietnamese enemy that his warnings are not to be taken lightly. Twice in the past year they called the President when they thought he was bluffing—and took a heavy pummeling each time.

Just how much they have wised up will be clearer when presidential aide Henry Kissinger and his old diplomatic sparring partner, Le Duc Tho, sit down in Paris later this month in an effort to put the ceasefire accords back together.

With an eye to that meeting Kissinger is on a—

MISSION TO MOSCOW

—for talks with Soviet party boss Leonid Brezhnev, whose hand works the spigot controlling the flow of arms North Vietnam must have to pursue its still unrenounced dreams of conquest in Indochina.

Brezhnev, once yoked with Premier Alexei Kosygin in a "collective leadership" team, is now the Kremlin's undisputed top tyrant. Any doubts about that were erased a couple of weeks ago when two Politburo members who reportedly frowned on the chief's overtures to the U.S. were unceremoniously "retired" without so much as a gold watch for a keepsake.

The goo-goo eyes Brezhnev is making in our direction indicate no sudden love for the U.S. But the Russians need another huge helping of American farm produce, as well as major trade deals of all sorts, to bolster their economy.

The situation is made to order for hard-nosed bargainers, and we trust Mr. Nixon and Kissinger will milk it for all they can get. Let's start by extracting a firm commitment from Moscow to cut those weapons deliveries to North Vietnam down to a trickle so the present shaky armistice can be transformed into true peace.

KEEP OUR GUARD UP

The voluntary military services are not getting enough recruits for the Army and Marines. The General Accounting Office suggests hiring more women, more civilians and lowering intelligence requirements.

We're not sure about that. Today's services need men who can shoot, and also man machines, fix tanks, haul shells and run the store. Maybe a high school diploma is not necessary, but certainly mental ability to learn skills is.

The GAO also suggests taking in skilled men at higher ranks than recruit. That sounds good. But whatever is done our forces have to be the best trained, best equipped military in the world.

13 of the 14 high-ranking officers named in the Peers report.

Elliot Richardson, the new Defense Secretary, should call for the report's publication, and then follow up with changes in Army disciplinary procedures so that America's true honor could never again be so stained.

1-E

SAN FRANCISCO CHRONICLE

25 APRIL 1973 (7May)

Dr. Kissinger's
Appeal to Europe

WHILE THE SERIOUS daily business of gov-
ernment is being interrupted, distracted and
neglected, amid the scurrying around of the nu-
merous personalities in the Watergate affair, one
White House adviser whose name enjoys the singu-
lar distinction of never having been mentioned in
that connection, was in New York Monday for the
annual meeting of the Associated Press and ad-
dressed an important message intended for the
whole world. The speaker was President Nixon's
assistant for national security, Henry Kissinger,
and his subject a new Atlantic Charter.

Dr. Kissinger — and, by obvious inference, the President — urged this country's Atlantic partners to create a new relationship and to find a place in it for Japan to share. After giving that Atlantic embrace to the world's fastest - rising industrial power, lying half a world away from the Atlantis, Dr. Kissinger went on to suggest that the Soviet Union is developing a new relationship, a "truly remarkable" one, with the West that must be approached, thought about and dealt with in a new light.

It was Dr. Kissinger's choice of words to say
the United States proposes to its partners that they
should work out a new Atlantic Charter. But the
commentators, James Reston of the New York
Times in the lead, found his essential theme more
reminiscent of General George C. Marshall's 1947
summons for European recovery.

THERE ARE similarities and there are, of
course, differences. Kissinger wants, Mr. Nixon
wants, what General Marshall and President Tru-
man wanted; European unity. However, the new
generation in Europe, not personally experienced
of war and its dislocations, is less committed to
the unity that made peace possible, and there have
been complaints in America, Kissinger reminded,
that Europe ignores its wider responsibilities in
pursuing economic self-interest too one-sidedly.

WHAT, THEN, DO WE Americans want unity to be? We want, said Kissinger, to bring Japan into it, we want generous solutions for and mutual concessions on trade relationships. We want to see an end of the European Community's protective policies that restrict access for our products. And we want to see NATO go forward under "radically changed strategic conditions" to seize the opportunity to negotiate a reduction of forces.

Still, the President is "adamantly opposed" to unilateral withdrawals of U.S. forces from Europe, and our negotiations with the Russians on mutual balanced force reductions "are not a subterfuge to withdraw U.S. forces regardless of consequences."

All this, Dr. Kissinger said, amounted to an
appeal to Europe for a "joint effort of creativity,"

LOS ANGELES TIMES

4 MAY 1973 (7)

Elasticity of Secrecy

A Justice Department attorney testified Wed-
nesday in Washington that the proposed revision of
the federal criminal code attempts to strike a bal-
lance between disclosure of government operations
and protection of national defense.

But what a balance! It is weighted heavily on the
side of government secrecy and against the public's
right to be as fully informed as possible about
government activities related to defense and
foreign policy.

Under the section dealing with government se-
crecy, the code would make it a felony to disclose
or communicate information concerning, among a
broad sweep of subjects, "the conduct of foreign re-
lations affecting the national defense."

Moreover, it would be a crime to communicate
information, "regardless of its origin," relating to
"the military capability of the United States or of
an associate nation."

In addition, the disclosure of classified documents
by present or former government employes would
be a crime, even if the information were classified
improperly. Persons in unauthorized possession of
such information would be guilty of an offense if
they failed to return it to the government. This sec-
tion would apply to news reporters and officials of
newspaper and broadcasting companies, as well as
to government employes.

The net effect of all this would permit the execu-
tive branch to conduct national defense and foreign
affairs in as much secrecy as any administration
might choose. "The national defense," like "the na-
tional interest," is an elastic term that could be
stretched to mean anything that any government
executive wanted it to mean.

Would the exposure of waste and inefficiency in
the military-industrial complex be defined as injur-
lous to national defense?

Would the revelation of a My Lai massacre be in-
terpreted as detrimental to the morale of the na-
tion and hence harmful to national defense?

What activity of the government could not be
construed as having some bearing on national de-
fense?

The strength of this democracy is rooted in
government by popular consent, which depends on
access to information under the freedom guar-
anteed to the American people by the First Amend-
ment.

The proposed legislation is diametrically opposed
to that concept. Under the guise of protecting the
nation, it would render the First Amendment obso-
lete, thereby undermining the true security of this
country.

a fine - sounding phrase, which, if accepted in good
part by the Atlantic partners, would make this
what Mr. Nixon so ardently wants it to be, the Year
of Europe.

2-E

Kissinger Arrives in Moscow for Talks With Leaders

By HEDRICK SMITH
Special to The New York Times

MOSCOW, May 4—Henry A. Kissinger arrived here today for talks with the Soviet leadership on the timing and agenda for the expected visit to Washington this summer of Leonid I. Brezhnev, the Soviet Communist party leader.

The Presidential emissary stopped in Copenhagen during the flight from Washington to Moscow for a brief meeting with U. Alexis Johnson, the head of the American negotiating team for the strategic-arms talks with the Soviet Union in Geneva.

During the next five days, Mr. Kissinger and Mr. Brezhnev are expected to discuss the arms negotiations, separate talks on European security and military force reduction in Europe, as well as the unsatisfactory cease-fire in Indochina, prospects for Soviet-American trade and the continuing tension in the Middle East.

"We will review bilateral relations and talk about a possible summit agenda," Mr. Kissinger told newsmen on his arrival at Moscow's Vnukovo Airport in a United States Air Force jet.

The Nixon Administration has seemed to signal in advance that Mr. Kissinger will try to persuade the Soviet lead-

ers to use their influence with Hanoi to get more satisfactory observance of the Indochina cease-fire.

Only yesterday, President Nixon re-emphasized his anxiety on this point. Moreover, shortly after he leaves Moscow, Mr. Kissinger is scheduled to go to Paris for talks with Le Duc Tho, the chief North Vietnamese peace negotiator, over mutual charges of cease-fire violations.

Diplomats have speculated that Mr. Kissinger may also pursue efforts both here and in Paris to arrange a cease-fire in Cambodia, as well.

The importance of Soviet-American trade talks during the Kissinger visit was underscored by the inclusion of Helmut Sonnenfeldt, newly named Under Secretary of the Treasury for East-West trade affairs, in the Kissinger delegation.

The Americans were met by the First Deputy Foreign Minister, Vasily Kxnetsov, and Anatoly Dobrynin, the Soviet Ambassador to the United States since 1961.

Ambassador Dobrynin rode with Mr. Kissinger in a black Soviet limousine to Zavidovo, a town on the Volga River about 75 miles northwest of Moscow, where the Government has a number of hunting lodges and guesthouses.

Eight other members of the

Kissinger party also went to Zavidovo, among them Mr. Sonnenfeldt; William G. Hyland, a Soviet specialist; Philip A. Odeen, a specialist on the strategic arms talks, and Peter Rodman, Mr. Kissinger's personal aide.

It was reported that Mr. Kissinger's meeting would take place with Soviet leaders either in this rural Russian setting or that he would be flown by helicopter into Moscow for talk there. Diplomatic sources said that he might also visit Leningrad during his Soviet stay.

## Kissinger to Stop in London

LONDON, May 4 (Reuters)—Mr. Kissinger will visit London next week for talks with British ministers on East-West relations and other major international developments, British officials said tonight.

He will stop in London on his way home from Moscow. He is scheduled to arrive here on Wednesday for a 14-hour visit and will call on Prime Minister Heath that evening. He will also meet the Foreign Secretary, Sir Alec Douglas-Home.

## Soviet Called Eager for Trade

WASHINGTON, May 4 (AP)—Senator Robert P. Griffin, Republican of Michigan, said today "there is every indication that there is a willingness, even an eagerness, on the side of the leaders of the Soviet Union to move into an improved trading relationship with the United States."

Mr. Griffin has just returned here from a visit to Russia with six other Senators. The group met for nearly four hours with Mr. Brezhnev.

QUALITÉ INTERNATIONALE

## ALLEMAGNE Satisfaction à Bonn après la visite du chancelier aux Etats-Unis

# M. Brandt a obtenu la mise en veilleuse du plan Kissinger de "nouvelle charte de l'Atlantique"

Bonn, 4 mai. (De notre en- voyé spécial permanent.)

LES entretiens qu'a eus M. Brandt aux Etats-Unis avec le président Nixon se sont déroulés de façon très satisfaisante. Tel est le commen- taire que l'on fait ce matin dans l'entourage du chancelier rentré cette nuit de Washington.

Le chef du gouvernement allemand a tout lieu de considé- rer que ses conversations avec M. Nixon ont été utiles et constructives. Il a obtenu satis- faction sur un certain nombre de points.

Tout d'abord, et c'est le prin- cipal résultat de ce voyage, M. Brandt a réussi à dissuader son interlocuteur de vouloir impo- ser aux pays de la Communauté européenne la charte devant régler les futures relations en- tre les Etats-Unis et l'Europe, présentée par M. Kissinger quel- ques jours avant le départ du chancelier pour Washington. M. Brandt a fait à ce sujet les re- marques suivantes. Il n'est pas raisonnable, a-t-il dit en subs- tance, de soumettre un docu- ment traitant d'un thème de cette importance en exigeant des Européens d'y souscrire avant l'automne sans avoir le temps d'en discuter à fond.

Il serait préférable de procé- der d'une autre manière, c'est- à-dire de délibérer d'abord des rapports que doivent avoir les pays de la Communauté avec les Etats-Unis à l'avenir, puis de consigner ces idées dans un

### PROCHAINES CONSULTATIONS FRANCO-ALLEMANDES LES 21 ET 22 JUIN

Bonn, 4 mai. (A.F.P.).

M. Ruediger von Wechmar, secrétaire d'Etat à l'informa- tion de la R.F.A., a an- noncé, vendredi, que les da- tes définitivement retenues pour les prochaines consul- tations semestrielles au « sommet » entre la France et l'Allemagne fédérale sont les 21 et 22 juin.

mémoire sur lequel on mettrait l'étiquette qui convient. Cette procédure aurait l'avantage de ménager les susceptibilités euro- péennes et de permettre un dialogue d'égal à égal entre partenaires européens et amé- ricains. M. Nixon s'est laissé convaincre, semble-t-il, par les

engagements de M. Brandt. La preuve en est, souligne-t-on ici, que le communiqué germano- américain ne porte pas mention de la charte de l'Atlantique. L'élaboration d'un tel texte est donc remise à plus tard.

Sur un deuxième point, aussi, le chancelier a refusé de se laisser impressionner par le pré- sident américain et ses conseil- lers. Il a défendu le Marché commun et a tenu à réfuter les assertions américaines selon lesquelles le commerce des Etats-Unis aurait été lésé par la création de la Communauté européenne. Les statistiques, a- t-il précisé, prouvent justement le contraire.

En troisième lieu, M. Brandt a répété qu'il ne convenait pas à l'automne, lors des discussions sur un abaissement des droits de douane entre les pays du Marché commun et l'Amérique, de mêler tous les thèmes et de parler à la fois des questions commerciales, militaires et mo- nétaires. M. Kissinger avait affirmé dans sa charte que le lien existant entre tous ces pro- blèmes était une réalité. M. Brandt a tenu à dire qu'il s'agis- sait là de trois affaires diffé- rentes devant être examinées

dans des organismes différents : à l'O.T.A.N., au G.A.T.T., au Fonds monétaire, et qu'établir une interdépendance entre ces problèmes aboutirait à de re- grettables marchandages.

Sur presque tous les points, l'attitude adpotée par le chancelier a été identique à celle qu'aurait pu adopter M. Pompidou dans une conversa- tion avec M. Nixon. Le chance- lier, d'ailleurs dans tous ses propos, a tenu compte de l'opin- ion de ses partenaires de la Communauté. C'est ce qui lui a permis d'affirmer au président qu'il venait, sinon en porte- parole de l'Europe, du moins en Européen autant qu'en chef du gouvernement allemand.

Par son comportement vis-à- vis des dirigeants de Washing- ton, M. Brandt a tranché sur l'attitude de la plupart de ses prédécesseurs. Jusqu'à présent les chefs de gouvernement alle- mandes se contentaient bien sou- vent d'approuver sans condition les propositions américaines. Le chancelier souhaite, certes, des relations étroites et confiantes avec les Etats-Unis, mais sur des bases différentes.

Henri de Kergorlay.

T - MALRAUX : L'art pompier (SUI)

FIGARO

0,70 F

• Sans la liberté de blâmer, il n'est pas d'éloge flatteur. • BEAUMARCHAIS

147° ANNÉE — N° 8.907 depuis la Libération

pagne, 12 p.; Italie, 150 lires; Autriche, 6 sch.; Belgique, FB 7; Luxembourg, FL 7; Suisse, 0,60 Fr. s.; Allemagne, 0,80 DM; Grande-Bretagne, 10 p.; Hc

hages

EU

dayine
ositions

SATISFACTION A BONN
après la visite du chancelier
aux États-Unis

M. Brandt a obtenu
la “mise en veilleuse”
de la “nouvelle charte
de l’Atlantique”

• **RUGBY** (Dimanche)

DEMI-FINALES
DU CHAMPIONNAT

BÉZIERS-DAX
PERPIGNAN - TARBES

• **FOOTBALL** (Ce soir)
CHAMPIONNAT DE FRANCE

Nantes à Nîmes
ou la promesse du titre

PAGE 26 : les articles de
Jean DENIS et Roland MESMEUR

# WHY "SPY" AGENCIES ARE BEING SHAKEN UP

Drastic changes are aimed at ending rivalries and improving the usefulness of U. S. intelligence. One result: Some inner workings are being disclosed.

The supersecret U. S. intelligence apparatus is being rocked from within on a scale never before so visible to the public.

What set off the tremor is a major overhaul, now in progress, of the machinery that produces the worldwide intelligence assessments on which crucial national decisions are based.

Under James R. Schlesinger, the new Director of the Central Intelligence Agency and overseer, also, of the vast U. S. information-gathering network—military as well as civilian—significant changes are being made. They have these objectives:

* To shake up the whole system and sharply improve its usefulness to the President and his top advisers.

* To process vital intelligence more effectively, at less cost.

Mr. Schlesinger cracked down on CIA, his home base, first. Now he is expected to focus on other parts of the intelligence community—military and civilian.

**Payroll reductions.** In the reorganization process, wholesale firings have occurred at the CIA—a cutback, sources say, of perhaps more than 1,000 of the agency's estimated 15,000 employes.

Some professionals assert that Mr. Schlesinger is bent on rooting out an "intellectually arrogant" clique that has been riding high in the CIA hierarchy for years.

Others counter that the chief purpose of the housecleanings is to enable the Nixon Administration to "politicize" the intelligence mechanism to its own ideological shape—and use Mr. Schlesinger to do it.

Both charges are vigorously denied by responsible people on all sides. Instead, the charges are cited as examples of the bitter bureaucratic infighting going on in Washington—and spreading into the intelligence system.

On one front, heated feuding between the CIA and the Pentagon's Defense Intelligence Agency-DIA—is out in the open.

Pentagon intelligence specialists, trying to regain control of assessing military threats to the U. S., are citing what they characterize as examples of blunders and bias by the CIA.

The military critics admit that their own mistakes a decade and more ago obliged the Government to turn to the civilian CIA for the main assessments on military threats. But now, the military men contend that DIA has been revamped, is more objective—and less of a lobby designed to scare Congress into voting higher defense budgets.

Against that background of turbulence, Mr. Schlesinger is moving to carry out the sweeping reorganization of the U. S. intelligence community originally ordered by President Nixon a year and a half ago—in November, 1971.

Knowledgeable sources say that Richard Helms, now Ambassador to Iran, was replaced by Mr. Schlesinger as CIA Director because he failed to carry out the overhaul mandate to Mr. Nixon's satisfaction.

A top man in the intelligence network put it this way: "The President and his national-security adviser, Henry Kissinger, just didn't think they were getting their money's worth."

The reorganization plan, in fact, is Mr. Schlesinger's own handiwork. He drafted it while serving as Assistant Director of the Office of Management and Budget. Later, he was named Chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission—the job from which he was transferred to his present post as America's "superspy."

Like Mr. Helms before him, Mr. Schlesinger is not only Director of the CIA but also Director of Central Intelligence—DCI. That makes him boss of all American intelligence operations.

**New faces.** One thing that Mr. Schlesinger has done is to put together what he calls the intelligence community staff, with offices on the top floor of the CIA headquarters building in a Virginia suburb of Washington.

Significantly, two military-intelligence

## THE U.S. INTELLIGENCE NETWORK AND WHAT IT DOES

James Schlesinger, Director of Central Intelligence, presides over the U.S. Intelligence Board, which sets intelligence requirements and priorities.

Represented on the board are-

**CIA** Central Intelligence Agency, top-secret Government organization, responsible only to the White House, collects and evaluates intelligence information, runs clandestine missions abroad, conducts espionage and counterespionage.

78

U.S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, May 7, 1973

# DATSUN
SAVES

**An important personal resource:
your money.**

One savings leads to another. With demands for fuel and energy rising faster than the supply, it's more important than ever for all of us to conserve resources. Driving a new Datsun 1200 is one sure way to save gasoline. And that, of course, leads to another kind of savings: your money.

**Fuel economy and other considerations.** The Datsun 1200 gets around 30 miles per gallon, over

twice the national average of about 13.5. But that's not all a 1200 conserves. It saves space, for example. You'll park in leftover places you used to pass up. It's a joy to drive and handle, and it's simple and inexpensive to service. With just average care, a Datsun 1200 will last a long, long time.

**Luxuries aren't forgotten.** Standard on the Datsun 1200 Sport Coupe: reclining bucket seats, tinted glass, fold-down rear seat, white-walls and wheel covers. Test drive one at your dealer soon. Discover that driving comfortably and saving money can go hand-in-hand! Drive a Datsun . . . then decide.

**DATSUN**

From Nissan with Pride

CIA Director James R. Schlesinger, who oversees all U. S. intelligence, designated two military men among deputies.

experts have been assigned to that staff as Mr. Schlesinger's deputies. One is Maj. Gen. Lew Allen, of the Air Force, who has been nominated for promotion to lieutenant general. The other is Maj. Gen. Daniel O. Graham, of the Army, a career intelligence officer.

General Graham, who has been deputy director for estimates in the Pentagon's DIA, sounded a call in an article he wrote recently for "Army" magazine advocating reassertion of a dominant role for the military in estimating security threats. May 1 was set as the date of his move to Mr. Schlesinger's staff.

As the shake-up of the intelligence establishment continues, charges and countercharges are giving Americans a rare look at its inner workings and hot rivalries. For example—

* Military men are alleging that "bidas" of top-level CIA evaluators colors final estimates sent on to the President and his aides.

One case cited by a critic of the CIA:

"An estimate entitled 'New Order in Brazil' was prepared as a basis for

Maj. Gen. Lew Allen

policy decisions. Use of the term 'New Order' in the title was like overprinting a Nazi swastika on the cover. It painted the blackest possible picture of the present Brazilian Government, making Brazil look like an imminent threat to the U. S. If the President had acted on that report, he would have cut all aid to Brazil."

* The CIA is accused of failing to use information it had in hand to alert the White House to Russia's acute food shortage last year. The point made is that the Soviets were able to negotiate a billion-dollar grain deal with the U. S. on terms favorable to the Kremlin—and unfavorable to the American housewife, who had to pay more for bread.

The CIA answers this charge by contending that the information was passed along to the Department of Agriculture, which, in the CIA view, failed to act on it promptly enough.

* A military intelligence official says that before the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1968, the CIA director of estimates offered a report prepared for the President saying there would be no invasion. An aide, disagreeing, used various stratagems to avoid forwarding the report. The delay prevented embarrassment for the CIA when the Russians did invade, but, according to the

Maj. Gen. Daniel Graham

source, the aide who blocked the erroneous estimate "won no friends."

* In Vietnam, it is now revealed, CIA and DIA were often at odds. For instance, they agreed that some Communist arms were reaching South Vietnam through the Cambodian port of Sihanoukville, but both were "wildly wrong" on how much. But an official, not in intelligence, recalls that CIA was "much further wrong" than DIA—although each was on the low side.

* Another charge by critics of the CIA: After the *Tet* offensive of 1968, CIA reported Communists had seized vast portions of the countryside, because contact was lost with most sources outside the cities. This assumption was disproved by on-the-spot checks by DIA teams in helicopters.

An illustration of conflict between civilian and military analysts:

In a recent national estimate, the CIA took the position that Japan would never consider arming itself with nuclear weapons. The DIA argued that the Japanese were keeping abreast of nuclear technology and would not hesitate to "go nuclear" if Tokyo felt that was necessary for survival.

When the document was brought to Mr. Schlesinger, an insider says, the CIA analysts emphasized that they had put their views first, as the current position, and the DIA estimates were relegated to the back pages. Mr. Schlesinger was said to have "hit the roof" and to have ordered that the military view be given equal prominence.

* General Graham, in his writing in "Army" magazine, admits serious DIA shortcomings in the past. He charges that Pentagon intelligence has damaged its own status by inflating its estimates of threats to the "worst case" possible—

*(continued on next page)*

### DIA

Defense Intelligence Agency, co-ordinating intelligence efforts of Army, Navy and Air Force, assesses armed forces and weapons of friend and foe.

### NSA

National Security Agency codes and decodes U. S. messages, breaks foreign codes, monitors foreign communications, conducts electronic surveillance.

### I&R

State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research makes sure final intelligence estimates take account of political and economic trends abroad.

### AEC

Atomic Energy Commission detects and monitors nuclear tests by other countries, gathers information on their nuclear capabilities.

### FBI

Federal Bureau of Investigation conducts counterespionage within U.S., combats sabotage, subversion.

In addition, Treasury Department provides economic and financial information on other countries.

Copyright © 1973, U. S. News & World Report, Inc.

79

-Wide World Photo

Overhaul of U. S. intelligence network is creating ten-
sion at CIA's massive headquarters near Washington.

"SPY" SHAKE-UP

[continued from preceding page]

in order to get more money from Con-
gress. He claims that this tendency has
been largely eliminated.

* General Graham also charges that,
in the past, military intelligence has
been too prone to tailor its assessments
to the need "users" have for intelli-
gence that "supports the program."

**Assessing blame.** In some instances, blame is being heaped upon both civilian and military intelligence agencies. One thing pointed out is that the entire U. S. intelligence community—despite warnings from some agents—refused to believe that Soviet boss Nikita Khrushchev would dare to risk putting offensive missiles in Cuba in 1962.

Khrushchev did just that, however,
and the "missile crisis" resulted.

Some of the military intelligence experts now insisting on a stronger voice in the evaluation of raw data concede that, in the past, the armed forces have been supplied with exaggerated estimates of the Soviet threat—such as the “missile gap” of a decade ago that turned out to be nonexistent.

It is pointed out, however, that the
DIA has had a thorough housecleaning
in recent years.

"Time to reassert." In his article for "Army" magazine, General Graham wrote:

> "... I think the time is ripe for the military profession to reassert its traditional role in the function of describing military threats to national security. Both the military user and the military producer of strategic intelligence have come a long way since the 'missile gap' days. DIA has hit its stride in the production of respectable military estimates."

Many CIA professionals in top and
middle ranks are unhappy about the

reorganization. A com-
ment typical of this view-
point:

"What is happening is
that those who seek to
present intelligence as it
is, rather than as the situat-
tion is seen by those sup-
porting specific policies,
are being plucked out."

Aides of Mr. Schlesinger deny that he has any intention of "politicizing" the agency. They point out that at his confirmation hearing before the Senate Armed Services Committee he said he was determined to maintain the independence and integrity of intelligence evaluations.

Within the Nixon Ad-
ministration, dissatisfaction with the CIA
has centered particularly in the Na-
tional Security Council staff, which is
under the direction of Mr. Kissinger.

The main complaint has been that
evaluations of raw intelligence often re-
flected the biases of top men.

To that, one CIA man retorts:

"We feel that we do a better job of
evaluating raw intelligence without bias
than the military does—or, for that mat-
ter, than people like Kissinger who are
defending a specific policy."

The argument is made that—particularly since the days when the late Allen Dulles was its Director—the CIA’s “controlling voice” in the intelligence community has sought intelligence estimates unaffected by the policies of the Administration in power, the Pentagon, the so-called military-industrial complex, or any other group.

**Changes in the works.** Whatever the merits of the arguments now boiling, drastic changes are being made by Mr. Schlesinger.

They include:

1. To reduce costs, overlapping intelligence agencies are to submit "bids" on operations that are assigned by President Nixon and the National Security Council. The Intelligence Resources Advisory Committee, set up under the 1971 reorganization plan, is to consider the competing "bids" and accept the least expensive if the bidder can convince the Committee that his agency can do the job.

2. Mr. Schlesinger is making it clear that he will exercise fully his authority over all of the intelligence services. In the past, this has been a difficult problem for the Director of Central Intelligence, because the Defense Department gets most of the money and most of the manpower.

3. As DCI, Mr. Schlesinger will decide which of the U. S. intelligence agencies—military and civilian—will carry out operations assigned by the White House.

4. Each agency is to be kept fully
aware of what all the others are doing.

5. Cost experts are combing through all operations to determine how to use fewer men and spend less money.

"To be continued." Some projects are being phased out as inefficient or outmoded. One report indicated a sharp curtailment in clandestine operations. But an insider commented:

"They may not talk about these as much as they did, but like it or not, these activities are part of the way of life in the world today, and they will be continued."

One revision put into effect by Mr.
Schlesinger has to do with preparation
of CIA reports requested by the Presi-
dent and other high officials.

**Condensed intelligence.** Previously, such requests were answered with detailed studies—20, 30, or even 50 pages long. Now, the reports run no longer than three double-spaced pages. A CIA official explained:

"Instructions from Schlesinger are to answer the questions asked—and no more. No background. No historical discussion. Just keep in mind that the President or the Secretary of the Treasury or whoever else asks the questions is a busy man. He rarely has time to read long reports. What he needs is for use right now—today—in order to make a decision."

The telephone number of the analyst or working group responsible for the report appears on the document, so if more information is needed, it can be obtained without delay.

In line with Mr. Nixon's efforts to re-
duce federal spending, the intelligence
agencies are under orders to reduce
costs.

Just how much is being spent to piece
together the information essential to na-
tional security is not a matter of public
knowledge.

**A 6.2 billion cost?** Senator William Proxmire (Dem.), of Wisconsin, estimated recently that the cost of gathering military and civilian intelligence is 6.2 billion dollars a year. But Albert C. Hall, Assistant Defense Secretary for Intelligence, said that Mr. Proxmire's figure is "just plain wrong."

Without hinting at the actual figures,
Mr. Hall said that the Pentagon's intel-
ligence budget has been cut by about a
third in the last three years.

Other sources say that manpower in
the CIA and the other intelligence ser-
ices, including the National Security
Agency, now totals less than 125,000—
a reduction of more than 25,000 since
1971.

Thus, a money crunch and diminished
manpower are added problems at a time
of sharp change and open conflict for
the agencies which function as the "eyes
and ears" of the United States around
the world.
[END]

80

U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, May 7, 1973

BALTIMORE SUN- 9 MAY 1973

Dual Soviet Foreign Policy: When One Plus One Equals One

Joseph Alsop

Washington.

All the wealth gauges were set to "fair"—at any rate for public consumption —for Henry A. Kissinger's Moscow visit. The effective head of state of the Soviet Union, Leonid I. Brezhnev, has finally declared the "irreversibility" of his policy of developing closer, more cooperative relations with the United States and the West.

But can one trust the weather gauges? It is a problem now being heatedly argued on the highest levels of the U.S. government. Recently, the problem was vividly posed by the elevation of the tough, brilliantly able Soviet minister of defense, Marshal Andrei Grechko, to full membership in the ruling Soviet Politburo.

This has produced a Sovietological debate comparable to the medieval theologian's disputes about how many angels could dance on a pinhead. This is only natural, since Marshal Grechko's new, purely political position has made nonsense, once and for all, of the common Soviet analysts' belief that the Soviet armed forces have "no political role."

Long ago, this -belief became highly dubious. First, Marshal Grechko was able to ram through his own appointment as defense minister,

with the support of the other Soviet military leaders, but against the wishes of a majority of the Soviet Politburo of that period. Then it became apparent that Marshall Grechko was the closest ally of Mr. Brezhnev, and that he was also able to give Mr Brezhnev most valuable support whenever the going got rough.

Let us suppose that Gen. Curtis E. LeMay had been able to force his own appointment as secretary of defense. Let us suppose, further, that as secretary of defense, General LeMay further emerged as the principal partner of the President. Should we not then say the U.S. armed forces had enormous power in U.S. politics?

The question answers itself; and it is therefore the wrong question to ask. The real question is whether the ideas of Marshall Grechko and Mr. Brezhnev are a Soviet version of the ideas attributed to General LeMay. Or are these men's true ideas those expressed by Mr. Brezhnev the other day, very much for public consumption?

Here, the right answer is surely to be found in the wise, unanimous warnings of the three founders of serious Soviet analysis in the U.S. government, Charles E. Bohlen, George F. Kennan, and the late Llewellyn Thompson.

All three used to say, over and over again, that you could never understand the Russians, unless you also understood that Moscow invariably pursued two simultaneous but different policies. These policies always seemed totally contradictory to the simple Western mind, Mr Bohlen, Mr Kennan and Mr Thompson would add, yet both were valid policies.

That is plainly the position today. One policy is symbolized by Dr. Kissinger in Moscow, preparing Mr. Brezhnev's visit to this country. It was expressed in the huge Soviet wheat purchases in the U.S.—a matter of dire necessity. This policy's ultimate aim is wholesale importation of the Western technology by the Russians—again a matter of dire necessity on the civilian side of the Soviet economy.

The contradictory Soviet policy is equally tangible and visible, however. It shows—and has shown for a long time—in the continuous, massive Soviet military buildup along China's northern frontier. It endangers U.S. interests quite directly in the Persian Gulf. Here the Russians are building a naval base, which will be like a knife to our vulnerable oil-jugular running through the gulf. This same policy has led to a massive Soviet effort to achieve naval predominance in the Indian

Ocean, to control the entrance of the Persian Gulf.

The last list of Soviet actions is every bit as factual, every bit as undeniable—and every bit as important, too—as the first list of Soviet actions given above. Mercifully, Dr. Kissinger is well aware of the potential meaning of the second list, even if most of his countrymen appear to be under the permanent influence of heavy tranquilizers. One of Dr. Kissinger's aims in Moscow is to discover which of the two contradictory Soviet policies to watch most carefully.

His Moscow visit will help Dr. Kissinger to form a judgment. Being Henry Kissinger, he will probably form an exceptionally shrewd judgment. The real trouble today, however, is that Dr. Kissinger and the President he serves may be unable to take the actions their judgment may indicate are necessary.

For neither diplomacy nor money credits, neither smiles nor hopes, will influence the final Soviet choice between the two contradictory policies. The only final influence will be the Soviet estimate of the risk of the tougher policy, which can also be the more profitable policy if risk-free. Yet in the U.S. are currently doing all we can to make the risk seem less and less.

MILITARY BASE........CONT'D

tions.

"In the case of Ft. Dix, the problem is that not foreseeing, for better or worse, the radical shrinkage in training requirements for the Army, a lot of money was invested in the physical plant at Dix over the last decade, a total of some $200 million. A decision, therefore, to move training activities out of Dix could mean that these facilities were not used or at least seriously under used.

"Not only that, but there could be the requirement of substantial additional capital outlay at some of the training centers to which training now at Dix would be transferred."

Other defense officials were anxious to spike rumors about the possible closing of the Army Training Center at Ft. Ord, near San Francisco.

"Ft. Ord is the only such center on the West Coast, in fact, in the western half of the United States," one base expert said. "It will stay, of course. But like the other five centers, it will undergo some personnel cuts — mostly military."

The Boston Navy Shipyard is to be closed by Jan. 1, 1975. The Pentagon tried to close it in 1964, when Robert S.

McNamara was Secretary of Defense. At the eleventh hour, politics intervened to save it.

Someone's loss often is another's gain and this goes for base realignments, too.

Long Beach lost out in the study to see which of the three West Coast modern bases capable of handling modern aircraft carriers should be closed.

The Navy had decided that two such bases on each coast were sufficient. It chose San Diego and Alameda.

Here is how a Pentagon base expert explained the selection:
> "San Diego, like Norfolk (the Navy's only complete base, with shipyard, et al), would never really be considered for closing.

Alameda is the next closest ideal carrier port. It has a master jet base nearby (Lemoore), it has good berth facilities, a waterside airfield to handle carrier aircraft flying to and from their flattops, and a NARF (Naval air repair facility)."

"On the other hand, Long Beach has no naval air station, no NARF, and no really close master jet base. It does have a shipyard, which Alameda does not, and it will serve San Diego.

WALL STREET JOURNAL

9 MAY 1973

A TRUCE IN LEBANON was ordered after government jets blasted guerrilla posts.

President Franjeh said the cease-fire "will give joint commissions a chance ... to start work on assuring the enforcement of a final cease-fire." He canceled air strikes that had pounded guerrilla positions throughout the day. Franjeh acted after the meeting with Arab mediators and envoys. Meanwhile, Syria closed its border with Lebanon and warned it might intervene to support the Palestinians. Damascus radio broadcast a Syrian government statement accusing Lebanese officials of carrying out a plot to finish off the guerrilla movement.

Beirut radio said Premier Amin Hafez had submitted the resignation of his 13-day-old government. Franjeh deferred action on that request.

"As has so often been said, we'd have the ideal situation if we could move the Long Beach Shipyard to San Diego. Then San Diego, like Norfolk, would have the complete package."

Alameda, under the new Pentagon plan, will lose all its active fleet aircraft. It will have the Naval Air Reserves and some logistics flights. Its reconnaissance jets will move to Lemoore and its propeller transports will go to Moffitt.

12-F

SAN DIEGO UNION- 29 APRIL 1973 ( 9 MAY )

Military Base Shuffle Packages

Savings

Copley News Service

WASHINGTON — Pentagon officials who put together the big military base closure-consolidation package concede it contained "real economic heartburners" for a number of local areas.

They insisted, however, that the decisions were made on the merits of each case, free from political influence and lobbyist pressure.

Defense Secretary Elliot L. Richardson announced the details of 274 specific actions affecting military installations, actions expected to produce savings of more than $3.5 billion over the next 10 years.

The "merits" that counted involved how much money could be saved, overhead reduced and efficiency introduced for current and future operations, while, of course, satisfying military needs.

There have been few cries of "politics!" in the Pentagon's action, even from Democratic doves in Congress. Perhaps it is because they realize they can't really have it both ways — that is, the big cut they demand in defense spending and the maintenance of excess military installations in their states and districts.

Their comparative silence probably has been produced by a grudging admission that politics really weren't involved.

Richardson is a politician-bureaucrat from Massachusetts. His wife is from Rhode Island. It so happens that these two New England states were the hardest hit by far of the 32 affected by the base actions. They lose 34,500 of the 42,800 military and civilian jobs being eliminated.

Some individual localities in other states, Long Beach, Calif., for instance, also suffered heavily.

When a reporter asked the secretary what his reaction would be to the suggestion the timing and specific selection of the closures were dictated partly by political motives, Richardson replied:

"I would reject it totally ... I was naturally concerned to assure that the criteria used were fair and commensible, that we could explain the reasons for any given action.

"I was naturally concerned, in part, because my own part of the country was so strongly affected, and I wanted to be in a position to be able to explain to New England why this series of actions fore so heavily in that region. I have been satisfied that this has been done fairly and objectively."

He explained the uncertain situation at Ft. Dix, N.J., this way:

"In 1968, the Army strength was 1.6 million. In 1974, it will have dipped to half that or 804,000.

"Thus, a dramatic personnel decrease has reduced training requirements," he noted. "The Army will compensate for this reduction either by closing the

LOMPOC RECORD- 3 MAY 1973 ( 9-)

Meyer says missiles
deterrents
to foreign attack

By STEVE LA RUE

Staff Writer

General John C. Meyer, 54, commander in chief of the Strategic Air Command, said here yesterday that Minuteman and Titan test launches from Vandenberg Air Force Base are valuable deterrents to foreign attack in addition to being devices for honing U.S. missile efficiency.

The four star general's remarks came at the 1973 Symposium of the Air Force Association, entitled, "The ICBM Challenge." Meyer, who was the leading U.S. fighter ace in Europe in the Second World War, underlined the strategic importance of SAC's ICBM and B-52 nuclear strike forces as two thirds of the nation's nuclear deterrent "Triad" which also includes submarine-launched missiles.

The triad mixed force concept, other symposium spokesmen filled in, allows the strengths of one weapon's system to fill in for the weakness of the others.

Citing "the simplistic thinking that leads to the overkill myth" as a dangerous misreading of national military need, Meyer said that, though debates rage daily over the extent of defense spending, "yet we know that if we can not assure our own security, we can assure nothing else...the one solution we can't afford is no solution at all."

Defense strategy critics, Meyer,

who is also a senior SAC strategic target planner, said, confuse the destructive capacity of weapons systems with deterrent capability. To deter, he said, means to "discourage a person from doing something by instilling fear, anxiety and doubt."

SAC's job, then, he said, is to "assure that no matter how a rational enemy might calculate his nuclear attack balance sheet, the bottom line will always show a loss." This assurance would instill fear, anxiety and doubt in the minds of would-be enemies that any attack would be worth while, he indicated.

Meyer said that the bomber facet of the deterrent triad does not suffer from lack of public exposure, especially after Vietnam where, he said, B-52's "have shown that they can penetrate the heaviest defenses and strike military targets."

But, though he termed the record of SAC's missiles "nothing short of phenomenal," with over 1,000 ICBMs on 100 per cent strategic alert rate, they can't be seen or always fully appreciated by possible aggressors.

"All our missile fields look pretty much the same — farmlands, pastures and grazing land. You can't see the 1,000 ready Minutemen missiles or the 54 alert Titan II missiles."

But, in addition to providing operational missile combat crews with launch experience unavailable at their home stations, Vandenberg test and competition launches "contribute to the credibility of the nation's nuclear deterrent strategy," the commander added.

Referring to the annual Olympic Arena missile combat and maintenance crew competition this week on base, Meyer concluded:

"I hope this great performance — which is really representative of all of our missile crews throughout the nation — is not wasted on those who might seek to attack us. For I firmly believe that the more they know about how good these crews are — and how reliable the missiles are — the more they will be deterred."

Army Training Center at Ft. Dix, or by a reduction of training activities at all six of the current Army Training Centers."

He said a study will be completed this summer on how best to carry out this reduction. Meanwhile, personnel at each of the six training centers are being reduced. Only the center at Ft. Dix, however, is being considered for a shutdown.

Richardson conceded that a recommendation to close the Dix center had been "seriously considered." But he made it plain he was not satisfied with the staff work on the subject, that he needed answers to a number of ques-

CONTINUED NEXT PAGE

11-F

KISSINGER, CONTINUED

speculated that Mr. Brezhnev
may be hesitant to go to Wash-
ington while the Nixon Admin-
istration is embroiled in the
Watergate crisis. But Mr. Kis-
singer brushed this suggestion
aside with the comment that
Watergate had not figured—
"not at all"—in his talks with
Mr. Brezhnev.

Another suggestion by Com-
munist as well as Western dip-
looms is that the Soviet lead-
er wants, as President Nixon
did last year, to have docu-
ments or agreements to sign in
Washington as a tangible sign
of success of his visit and the
delay in setting the date is the
result of problems in complet-
ing such agreements, especially
in the field of new limitations
on the strategic arms race.

Issues Not Disclosed

Neither Mr. Kissinger nor a
bland Soviet-American state-
ment disclosed the actual topics
discussed, though Mr. Kissinger
indicated that the long daily
bargaining sessions had dealt
with issues across the board.

"We have had very cordial
talks and we covered all the
subjects we came here to dis-
cuss," he told newsmen. "And
we're leaving—the talks were
very satisfactory. But I won't
say any more till I've reported
to the President."

Neither Mr. Kissinger nor the
Soviet side mentioned that
progress, success or agreement
had been reached in the talks.

On the eve of his arrival
here, Mr. Kissinger and Presi-
dent Nixon both emphasized
their concern over heavy North
Vietnamese troop and supply
movements into South Vietnam
and the need for better adhe-
rence to the Vietnam cease-fire
agreement as well as the desir-
ability of reaching agreement to
end the fighting in Cambodia as
well. This was taken as a clear
signal that Mr. Kissinger would
urge Mr. Brezhnev to use Mos-
cow's influence with Hanoi on
these issues.

Although the Soviet press has
disclosed nothing substantial
about the negotiations, held at
a country lodge near Zavidovo,
about 75 miles northwest of
Moscow, important articles have
emphasized anew the Kremlin's
driving interest to conclude a
Soviet-American trade agree-
ment as well as a reminder that
Moscow's payment of World
War II Lend Lease debts to
the United States depends on
signing the trade package.

The narrow circles of offi-
cials involved, the intense se-
crecy surrounding the talks and
the long hours of the sessions
were taken as evidence that
hard bargaining had been under
way on several issues.

On the Soviet side, the only
listed participants in addition
to Mr. Brezhnev were Foreign
Minister Andrej A. Gromyko
and Anatoly Dobryin, the So-
viet Ambassador to Washing-
ton. The indications were that
Mr. Kissinger was joined by
Helmut Sonnenfeldt, Under Sec-
retary of the Treasury for East-
West trade, and one or two
other aides but no one from
the American Embassy.

So lengthy were the sessions,

informants disclosed, that sev-
eral times meals were post-
poned. On Monday alone, the
American Embassy reported,
Mr. Kissinger met with Mr.
Brezhnev and his colleagues for
eight hours. On his arrival Mr.
Kissinger talked of a possible
pleasure excursion to Leningrad
but four solid days of talks
left no time for that.

THE EVENING STAR and DAILY NEWS

Washington, D. C., Wednesday, May 9, 1973

(10)

B-1

**

Air Strike Restrictions
Eased, Richardson Says

BY ORR KELLY

Star-News Staff Writer

The United States has loosened up control over air strikes against targets in Cambodia, Defense Secretary Elliot L. Richardson has told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. He also warned that bombing is needed to help prevent overthrow of the Cambodian government.

Until very recently, he told the
committee yesterday, all air strikes in
the Phnom Penh area had to be ap-
proved in advance by Ambassador
Emory Swank.

Specific approval is no longer re-
quired for each strike. Instead, more
authority has been given to the U.S. air-
borne command post and to forward air-
controllers, Lt. Gen. George M. Seig-
nious II, director of the Joint Staff, told
the committee.

THE REASON for the change, he
said, is to make the air attacks "more
responsive" against targets of opportu-
nity and to avoid civilians and places
such as shrines.

Seignious also revealed that the
U.S. 7th Air Force has been blank-
ket authority until May 31 to attack

specified targets in the northeast por-
tion of Cambodia.

In what is known as the "Freedom
Deal" area, he said, the Cambodian
government and Swank had given blan-
ket approval to attacks on certain tar-
gets.

On another subject, Richardson
said U.S. troops should be out of Korea
before the end of 1975.

The U.S. is now halfway through a
five-year plan to modernize South Kore-
an forces, he said, and plans to with-
draw its forces by the end of that time.

Whether the troop withdrawal will
come abruptly at the end of that period
or gradually between now and then has
not yet been decided, Richardson said.

THE U.S. says it has 40,000 troops
remaining in South Korea, but the ac-
tual number is believed to be well below
that figure.

In his testimony, Richardson
strongly supported administration plans
to provide $652 million in grant military
aid to foreign countries, $525 million in
foreign military sales credits and $33
million for training. He also renewed a
request for permission to give $555 mil-
lion in surplus arms to other countries.

BALTIMORE SUN

10 MAY 1973 Pg 2

Control unit agrees
to observe releases

Saigon (Reuter)—The four-
nation International Commis-
sion for Control and Supervi-
sion agreed yesterday to ob-
serve prisoner exchanges later
this week but only on condition
that there are satisfactory
safety guarantees for their ob-
servers.

Commission officials said the
commission authorized the Pol-
ish chairman of the commis-
sion, Bogdan Wasilewski, at a
meeting yesterday to seek the
guarantees from the military
negotiators for the South Viet-
namese Army and the National
Liberation Front.

The chairman will seek 5-
wide air corridors of un-
limited altitude for commission
helicopters flying in to eight
jungle release sites tomorrow
and Saturday.

LOS ANGELES TIMES
9 MAY 1973 (10) Page 5

Army Assigns First
Women MPs to Duties

FT. GORDON, Ga. — Women have joined the ranks of the Army's military police, but at least for the time being the hazardous duty is being left to the men.

The 21 members of the Women's Army Corps to complete the Army MP School here are already in the field, making patrols, working in traffic control, investigating accidents and the like.

The Army says men will
continue to handle guard
duty, prison work and si-
milar assignments that
could involve violence.

The first WAC MPs
trained with 200 men. A
member of the class, Bon-
nie Bjorquist, a 20-year-old
private, recalled the win-
ter training course.

"We marched to class
with them, went out in
the field, got a gun and
qualified with the guns
with them," she said.

But there was a differ-
ence.

"Our instructors weren't
as strict with us as they
were with the men," she
said. "Like we didn't have
to do as many pushups
when we got in trouble or
as much physical work.
But as far as training goes,
we had to qualify for the
same things as they did."

Pvt. Bjorkquist, who now patrols Ft. Gordon in an MP car, said the Army's opening of MP training to women was perfect for her.

"I'd always wanted to be
a policewoman and even-
tually get into intelligence
work after a few years in
the Army," she said. "Of
course, prior to getting an
intelligence job I had to go
through a military police
course."

Brig. Gen. Mildred C.
Bailey, director of the
WACs, said current plans
call for 100 women MPs.

"I am quite certain it
will not be less than that.
It could be more before
the year is over," she said.

3

10 MAI 73

stern

personalien

Henry Kissinger, 49, Sicherheitsberater des amerikanischen Präsidenten, sucht die Zusammenarbeit mit dem Himmel. Bei der Ernennung zum „hervorragenden Bürger von Washington" durch den „Federal City Club" der US-Bundeshauptstadt lüftete die Graue Eminenz des Weißen Hauses das Ge-

heimnis der täglichen Arbeitsvorbereitung. Kissinger: „Jeden Morgen bete ich zu Gott, daß er mir die Weisheit gibt, das Richtige an diesem Tag zu tun. Dann frage ich Gott: ‚Gibt es irgendeinwas, was ich für Dich tun kann?'“

NATIONAL REVIEW - 11 MAY 1973(8)

SAN FRANCISCO CHRONICLE - 26 APRIL 1973

Questions for Mr. Kissinger

While Watergate gets the headlines, the Administra-
tion is in real trouble in Indochina. Communist truce
violations so threatened such stability as existed that the
U.S., departing from treaty provisions for the first time,
ceased minesweeping and resumed reconnaissance flights
over the North. Meanwhile, congressional doves are re-
solved to obstruct any direct retaliation, even as general
outrage at the torture of POWs seems to rule out any
chance of economic aid to Hanoi. All of which moved
Henry Kissinger to observe: "The profound problem we
face as a nation today is whether we should sign an
agreement, and, when it is totally violated, act as if the
signature which was then endorsed by an international
conference should simply be treated as irrelevant. . . .
Concerned people should ask themselves: What should
the United States do? What is our position: If we can
neither threaten nor offer incentives, if we are criticized
for attempting to maintain the agreement by force, and
pressed not to provide the economic incentives which
might be another motive for keeping the agreement, then
we should ask ourselves where we will be if what was a
very solemn agreement, very painfully achieved, in which
we made very major concessions, is simply disregarded
[by the other side]." Eloquent, and comprehensive.

Question for Dr. Kissinger: What are the North Viet-
namese doing that it could not have been anticipated
they would do, given for example their activity after the
1962 treaty governing Laos? Another question for Dr.
Kissinger: If such confidence in the stability of the treaty
as led Richard Nixon to proclaim last January that we
had achieved peace with honor was based on confidence
in the support of the Chinese and the Russians, what
went wrong? And what is President Nixon going to pro-
pose we do to bring Russia and China around? Congress
isn't to blame for this one. Congress hasn't made our
foreign policy over the past four years, nor conducted
the war in Indochina, nor concluded the terms of the
ceasefire.

Indochina Moves

(8May)

POLITICAL MOVES of considerable interest,
and possibly even peaceful promise, have been oc-
curring in Indochina this week, In Cambodia, Pres-
ident Lon Nol gave in at long last to United States
pressure and agreed to bring three of his old politi-
cal partners into power with him. In Saigon, the
South Vietnamese government went on record for
holding elections with the Viet Cong.

Both of these events could prove stabilizing in
a situation that has been disappointingly unstable
since the January cease-fire agreements. Under
Lon Nol, Cambodia has made no progress toward a
cease-fire with its Communists, who have the gov-
ernment's army pretty well isolated in and around
Phnom Penh. When the four-man coalition
of political forces comes to share power, there are
hopes, albeit lukewarm, that the new government
will quickly begin negotiations to end the fighting.
At present, most of the effective military effort in
Cambodia results from U.S. B-52 bombing and
from U.S.-airlifted supplies.

A SOMEWHAT STRONGER promise of peace
may be seen in the Saigon development. President
Thieu's foreign minister announced that Saigon
was proposing a specific date, August 26, for gen-
eral elections to be held in South Vietnam in con-
cert with the Viet Cong. This offer came in the
form of a draft agreement submitted to the Viet
Cong in Paris and was expected to be followed by a
nationwide TV address of President Thieu, Under
the January agreements, Saigon and the Viet
Cong have till Saturday to come to terms on the
future of South Vietnam. The two sides have just
agreed on exchanging civilian prisoners and, con-\ ceivably, they may be getting ready to carry out
their Paris obligation in good faith, something that
had not been universally expected.

PROVIDENCE (R.I.) JOURNAL 4/13/73 (8May)

The Weapons Flow

The General Accounting Office report that the Pentagon has given more surplus military supplies to foreign governments than Congress was aware of does not in itself constitute firm evidence of purposeful wrong-doing. It does suggest the need for more effective control of a practice intimately related to the implementation of U.S. foreign policy.

"There are too many pipelines and too many au-
thorities under which military aid can be given to
foreign countries," said Sen. J. William Fulbright,
chairman of the Senate foreign relations commit-
tee. "The magnitude of this assistance was not read-
ily apparent to anyone including the appropriate
committees of Congress because some assistance flows
through pipelines outside the regular funded pro-
gram."

Between 1964 and 1970, the discrepancy between
what Congress appropriated for military aid and what
the Pentagon provided in "excess" material came to
690 million dollars, according to GAO. The suspicion
advanced in the report is that Pentagon sleight-of-
hand using surplus supplies was a "means of offset-

ting reductions in military assistance appropri-
ations."

Congressional funding for military aid amounted
to about a billion dollars annually between 1950 and
1966. But from 1967 on, appropriations dropped off
sharply, presumably as a consequence of unfavorable
public response to the Vietnam War. The fact that
increasing amounts of surplus equipment from Viet-
nam became available about this time was described
by Defense Department spokesmen as a coincidence.

Much attention has been focused of late on the
struggle between the executive and legislative
branches over impounding of funds. No less impor-
tant is U.S. military aid which remains central to
this country's international policies. If, indeed, Con-
gress is being kept in the dark on a matter of such
gravity by an administrative agency desirous of coun-
teracting congressional intent, then deep concern is
not misplaced.

It is not impossible that inadvertencies are in
part responsible. But Senator Fulbright does not
think so, and he is entitled to be heard and judged
fairly. "Regardless of what Congress does to tighten
restrictions on this program," he said, "executive
branch officials seem to be able to find a convenient
loophole."

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EDITORIALS

TORONTO GLOBE & MAIL - 17 APRIL 1973 (8 MAY)

Cambodian war and the Vietnam truce

The attack by South Vietnamese troops across the Cambodian border adds a dangerous dimension of official war to the fitful unofficial fighting that is still going on between the Vietnamese in their own country. There is no truce yet in Cambodia, though it was supposed to follow almost automatically from the Vietnamese settlement. The most likely reason is that the Communist insurgents, with the support of the North Vietnamese, believe they have a good chance of destroying the military Government of President Lon Nol.

The same assessment of the military situation in Cambodia has led the South Vietnamese to intervene, at least to the extent of trying to break the Communist blockade of the Mekong River supply route to the Cambodian capital of Phnom Penh. If Cambodia falls under Communist control, South Vietnam could face a new threat on its western flank.

It is hardly worth noting that all the participants in the new Cambodian action (including the United States with its bomber raids) are in blatant violation of the Paris truce agreement. What matters more is the portent these violations have for future developments in South Vietnam itself.

The most significant features are, first, that the Communist forces in Cambodia saw their chance to win and therefore ignored all efforts toward a truce, and second, that the South Vietnamese were ready to move in to stop them. Ignoring the truce agreement they had signed in Paris. In other words, the war is being renewed, only on Cambodian territory.

How far the fighting will develop is impossible to know yet.

The important point is, however, that a truce—or more probably a reduction of the war to skirmishing, as in South Vietnam—can come about only when force has failed in its objectives. The further outlook is that a truce will be abandoned, in South Vietnam or in Cambodia, the moment one side or the other sees a decisive advantage to be gained.

It is this aspect of the problem rather than incidents of Communist obstruction or cases like the shooting down of a Commission helicopter that must make the Canadian Government question the usefulness of its truce role.

There is more and more evidence that the so-called truce was designed simply to let the United States get out of Southeast Asia with some semblance of dignity, while the two other sides regrouped for the next round of a struggle that has been going on for so long.

If so, the ICCS is supervising the truce about as effectively as a miner's canary controls the air in the mine. It can chirp with open-mouth diplomacy, but its only useful purpose is to give a warning by expiring. External Affairs Minister Mitchell Sharp is willing to give the whole business another six weeks or so, but if by then nothing has changed for the better he should write it off as at best a waste of time, and bring the Canadians home.

DALLAS MORNING NEWS - 30 APRIL 1973 (8 MAY)

Pentagon Papers Dividend

In the theft of the Pentagon Papers, questions of public substance were: How do we know that those papers aren't just routinely stamped secret: How much is the bureaucratic designation of "classified" worth?

It's not a question easily answered. The trial of Daniel Ellsberg, now near its end, has been marked by the defense contention that nothing of worth—nothing damaging to security—was stolen.

Meanwhile, the administration has asked for revision of the federal criminal code to eliminate such arguments. A leak would be proof in itself of broken security. The government would have only to prove the classified status of the leaked data.

Such a reform would not, however, satisfy the objection that it is too easy to stamp something top secret for idle reasons. However, the White

House has now announced that a review committee, headed by John Eißenhower, has drastically reduced the number of rubber stamps plied in classification.

No less than 31,000 government officials have lost their power to classify. Many others have had their discretionary authority curtailed. The biggest cut is in those qualified to assign "top secret" ratings. Seven out of 10 such officials will no longer handle that stamp. In addition, a great amount of material has been wholly declassified.

The country can now look upon secrecy classifications as having more meaning than they did. We can also support in better conscience a revised law to punish those who do steal and publicize the real thing. In addition, government information we have a right to will be available in much greater volume than before.

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR - 8 MAY 1973

Greece six years after the coup

"You've never had it so good, why change things?" seems to be the slogan of Greece's rulers. The sixth anniversary of their seizure of power has come and gone with the colonels still firmly in the saddle and with still no sign that they have any intention in the early future of fulfilling their promises to restore parliamentary democracy.

The regime's claims to success in the economic field are well founded. The Greek economy is going ahead at a more than comfortable annual growth rate of 8.5 percent. Tourism and shipping are booming. Materially it is true that most Greeks have "never had it so good."

Yet politically the people are being duped by the colonels, and that is why so many Greeks and so many of her friends abroad grieve for Greece today.

The promises to restore parliamentary democracy were made when a new constitution was introduced by the colonels and approved by referendum in September, 1968. But the essential articles of the constitution dealing with individual and political rights have never been enforced. Police state repressions continue.

Students demonstrating for more academic freedom are beaten up. Internationally respected men, like economist John Pesmazoglu, former deputy governor of the Bank of Greece, whose only fault is their commitment to the cause of democracy, are arrested, freed, and rearrested.

At the time of the sixth anniversary of the 1967 coup last month, former Premier Constantin Karamanlis, now living in exile in Paris, broke a three-and-a-half-year silence to urge the colonels to turn the country over to a transitional civilian government which would prepare for free elections, and to allow exiled King Constantine to return home. The colonels will claim that Mr. Karamanlis is out of touch with reality. Yet the former Premier's voice is a powerful one. He could himself head the kind of transitional government he is proposing. His views are widely echoed within Greece.

One wonders just how long the colonels can continue to ignore such appeals and coast on in their present state of self-righteous satisfaction, trusting in the soporific effects of "you've never had it so good."

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A6

Friday, May 11, 1973

THE WASHINGTON POST

Around the World

Kissinger Hints at Summit Date

LONDON — Presidential adviser Henry Kissinger indicated here yesterday that an announcement would be made soon on dates for the summit meeting between Soviet leader Leonid Brezhnev and President Nixon. Kissinger told reporters: "We have to agree on a joint announcement and that will have to come from Moscow and Washington."

In a one-minute public appearance at Heathrow airport, Kissinger accented the positive. He said he had spent 25 hours talking to Soviet rulers during his five-day visit and "we made major progress on all the issues."

Kissinger had stopped here briefly before reporting to the President. He dined Wednesday night with Prime Minister Edward Heath and a few aides. Yesterday he talked for an hour with Sir Alec Douglas-Home, the foreign secretary.

Kissinger, it is understood, was questioned at length about his April 23 address proposing a new Atlantic Charter. Officials here are satisfied that Mr. Nixon does not intend to revise the original charter drawn up by President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Churchill in 1941. Instead, London un-

erstands that the President is aiming at a new declaration of principles to guide relations among North America, Europe and Japan.

GIULIO ANDREOTTI
... anti-fascist moves