REPORT
NEW YORK, N. Y.
MONTHLY CIRC. N. AVAIL.

JUN

1965

## Other Current Books

**Is Paris Burning?** by Larry Collins and Dominique Lapierre (Simon & Schuster, $6.95).

Well-told story of the Paris uprising and liberation in August, 1944, and the city's narrow escape from massive bombardment and destruction.

**Religious Humanism and the Victorian Novel: George Eliot, Walter Pater and Samuel Butler** by U.C. Knoepflmacher (Princeton, $6.50).

The author, an English professor at the University of California, describes the attempts to syncretize humanism, evolutionary science and faith of three lesser Victorian novelists. Despite their efforts to achieve a real unity, Eliot, Pater and Butler did little more than juxtapose. All appear a bit absurd to-

day as, no doubt, will our 20th-century syncretists in another century. Science is such a fickle framework on which to build. Too erudite for general reading.

**The Ambassador** by Morris L. West (Morrow, $4.95).

A confusing and poorly written novel about a confusing and badly handled current event—the demise of the South Vietnamese Government.

**The Man in the Mirror** by Frederick Ayer, Jr. (Regnery, $4.50).

This spy thriller is being touted as on a par with *The Spy Who Came in From the Cold*... and with some justice. Ayer's fast-moving story is filled to the brim with plot and action, though the characterizations are weak.

The story concerns an impersonation carried to incredible lengths (but perfectly believable). Readers will enjoy the diatbolical methods used by both sides to achieve their aims as well as destroy their enemies. **The Man in The Mirror** is a cliff-hanger, so if that's your dish, this is your book.

**The Troubled Partnership** by Henry A. Kissinger (McGraw-Hill, $5.95).

A re-appraisal of the Atlantic Alliance sponsored by the Council on Foreign Relations. In his rather stodgy prose, Kissinger argues for greater political sensitivity toward a Europe which has changed enormously since our present policies were formulated. No rare insights or revolutionary proposals—just a moderately forward-looking book which makes sense.

Some of the Flyte family and now a temporary army billet.

"These memories," says Ryder, which are my life—for we possess nothing certainly except the past—were always with me. Like the pigeons of St. Mark's, they were everywhere, under my feet, in little honey-voiced congregations, nodding, strutting, winkling, rolling the tender feathers of their necks, perching sometimes, if I stood still, on my shoulder; until suddenly, the noon gun boomed and in a moment with a flutter and a sweep of wings, the pavement was bare and the whole sky above dark with a tumult of fowl. Thus it was that morning of war-time."

The memories, of course, are mostly of the "madly charming" Flytes:

Sebastian—the Oxford aesthete who went nowhere without his teddy bear, became a drunkard and finally landed working for the monks in a Tunis

Evelyn Waugh

Evelyn Waugh was a British author who wrote many novels, including "The Tintern Abode." She is considered one of the most important English小说 writers of the 20th century. Her first novel, "The Tintern Abode," was published in 1928. "Bridget stories" is one of her most well-known works. Waugh was a critic and teacher of English literature, and her writing has had a lasting impact on the genre. She is considered one of the most important English小说 writers of the 20th century.

Bridget Waugh was born in 1898 and died in 1978. She is considered one of the most important English小说 writers of the 20th century. Her first novel, "The Tintern Abode," was published in 1928. Waugh was a critic and teacher of English literature, and her writing has had a lasting impact on the genre. She is considered one of the most important English小说 writers of the 20th century. Her last novel, "The Vow of Brideshead Revisited," was published in 1968. Waugh's final novel, "The Final Impression," was published in 1978.

ATLANTIC BIBLIOGRAPHY

Atlantic Studies Series of the Council on Foreign Relations. The first three books in this series, undertaken by the Council on Foreign Relations with the assistance of a major grant from Ford Foundation in 1962, have now appeared. Each book is written by an outstanding authority in consultation with Harold van B. Cleveland, Director of the Atlantic Studies Project, a distinguished Steering Committee headed by former Ambassador Spofford and sub-committees of specially qualified persons in each field. They are "must" reading for anyone seriously interested in Atlantic problems. A description of the first three titles follows immediately.

Kissinger, Henry A. The Troubled Partnership, A Reappraisal of the Atlantic Alliance. New York, London, Toronto, McGraw-Hill for the Council on Foreign Relations, 1965. 251 pp. $5.95. (On strategic problems the author concludes that there should be an (not necessarily the) Atlantic Nuclear Force under the political control of an Executive Committee of the NATO Council responsible for developing common political programs and agreed strategic doctrine. The author holds that the ultimate challenge is naturally in the political field and that "centralization of strategy must be coupled with effective sharing of political decisions, far beyond anything so far envisaged.")

Stanley, Timothy W. NATO in Transition, the Future of the Atlantic Alliance. New York, Washington, London. Praeger for the Council on Foreign Relations, 1965. 406 pp. $7.50. (The book, written while the author was on leave from his position in the Office of the Secretary of Defense, naturally devotes much attention to defense but also holds the solution to Atlantic military and all other problems to be political. It discusses specifically various alternative patterns of Atlantic relationships and steps for the evolution of NATO from an organization devoted to preserving the security of the Atlantic area to a role of leadership toward a stable world order.)

Brzezinski, Zbigniew. Alternative to Partition. New York, Toronto, London. Ingram-Hill for the Council on Foreign Relations, 1965. 175 pp. $5.95. (Starting with an analysis of existing disarray in Eastern Europe, the author develops the challenging proposal that the U. S. and Western

276

ATLANTIC BIBLIOGRAPHY

277

Europe cooperate in seeking "the goal of returning East Europe and Russia to the European civilization" by peaceful magnetic attraction. He holds that neither side of the Atlantic Community alone could accomplish this purpose but that jointly they could.)

Agreement for cooperation with NATO for mutual defense purposes. Hearings, Subcommittee on Agreements for Cooperation, Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, July 30-August 18, 1964. Washington, 1964. 82 pp.

Alfonetti, Achille. Prehistoire des Etats-Unis de l'Europe. Paris: Editions Sirey, 1964. 327 pp.

Aven, Raymond. The Great Debate: Theories of Nuclear Strategy. Garden City: Doubleday, 1965. 265 pp. (A French review of recent developments of Strategic theory, European reactions to McNamara's policies, pros and cons of an independent French deterrent, and the future of the Atlantic Alliance.)

Barnanti, Sergio. Underdeveloped Areas within the Common Market. Princeton University Press, 1965. 456 pp. (The author urges intervention by national and European authorities to protect underdeveloped areas in Southern Italy and certain parts of France against the increasing competition resulting from lower tariffs.)

Bourrinet, Jacques. Le Probleme Agricole dans l'Integration Europeenne. Paris: Cujas, 1964. 300 pp. (National policies, the Treaty of Rome, and measures taken by the European Community up to the end of 1963.)

Boyd, Francis. British Politics in Transition, 1945-63. New York: Praeger, 1964. 253 pp. (A political correspondent for *The Guardian* examines Britain's changing role in the postwar world as well as the strengths and weaknesses of parliamentary democracy.)

Campa, Miriam. What Kind of Europe? The Community since de Gaulle's veto. New York: Oxford University Press, 1965. (Mrs. Campa concludes that developments of the next decade should favor the continuation of the present mixed system, rather than disintegration or federalization.)

Canadian-American Committee. A Possible Plan for a Canada-U. S. Free Trade Area. National Planning Association, Washington, and Private Planning Association of Canada, Montreal, 1965. 67 pp. (Discusses progressive abolition of trade barriers affecting all raw materials and manufactured products.)

Bemy, Karl H., and Henry W. Briefs, eds. NATO in Quest of Cohesion. New York, Praeger, 1965. 600 pp. (Viewpoints, political, military, and economic issues expressed at a Georgetown University meeting by George Ball, Sir John Slessor, General Andre Beaufre, Henry Kissinger, Klass Knorr, and others.)

Sivnen, Zelman. The British Commonwealth of Nations in a Changing

MCGRAW-HILL BOOK COMPANY

A DIVISION OF McGRAW-HILL, INC.

330 WEST 42ND STREET, NEW YORK, N.Y. 10036

July 19, 1965

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Harvard University
Center for International Affairs
6 Divinity Avenue - Room 105
Cambridge, Massachusetts

Dear Henry:

Enclosed is a copy of Arthur Henderson's review
for *Saturday Review's* July 24th issue.

HS:es
enc.

Saturday Review July 24, 1965

J6

The Troubled Partnership: A Reappraisal of the Western Alliance

Keeping Peace Among Allies

By Henry A. Kissinger (McGraw-Hill-Council on Foreign Relations 266 pp. $5.95), discusses the problems and the fundamental differences of opinion that have developed concerning the future of NATO. The Rt. Hon. Arthur Henderson, M.P., was Secretary for Air in the Atlee government at the time the Atlantic Alliance was established.

The Troubled Partnership: A Reappraisal of the Western Alliance, by Henry A. Kissinger (McGraw-Hill-Council on Foreign Relations 266 pp. $5.95), discusses the problems and the fundamental differences of opinion that have developed concerning the future of NATO. The Rt. Hon. Arthur Henderson, M.P., was Secretary for Air in the Atlee government at the time the Atlantic Alliance was established.

By ARTHUR HENDERSON

THE COMPLEX and critical problems disturbing the Atlantic Alliance must cause serious concern to all who regard it as an essential bastion of peace and freedom in Europe. There can be no doubt that the Alliance has become, in the words of Henry Kissinger's title, a troubled partnership. The fact is that fundamental differences of opinion have developed concerning its whole future.

The Atlantic Alliance is perhaps the most powerful collective defense association ever known in peacetime. It grew out of and expanded the concept of a defense alliance within the framework of the United Nations Charter which the late Ernest Bevin, then British Foreign Secretary, put forward in 1948, when he proposed a formula for Western union embracing not only defense, but also technical, cultural, and social cooperation.

The Communist coup in Czechoslovakia and the Berlin blockade, as Dr. Kissinger points out, caused a turning point in Western policy, and it served to produce the decisive participation of the United States in what emerged as NATO in 1949. Thus the United States became directly involved in maintaining the security of free Europe against any further Soviet expansion. That was a development of momentous significance.

NATO prevented war in Europe throughout the subsequent years, contributed to the development of the policy of peaceful coexistence, and enabled practical steps to be taken in the direction of European unity.

But, as Dr. Kissinger makes abundantly clear, there have been adverse results as well. There have been "increasingly sharp disputes among the Allies." Unity within the Atlantic Alliance has been seriously strained. Problems that

may be structural in origin have emerged as policy issues. "Thus... within the Atlantic Alliance disagreements about the future organization of NATO and the relative roles of its members have multiplied. The chief protagonists have been the United States and France." The author summarizes the divergent American and French attitudes in concise terms: "Now debating the wisdom of negotiating with the Soviets, now contesting the role of nuclear weapons, always disputing the future organization of Europe and the structure of the Alliance, the two countries have sometimes acted as if each has a psychological need to use the other as a foil. Each side has developed elaborate theories concerning the evil designs of its opponent."

The reader will discover that in discussing these disagreements the author presents the French position as fully and fairly as the American. What is disquieting is that there should be such deep policy divisions within the Alliance, and that on some issues United States and French views diverge so as to hold out little hope for harmony.

To take only one important point: Both the United States and France support the idea of European unity. But

while the United States urges an "integrated" Europe in which the role of nation states would be diminished, President de Gaulle argues that unity depends on "the vitality of the traditional European States." He envisages a confederation of states rather than a supranational institution.

It is clear that the conflicting attitudes of the United States and France on this and other issues lie at the heart of many of the tensions that impair the present well-being and the future prospects of the Atlantic Alliance.

The author also shows that Britain has not escaped General de Gaulle's displeasure. He resented the Nassau Agreement, and he dislikes the "special relationship" that Britain is supposed to enjoy with the United States. The term was first used by the late Sir Winston Churchill in the House of Commons on November 7, 1945, when he referred to "... our special relationship with the United States and Canada about the atomic bomb." The connotation of this term has been misconstrued to imply that there is some kind of preferential relationship between Britain and the United States. Such is not the case. If "special relationship" is intended to mean that we speak the same language and have the same cultural antecedents, it of course is true; but it is a myth that Britain enjoys a "preferential relationship" with the U.S. at the expense of other NATO partners.

Two informative chapters deal with "The Nature of the Strategic Debate" and "The Issue of Nuclear Control," on which agreement has not yet been found

"Sorry, Captain, no room at your table again."

SR/July 24, 1965 XXXX HHHHH M

t— ETAOIN SHRDLU CMFWYP 41

possible. Here it is vital that there
should be unity of viewpoint and politi-
cal aim. The alternative to real and
effective interdependence is, obviously,
the proliferation of nuclear weapons;
and the "road towards nuclear prolifera-
tion has no logical ending."

It is relevant to mention here the view
expressed by the British Prime Minister
at the NATO ministerial meeting in
London in May 1965:

The sheer facts of thermonuclear weap-
onry, to say nothing of the hard lessons
of economics, mean that outside the
two major nations, the USA and the
USSR, there cannot be a genuinely in-
dependent nuclear power capable of
sustaining thermonuclear war or of pro-
viding a globally credible nuclear
deterrent.

The effects of modern nuclear war-
fare, no less than the realization that
isolation is impossible even for the
most powerful, mean that no nation,
however great, can think in terms of
going it alone, without allies and with-
out regard to world opinion.

It is, of course, a fact that the United
States is the leader of the partnership.
But if there is to be a real interdepend-
ence Alliance, then it is surely right that
the non-nuclear countries should have
their say in the formulation and control
of policies which will affect all the na-
tions in the Alliance.

In a chapter dealing with East-West
relations the author puts forward an in-
teresting suggestion regarding the prob-
lem of the reunification of Germany,
about which there are differing views
within the Alliance. In brief, it is that
for a period of fifteen years "the territory
now called the German Democratic Re-
public [that is, East Germany] would
have a status similar to that of present-
day Austria." This proposal would mean
that "a loose confederation could be
established between the two German
States, but East Germany would be in-
dependent, neutral, and demilitarized."
Kissinger elaborates on this idea, but is
cautious about its practical value, for
his conclusion is that "it is improbable
that any negotiating formula will ad-
vance German unity. Even the most
reasonable program is likely to be rejec-
ted by the East. The long-term hope for
German unity therefore resides in the
unity of Europe."

This conclusion seems to me to be
sound if by "the unity of Europe" the
author means that the solution of some
of the political and security problems
in Europe dividing East and West.

Dr. Kissinger's book makes a timely
appearance. During the coming weeks
and months some of the disagreements
and problems he discusses will have to
be solved by the NATO governments;
if new life and strength are to be in-

Never
heard of
Cockerell?

THEN meet that great eccentric, great Director of the Fitzwilliam Museum, and great collector of rare manuscripts and 19th-century luminaries—the man who said to his biographer, “Don’t try to make me out a great man. I wasn’t.” Maybe not. But the story of his life makes wonderful reading.

COCKERELL

The Life of Sir Sydney
Carlyle Cockerell (1867-1962)

By WILFRID BLUNT

$7.50 • now at
better bookstores
ALFRED·A·KNOPF

The first major
study of the
American high
school today—

as an influence,
as an experience,
and as a way of life

COMING OF
AGE IN
AMERICA

Growth and Acquiescence

By EDGAR Z. FRIEDENBERG

author of The Vanishing Adolescent

$5.95, now at your bookstore

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experience grief only as a paralysis of all feeling. Her story ends in the same flat monotone that has carried it throughout: back in England, Ellen looks at the falling leaves and hopes for a cooler and less harassing autumn.

Miss O'Brien has a genuine gift for fiction and a scrupulous honesty. The material she writes about — the blank desperation of the young woman whose marriage has failed — is real enough in modern life too; but somewhere in this desert of modernity there must be less dehumanized pockets from which her talent could dig a richer ore.

WAR AND THE INTELLECTUAL

The literary history of the nineteen twenties has been pretty well researched, but about the earlier decade of the teens, which in many ways set the stage for America's coming of age intellectually and culturally, much less is generally known. The outbreak of the First World War, which caused utter dissension among the writers, has obscured other developments in the period, particularly those on the literary home front. The period has not attracted attention partly because it did not have the sensational figures and masterpieces of the twenties. The decade of the teens was a time of spadework and preparation in American history rather than of glamour.

One of the more brilliant figures of the time was Randolph Bourne, and the selection of his essays and letters in *THE WORLD OF RANDOLPH BOURNE* (Dutton, $5.75), edited by Lillian Schlissel, is valuable not only as historical documentation but as very interesting reading in its own right. Bourne was a free-lance critic who ranged widely over the subjects of books, politics, society, and travel. One is tempted to speculate that had he not died prematurely at the age of thirty-two, he might have been an earlier Edmund Wilson. But bad luck seemed to dog his footsteps, and his really productive period was brief, from 1911 to 1918, when he fell victim to the nationwide influenza epidemic. Yet, numbered as his days were, he did leave a decisive mark upon his time.

Bourne was a liberal and a socialist, though not a Marxist. The American intelligentsia was to feel the impact of Marxism some years

later. His socialism was of a progressive and gradual kind, and for a general philosophy he looked toward the pragmatism of John Dewey, who was then the great intellectual bulwark of progressivism. Bourne later broke with Dewey when the latter approved our entry into the First World War. As a pacifist, Bourne had denounced the war from the start and continued to do so after we were in it. He was thus abandoned to a most unpleasant and alienated position, and his bitterness comes out in a treatise on the state, which he was working on during the last years of his life. His thesis, simply put, is that "war is the health of the state" — the means by which those in power can unify the herd under them in some kind of blind crusade. Otherwise, the masses would simply fall apart into their own passive and diverse interests. In order to survive, the state must seek the perpetuation of war, which is done even in periods of nominal peace by the maintenance of armaments. If there are no hot wars, there at least have to be cold wars.

One positive result of our own long siege of the cold war is that it has compelled more people to become attentive to public affairs and international policy, and there has consequently grown up a whole new generation of Clausewitzes pondering the strategy of the bomb. One of the best in this field is DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER of Harvard University, and his new volume, *THE TROUBLED PARTNERSHIP* (McGraw-Hill, $5.95), is a highly topical and illuminating reappraisal of the Atlantic alliance.

So far as the public is aware of strains within the Atlantic alliance, it tends to think that these have all been caused by one man, De Gaulle. Nothing is more dangerous. Dr Kissinger holds, than to persist in this simple-minded line of thought. The fact is that the world has changed very much since 1949, when NATO was set up. Our allies have become much stronger and are ready to challenge our decisions on a good many matters, as full-fledged partners should. Russia does not loom as so immediate a threat to Western Europe as it did fifteen years ago, and the Western nations, therefore, do not feel they have to cling so desperately to our apron strings. We, on the other hand, in-

142

rightful, authentic
Irish folktales

Translated and translated by

EILEEN
O'FAOLAIN

Avalable book, richly illustrated by
Sehart Hyman, of permanent
to adults and children alike.
from peasant story-tellers, the
novels keep the lit and the
poetry of the original Gaelic.
the most collection extant in English.
ISBN at all bookstores

CHILDREN
OF THE
SALMON

AND OTHER
IRISH
FOLKTALES

ATLANTIC-LITTLE, BROWN

WYZANSKI
on judgment, ethics and the law

One of the most eloquent spokesmen
of the high traditions of American
Judges Charles E. Wyzanski, Jr.,
of the United States District Court for
Massachusetts. His best pronounce-
ments of the last 25 years, written
and oral, have been gathered in one
volume along with his first-hand por-
traits of great judges — Brandeis,
Holmes, A. N. Hand, Learned Hand —
and essays on social and individual
morality.
$6.95 at all bookstores

WHEREAS
A Judge's Premises

ATLANTIC-LITTLE, BROWN

stead of welcoming such changes as
a remarkable triumph of our original
policy (which was designed, after all,
to make Europe strong), have re-
mained stubbornly entrenched in our
older attitudes and administrative
machinery.

If the Atlantic alliance is to be
revitalized, we are called upon for
more flexible thinking, and Dr.
Kissinger proceeds to examine the
concrete alternatives by which im-
provement may come.

SEARCH FOR THE SELF

A new translation of a classic is
always an occasion for comment,
especially when the author is not as
well known as he should be. DEMIAN
by HERMANN HESSE (Harper &
Row, $3.95) is the first of a series in
which the publisher intends to intro-
duce the bulk of this remarkable au-
thor's writing to the American pub-
lic. Though Hesse won the Nobel
Prize in 1946, he never gained many
readers here, except perhaps for his
novel *Steppenwolf*, and then mainly
among college students. Yet he
looms now, three years after his
death in 1962, as one of the deeper
writers of the whole century.

Demian is the story of the boy Arthur Sinclair and his growth into young manhood. At school, Arthur is terrified by a bully until a new boy, Max Demian, who has some unusual and hidden power, appears. Demian turns off the bully, and he and Arthur become friends. Demian has some special secret, some hidden grace, and fascinates but mystifies Arthur. They are separated when Arthur goes off to boarding school, but years later come together as young men, and Demian introduces his friend to a strange world of mysticism, magic, and theosophy. In any other writer's hands this business would ring false, but Hesse's passionate irony makes it convincing. Demian's secret, which marks him off from the run of mankind, is simply that he is one of those rare ones who have found themselves.

This novel, which first appeared
in 1919, created a sensation among
readers who had known the destruc-
tion of the First World War and
the confused aftermath. As is the
case throughout most of his writings,
Hesse's characters are searching for
an identity within a disintegrated
world, a theme that is as timely (or
timeless) for us as for his generation.

Edith Wharton
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The Story of
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143

THE NEW REPUBLIC

impressive in his public and personal
troubles quite as much as the picaroes,
back-broken professors and *luftmens-
chen* who populate current American
fiction.

Alas, there is another side of *Second Generation* - that dealing with Peter Owen, the muddled young student straddling university and factory - which comes off poorly. One would suppose Williams to know intimately the life of an English university, since he teaches at Cambridge; but this is not the first demonstration that novelists thrive more on what they remember than what they see. Here, in pages devoted to egocentric left-wing dons and the drifting apolitical young, Williams is betrayed by an unearned or at

least, in the context of this novel, un-
justified animus toward university
cleverness, and the result is a nervous
disengagement from his own material.
In writing about Peter, Williams tries
very hard, perhaps too hard, but while
he understands what troubles such a
boy he does not manage to bring him
alive. Perhaps as a sign of these dif-
ficacies, the prose here becomes ex-
tremely woolly.

Those American readers whose lit-
erary horizons are bounded by Golding,
Salinger, Baldwin and Burroughs will
find *Second Generation* pokey and dull.
But there is likely to be a minority of
*New Republic* readers to whom the
portrait of a man like Harold Owen
will seem consequential and moving.

Fragments of a Dream

by Nathaniel McKitterick

When the White House was Camelot,
one of the dreams of the roundtable
was the Grand Design for an Atlantic
partnership. Europe, nurtured by
the United States through its postwar con-
valescence, protected by the United
States during the threatening years of
the 1950's, promised in the 1960's to
have the resources to share the bur-
dens of world leadership. Once Britain

The Troubled Partnership
by Henry A. Kissinger
(McGraw-Hill; $5.95)

joined the Common Market, Europe
would be a partner equal in size and
potential to the United States.

The dream was shattered on January
14, 1963, when Charles de Gaulle
blackballed Britain's Common Market
application. Even to those of us who
were only bit part players in the drama
to implement the Grand Design the
awakening was rude. The subsequent,
desperate attempt to assert an identity
of interests through a multilateral nu-
clear force only accentuated different
perspectives on both sides of the At-
lantic and became a symbol of Ameri-
can bitterness at French intransigence.

In his new book, Professor Kissinger
redemolishes the dreams of yesteryear,
and like Hans Morgenthau and Walter

Lippmann, he is likely to bring down
the thunder of a frustrated officialdom.

The Grand Design and the strategic
doctrines associated with it, he argues,
were conceived in ignorance of real
differences between the United States
and Europe, differences which cannot
be reconciled except through a sharing
of sovereignty far beyond anything
seriously considered up to now. "A
decade and a half of hegemony have ac-
customed us to believing that our views
represent the general interest," he
writes. But alas, Europe, with the pos-
sible exception of Britain, cannot be
expected to have today the same inter-
est in Asia, Africa and Latin America
which it had before the humiliations of
decolonization. It cannot reasonably be
expected to see its security threatened
in far off Vietnam. And US policy only
accentuates this reduced interest when
it asserts "our often invoked sense of
world responsibility." Our very exten-
sive global commitments "reduce the
incentive of our Allies to share in them,
much as the commitment of Britain
and France to the European balance of
power permitted the United States to
evade the problems of security in the
period before 1941."

American strategic doctrine during the
Kennedy years was conceived with a
similar disregard for different perspec-

tives, according to Kissinger. The
United States has insisted for techno-
logical reasons on a centralized (i.e.
American) control over nuclear weap-
ons. So long as our strategic concept
was based on automatic and massive
retaliation against a Soviet attack, this
concept did not give rise to very serious
political difficulties in Europe. But
when, responding to changes in tech-
nology, Kennedy and McNamara con-
ceived a strategy of "flexible response"
and assigned Europe the role of provid-
ing conventional forces under that
strategy, European doubts came out
into the open. Inevitably, a "flexible
response" would leave more discretion
as well as power in American hands,
unless there were some countervailing
sharing of political decisions. There
was none. The strategic dilemma within
NATO reached ultimate frustration
when the US asserted that independent
European nuclear forces were unneces-
sary, when we came to equate the
French *force de frappe* with simple dis-
trust of the US. Those nations, as
Kissinger says, which were being asked
to entrust their nuclear defense to the
United States were bound in the ab-
sence of some sharing of political de-
cision to strive for greater autonomy
even in nuclear matters. "To insist on
centralized strategy, while diplomacy
remains national, guarantees mounting
disputes."

While the rhetoric which surrounded
Kennedy's European policies (the "Dec-
laration of Interdependence" speech on
July 4, 1962, for example) suggested
that some real sharing of political
sovereignty was intended somewhere,
sometime, the application of those poli-
cies appeared even in the eyes of some
very sympathetic European observers,
to do no more than perpetuate Ameri-
can hegemony.

Kissinger is not sanguine about any
formal sovereignty-sharing in the fore-
seeable future. His "interim" prescrip-
tion is for trying to work out within
NATO coordinated political views on
basic world problems, particularly East-
West problems:

"There is something incongruous
about NATO's absorption in the
technicalities of mixed-manning [in
the MLF] while it lacks a common

22

BOOKS AND THE ARTS

Old Workers, New Students

by Irving Howe

Neither swinger nor black-humor man,
evangelist of orgasms nor prophet of
racial apocalypse, Raymond Williams
is an English writer who can hardly
expect anything from contemporary
America but honorable neglect. As a
novelist he promotes no sensations;
finds no special grace in obscenity;
lusts not for violence, either of word
or blood; and writes about common-

Second Generation
by Raymond Williams
(Horizon; $4.95)

place people, a little battered, a little
square. Williams began his career, and
is best known, as a literary and social
critic. Only recently has he begun to
publish fiction, with the result that he
is still clumsy and inexpert as a novel-
ist. But some of the clumsiness may be
due to the fact that he is a thoughtful
man who has no taste for flash or
filigree, and who allows his reflective-
ness - which is also to say, his uncer-
tainties - to sink into the texture of his
novels.

Williams' first major book, *Culture and Society*, was a distinguished study of the way "the idea of culture" arose in 19th Century English writing, from Burke and Corbett through Matthew Arnold, first as a value kept secret from and then as a standard fiercely directed against industrial society. This theme has steadily dominated his work: he seems to be haunted by the idea of an "organic" or "common" culture, one that will heal the split between "high" and "low," and will absorb the traditional excellence of minority culture into the mainstream of social life. While a sophisticated intellectual, he shows a decided antipathy toward the sleek and brittle - I guess he would call it sleek and brittle, though at times I would add, accomplished and cosmopolitan - "Establishment" of London culture. A left-wing socialist in politics,

Williams differs sharply from his po-
litical fellows in the United States: he
is more deeply rooted than we are
likely to be in a regional or provincial
culture, and he displays a certain sus-
picion, or at least uneasiness, toward
modern urban life. His strongest ties
are with the Welsh working class from
which he is descended; here at least is
one intellectual who has remained loyal
to the class of his origins, despite a
degree from Cambridge. His style of
thought and, unfortunately, his prose
suggest the influence of F. R. Leavis;
and in general, his intense moral seri-
ousness and firm plebeian attachments
speak well for that provincial culture
which was so vital a force in 19th Cen-
tury England and seems still to have
retained a measure of strength into the
present.

*Border Country*, William's first novel, which appeared a few years ago, is an honest and unsentimental journey backward into Wales. Written with a severe, almost repressed lyricism, and told through the voice of a worker's son who has become a London intellectual yet respects his father's life, *Border Country* has the enormous advantage of fiction composed out of an authentic nostalgia: it is dominated by a single and sustained tone.

*Second Generation*, Williams' new
novel, is more complex, more ambitious
and very much more uneven. Williams
follows two brothers, Harold and
Gwyn Owen, who, unemployed in the
thirties, move from the Welsh border
country to find work in an automobile
factory at the rim of a university town.
Here the two families live in modest
comfort and growing uneasiness: Har-
old totally immersed in his trade union,
Gwyn devoted to his garden and a
muted sense of private relations, and
Harold's son Peter moving into the
alien precincts of university research.
What Williams is trying to do is to

show both the continuities and differ-
ences between the old England of
"classical" capitalism and the new Eng-
land of the welfare state, as these are
reflected in the experience of a troubled
but vigorous family. Because the sub-
ject is large in resonance and Williams
writes of it with a dry and steady hu-
maneness, the part of *Second Genera-
tion* that deals with the first genera-
tion is beautifully done. It constitutes,
I think, a minor breakthrough in Eng-
lish fiction - for in regard to the novel
a conquest of new material ought to be
considered an innovation quite as sig-
nificant as a new technique.

Harold Owen is presented in consider-
able depth, without indulgence or con-
descension. He is the kind of man who
carries the local trade union, who is
seriously engaged though he may never
have heard about engagement, and
who in his own experience sums up the
painful struggle of a generation of
workers, now in their fifties, to reach
articulateness. He is proud, rightly
enough, of the results of that struggle,
but he also senses vaguely that it has
not quite prepared him for the world
he has helped establish. He grows iso-
lated in the union; a kindly dullness
settles over his marriage; and he is
aware that, for all his increase in ma-
terial benefits, he remains a factory
hand, vulnerable to the shifts of the
market, low in the English hierarchy,
and quite as far as he has ever been
from the true centers of social power.

There are strong vignettes scattered
through *Second Generation* of Harold
Owen writing a union circular in cum-
bersome English, trying to establish re-
lations both with the uninvolved and
more militant members of his unions,
and, with a blend of dignity and dis-
comfort, "negotiating" a lay-off of
workers with a smooth personnel man
at the factory. As Williams quietly
draws him, Owen is neither the pro-
letarian muscle-man of Marxist fiction,
nor the brimming folk-hero of D. H.
Lawrence, nor the mindless high-
spirited animal of Alan Sillitoe. He is
a tired but unresigned human being,

21

MAY 15, 1965

policy toward the Communist world, flounders . . . in the former colonial areas and has yet to concert a strategic doctrine. . . . NATO requires a mechanism for managing political crises even more than a military staff for planning a war."

But Kissinger isn't even very sanguine about consultations. He has interesting things to say about the German problem and the future of East-West relations, but he seems to have more faith in Europe sorting out its own internal problems, fashioning a unity of sorts in the West and a truly autonomous voice in world affairs, than he does in the future of Atlantic cooperation. He offers an effective apologia for de Gaulle's vision of Europe's future, even as he deplores the man's bad manners and persistent habit of depicting American actions in the worst possible light. He predicts that the autonomy which de Gaulle demands, first for France and then for a Europe of States, will someday come to be appreciated here for its inherent benefits. "If we insist on remaining the sole trustees of policy everywhere, including Europe," he writes, "the strain on our resources and ingenuity may well be too great. . . . The day will come when we will consider a measure of autonomy in Europe a blessing rather than an irritant."

But Kissinger's own insights into the psychology of present-day Europe raise considerable doubt that the continent will achieve much more unity than it has now if left alone to sort out its internal problems. He is right in stressing again and again that political equality among the Atlantic partners is the prerequisite to "burden-sharing" in defense or in sharing responsibility for affairs beyond Europe's borders. Why not, then, ask the question which the knights of the Kennedy roundtable never did ask: how much sovereignty are we willing to sacrifice for Western unity?

Kissinger is more sensitive to European reactions and institutions than he is to our own. Thus, after deploing the attempt to resolve basic political problems through the technical device of the MLF, he cannot resist laying blame on "one small group in the government [which] had become so deeply committed to the MLF that it acted as

a lobby rather than an organ for calmly weighing alternatives." Elsewhere in the book, he recognizes that the structure of the American government often makes lobbyists even out of professional diplomats. He is willing in the case of de Gaulle to separate carefully the structural from the personal problem, but he is not willing to do so for those whom he is criticizing in Washington. It's a flaw in an otherwise brilliant book.

Effective diplomacy requires, first, a good understanding of what makes other governments tick. To feed such an understanding into the decision-making process of a complex government such as ours requires giving the corps of professional diplomats a status well above that of lobbyists in the formulation and conduct of policy. The Foreign Service of the United States has not been accorded this status since World War II. Instead of being treated as a highly trained team of experienced professionals, our diplomats have been

looked upon as individual performers available for hire by a succession of political appointees in a variety of short-term tasks. The present intention of Washington's top public administrators to further submerge the Foreign Service as an entity into a kind of huge second civil service, encompassing all government employees who happen to travel or work abroad is only going to make matters worse. But it is the system which breeds mistakes, rather than small groups of conspirators, hiding out in the State Department.

This is the first book in the Council on Foreign Relations' current Atlantic policy series. The series is being directed by another veteran of Atlantic policy wars, H. Van B. Cleveland, whose own contribution will take up the future of the Atlantic Alliance more or less where Kissinger leaves off. If the ensuing books match the high analytical standards of this one, the Council will have made an important contribution.

## After Selma

"... the knife-order."

- T. E. HULME

Let him lie sober when he tells the lie
That horror has no times to match these times.
The warning is a storm in his own eye.

We have a sign to follow in the sky,
With flags and triggers, to protect our dreams.
Let him lie sober when he tells the lie.

Bars-sinister and - dexter mortify
Visiting pilgrims who commit no crimes;
The warning is a storm in his own eye.

This land will bury you before you die,
Bombard your churches and blast out your homes.
Let him lie sober when he tells the lie.

Whoever wounds you must consent to buy
Silence, a scar-tissue of wordless names.
The warning is a storm in his own eye.

Discarded winding-sheets will tell you why
We meet the dead in living pantomimes.

STEPHEN MOONEY

23

THE NEW REPUBLIC

# Lord Avon's Vantage Point

by Patrick O'Donovan

There are many reasons why a man writes his memoirs and most of them are inadequate. Some write because an autobiography is the only book they are capable of and they desire that dim form of immortality which consists in leaving behind something between hard covers. Some are possessed of a

*The Reckoning*
by Anthony Eden
(Houghton, Mifflin; $8.50)

gentle truth and when they write about their nannies and the rose garden and the day that King Edward quite definitely had too much brandy and what happened when they visited the surviving eunuchs in Peking, these are writing a sort of history and often a form of art. There is another sort of memoir which since the last war has become the speciality of politicians and sol-

diers. These are almost invariably a straight bid for immortality, an attempt to raise a monument more lasting than their careers, a longing to justify and excuse, a special pleading, an attempt to smooth out the rough places and retouch the portrait where the warts have been left only too plain. Such memoirs are seldom even the raw material of serious history except as evidence of the attitude of one of the protagonists.

Sir Anthony Eden, who is now Lord Avon, has produced a third volume to the memoirs that have occupied his retirement. It is an honorable addition to the genre. It gives, fairly, an account of a life of full public service. It displays the British angle on the last war from the Eden vantage point and, not surprisingly, Eden himself looms large in the foreground. Americans are chided a little, Churchill is kept under

a sort of control and Stalwart is impressed.

But there is a fascinating problem about Eden himself to which this book gives no real answer. All his career, Eden was damned by a quality of unfading youth that never left him. It is true that he did not look particularly young close to and that his colleagues called him "mothballs" - behind his back. He was always the brilliant and debonair young man whose real career lay ahead. It is true that it is impossible to recall a single memorable phrase out of all his public talking. But that is true of all except a few. Still, there was the perpetual promise of that slim figure, with its First-World-War moustache and its engagingly depreciating air. And when his time did come, he was discovered to be old beyond his years and ill and unsuited for what all his life had been a preparation.

There is a real tragedy in this. This is recognized and he is never vilified in Britain. Nor for that matter is he treated as an Elder Statesman. When the Tory party went into its arcane huddle to choose a new leader, Eden was not consulted. He appears briefly in the news because he has gone to the West Indies or because he has had another operation. But politically he has disappeared as surely as if he had never existed.

Of course every politician who appoints himself as a suitable subject for election lays himself open to this sort of tragedy. It seems to strike more cruelly in Britain where the aftermath of power or failure to reach the top can twist a man's old age into bitterness. Melbourne, Lloyd George and Ramsay MacDonald are the archetypes of this sort of deprived loneliness. The ends of their lives seem almost to invalidate what went before. Perhaps because he is brave and is debonair this sort of squalor seems to have left Eden alone.

Eden has had it all. He is a Knight of the Garter and a, presumably, belted Earl. He was a brave young officer in the First World War and a brilliant and serious undergraduate at Oxford after it, at a time when his contemporaries were being elaborately decadent on cushions to prove their civilian status. And quietly, up the conventional ladder, he became Foreign Minister in his mid-thirties. He was a prominent,

BEACON PRESS, BOSTON

IN LUCE VERITATIS

## SALT OF THE EARTH

IN LUCE VERITATIS

*Time* saw it as "a work of vigorous art."
Bosley Crowther saw it as
"a rugged and starkly poignant story."
Did you see it? Very few did. Why?

Herbert Biberman, the director of this award-winning film, was one of the Hollywood Ten. The film was made after he was released from jail. SALT OF THE EARTH is the story of this film with the screenplay and stills included.

Read SALT OF THE EARTH by Herbert Biberman $5.95

BEACON PRESS, BOSTON

24