add 1 SALT sun

(Friends of Sullivan described him as a patriotic hawk who fears the United States may have been victimized again by Soviet ploys and deceptions during negotiations, which, by most assessments, are close to being concluded.)

(In his report -- scheduled to appear in the winter issue of Strategic Review -- Sullivan asks: "Does a great nation learn from its past mistake -- from the clear record of its own gullibility and the adversely's deceit -- or does it continue headlong on the road toward potential disaster?")

(The report's publication will be one more anti-SALT salvo in anticipation of a SALT II agreement. Undoubtedly, it will be raised during Senate debate if a pact is reached and submitted for ratification. Sullivan's friends said they believe the report may prove to be the "Pentagon Papers" of the SALT negotiations.)

(Friends said that Sullivan spent two years preparing his SALT analysis and another two years resisting efforts inside the CIA to rewrite and suppress his book-length report. A CIA spokesman, on the other hand, said that is not so.)

("Certainly, he has a right to express a dissenting view," the spokesman said. "But quite obviously, the final product is that of the agency. The ultimate determination is made by the agency on what it views as accurate.")

(Sullivan resigned from the CIA last summer after admitting he had turned over his classified report to Richard Perle, an aide to Sen. Henry M. Jackson (D-Wash.), a leading SALT critic.)

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add 2 SALT sun

(Sullivan, now an aide to Sen. Lloyd Bentsen (D-Tex.), has since regained his security clearance and obtained permission to publish a shorter "sanitized" version of his report, relying solely on information on the public record to buttress his arguments and allegations, Sullivan reached these conclusions:

"SALT has not led to true or balanced arms control.

SALT
"The Soviets clearly have gained the most from the process.

SALT has stimulated the arms race by allowing a Soviet buildup without any real quantitative and qualitative constraints (on weapons).

The United States traded away its ABM (antiballistic missile system) for a tripling or quadrupling of the Soviet strategic threat against it, all the while tolerating Soviet negotiating deception and massive operational concealments and ruses in Soviet strategic (weapons) deployment."

(For these reasons, Sullivan argues, the Soviets were 'jubilant' about the outcome of the May, 1972, summit between Nixon and Soviet leader Leonid I. Brezhnev in Moscow.

(Although he makes Sullivan the main scapegoat, he maintains that, to some extent, the shortcomings of SALT I from the U.S. standpoint stemmed from errors on the part of Robert McNamara, defense secretary from 1961 to 1968 under John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson.

(The U.S. "strategic retreat," as Sullivan puts it, really began in 1963 when McNamara made three key decisions:

To end the deployment of land-based and submarine-launched missiles in 1967, culminating the buildup of 1960-63.

To phase out medium-range B-47 and B-58 bombers.

To begin deactivating about 185 Atlas and Titan missiles, most of which were brand-new.

World Bank, could not be reached
McNamara, now president of the for comment.

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"These cutbacks were not matched by any commensurate deactivations of weapons systems by the Soviet Union," Sullivan writes. "The U.S. approach under Sec. of Defense McNamara was one of unilateral restraint, because it was believed then that U.S. superiority was immutable."

The year 1963 was pivotal for the Soviets, too, Sullivan says. Nikita Khrushchev, having stood figuratively eyeball to eyeball with Kennedy and blinked during the Cuban missile showdown, greatly speeded up the tempo of Soviet missile and submarine production early the next year.

Does Sullivan credit McNamara for starting development of multiple warheads, otherwise known as MIRVs (multiple independently targetable re-entry vehicles.) In 1965, however, McNamara decided to phase out the oldest third of the B-52 fleet and freeze the number of U.S. missiles.

Meanwhile, by 1968, the Soviets had achieved -- or were on the verge on achieving -- numerical "parity" with the United States in terms of strategic weapons, according to Sullivan. Such was the

situation when Nixon and Kissinger took over in 1969, when the SALT talks began.

Kissinger persuaded Nixon -- who had vowed in his '68 campaign to maintain U.S. military "superiority" -- to settle not for parity but for "sufficiency," Sullivan says in his report. On Kissinger's recommendation, Nixon rejected a proposal to resume deploying new offensive missiles.

"This unilateral decision not to keep pace with the Soviets was justified with allegations of the necessity to be conciliatory toward The Soviets," Sullivan writes. "Moreover, Nixon and Kissinger reportedly believed that, against the background of an unpopular Vietnam War, the U.S. public would not support additional expenditures for new strategic weapons." (more)

add 4 SALT sun

(On the heels of that decision, Sullivan says, came a series of U.S. mistakes at the SALT bargaining table that were compounded by Soviet deception. Here is a summary, issue by issue, of Sullivan's view on where the United States went wrong.)

> ABM Treaty
In 1970, Nixon decided to build the antiballistics missile system, intending to use it as a bargaining chip, albeit an expensive one, in the talks. The United States proposed limiting each side to one ABM complex. The Soviets, knowing the United States had a technical edge, readily agreed. U.S. negotiators were taken aback because they mistakenly thought the Soviets were planning more than one complex. So, they withdrew the proposal.

Two years later, an ABM pact was signed in Moscow. It limited each side to two anti-missile sites, although there was no evidence to suggest the Soviets ever planned more than one.

(In holding off, the United States gave the Soviets time to add 400 missiles to their nuclear arsenal. Kissinger's rationale, according to Sullivan, was that he wanted to make the ABM treaty contingent on reaching an interim five-year pact on offensive weapons.)

## SLBM "Concession"

(Under a May, 1971, communique, Kissinger induced the Soviets to accept such a "linkage" between ABMs and offensive weapons. There was a slip-up, however. The communique put no restraints on Soviet SLBMs (submarine-launched ballistics missiles).)

"This early concession by Dr. Kissinger, however, did not change the basic facts. On November 4, 1971, the United States announced its intention to extend the ABM treaty another year, and on November 1, 1972, the United States ...forced the United States to expend more negotiating time getting SLBMs back in the framework," Sullivan said.

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SS-19 "Loophole"

The paramount U.S. goal in the SALT I talks was to prevent the Soviets from replacing their light, older SS-11 missiles with heavy, more advanced missiles. The Soviets secretly had been developing a new type of missile -- the SS-19 -- since 1965. At the Moscow summit, they balked at defining what a heavy missile was, knowing their SS-19 would fall into that category.

As a result, there was a "large loophole" in the 1972 agreement on offensive weapons. Afterwards, having deceived the United States on the SS-19's size, the Soviets began testing it. By U.S. standards, it was clearly a heavy missile.

later
(Sullivan quote) Kissinger as lamenting: "We obviously did not know in 1972 what missiles the Soviet Union would be testing in 1974."

SLBM Ceiling

In April, 1972, Brezhnev proposed ceilings of 62 and 950 -launched for Soviet submarines and submarine missiles, respectively.

The United States then had 41 submarines and 656 SLBMs. He argued that the Soviet Union needed a 3-to-2 advantage because it lacked forward bases for its submarines and thus could not keep as many stationary stations in readiness.

In response, U.S. negotiators said they would tolerate the proposed Soviet ceilings only on the condition that the Soviets deactivate a certain number of old missiles. To evade that condition, their submarine count and thus succeeded in minimizing the number they had to mothball.

Sullivan quote Kissinger as saying at the time: "The Soviets may not tell us exactly what they have, but they are in a better position to know than we, painful as this is to admit." In his report, Sullivan notes: "They thus exploited U.S. (intelligence) uncertainties with respect to Soviet capabilities."

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The Soviets also duped the United States with regard to their SS-N-8, a new SLBm. They deliberately held off testing its maximum range until after the Moscow summit. Tests showed it had enough range -- 4,000 miles -- to hit U.S. targets without even leaving homeport. The SS-N-8 did not require forward bases.

Mobile Missiles

At the summit, Nixon pushed for a ban on land-based mobile ICBMs. Brezhnev rejected a formal ban but promised not to build any. Nixon warned him that if the United States detected any cheating on this "understanding," the entire SALT I agreement was off.

Yet, it turns out, the Soviets produced and secretly stockpiled more than 100 mobile missiles. Warned Sullivan: "Stockpiled mobile ICBMs are potentially more dangerous than deployed missiles because they would be untargetable yet deployable and usable in a crisis."

end it

INTERNATIONAL PLATFORM ASSOCIATION

IPA

2564 Berkshire Road
Cleveland Heights, Ohio 44106

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<table><tr><td></td><td>OFFICERS</td><td>Director General and Board Chairman</td><td>Dan Tyler Moore</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td>President</td><td>Lowell Thomas</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td>Retiring President</td><td>Art Linkletter</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td>Former President</td><td>Victor Borge</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td>Former President</td><td>Dr. Glenn Seaborg</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td>Vice President</td><td>Senator Clarence Dill</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td>Treasurer</td><td>Anna Blair Miller</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td>Secretary</td><td>Edna Sinclair</td></tr><tr><td colspan="4"><strong>BOARD OF GOVERNORS</strong></td></tr><tr><td>Lowell Thomas</td><td>Congressman Charles A. Vanik</td><td>Lou LuTour</td><td>Ed Wright</td></tr><tr><td>Ambassador Enrique Tejera-Paris</td><td>Victor Borge</td><td>Mayor Carl Stokes</td><td>Edmund Thornton</td></tr><tr><td>Dr. Glenn Seaborg</td><td>Art Linkletter</td><td>Dr. Cleo Dawson</td><td>Andre Pacatte</td></tr><tr><td>Jack Anderson</td><td>Mrs. Drew Pearson</td><td>Emil Weddige</td><td>Arthur Taylor</td></tr><tr><td>Ambassador Julio Sanjines-Goytia</td><td>William McVey</td><td>Benjamin Franklin</td><td>Everette Peterson</td></tr><tr><td>Sir William Samson Moore</td><td>Dan Tyler Moore</td><td>Eleanor Sikes Peters</td><td>Salom Rizk</td></tr><tr><td>Hal Holbrook</td><td>Alice Longworth</td><td>Don Wolfe</td><td>Anna Blair Miller</td></tr><tr><td>Senator Clarence Dill</td><td>Mary I. Jeffries</td><td>Joseph Ferrier</td><td>Edna Sinclair</td></tr><tr><td>James Kilpatrick</td><td>Rosa Lobe</td><td>Eileen Hall</td><td>Harry Byrd Kline</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>Ted Mack</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>Neill O'Malley</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>Anna Frances Houston</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>Paul Leonard</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>Frank McKenzie</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>Dee Church</td></tr><tr><td></td><td></td><td></td><td>Don Price</td></tr></table>

YOU HAVE BEEN SELECTED TO RECEIVE THIS INVITATION

Enclosed is an invitation to join what our members feel is one of our nation's most interesting and useful associations. The Governors of the IPA decided at our Washington, D.C. Convention that our present roster of members, though influential, was a bit too thinly spread. Your name has been selected under this authorization.

Since the days of its founder, Daniel Webster, the IPA and its predecessor organizations have had our nation's most distinguished roster, a varied and active selection of this nation's leaders. On its rolls have been most of the U.S. presidents since Teddy Roosevelt, many of the most prominent members of the U.S. Senate, many ambassadors accredited to the United States, and such names as J. Edgar Hoover, Mark Twain, William Jennings Bryan, Walter Lippman, Carl Sandburg, Wernher von Braun, Barry Goldwater, Drew Pearson, Hugh Downs, Alice Longworth, "Dear Abby" Van Buren, Winston Churchill, General Matthew Ridgway, Ralph Nader. Patriarch Athenagoras, Vice-President Agnew, Senator Muskie, Betty Furness, Eliot Ness, Victor Borge, Dr. Walter Alvarez, Rex Harrison, Art Linkletter, and Averell Harriman.

No other organization includes, as the IPA does, columnists, writers, judges, the most interesting personalities of the entertainment and business world and an impressive cross-section of local and national leaders of both political parties.

IPA's members are linked primarily by talent, imagination, and friendship, for it is THE CLUB for those interested in the power of oratory and the spoken word. It is in fact America's oldest trade association, the organization of the Lyceum and the Chautauqua and of those who wish to participate in its interesting activities. It includes not only those who for political, business, entertainment, or other reasons appear before TV, radio, and live audiences, but those who, because they appreciate provocative oratory and entertainment, take pleasure in hearing and knowing great speakers and performers — those who run our United States of America and those who entertain it. It is in fact the WHO'S WHO of the AMERICAN PLATFORM.

One of IPA's most cherished purposes and objectives, next to its members' obvious enjoyment of each other, is using its prestige and its Convention Talent Previews and Workshops to improve the American Platform and assembly programs for school children. A brief history of the IPA is enclosed. You may refer to the New York Times Sunday Magazine of June 9, 1968 for further information. The IPA is a corporation not for profit.

We convene annually in Washington, D. C. for five days of conversation and entertainment, which have no parallel anywhere, the year's high point for even leading figures who attend. Our last few meetings featured President Lyndon Johnson, Senator Goldwater, Lowell Thomas, U.S. Attorney General Mitchell, Jeanne Dixon, Art Linkletter, Betty Friedan, Mayor Lindsay, Vice-President Humphrey, Clark Mollenhoff, Johnny Cash, Peter Lisagor, Nancy Dickerson, Irv Kupcinet, Ted Mack, Governor Romney, Gerald Ford, David Brinkley, Governor Nelson Rockerfeller, Art Buchwald, Orville Freeman, Mitch Miller, Jack Anderson, Stewart Udall, Glenn Seaborg, William Manchester, U.S. Senators Fulbright, Scott, Church, Kuchel, McGee, Javits, McCarthy, Ribicoff and many other IPA members. Our record Washington meeting this past July was attended by almost fifteen hundred members. Between conventions, our magazine TALENT keeps members in touch.

It is the fact that such VIPs, in tribute to the influence of their fellow members, appear without charge on our programs, saving us thousands of dollars, that gives us our unusually low annual dues. Not only are these dues deductible, but the prestige of our membership has motivated many of our nation's largest companies to grant us substantial discounts on important consumer items. This discount system is not the reason our members belong to IPA, but it is nice to know corporations like Avis, Dayton Tire and Rubber, Travelodge, National Hotel Company, and many others grant discounts which make the IPA probably the only association in which the members end up with "negative" dues.

For any questions concerning IPA's status or reputation, reference can be made to the Heights Chamber of Commerce (Cleveland and Shaker Heights), Gale's ENCYCLOPEDIA OF ASSOCIATIONS, or the WORLD ALMANAC.

You have been selected because we feel you will fit in with the members we already have. Your IPA membership invitation cards are enclosed. You may, if you wish, list three newspapers to which you would like to mail press releases.

With your membership card we will include a list of discounts available. On that list you may request a certificate suitable for framing. If you do not wish to accept this invitation, please return the enclosed cards so that we may invite another qualified person.

Sincerely,

Dan Tyler Moore
Director General and Board Chairman

(Founded by
Daniel Webster
in 1831)

American Lyceum
Association)

MEMBERSHIP COMMITTEE
Lowell Thomas, Chairman
Glenn Seaborg, Vice-Chairman

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# HISTORY OF THE INTERNATIONAL PLATFORM ASSOCIATION

Daniel Webster, the most famous orator in American history, Secretary of State under three presidents, the lawyer who changed American history by winning the famous Dartmouth College case, made his greatest contribution to America in 1826 during the presidency of John Quincy Adams. He helped found the first "Lyceum" in Milbury, Massachusetts and launched the most effective medium for influencing public opinion any nation has ever had, the tens of thousands of audiences in thousands of cities and towns that comprise the American Lecture Platform. It has never been as powerful as it is now and its influence is growing daily.

Webster's idea spread so rapidly that five years later the AMERICAN LYCEUM ASSOCIATION was formed under his aegis to unite the various units that had sprung up all over the nation.

The thousands of statesmen, politicians, and businessmen who have formulated U.S. public and private opinion over the last one hundred forty-five years owe their influence and contribution largely to these audiences of millions of Americans that have, since 1826, been set up all over our nation eager and ready to hear them and be influenced by their theories and arguments.

The greatest single impetus to the growth of the "Lyceum" resulted from efforts to schedule an American lecture tour for Charles Dickens, the English author. His representative had contacted a Boston journalist, James Redpath, who established the first lecture bureau in America one hundred and three years ago.

This first lecture bureau presented such speakers and concert artists as Mark Twain, Ralph Waldo Emerson, Julia Ward Howe, Josh Billings, Henry Ward Beecher, P.T. Barnum, and other leaders in the political, business, entertainment, and concert fields of those days.

The International Lyceum Association, founded in September 1903 took over where the American Lyceum Association left off and in 1952 was reincorporated under its present name as THE INTERNATIONAL PLATFORM ASSOCIATION. It is the oldest international association in the United States, going back in its ancestry over one hundred forty-five years. It has always been the club and sounding board of those interested in the power of the spoken word and has had on its membership rolls an appreciable percentage of all the great names of our American heritage.

Those early greats plus later IPA members such as Theodore and Franklin Roosevelt, Richard Nixon, William Howard Taft, Herbert Hoover, John Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, William Jennings Bryan, Nelson Rockefeller, Carl Sandburg, Harry Truman, J. Edgar Hoover, Hugh Downs, Woodrow Wilson, "Dear Abby" Van Buren, David Brinkley, Victor Borge, Art Buchwald, Lowell Thomas, Barry Goldwater, Otto Preminger, Winston Churchill, Ralph Nader, Jack Anderson, Dr. Walter Alvarez, Averell Harriman, Congressman Gerald Ford, Hubert Humphrey, Betty Furness, Art Linkletter, Alice Roosevelt Longworth, Walter Lippman, Rex Harrison, Hal Holbrook, Drew Pearson (and a host of others in the fields of statesmanship, business,

[LC]

oratory, the theatre, the movies, and entertainment) have bequeathed a portion of their greatness to their associates, living and dead, in what our members feel is the most interesting organization in our nation. We have members who have been coming to our meetings for over fifty years.

The last three U.S. Presidents and most of the others since Theodore Roosevelt have been IPA members, as have a good percentage of the most influential members of the U.S. Senate and many state governors, cabinet officers, and foreign ambassadors accredited to the United States are on IPA's rolls.

Each year hundreds of the top political figures and orators of our nation, the Platform people who belong to the IPA, appear before colleges, forums, school assemblies, conventions, concerts, executive and women's clubs, service clubs, and industrial association audiences. Anywhere and everywhere that audiences of any kind convene there are IPA members not only on the Platform but in the audience, functioning as program chairmen or just listening.

IPA Membership Chairman and President Lowell Thomas has said, "No other medium can compare with the Platform."

One privilege of membership is the opportunity to attend the annual five-day assemblage in Washington, D.C. where the most outstanding personalities and programs seen anywhere in this country are presented in an atmosphere where, with only IPA members being admitted, an extraordinary volume of top level "off-the-record" conversation takes place. Here the top statesmen of both parties, time-honored orators, TV, radio, and newspaper personalities and celebrities from many fields find memories. Hopeful beginners find counsel and help and patrons and program chairmen find new talent and everyone finds enjoyment.

The top echelon of our nation in many different fields meet for five days of fun, recreation, fellowship and re-union, and genuine relaxation after a strenuous year. The workshops, previews, and programs elicit enduring friendships and lasting admiration one for the other.

THE INTERNATIONAL PLATFORM ASSOCIATION is not only the professional association of the American program chairman and of those who belong to organizations that put on programs for their members, but in fact of all persons interested or engaged in the lecture, concert, TV, radio, newspaper, and entertainment fields. It is the organization of those interested in the power of oratory and of the spoken word.

For over seventy years IPA membership has included many of the most distinguished men and women of our nation in every field. If one thing about the IPA can be pinpointed as most valuable to its unusual membership, it is the fruitful and lasting friendships developed at high level across ordinarily inaccessible professional and geographic boundaries.

Membership is limited to persons recommended for membership whose applications are approved by our Membership Committee and by our Board of Governors.

Any questions concerning IPA's status or reputation can be referred to the Heights Chamber of Commerce (Cleveland and Shaker Heights), Gale's Encyclopedia of Associations, or the World Almanac.

EMBASSY OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
PARIS

May 21, 1973

MEMORANDUM

TO: Honorable Henry Kissinger

FROM: Ambassador John N. Irwin II

SUBJECT: ORTF Request for Your Participation in a
Television Debate

We occasionally get requests from French tele-
vision for assistance in trying to persuade you (and
other senior members of the U.S. Government) to appear
on TV. We tend to discourage such requests, but a
recent one was so specific that I thought you would
wish to know of it.

Alain Duhamel, an outstanding producer, wants
you during the period June 27-29 to take part in a
75-minute, prime time show called "Les Trois Verités."
You would command probably two-thirds of the French TV
audience (or up to 20,000,000 viewers).

The subject would be the Year of Europe; the
format a "debate" with statements by you and a high
level French spokesman, with subsequent discussion.
Your language would be English, with simultaneous
translation. Obviously French TV would like to have
you in Paris, but could and would do the program by
satellite hook-up. (All aspects of the program are,
in effect, negotiable; i.e. they would tailor the
format to your wishes.)

Producer Duhamel argues that the timing might be very
propitious from an American point of view. By late June
President Nixon will have completed his series of bi-
lateral talks with leaders of the four major western

RECEIVED
DEC 9 1975
CENTRAL FILES

-2-

European countries and with Brezhnev (Brezhnev's U.S. visit will have ended June 26, which is admittedly cutting it a bit close). With the positions of the major interested parties by then further defined, Duhamel noted, the U.S. Government might welcome this opportunity to communicate its views on European questions to European audiences two or three months in advance of the various U.S.-Europe negotiations shaping up for the fall. Duhamel is realistic about his suggestion of thin chances of success but noted "You never know."

I believe your appearance could serve our interests in Europe, but I understand this must be weighed in the light of your overall judgment on the value of appearing at that particular time as well as against the enormous demands on your time and energies. If you should wish to consider it, we will be delighted to help in any way you would like us to.

LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY

19-1 CHOME, NAGATA-CHO
CHIYODA-KU, TOKYO
JAPAN

February 10, 1972

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Assistant to the President
for National Security Affairs
Executive Office of the President
The White House Office, 1600
Pennsylvania Ave., Washington D.C.
20500, U.S.A.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

It is a matter of deep regret to me that as a member
of the suite of the Prime Minister, I was not able
to have an opportunity to meet you in San Clemente,
although I had looked forward to such a meeting during
our stay there.

Through Mr. Rader of the Ambassador College, I wanted
to make a request in regard to the Japanese transla-
tion of your books. I hope that you will offer us
your approval at the earliest date.

I am enclosing a copy of the letter which I wrote
at San Clemente, and I eagerly look forward to your
reply. Thanking you for your consideration, I remain,

Hirayasu Iwai
Director, International Affairs

Dear Dr. Klaasinger:

202001, U.S.A.
Penalvasnis Ave., Washington D.C.
The White House Office, 1600
Executive Office of the President
for National Security Affairs
Assistant to the President
Dr. Henry A. Klaasinger

February 10, 1975

LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY

JAPAN

CHIYODA-KU, TOKYO
19-1 CHOME, NAGATA-CHO

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Dacca.
Ministry of Foreign Affairs,
Chief of Protocol,
Mr. Nazrul Islam,

Henry V. Klaasen

Best regards,

Please accept my personal thanks.

by all of you.
to the long hours and rigorous effort extended
with which the schedule was fulfilled attests
excellence of all arrangements and the ease
at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The
bared for our visit by you and your colleagues
of my party for the outstanding program pre-
Mrs. Klaasen, myself, and all the members
I wish to express the appreciation of

Dear Mr. Islam:

3 NOV 1974