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New York, January 1, 1914.

Benjamin Ide Wheeler lunched with me. We had a delightful time together. He is just back from Germany and has seen much of the Kaiser, not only this time, but upon former visits. He visits him in the most informal manner and spends many hours with him and his family. He gave me nearly all the information I need regarding the Kaiser and his entourage. Wheeler is also a close friend of Roosevelt's and I was interested in his comparison of the two men. He considers them very alike, particularly in regard to memory and impulsiveness, but they are dissimilar in as much as the Kaiser has a religious turn of mind and is more cultured in his manners.

In order to obtain the information I desired I had to disclose my object in questioning him, and he encouraged me to believe that I might have some chance of success in bringing the Kaiser around to an agreement for disarmament. He thought the Minister of Marine would be the obstacle, just as Sir William Tyrrell had pointed out. He said the Kaiser had told him that his object in building a navy was not to threaten England, but to add prestige to Germany's commerce upon the Seven Seas. He had spoken of how impossible war should be between England and Germany or, in fact, how utterly foolish any general European war would be. He thinks the coming antagonism is between the Asians and the Western peoples and that within twenty years the Western peoples will recognize this and stand together more or less as a unit. (Note)

Wheeler told of how narrowly a general European war was averted last March over the Balkan embroglio, and how the Emerorthinks he saved the day by his suggestion of creating the State of Albania. The Kaiser told Wheeler that he had warned Russia if they attacked Austria, he would strike them immediately. The Kaiser also told him he felt kindly toward England, and that he was Queen Victoria's favorite grandchild.

In his talks with the Kaiser, he said the Kaiserin seldom joined in

Note. This view of the Kaiser was afterward confirmed.

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the conversation, but would sit quietly knitting, and only entered the discussion when it felt upon domestic problems.

Another difference between the Kaiser and T. R. was that the Kaiser was a good listener when necessary, and is courteous in doing so.

The Attorney General followed President Wheeler. We discussed Justice Lurton's health and whether he would like resign in February. McReynolds now thinks it will be best for him to go on the Bench immediately in the event the President consider appointing him at all, and in the event Justice Lurton resigns. We talked of departmental affairs. McAdoo wants him to have John and Rodman Wanamaker indicted for custom frauds. It seems that small packages for their personal use have been coming in free of duty for five years. McReynolds does not think their guilt could be established; that he is he thinks it likely that they did not know that this petty graft was going on, and he does not believe they have sufficient evidence to indict them. He takes the high ground that people should not be indicted unless their guilt is fairly clear, or unless their general conduct has been so reprehensible that an indictment would not be an injustice in any event. I agree with this view.

January 2, 1914.

Senator O'Gorman's secretary was with me this afternoon. We talked of up-State politics and of the Senator.

Police Commissioner McKay followed. McKay is only thirty-one. He is a clean cut, attractive young fellow and I sincerely hope he will be able to make good. I gave him some advice I thought might help him.

The Attorney General and Mr. and Mrs. Clarence J. Shearn dined with them and went with us to the theater. The conversation at dinner and afterward was along general lines but related largely to the enforcement of the Administration's anti-trust policy.

January 3, 1914.

I lunched with E. S. Martin at the Century Club. I met ex-Attorney

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General Wickersham and had a talk with him upon his administration of the At-
torney General's department. He is an attractive and entertaining man. I
also met casually Augustus Thomas and Judge Hotchkiss.

January 4, 1914.

Mr. William Heinemann, the English publisher took lunch with me. He
told many interesting things concerning the Liberal Government. He knows Lord
Cowdrey well and considers him an able man. He believes him to be perhaps the
wealthiest man in Great Britain. He wonders why Cowdrey has taken up Lord
Murray of Elibank whom he regards as having very little ability. Heinemann
thinks the present Liberal Government may last for many years since there is
no dominant personality in the Conservative Party to oppose it. He gave some
interesting information concerning India, and altogether I enjoyed the hour
with him.

January 5, 1914.

McAdoo called me over the telephone early this morning. He and Houston
are at the Vanderbilt Hotel and will dine with us tonight along with the
Mayor-elect and Mrs. Mitchel.

We went to see the "New Henrietta". After the second act we were ask-
ed behind the scenes to meet William H. Crane. There was nothing of special
importance discussed at any time during the evening.

January 6, 1914.

A good many telephon callers and telephones, important and otherwise.
I saw McAdoo for awhile in the afternoon and later Houston. I discussed
with McAdoo the currency hearings and also New York State appointments. He
thinks the President should put New York State matters largely in his hands, or
in any event, in someone's hands and not allow them to drift hither and thither
as at present.

I talked to Houston about Sir Horace Plunkett's desire to get

["(4)", "the Carnegie Foundation to finance his plan for bettering rural conditions in America. Houston thought if this fund was set aside it would go into the hands of Gifford Pinchot and a number of other Bull Moosers who would use it more to exploit Roosevelt propaganda than to promote Sir Horace's object. He said Sir Horace admitted that the fund would probably be administered by Pinchot and his friends.", "Houston also said that Pritchett was not sincere", whatever that may mean. He thought he talked two ways. I am inclined to believe Houston is not looking at the matter broadly, and I am convinced that Sir Horace is nearer right than he.", "I have a telegram from the President as follows:", "Pass Christian, Miss.", "January 6, 1914.", "Mr. E. M. House,\n145 East 35th Street,\nNew York.", "I would be very grateful if you would let me know just what you find the impression to be that has been made by the action of Mr. Morgan and his partners and just what inferences and expectations you find are entertained as a consequence. I am writing my trust message.", "(Signed) Woodrow Wilson.", "The President,\nPass Christian, Mississippi.", "The action of Morgan & Co. has created a profound impression and is thought to be an indication that big business is preparing to surrender unconventionally. I would suggest that you recognize this chestened attitude and congratulate the country upon the fine spirit some are displaying. However, I would make whatever constructive recommendations you have in mind looking to a just and permanent settlement of our vexed corporate affairs. It is often not so much what is done as the manner of doing it that disturbs conditions.\n\n(Signed) E. M. House.\n\nJanuary 7, 1914."]

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January 7, 1914.

Dudley Malone telephoned that he was going to Albany today to see Governor Glynn and later would go to Boston to see Governor Walsh.

Wallace came as my first caller. H. Snowden Marshall, U. S. District Attorney came this afternoon. He wished my help in securing more commodious quarters for his department than they now have in the Postoffice Building.

W. A. Tucker called yesterday afternoon and with much pride told me of a letter he had written the Attorney General. He used this sentence: "Mr. House tells me that the Administration is friendly to <u>big business</u>" etc. etc. I called his attention to the fact that what I really said was that this Administration <u>was not unfriendly to business</u>. He saw very little difference between his statement and mine, which shows how little he knows. It also indicates the pitfalls that beset one in such a position as mine. If that term of his were printed no explanation I could make would set me right. However, he is writing the Attorney General correcting his error.

January 8, 1914.

The usual number of telephones and callers. I lunched with McAdoo at the Ritz and afterward went to the Vanderbilt to see Carter Glass who is to make a speech at the Colony Club this afternoon. On the way up we met McCombs. He is just back from Arkansas. He was cordial and full of humor, though I think the iron of disappointment has entered deeply into his soul.

Judge Freschi called to seek my good offices in his desire to be appointed Federal District Judge in place of Judge Holt resigned. He estimates the Italian population of New York at 600 000 though I believe this is overdrawn since the Italian vote is around 50,000.

McAdoo desires a system of accounting for the Regional Reserve Banks and I recommended Mr. James Marwick. He is honest and understands that kind of work better than anyone I know.

["(6)", "January 9, 1914.", "I have not had a very busy day. It has been mostly occupied with telephone\ncalls and correspondence. Mr. Frank Trumbull was the only important caller.", "I met a Mr. Marshall at dinner tonight, who is the European representative of the New York Times. He criticised the President's Mexican policy. I sat quiet without saying a word. They all saw I was disapproved of the conversation and the subject was changed.", "January 10, 1914.", "here.\n\nAnother uninteresting day. Lady Spring-Rice took lunch xiii,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x,x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x

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New Orleans, and the Pennsylvania as having a line to Chicago and St. Louis, both of them acting as transcontinental lines, and again the Union Pacific having the old Kansas Pacific.

We dined at the Colony Club with Mr. and Mrs. Thruston Ballard of Kentucky. The Howard Pages were also there. McAdoo wired us from Boston that he very much wanted to see me but I was tied up with other engagements. However, I arranged for him to come to the theater where we were and we all sat in the Ballard box together. McAdoo left on the midnight for Washington.

January 11, 1914.

We dined with Mr. and Mrs. Frank Polk. The others present were Mr. and Mrs. James Speyer, Mr. and Mrs. Victor Morawitz, Mr. and Mrs. Montgomery Hard, Dr. William M. Polk and several others.

The conversation at dinner fell upon the uses of radium and the x-ray as palliatives for cancer. Also upon the income tax and the general subject of taxation. Morawitz contended that the great tax should fall upon consumption while Speyer thought the income tax, both for general and local government purposes was the fairest of all taxes. Morawitz argued that the big spenders were the money wasters and should pay according to the number of servants they had and matters of that sort. Speyer argued that this would exclude from taxation such men as Russell Sage, and that a man having an income had a right to spend it as he pleased, provided he paid a just amount to Government. Speyer likes the German idea of taxation which seems to me, also, to be good.

January 12, 1914.

I had Hanley of the New York Sun to lunch. He has had an interesting experience and I obtained some information of value from him.

We went to the opera with Mr. and Mrs. James Speyer. There were also present the Belgian Minister to Mexico, Mr. Rhoades, the writer, and Mr. Frank Munsey. The Belgian talked to me much of Mexico and was a strong advocate of

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Huerta. Speyer after ward told me that Huerta had given the Belgians a rail-
road concession of 5000 kilometres, with a guaranty by the Government which
made it exceedingly valuable. The Belgian Government decorated him for his
accomplishment and, naturally, he is for Huerta. These concessionaires are
being hard hit by the President's policy which will in the future prevent them
from looting the weaker American States.

I had an interesting talk with Frank Munsey. He thinks the country is in
for about a twenty year period of unrest because of the desire to upset present
conditions and formulate new measures. He said in his newspapers and periodi-
cals 75% of those employed were Socialists. He thought also that at least 75%
of the college faculties and literary men throughout the country were Socilaist§
not theoretically, but actually.

I received today the following letter from the President:

Mr. Edward M. House,
New York City.

Pass Christian, Miss.

January 9, 1914.

My dear Friend:

It makes my heart sick to hear that I am to lose you from your
near neighborhood to Washington so soon. We are expecting to be back by the
morning of the thirteenth. Won't you let me know at Washington by that time
just when you expect to start south? I would love to get hold of you for a
long talk before you get away.

Thank you for your letter of the sixth which has just been handed me with
its enclosures from Doctor Eliot and Colonel Nelson. The information is most
serviceable. I wonder why you do not form a favorable impression of Mr.
Cooke.

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January 13, 1914.

I took lunch with George Foster Peabody at the Century Club and had an interesting conversation. He believes strongly in the President's Mexican policy although he has large interests there. He believes it will eventually work out to the benefit of both Mexico and the United States. He suggests that the President form a commission composed of representatives from this country, Brazil, the Argentine and Chile, and that we offer to make a loan of sufficient magnitude, at a low rate of interest, to the Mexican Government for its rehabilitation, just as soon as peace prevails and stable conditions are established.

I suggested that this commission should have governmental powers, not conferred upon it legally but actually. This could not be accomplished very well until some sort of settlement occurs. He agreed that the land in Mexico should be partitioned in some way so as to form a nation of small land owners. He said the Mexicans were more patriotic than we gave them credit for, and he cited many instances from his large experience in that country. He also believes that the lower class Mexicans have a much stronger desire for liberty than they are generally credited with.

January 14, 1914.

Dudley Malone, Frank Polk and Gordon Auchincloss called this afternoon to discuss plans and a name for the new democratic organization I am having them get together. It was agreed that I should speak to the President and ask him if he objected to their naming it the "Wilson Democracy", and also to request him to make a nearby appointment with Malone and Lewis Antisdale.

Judge McAdoo called to talk over municipal matters and national appointments. He told some interesting gossip about Champ Clark and his, Clark's, evident belief that he would be in the White House four years from now.

Mrs. Harriman followed Judge McAdoo. She came to tell of some pending matters with the Industrial Commission and to talk about various happenings in

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Washington which she thought I should know. Mr. A. H. Eastmond of Brooklyn
also called.

January 15, 1914.

Last night we went to a dinner given us by Mr. and Mrs. Cleveland H. Dodge.
Some of the other guests were Mr. and Mrs. de Forrest, Mr. Bridges, Editor of
Scribner's Magazine, Mr. and Mrs. Dudley Malone and others. George W. Perkins
was to have been there but left for Panama. Dodge was anxious for us to meet.

I asked him how much political sagacity Perkins had. He replied, "not
much if measured by you, but he has an enormous power for organization. He
organized the Morgan Company and was largely instrumental in organizing the
Roosevelt campaign last year."

Dodge was very complimentary to me. He spoke of my having greater political sagacity than anyone in the United States; and again he spoke of me as a statesman with much sagacity. This is generous for I cannot but feel that the old time friends of the President must feel my intrusion.

His sister-in-law, Mrs. William Earl Dodge, cornered me to talk of the
anti-Suffrage movement, of which she is the head. I was non-committal.

Washington, January 15, 1914.

We came over to Washington at 11.08. I took a drawingroom in order to
have some rest. Thad Thomson, our Minister to Columbia, met us at Baltimore
and came to Washington. He told of the negotiations between Columbia and the
United States, and complained bitterly of the lack of system with which Mr.
Bryan was conducting the affair.

We arrived more than an hour and a half late but the Postmaster General met us. We drove to his house, and Dr. Harvey Carroll of Texas was there waiting to see me. After a few minutes conversation with him it was necessary to dress for the Bryan Presidential dinner.

We reached the Bryan's among the first guests. I took Mrs.
George Goethals out to dinner. Mrs. John R. Mott of New York was on my left

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and I had interesting talks with both, particularly Mrs. Goethals. I let her know of my knowledge of the offer Mayor Mitchel made the Colonel of the Police Commissionership and, much to my surprise, I found she was not altogether averse to his acceptance. I did not tell her of my opinion, for it is something they are well able to work out for themselves. Colonel Goethals evidently knows the importance of what he has done at Panama, for Mrs. Goethals told me he had said that he "needed no other monument than that" in which I heartily concur.

After dinner I had some talk with ex-Governor Folk of Missouri. I saw little of the President for I purposely kept out of the group surrounding him. When he left he asked me to lunch at the White House tomorrow. Mrs. Wilson discussed with me Seymour Thomas' portrait of the President and was surprised that I did not like it. She considered it artistic, - I think it undignified.

January 16, 1914.

We had rather an early breakfast. I had quite a talk with Burleson. He says there is some disagreement in the Cabinet over the President's Trust Message, Garrison and McReynolds being against it. Burleson, himself, was not enthusiastic.

Mr. Bryan called shortly after breakfast and remained with me an hour or more. He inadvertently broke an engagement with the President. We talked of many matters and particularly of the President's Message. Mr. Bryan heartily approves it. He outlined a fantastic plan of his own for maintaining what he termed "a stable price for railroad securities". I will not go into details for I am reasonably sure it will never get beyond Mr. Bryan.

We discussed the President's civil service views which, of course, do not agree with Mr. Bryan's. I can see some feeling developing between them and other members of the Cabinet on the question of patronage. Mr. Bryan has no patience with the civil service. He said the President told him I recom-

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mended William Phillips for Third Assistant Secretary of State, and the President desired to appoint him. Mr. Bryan said: "of course, he can do as he pleases, but I am certain Phillips is one of those supercilious persons who will be constantly looking down upon me".

We discussed the banking bill and the Mexican situation and, much to my surprise, he quoted from Philip Dru in both cases to show my views and to explain where he and I differed. In the currency bill it was the Government guaranteeing the issue of currency, and in the Mexican situation it was where I made Philip Dru do everything by decree before setting up a representative form of government.

He said Carranza and the Revolutionists evidently intend to follow Philip Dru's idea, which he thought wrong. I did not tell Mr. Bryan that the President agreed with Philip Dru's view and not with his, though, I dare say, he knows it and probably thinks that Philip Dru is influencing the President.

When Mr. Bryan found he had missed his appointment with the President he telephoned the White House expressing regret and saying he had been talking with me. We walked to the State Department where I left him and went to the Treasury to meet McAdoo and Houston. I walked with them over to the White House to the Cabinet meeting. On the way I asked Houston if he desired to go on the Federal Reserve Board. He was rather non-committal, but his manner indicated plainly he would like it. I spoke to the President about it at luncheon, and told him I thought Houston would be a good man. He conceded this, but said he did not like to break up his Cabinet. He thought if he appointed Houston it would be well to appoint Walter Page in his place. In this I agreed, but I expressed the hope we might take someone else in order to leave Page to do the work he is now doing in England.

I spoke to each member of the Cabinet as they came in and talked to Lane about the conservation of our radium deposits, strongly urging it.

While the Cabinet was in session, I talked with Tumulty for awhile. He

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fell upon McCombs and said he was losing the few friends he had. As I left Mc-
Reynolds drove me to McAdoo's office where I had an engagement with Gregory. I
told Gregory how pleased the Attorney General was at the way he had handled the
New Haven matter and that I had asked McReynolds to continue him in other suits.
Gregory walked with me to the White house.

The President had me sit next him at luncheon in order that we might talk
during the meal. We first took up Mexico. The Revolutionists have come to a
standstill and he was afraid they might not go further unless he recognized their
making belligerancy so they might get arms and ammunition. He thought he now had
to face the proposition as to whether he should do this or whether we should enter
Mexico and put Huerta out by force. I thought of the two alternatives I would
recognize the revolutionists, much as I disliked that course. I suggested a com-
mission to treat this Mexican matter and I suggested that he invite Brazil, Ar-
gentine and Chile to each send one representative to act upon the commission and
to act in concert with our Government. I believed the time had come when
they were strong enough to take their part in the policing of the Western Hemis-
phere. (Note.)

I urged him to do what he could to settle the Mexican matter without interven-
tion. I thought it would be the crowning glory of his administration if this
could be brought about, and that it would add to his reputation throughout the
world.

He asked if I had any more names to submit for the Federal Reserve Board. I
had not, but I had investigated further those I had already handed him.

We talked of the Progressive Party. It was my opinion that T. R.
would probably "swallow" both the Republican and Progressive Parties and be the
joint candidate of both. He said, "how can he accept a nomination from the Re-
publicans when he has declared that both the old parties are corrupt?" I thought
a little thing like that did not bother T. R. when his political fortunes were
involved.

(Note) This was finally done but a long time after I first made the suggestion.

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I spoke of my endeavor to win away as many of the Progressive as possible and cited Col. Nelson as a conspicuous example. I told him McCombs wished to know if it would be agreeable to him if he, McCombs, should become the Tammany Leader. The President replied, "it would depend upon the extent Tammany could be reformed".

I mentioned the new organization, the formation of which I am directing, and asked him to suggest a name. He at first suggested "Progressive Democrats". I objected to this on account of the word "progressive", and then he said "The New Democracy", which I accepted.

I arranged for Dudley Malone and Antisdale to see him on Sunday afternoon to discuss this new organization.

The President had an engagement soon after lunch and left me with his anti-trust message to read. When I had finished reading it I asked to see Mrs. Wilson to discuss finances with her for a few minutes. I advised her not to put any of their savings in securities over which the Federal Government had jurisdiction. I had already sent her a list of what I thought advisable.

I handed her some letters I had received from Walter Page and asked her to let the President read them at his leisure.

Speaking of investments, Mr. Bryan told me that all his savings were invested in Government Bonds. That is, other than what he has in his homes.

After leaving the White House I went to the Treasury to see McAdoo. I persuaded him to change his itinerary from Houston to Austin for his Texas hearings regarding cities to be selected as Regional Bank centers. We also agreed upon several appointments.

I sent for Billy Phillips and to tell him that his engagement with the President this evening was in reference to his doing the word Bayard Hale has been doing as Special Envoy to Mexico. Hale is ill. Phillips was much perturbed at the responsibility it involved and was afraid to attempt it, but I insisted that in no circumstances must he show any timidity when the President offered it to

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him. I promised if he were successful it would lead to his appointment as Third Assistant Secretary of State. I drilled him thoroughly with the necessity of being deferential to Mr. Bryan, who is sensitive in his direction. He is to telephone me tomorrow after he has talked with the President.

We took the four o'clock train to New York. Wallace was at the train station to see me off, and Josiah Quincy talked to me almost half the way over, tiring as I was.

New York, January 17, 1914.

I saw Gordon Abbott this morning and asked him about some of the men I have suggested to the President for the Federal Reserve Board. He gave what information he had and is to obtain more.

Mayor Mitchel called at half past two o'clock. He was excited over a cablegram which he had just received from George W. Perkins when he had sent to Panama to ask Colonel Goethals to accept an appointment as Police Commissioner. Again I cannot understand why a man of Colonel Goethals reputation would think of such a place, though I am glad on Mitchel's account. It makes one think less of Goethals.

Mitchel discussed his other appointments, particularly that of Corporation Counsel. I congratulated him upon his interest in behalf of the poor during the recent cold weather, and I urged him to use all the power of his great office toward the end that no worthy person should suffer either from cold or hunger. I called his attention to the undeniable fact that New York was the most "spat upon" city under on the globe, and suggested that after more pressing matters had been attended to he should call the Health and Street Departments attention to that feature of their duty. I believed it could be stopped, for there was no more reason for it here than in the cities of Europe. He gave me the usual excuse that this climate developed catarrh.

Dudley Malone and Gordon followed Mitchel. I went over with them the plans

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for the New Democracy. Gordon handed us a finely written declaration of purposes which he had prepared. It struck Malone, as it had me, as being an unusual document both as to expression of purpose and as to its English.

January 18, 1914.

The Attorney General called this morning and we had quite a long discussion of the President's anti-trust message and of matters connected with his Department. We also went over the matter of some appointments of Federal judges and of less-er offices.

Mrs. Harriman lunched with us. We talked largely of Municipal matters and the threatened strike among clothing and shirtwaist people which she is en-deavoring to avert.

January 19, 1914.

They started on me bright and early this morning. Warburg telephoned before I was up and was here in the apartment before nine. He desired to tell me that the bankers holding Mexican securities could be brought to protest against Huerta's control of the Mexican Customs, provided the President so desired. I promised to let him know. We discussed the Federal Reserve Board.

Martin followed Warburg. Our conversation was general. I have arranged to have Martin and Mr. Green, Secretary of the Rockefeller Foundation, to lunch on Friday to discuss some phases of the social evil.

Mr. James H. Perkins came to lunch. I had a very frank talk with him saying I had thought of him in connection with the Federal Reserve Board and intended to present his name to the President provided I did not find someone else whom I thought better fitted for the place. The more I see of him, the more I like him. He is not the biggest mentality I have met, but he has good sense and has many fine qualities.

Antisdale came while Perkins was with me and we took up his recent visit

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to the President which I arranged while I was in Washington. We also talked
of New York State conditions.

John Perrin of Indianapolis, came to be looked over for the Federal Reserve
Board. He differs from Perkins in as much as he is an applicant, while I
sought Perkins out myself without any suggestion from anyone. Perrin knows
more about banking perhaps than Perkins. He is older and has had more exper-
ience, but he is not so fine a type. I played the part of schoolmaster as
usual and questioned him closely about himself and his business career.

Frederic H. Allen followed Perrin. He also had some plan to depose Huerta.
If Huerta is not deposed until Allen does it, he has a long and peaceful reign
before him.

We went to dinner with Mr. and Mrs. James Creelman. Mr. Stoddard, of the Evening Mail, was there, and also Robert Underwood Johnson. We had an interesting discussion after dinner regarding the Civil War and its heroes. The conversation ran along the line of the unreliability of history. I cited many well known, curious beliefs that were absolutely false. Some of them related to Roosevelt and others to President Wilson. Mr. Johnson also had a number of illustrations. Stoddard is a great Bull Mooser and very close to Roosevelt. I could see, however, that he was inclined to believe that the President would put his chief out of business if he continued as successfully as now.

He said in September, 1911, Roosevelt predicted that Wilson would be
nominated and elected, and that it would be because of his well known opposi-
tion to the bosses. At that time Roosevelt did not think that he, himself, would
be one of his opponents.

January 20, 1914.

Another busy day. Mr. Trumbull telephoned while I was shaving and
so did J. Borden Harriman. Wallace came while I was at breakfast and Martin
followed him. And this reminds me that I have a letter from Walter Page
this morning in which he says that Martin has written him that he favored me

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for President after Wilson.

Page writes a very interesting letter regarding the State Department. His letters are to be incorporated in this diary and I shall not repeat what he says.

Arthur Page lunched with me. He is leaving for London tomorrow. I sent many messages to his father. The particular ones were, first, I asked him to get busy and see if he could not bring about the abdication of Huerta. I outlined a plan which I thought might prove effective. It is in brief to bring pressure through Great Britain and the other powers and to work through the financial groups who own Mexican securities, and to let them know that the country was going from bad to worse and that peace could never come through Huerta. I suggested that he either go to Paris himself, or get Ambassador Herrick to come to London and cooperate. I urged immediate action.

I also sent him word to cable me whether he would like to go into the Cabinet in Houston's place, provided the President thought well of putting Houston on the Federal Reserve Board. I asked Arthur to urge his father to bear patiently with the shortcomings of Mr. Bryan, and to tell him of the great service Mr. Bryan had rendered the President in his legislative program.

Gregory came in the afternoon. It has been a busy day with callers, telephone calls and correspondence.

Washington, January 21, 1914.

I took the eleven o'clock train for Washington. Hugh Wallace and Mrs. Harriet Beal, Jas. G. Blaine's daughter, were on board. However, I had time to rest and read a little.

Doctor Grayson met me upon my arrival. I sent my traps to the White House but Grayson and I went to McAdoo's private office in the Treasury Department where we had a long and confidential talk. I saw the Comptroller and attended to some matters in connection with the department. Grayson desired me to ask the President to appoint Doctor Braisted, Surgeon General of the Navy,

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which I afterwards did and which the President indicated he would do.

At dinner no one was present excepting the President and Miss Bones. We discussed the anti-trust message to Congress and felicitated ourselves upon its happy reception throughout this country and abroad. I read him one comment from the London Post that pleased him greatly. It said if he completed his program as outlined in his message, he would have done more than any of his predecessors.

After dinner I told him of Colonel Goethals having tentatively accepted the place of New York Police Commissioner. The President was astounded at the information and could scarcely credit it. He took the same view as I have already expressed and said he would save him from himself by not permitting him to retire, if there was no other way out of it. He said it had always been his intention to appoint him Governor of Panama. He particularly desired him to take the place because he knew that otherwise Mr. Bryan would want him to appoint his friend Metcalf.

I promised to do what I could to straighten the matter out and not allow it to get in the papers, though I expressed the fear that it was too late. I was surprised to see the President so disturbed over it. He called the Secretary of War over the telephone and asked if he had received any communication, directly or indirectly, from Goethals, or if he had indicated his intention of coming to Washington soon. Garrison had heard nothing from him about the matter.

After dinner we went to the President's study as usual, and began work on the Federal Reserve Board appointments. I insisted that it was the most important constructive legislative measure that had been passed since the foundation of the Republic and thought its success or failure would largely depend upon the personnel of the Board. He replied "my dear friend, do not frighten me any more than I am now". I saw no need for alarm because, for this particular Board, there was plenty of good material to choose from.

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We talked of Bryan again and his desire to distribute patronage. In discussing the Federal Reserve Board, there was one man whose name I presented by saying that he had been getting his friends to endorse him, and had secured many eminent people to ask for his appointment. The President replied to this, "let us eliminate him without further discussion".

We had some conversation regarding the judging of men. He said it was largely instinct with him, which of course, it is with us all. I thought it utterly impossible to get a satisfactory estimate of any man by asking the opinions of others, for the reason that nearly everyone differs in their ideas of ability, although they might agree as to integrity and other characteristics.

We spoke of the French Mission. He has decided to definitely not to appoint George Harvey. I suggested Hugh Wallace and mentioned some of his qualifications. He said he had spoken to Senator Poindexter about him and that the Senator did not think his appointment would be considered as coming from the State of Washington, since he had lived so much in the East.

In discussing the question of judging men he gave as good an insight into the finer and more delicate qualities of his mind as I have ever had.

We took up the Mexican question and discussed it exhaustively. I could see he was terribly worried not only over that question but over the Federal Reserve Board. The difficulty with the Mexican situation is that the Revolutionists are afraid for this government to favor them, for fear it will unite the Mexican people back of Huerta. Because of this they do not wish to have their belligerency recognized, though they desire the lifting of the embargo on arms.

I told the President that I had asked Arthur Page to urge his father to bring all the pressure possible through London and Paris to depose Huerta. The President replied that even if he were deposed he did not know what to do for if another man was proposed, he did not see how he could recognize him and

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if he did so, it would not better conditions, since the Constitutionalists would not accept him and the warfare would continue. I asked where the Constitutionalists were getting their funds. He did not know, but said he would not be surprised if they came from American oil interests. He thought they were not getting very large amounts. No matter what they are getting, the oil people are not doing it from an altruistic motive and they are probably demanding concessions to be fulfilled by the Constitutionalists when they are in power.

I asked if he realized just where this would lead, because the world would most likely believe he was favoring the American oil interests as against the foreign. He replied that the accusation would probably be made, but they would find in time it was not true. I thought the Constitutionalists might fulfill their promises, and then this Government would have to intervene and depose them in order to prevent them from doing for American interests exactly what we had objected to Huerta's doing for foreign interests.

I suggested that he have Phillips see Carranza's agent in Washington and ascertain definitely from what sources they were receiving funds, and to let him know his feeling upon the matter so they might not become hopelessly involved. He made a memorandum in which shorthand to give Phillips the necessary instructions. We both concluded there was no hope for Mexico excepting through the Constitutionalists, or at least, some government formed under the promise to do away with the present bureaucracy and large ownership of land.

We then took up the Panama tolls and decided it was best to bring the matter to the attention of Congress immediately so that the British Government would have something to go on when it convened February 10th. We decided it was best not to see Senator O'Gorman alone but to call the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in as a whole, republicans and democrats alike, and explain the situation to them. That it would be well to tell them how important it was at this particular time that our relations with Great Britain should be undisturbed;

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that it was better to make concessions in regard to Panama rather than lose the support of England in our Mexico, Central and South American policy.

The President has called the Committee for Monday. I shall look forward with some anxiety to the outcome. I suggested that a poll be taken of the Senate in advance in order to find what support he would have. Senator James was decided upon for this work. Senator Stone would have been selected but he has not been well and is in the South for the moment.

The President said one of the strangest things that had come about was that he and Stone had become good friends and that the Senator seemed to have a positive affection for him.

We talked of Walter Page's expenses and the probability of his having to resign. I have put the matter squarely up to Page through his son, and I pointed out the difference between his father accepting help from those who offered it directly and accepting it from those offering it to the President. I thought whatever was done must be done in a way that the world might know it. He replied that he would be perfectly willing to let the world know that the only way he had to retain an efficient ambassador was through private subscription.

In taking up the Mexican question again, he said one difficulty was he was afraid Vera Cruz would be cut off from the City of Mexico and if that were done, the foreign governments would be alarmed and would either want this Government to open up communications, or to allow them to do it jointly. He has pointed out to Carranza this difficulty, and has urged him not to disturb that communication. I asked, in the event this communication was cut off, and we had to undertake the opening of it, how difficult would it be? He said, in the event we had to undertake this disagreeable task, he would merely go into the City and do nothing further, and would let the Constitutionalists know that as soon as they arrived, he would evacuate and turn the City over to them. I laughed and said that would be

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another departure in warfare and diplomacy. The Carranza people have told the
President that Huerta could get as much as one hundred and seventy-five million
from the Mexican property owners of various sorts and, in that way, could continue
fighting indefinitely.

We discussed his legislative program for this session. I urged him to
put on the pressure now and get his program through rather than wait until the last
moment. I said that five or six months seemed a long time to Congress, and they
would have a tendency to delay, but if he would press them from the very beginning
they should have everything done by June 1st.

He thought the Party outlook promising unless we were wrecked on the patron-
age question. Bryan and Hitchcock had been wrestling with him during the day in
regard to Nebraska offices-- the one antagonistic to the other.

It was twelve o'clock when we went to bed, and when I left the President he
seemed thoroughly exhausted, for it had been one of our hardest evenings.

January 22, 1914.

I was at the breakfast table by eight and the President came in a few min-
utes later. We discussed things lightly at breakfast and afterward went to his
study. His stenographer came with the mail to be answered for the day and I
started to leave but he urged me to remain. When I insisted, he asked me to re-
turn in ten minutes, which I did and found he had finished. We then talked for
nearly an hour along pleasant and general lines. Whenever we have no governmental
business to discuss, somehow or other, we drift into his life at Princeton and his
troubles there, showing, as I have said before, how deeply the iron entered his
soul.

I asked where he would live when he was out of office. He thought not at
Princeton; it suited him in every way, but he could not think of returning there.
He had an attachment for the place itself and for the college and all it stands for,
but he had an unmitigated contempt for those who are managing it. He thought,

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though, he owed it to the people of New Jersey to live among them, but he did not know where the place would be. He did not like suburban towns out of New York or Philadelphia because the class of people living in them were not congenial. I suggested a long term of travel. He was afraid he could never travel again in peace. I thought he could do this in England where the people were very fine about such matters, for if he wished to be undisturbed, they would leave him so.

It was now ten o'clock and we went to the White House offices together. I met Underwood, "Fingy" Connor and several other celebrities. I went from there to the Treasury where I had some engagements. I returned to the White House and from there went to the J. Borden Harrimans to lunch. Besides Mrs. Harriman, there were Valkenburg of the Philadelphia North American, Victor Murdock of Kansas and Louis Brandeis. The conversation was interesting but of no special moment.

Brandeis and I maintained the administration end of the arguments and the other two criticized the trust policy from a Progressive viewpoint.

I returned to the White House and while waiting for the President to come from his office, I talked with Irving Hoover, the White House Head Usher who had been there twenty-six years. He related some interesting stories of the former occupants. He said Mr. Roosevelt blustered a great deal. He would tear up and down and declaim his speeches in the most spectacular way. Mr. Taft was heavy but fairly agreeable, but Mr. Wilson, from his viewpoint, was the most agreeable President since Harrison. He thought the two were quite alike in their manner and consideration for others.

The President came in and we chatted only a moment before he left for the links with Dr. Grayson. Mrs. Wilson was coming from Princeton on the three twelve and I waited for her arrival before leaving the White House. We had a few minutes together and she thanked me not only for having secured a position for the President's nephew, Wilson Howe, but also for "being so good to us all" as she termed it.

I had several talks with Dr. Grayson while in Washington and there seems enough trouble brewing for Tumulty to drown him. The irony of it all is, he is

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bringing destruction upon himself by his jealousy, by his egotism and his garrulous
tongue.

I took the four o'clock for New York and fortunately escaped any acquaintance.

New York, January 23, 1914.

It has been a very busy day. No time for correspondence or routine work. I rang up Mitchel about the Goethals matter. I found he had already given it out to the press. I urged him to stop it if possible and told him it was more serious than he thought. I believe, though, he was anxious for it to become known and that he was not altogether candid with me. I indicated the President's feeling and he said he was sorry and did not desire to interfere with his plans, but he had gone too far in the matter with Goethals to recede.

In the afternoon, S. R. Bertron, Louis Wortham, of Texas, and Montgomery Hare called. At night we went to dinner at the Clarence Shearnes. Only the Hares were present besides ourselves and we had a very pleasant evening. Mrs. Shearn is a very most sensible housekeeper. The dinner was plain but deliciously cooked and not too much of it.

Mitchel telephoned at half past ten to tell me something further about Goethals, and to read over the telephone, Goethals' letter concerning the Police Commissionership. He asked me to take the matter up with the President over the telephone in the morning which I agreed to do.

January 24, 1914.

I talked to the President about Goethals and explained Mitchel's attitude. He replied, "Mitchel seems to think there is nothing of importance outside of New York".

I lunched with Paul Warburg. The others present were the German Ambassador and his son, two German exchange professors to Columbia, whose names I did not catch, the Director of the Metropolitan Museum and Mr. John Wilkie. The conversation was unimportant other than that von Bernstorff said to me that there would be a big bill to

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pay in Mexico when the final count was made, and that someone would have to foot
the bill, intimating strongly that the United States would have to be responsible.

The luncheon was in marked contrast to the simple dinner of the night before.
Among other things there was fresh asparagus, fresh strawberries and peaches. The
Warburgs have a beautiful home, furnished in good taste and they are charming peo-
ple.

Malone came in the afternoon and we talked of the new democratic organization.
not
I cautioned him to make the organization look as if it were something to boom him
for Governor, urging him to carefully guard against this, otherwise, it would be
a failure.

In the evening the Gregorys dined with us and we went to see Maude Adams in
"The Legend of Leonora".

January 25, 1914.

Congressman Maurice Connolly came from Washington to see me about his aspir-
ation to become a candidate for the United States Senate against Cummings. He also
wanted to discuss patronage and other matters in Iowa.

I wrote the President about the Goethals matters as follows:

Dear Governor:

I see many complications in the Goethals matter and I would suggest
that you think carefully before you do anything decisive. It would be easy to
make a martyr of him, and I have a feeling that Perkins and the Roosevelt crowd
are in it not so much on account of Goethals and Mitchel, but as from some polit-
ical advantage which they have in mind for themselves.

I think if you do nothing and say nothing, it will work out of itself and
the incident will be finally closed by Goethals remaining where he is.

Your very faithful,

Secretary and Mrs. Garrison took dinner with us. The other guests were
Lawrence Godkin, Mr. and Mrs. W. A. Tucker and Mrs. Lewis Hancock. Garrison and I

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withdrew from the others for a half hour's quiet talk over the Goethals matter. I
find there is some feeling on the part of Goethals at not having been offered the
place of Governor of Panama sooner. When Garrison was there in November, Goethals
outlined to him how necessary it was for the man who was to be in charge of the
Canal to begin at once to train a force which would be competent to take through
the Canal the great fleet of home and foreign battleships that would assemble there
at the formal opening in January 1915. He pointed out that a trained engineer
and a pilot would be necessary for each vessel, because there was danger in having
them pass through unaided.

The reason the President did not make the appointment was because Mr. Bryan
has an entirely different plan for the Canal which he has been pushing upon him. It
is an altruistic plan looking to the cultivation of the soil, the building up of
the cities of Panama and Colon and the establishment of a great university there.
The President deems such a plan inadvisable, and always had Goethals in mind as
the administrator when the work is in operation. Goethals, not understanding the
delay, probably became afraid that Mr. Bryan's views would prevail and that Bryan's
friend, Metcalf, might be made Governor instead of himself. This offer of the
Police Commissionership of New York might have seemed an easy way of warding off
the full blow that a refusal to appoint him would be.

I again pointed out the serious danger to the administration of making Col.
Goethals a martyr and urged the Secretary to see the President tomorrow and have
the nomination sent in at once. I explained to Garrison that our people were
sentimental and if the President, or anyone, should humiliate Goethals, the con-
sequences might prove serious.

January 26, 1914.

Mrs. Harriman, George Foster Peabody and Frederic H. Allen came to lunch.
The conversation was unimportant.

I sent for Police Commissioner McKay. He came at five o'clock and I

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outlined the attitude he should take toward the Goethals suggestion, and also in
regard to the laws governing the Police Force. I told him that no matter what his
own views were about the latter, that, as a part of the Mayor's Administration, the
only loyal thing for him to do was to support the Mayor in his endeavor to bring
about the change. He promised to do this, though he does not altogether approve
it. I thought that Colonel Goethals would probably not be available for the
Police Commissionership for at least another year and in the meantime he, Mckay,
would have an opportunity to show what was in him.

Arthur Woods, the Mayor's Secretary, came apropos of nothing, as far as I
could gather, although he wanted to know more of the particulars about Col. Go-
thals and the administration's desires. He said he had great difficulty in making
the Mayor show the human side of himself, either in letters or interviews. We dis-
cussed the systemitizing of the Mayor's office, which he said was in a disorganized
condition.

Mrs. Bryan dined with us and went to the opera with Loulie. She deplored
the fact that the newspapers were trying to make trouble between the President and
Mr. Bryan. She thought the danger was in exciting the friends of Mr. Bryan in the
West to the belief that the President was mistreating him.

January 27, 1914.

A busy day. Gregory, Thad Thomson, Wallace, Woolley, Frank Polk, Mayor Mitchel, W. H. Woolidge, etc. besides innumerable telephone calls. The most interesting incident to relate is that ThadThomson John Bassett Moore told Thad Thomson in absolute confidence that he intended to resign in the Spring. I asked Thad's permission to tell this to the President and he reluctantly consented. Moore gives his reason for resigning that Mr. Bryan has filled the Department of State with incompetent people and that he cannot bear the burden alone. Thad also said that two of my letters written to him at Bogota had never reached him and they had probably been opened there.

I read copies of them and we were both pleased to find that if I had written

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them for publication in Columbia, they could not have been better for the purpose of bringing about a settlement of our controversy with that country. I remember, at the time I wrote them, I was afraid this might happen, so I wrote with a view of having them meet such a fate.

The Mayor called and before he left Frank Polk arrived. The Mayor came about the Goethals matter and how he should proceed, as far as Washington was concerned. He also discussed Municipal affairs. I urged him again to have the streets kept clean and made certain suggestions thereto. We talked of the possible legislation in regard to changing the powers of the Police Commissioner as Col. Goethals desires.

Frank Polk discussed administration affairs, and also the formation of the new democratic organization.

Billy Coolidge came from Boston to see me for fifteen minutes which was all the time I could give him. He is interested in a small zinc company and wondered whether the Government's future policy would permit them to amalgamate a few of the lesser companies in order to make them strong enough to compete with the several large companies doing business. I did not know what to advise. I can see trouble for myself in this new legislation. They are trying to reach me through every friend I have, and particularly in regard to the dissolution of holding companies. That seems to be the hardest feature for the business world to accept. They evidently do not know that I am irrevocably opposed to them and have so stated in Philip Dru. However, I believe it will be wise to legislate slowly for one cannot uproot existing conditions in a day without doing as much harm as good.

January 28, 1914.

W. A. Tucker was my first caller. It was "holding companies" with him. Then came Robert Underwood Johnson. It was a relief to have him want to help the administration in the proposed Panama tolls matter. He is Vice President of the New York Peace Society and they have a meeting today. He asked my advice as to

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their best procedure to aid the President.

R. L. Batts of Texas called about "Holding companies". Lewis Antisdale from Rochester came in response to my request. I wished to put him in touch with the tentative organization here. He, Dudley and Gordon spent the evening together going over plans.

Charles Burlingham followed them. He is entirely willing to enter the organization provided he comes in on the "ground floor". Raymond Fosdick also called concerning organization plans.

Mr. S. R. Bertron brought his report on several people whom I had in mind to suggest for the Federal Reserve Board.

January 29, 1914.

This morning's mail brought letters from: The President, Ambassador Herrick, Sir William Tyrrell, Henry P. Fletcher, Minister to Chile, John D. Rockefeller, Jr. and a cablegram from Walter Page.

The President said in his letter:

(Letter attached)

The Montgomery Hares gave us a dinner tonight. The other guests were: Mr. and Mrs. Amos Pinchot, Mr. and Mrs. Cornelius Vanderbilt, Mr. and Mrs. August Belmont, Mr. and Mrs. Henry Clews and Mr. and Mrs. Douglas Robinson.

I sat between Mrs. Hare and Mrs. Vanderbilt, talking to Mrs. Vanderbilt the first half of the dinner, and to Mrs. Hare the second. I found the former interested in serious subjects, or least, affecting to be. After dinner I talked mainly to Douglas Robinson and Henry Clews and later to Mrs. Robinson. She has all of T. R.'s vivacity, but with a much keener sense of humor. She and I agreed to meet again. The one I should have liked to talk to was Mrs. Belmont, nee Eleanor Robson, but this good fortune was denied me.

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January 30, 1914.

Mr. Benj. Yoakum called to tell his troubles. I could give him no consol-
tion. He contends that he has done only what has been the practice among railroad
builders in the West and South and, for that matter, elsewhere, and claims that his
profits were not excessive. He claims that the Interstate Commerce Commission in-
quiry did not treat him fairly.

Edward S. Martin came to say goodbye.

I have a telegram from the President saying:

"Our affectionate thoughts go with you. God bless you."

(Signed) Woodrow Wilson.

We are taking the 4.35 train for Texas.

Mrs. Harriman and Prof. Commons of the University of Wisconsin met us at
Philadelphia and rode with us to Washington. I had an interesting discussion with
Commons about economic measures and the proposed anti trust legislation. He told
of his experience in Wisconsin with reform laws bearing upon his field of endeavor.
An interesting development was that the people of Wisconsin are beginning to revolt
at the continued dominance of the University. Commons thought it was probable that
appropriations would be cut down and a militant fight be made against that institu-
tion. He seemed to feel there was some cause for resentment and that the Univer-
sity had gone too far in exercising its influence upon purely political matters.

At Washington Dr. Grayson met us. I gave him some letters and memoranda
for the President and also a verbal message that John Bassett Moore would soon
sever his connection with the State Department.

Our trip from Washington to Houston was uneventful. We arrived in Houston on
the night of February 1st. The next day I went into the country to examine some
land and did not get back until late in the afternoon. In the meantime, my friends

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and the town generally were after me. The Chamber of Commerce desired to give a reception and I was invited to dinners and other functions, all of which I declined.

On February second we went to Galveston by motor to see my old friend, Chief Justice Gaines, who is now in ill health. When I returned to Houston I had more demands upon my time and I was glad to take the train that night for Austin.

The only incident here to be mentioned in the diary are the visits of Secretary McAdoo and Houston. They reached Austin on the morning of the 9th and were our guests and the guests of the town until the morning of the 10th. At my request they held the Regional Bank hearing here instead of in Houston. On the night of the ninth we had them to dinner with Governor and Mrs. Colquitt, Governor and Mrs. Sayers, Judge and Mrs. Maxey and some others. After dinner Governor Colquitt took us to the theater to see "Every Woman". Secretary Houston was the guest of President Mezes for dinner, but his party joined ours at the theater later.

Mezes and I went as far as Houston with the Secretaries. From Hempstead we were taken down by a special in order to arrive in Houston intime to see something of the place. The track was level and good and we travelled at a speed of eighty miles an hour. The day was beautiful and we were met by the station by some of the prominent citizens of the town and driven over the city in motors.

McAdoo and Houston left for New Orleans that evening and Mezes and I returned to Austin.

It is not my purpose to keep the diary while I am in Texas for the reason that nothing of national interest is happening, although I am seeing people from every part of the State and am exceedingly busy.

I have undertaken to go through my accumulated correspondence of thirty years. I found this an impossible task alone, and my secretary has segregated

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those letters needing my personal attention, and in this way the work has been
done.

We sold our home to Judge W. F. Ramsey, ex-Judge of the Supreme Court of
Texas. We had been living in it for twenty years and it was something of a
wrench to part with it. However, since I have devoted my time exclusively to
public affairs, I have not been able to add in any way to my income, and it was
necessary to lop off this expense.

The people of Texas treated me with much consideration and I feel more
attached to the State than ever, if indeed, that were possible.

We left Texas on March 20th and at the President's request I arranged
to have Mr. W. C. P. Harding of Birmingham, Alabama meet me at Montgomery and
travel with us for a couple of hours in order that I might look him over for the
Federal Reserve Board. I found him an exceedingly able banker and if the Pres-
ident selects a banker from the South, he can do not better.

We arrived in Washington some three hours late and Loulie went on die
rectly to New York. McAdoo sent his carriage to meet me and I drove to the
Treasury Department. His fiancée, Eleanor Wilson, came shortly afterward, and
we made a tour of the Treasury. At one o'clock we lunched with the President.
He insisted upon my dining with him and going to the theater, although I was
booked to dine at McAdoo's with Secretary Houston and Comptroller Williams.

No one was present at dinner excepting the President, Margaret, Helen Bones
and myself. We talked of the Panama tolls fight and discussed the happenings
since we last met. It was a very doleful play we saw and none of us enjoyed it.
We were glad when it was over. When I left the President insisted upon my send-
ing my traps over to the White House in the morning.

Washington, March 24, 1914.

McAdoo and I discussed the Federal Reserve Board at breakfast and a little
later Houston came in. He and I talked of his affairs mostly. He was uncer-

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tain whether he should notify the Board of Trustees of Washington University that he was returning next year or whether he would continue in the Cabinet and give up his connection with that institution. I strongly urged the latter course. I felt he had made a national reputation and it was a pit to go back to a narrow environment.

Houston would like to be Governor of the Federal Reserve Board, but I am sure the President would not consent to his leaving the Cabinet. We tried to think of a good successor, but Mezes was the only one that came to our minds and he is not available since he is my brother-in-law, and I would not wish him to be in the Cabinet. I told Houston I thought it might be arranged for him to be appointed on the Board in two years.

We drove to the Agricultural Department and looked into the cotton grading question. This is something of much importance. As it is today, the farmer does not get what his cotton, corn and wheat is worth because he has never properly graded or classified it.

From there I returned to the White House to lunch. No one was present excepting Dr. Grayson and Miss Bones, Mrs. Wilson being sick and Eleanor in New York. The President had a busy afternoon and wanted to play golf. He also wanted to go to the theater. He said, however, if I would remain for another night, he would go to the theater, otherwise, he would remain at home with me to have a more connected talk than we have been able to have. I consented to stay and we went to see Crane in "The New Henrietta" and enjoyed it very much.

March 25, 1914.

Mr. Bryan asked me out to breakfast this morning. I decided, though, to breakfast with the President. After breakfast I went immediately out to the Bryans and sat with them while they were having theirs. We talked largely of matters in general. I told Mr. Bryan the President was pleased with some of the suggestions he had made in regard to the handling of the South and Central

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American Republics.

I took Mr. Bryan in the White House motor to the State Department and then went back to the White House to meet the Postmaster General. After a conference with him, the President came in and the three of us talked for a few minutes about the Panama tolls fight.

I went to the Department of Justice to talk with Gregory and to tell him that the President had suggested that if a vacancy occurred, he might put McReynolds on the Supreme Bench and make him, Gregory, Attorney General.

I sent for Billy Phillips, Third Assistant Secretary of State. He met me at the White House and I asked him to appoint Dr. Harvey Carroll, Jr. of Houston, Texas, to a consulship. Carroll has already qualified by both written and oral examinations. Phillips offered him Malta, but advised me to wait for a few days believing he could offer something better.

I lunched with Mrs. Harriman. She told me a great deal of interesting gossip. She had lunched with Alice Roosevelt and Mrs. Goethals the day before. Alice had said that the Progressives wanted to run Colonel Goethals for Governor of New York this Autumn.

I met a good many people in the afternoon. Among them some Senators and Representatives to whom I talked Canal Tolls repeal.

In the evening the President and I dined alone and went immediately to his study to have an old time business session in regard to the Federal Reserve Board. I found he had added no names to those I had given him before I left for Texas. We concluded, however, that I should get up some new material and submit it to him next week when he hopes to be able to visit me in New York. We talked of a great many things. He said he intended to appoint Colonel Scott in Leonard Wood's place, making the transition, however, in easy stages by first appointing General and having Scott made his secretary, and then in the Autumn to retire General and make Scott Chief of Staff.

We talked of Mexico and our foreign relations. He literally thinks

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aloud when with me and it is exceedingly delightful and interesting. He was never
kinder or more confidential with me than on this visit.

I had a long talk with Dr. Grayson. He tells me everything concerning
the President in the most minute detail in order to get my advice. He alarmed me
somewhat by saying that the Philadelphia occulist, Dr. Swinehart, who has had the
President under his care for ten years or more, told him, Grayson, there was some
indication of the hardening of the arteries. The President does not know this,
neither does any member of his family. It seems in 1905 the President had an al-
most complete breakdown at Princeton and it was uncertain whether he could resume
his duties.

Grayson is watching him with the utmost care. I sometimes wonder if he
is not too careful.

We discussed in the family the coming marriage of Eleanor to Secretary
McAdoo. They all seem pleased with the match.

Houston, McAdoo, and Williams and I discussed the division of the country into
districts and the location of the Regional Reserve Banks. It was decided to have
twelve, and to place them in Boston, New York, Philadelphia, Richmond, Atlanta,
Cleveland, Chicago, St Paul, St Louis, Kansas City, San Francisco and Dallas. I
am particularly pleased that Texas is to have a district practically to itself.

Some of the newspaper men, when they met me upon my return to Washington,
laughed and said, "I suppose the Regional Reserve Banks will be located now you
are back, and the Federal Reserve Board will be named". As a matter of fact, it
is the reason I hurried from Texas for it did not suit me to come when I did, only
I felt that it was my duty to come as I knew these matters were awaiting my arri-
val.

New York, March 26, 1914.

I returned to New York last night on the 12.30 train. I have had a
busy day trying to catch up with my accumulated correspondence. I have refused
to see anyone.

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March 27, 1914.

I met Secretary McAdoo at the station last night at nine o'clock. We have been together most of the morning selecting his trousseau, in which he shows as much enthusiasm as a boy.

Mr. Yoakum called in the afternoon. He had just lunched with Hearst and was very full of the Panama tolls question. He got cold comfort from me since he was opposed to repeal. He was also full of his plan to have the Government issue Federal licences to railroads which would enable them to more easily finance their securities. He thought it would be of great benefit to both the railroads and to the country and would lead to profit sharing.

I was with McAdoo again in the afternoon, and in the evening Loulie and I gave Eleanor and McAdoo a dinner at the Ritz, going later to the theater to see Cyril Maude in "Grumpy". The other guests were Mr. S. R. Bertron and Mrs. John Wilson.

March 28, 1914.

McAdoo came in this morning and we had some conversation about the Federal Reserve Board. He has no idea that the President is working this matter out with me.

March 29, 1914.

Montgomery Hare called at twelve o'clock and remained to lunch. We discussed the New York situation. McReynolds and Wallace also came to lunch. After lunch, McReynolds and I talked about the anti-trust bills now before Congress. He thinks it would be better not to pass anything and to have Congress adjourn as soon as possible. He believes the Sherman Law is quite sufficient to meet the situation if properly enforced.

We talked of New York appointments including a Federal judgeship, and I gave him several names to consider. He complained again that the President seldom or never spoke to him about his policies. I told him he must remember that

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allowed
the President to call his Cabinet a very free handsand if he were given to discuss-
ing details they would find him interfering in a large measure with the conduct
of their offices. He thought this was true, and perhaps it was just as well
that he saw so little of them.

Mrx. Bertron called and I put him to work to find some eminent business
man from the East for the Federal Reserve Board. After Bertron, Frank Trumbull
came to tell of the deplorable situation of the railroads. I could give him on-
ly a few minutes, for he was late for his appointment and Police Commissioner
McKay followed him.

McKay has resigned and wished to tell me of it and to discuss his future
plans. He said his position was impossible with Mitchel saying in the papers
every few days that he was looking for a suitable Police Commissioner. They are
parting, however, on pleasant terms. I have asked McKay to keep in touch with
me so that I may advise him, not only for the present but afterward in any ven-
ture he may embark upon. He is an attractive, clean cut young fellow.

Dudley Malone called to advise as to what he should say regarding Gov-
ernor Glynn's recent appointments. He had an interview which he will give out
tomorrow in which he condemns these appointments in unmeasured terms. Dudley
deprecates the efforts of Glynn, McCombs and Osborn to bring about reform in
the Democratic Party, which includes in any way a recognition of Tammany. In
this he has my sympathetic support.

It is time, I think, for the President to hit very hard at the baser ele-
ment of the party in this State and by his appointments show that his sympathy
is with the clean progressive citizenship of the State.

March 30, 1914.

Dudley Malone came to me with tears in his eyes and vocie because he
feels that Washington, &n a way, has repudiated his statement concerning Gov-
ernor Glynn's appointments. As a matter of fact, I knew this would be done. It

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was not what Dudley said, but what the newspapers made him appear to say. They
are usually breeders of trouble. Several reporters telephoned and tried to
involve me in some way but I successfully evaded them.

I had a letter from the President concerning W. P. G. Harding of Bir-
mingham. McAdoo and Houston have told him they were more impressed with A. Mar-
tin Baldwin of Montgomery, and he wondered what I thought of it. Baldwin is
not in the same class with Harding, but has a more pleasing personality.

Last Night

April 1, 1914.

We went to the Hare's for dinner and afterward to the opera. Mr. and
Mrs. Clarence Shearn were the other guests. After dinner I got Shearn to tele-
phone the American and get the vote on the Panama tolls question. Hare and I
were delighted to find the President had won in the House of Representatives by a
handsome majority of eighty-six. I sent him a telegram saying: "Congratila-
tions, felicitations and love".

I also telegraphed Burleson as follows:

"It was a great work finely done and we are proud of you".

Burleson has had charge of the House of Representatives and McAdoo the
Senate, in the matter. I hope he will do as well as Burleson.

Mr. and Mrs. William Randolph Hearst have invited us to dinner. They
left us no loop-hole as we were asked to same the time. Tuesday is the fatal
day. I go with a feeling of infinite discomfort. I am trying to get the
clean and valuable men away from the Hearst organization and bring them to the
support of the President. Hopper, one time President of the Independent League,
is now heart and soul with us. Clarence Shearn also announces his intention
to work and be with us.

If I had offended the Hearsts by refusing their invitation, I would not
be able to gain the support of any of his friends who are of value. I have a
feeling, too, that with Shearn and one or two other friends of Hearst's, I will

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be able to get his papers to support our congressional and gubernatorial candidates this Autumn as against T. R. and his clan. That is where we will have our greatest fight, and I am already formulating our plan of battle.

I have looked over some candidates for the Federal Reserve Board today, and I went to lunch at the Century with Martin.

It is not my intention in the future to go into as much detail in the diary as I did last year, it is too wearisome.

Dudley came again to pour out his woes, and remained until dinner time.

April 2, 1914.

Billy Phillips writes that he will be able to place Dr. Carroll at Venice. I am glad he is to get such an interesting post.

John D. Rockefeller Jr. told Gordon at dinner the other night that he would like to meet me. He thought I held an unique position in America and he would like to know me. I shall be glad to meet him for he is endeavoring to do good with his fortune. He is particularly interested in bettering the condition of unfortunate women, something that is also very near my heart.

We gave Margaret Wilson a dinner, and took the party to see Margaret Anglin in "Lady Windermere's Fan". Margaret and I had a long talk about family matters and some things of semi-political importance.

April 3, 1914.

I am receiving many telegrams of congratulation over Texas and Dallas having secured one of the Regional Reserve Banks. I also have a telegram of thanks from Colonel Nelson because Kansas City secured one.

Dudley Malone telephoned concerning the Canal tolls repeal and the speech he is to make tonight in Jersey City. He is between two fires. Senator O'Gorman, his father-in-law, on the one side and the President on the other. As usual, he will throw his weight with the President.

McCombs called in the afternoon. It was the same old story. He desir-

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ed to know where he stood at Washington and what the President intends to do for him. He suggested that he make him special envoy at the Coronation of King Constantine. I shall suggest this to the President but McCombs will probably decline it when offered. He is much disturbed at political conditions in New York, and wishes me to help him bring about harmony.

We went to dinner with Mr. and Mrs. Arthur Page. The wife of the Assistant Secretary for Foreign Affairs of Serbia was there. I had an interesting talk with her about the recent trouble in the Balkan States.

April 4, 1914.

I notice by the morning papers that Representative Depre of Louisiana has attacked me on account of Dallas getting one of the Regional Reserve Banks instead of New Orleans. As a matter of fact, there was never any question of Tex-as being linked with New Orleans, but was merely a question whether she should have a bank to herself or be attached to St Louis or Kansas City.

McAdoo telephoned from Washington. He was evidently disturbed by the criticism in the papers concerning the location of the Regional Banks. The location of these banks was carefully thought out and the very best distribution was made, regardless of personal preferences or political pressure. The only just criticism that could be made was possibly that of Richmond, and if I had been acting alone, I should have given it to Washington. I should also have thrown Pittsburg and Western Pennsylvania with Philadelphia rather than with Cleveland.

The City Chamberlain, Mr. Bruere, came to see me. He wished advice concerning a way by which the Government at Washington could be made more efficient. He thinks he could raise as much as $100,000. for five years to permanent in one of the Departments, provided the President would consent. His idea is that he might raise the money through the different chambers of commerce throughout the country and he wanted to see me as to the best way to do this in

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order that any contributions from professional philanthropists might be put under cover as it were. I made a suggestion he thought well of and which he will adopt.

April 5, 1914.

Charles H. Grasty of the Baltimore Sun took lunch with me. We talked of governmental matters. He agrees with me that our Government is too negative for and should be made more responsive to the will of the people. Such, instance, as the Governments of Great Britain and France. I outlined some of my ideas of governmental reform as expressed in Philip Dru, and he seemed to concur in them.

T. W. Gregory came to dinner. I told him the President had him tentatively down for Attorney General in the event McReynolds was placed upon the Supreme Bench. He feared he was not strong enough to bear the burden. Gregory minimizes his abusiveness ability as much as anyone I know.

He has had an interesting talk with George Harvey over at Deal. He is giving Harvey the data for an article to appear in the May number of the North American Review concerning the New Haven Railway settlement. He said Harvey spoke well of the President, and particularly well of me and wishes me to come and visit him.

April 6, 1914.

We went to dinner with Mr. and Mrs. James Speyer and afterward to the opera. They have just moved into their beautiful new home. It is the best specimen of French architecture and decoration I have seen in America, and compares favorably with some of the best in France. It is altogether more attractive than the usual multi-millionaires abodes in New York. They have used good taste, and the harmony of colors is appealing. He has been collecting rugs, tapestries, furniture, carvings, candelabrum and bric-a-brac for fifteen or twenty years, and has now assembled them.

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April 7, 1914.

Walker Vick, Receiver of Customs for the San Domingo Republic, lunched with me. He went into every detail of his year's work there. The revenue has increased under his administration by $600,000. He says the American Minister Sullivan and Minister Smith in Haiti are sorry specimens and do discredit to our country. He believes the only way to have permanent order in San Domingo is for the United States to place a force of 3000 or 4000 soldiers there for from five to ten years and in other ways do what we did in Cuba.

Commissioner McKay came to say that his resignation was accepted and the Mayor had appointed Arthur Woods who would take over the office tomorrow.

Gregory called and we went over some affairs of interest between us. Antisdale came to tell of his trip to Washington.

Mr. and Mrs. William Randolph Hearst gave a dinner in our honor. There were thirty in all. Much to our surprise, they had some well known society people there among them, Mrs. O. H. P. Belmont, Mr. and Mrs. Amos Pinchot, Mr. and Mrs. Montgomery Hare, Mr. and Mrs. Julian Gerard, and of course many others like the Garys, the Nixons, the McCombs, etc. etc. The house was beautifully decorated and we were told it was the greatest effort in a social way they had yet put forth. After dinner there was music and dancing. We left at eleven although urged to remain longer. After dinner other guests came in for the dancing.

I have a great many gross compliments paid me upon these occasions, none of which I appreciate. I am called "king maker" etc. Sometimes one guest after another will greet me in this way, all of them saying very much the same thing. I have gotten so I seldom reply or even take the trouble to look pleased.

April 8, 1914.

It has been a busy though not a very interesting day. I am still work-

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ing on the Federal Reserve Board and have gotten it in fairly satisfactory
shape.

We went to dinner at Janet's. Gregory, the Shearns, the E. S. Martins
were there and we had a pleasant evening.

April 9, 1914.

I have been unusually occupied today. Martin lunched with me and Dudley Ma-
lone and Irwin Laughlin called. Martin was disturbed about my dining with
Hearst. He said he would not dine with him for a thousand dollars. He spoke
of Hearst as a "bad egg, and the only thing to do was to remain at a safe dis-
tance and throw stones at him".

Dudley Malone has just returned from Washington where he saw the President
He told him about my dining with Hearst and my reason for doing so. The Pres-
ident expressed himself as quite willing to accept my judgment in the premises.
As a matter of fact, as I explained to Martin, I went because I was advised to
do so by such friends as I consulted, and furthermore because I was endeavoring
to get from Hearst, Shearn and other potential support he has around him. In my
eagerness to accomplish this I was willing to sacrifice my inclination, although
my mature judgment is, that in the long run, it will prove a mistake. He is
not a man I could work with and, eventually, he will attack me more viciously
than if I had not come in personal contact with him.

Dudley said the President said that was anxious for me to pass on New
York appointments, and to advise as to the best plan of action.

Irwin Laughlin called to give me news of Page and the London Embassy, He
is just in on the Mauretania. He was full of Page's embarrassment at not re-
ceiving information from this Government regarding affairs pending between the
United States and Great Britain. He also gave some inside information of
the Ulster Home Rule situation.

We then fell to talking about my plan for decreasing armaments. Laughlin

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was three years First Secretary of the American Embassy at Berlin. During that time he talked with the German Chancellor regarding disarmament, and he did not believe there was one chance in a million of my getting Germany to consent to a naval holiday.

telling him of the direct information I had from the Kaiser himself, none of which, though, was favorable to my plan, but rather coinciding with Laughlin's views. But what impressed him was the method I had in mind of accomplishing results. I explained my purpose not to take it up from a sentimental or purely economic viewpoint, but to try and prove that it would be of material advantage to Germany.

I went into some detail as to giving Germany a zone of influence in Asia Minor and Persia, and also lending a hope that they might be given a free hand commercially in the Central and South American Republics. I changed his views as to the desirability of making the effort, but he wanted time to think it over and promised to let me know his conclusions later. Laughlin knows the Germans well, and he told me of the difficulties of reaching the Emperor under right conditions.

Referring to another subject, Page thought it essential for me to be presented to King George in the event Loulie wished to be presented to the Queen. Laughlin says this is not strictly true, that ordinarily a husband might remain in London when his wife was presented and no one would question it, but he thought in my case it might be considered an act of discourtesy. He said, however, if I would take a trip to the Continent and be away from London at the time of her presentation, he thought it would be sufficient.

April 10, 1914.

Mr. and Mrs. Irwin Laughlin lunched with us. Laughlin and I went into my disarmament plan at great length. I used him as a dummy, as it were, knowing he would catch me if I tripped at any point. I discussed my intentions thoroughly, and talked to him as I would talk to the Kaiser were we to meet.

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After thinking of the matter over night and hearing my plans more in detail, Laughlin believes I should make the effort. He offered to write Countess Brockdorff, chief lady in waiting at the German Court, who has great influence and who is a friend of his. He thought to tell her something of my plans, but I disapproved of this and told him to write that I was thinking of going to Germany; that I had a great admiration for the German people and the work they were doing, and that I wished to bring about a better understanding between that country and ours. Laughlin is to say, too, that I will come unofficially and so quietly that unless she keeps it in mind, she will probably not know I am in Berlin.

My purpose is to try and show the Emperor that if he will consent to take the initiative in the matter I have in mind, it will redound greatly to Germany's commercial and material welfare. It is not in my mind to suggest to him to lessen at all his military organization or to disturb his Continental relations. It is only to try and show him that an understanding with Great Britain and the United States will place him in a position to curtail his naval program and open up a wider field for German commerce, besides insuring the peace of the world.

April 12, 1914.

McReynolds called this morning. He believes the President is making a mistake in pushing his trust legislation. He thinks the best thing that could happen would be for Congress to adjourn. I do not know but what I agree with him in this. I am always in favor of Congress and Legislatures adjourning.

McReynolds, as usual, complained of the President not talking to his Cabinet. He said he explained nothing and asked no one's advice. I did not tell him that he talked with me more freely, more frankly, and with less reserve than any public man or friend I have ever known. There is not a piece of legislation he has advocated, nor a policy, or an important appointment that he

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has not discussed with me frankly, fully and frequently.

I went over New York appointments with McReynolds and made some
suggestions looking toward immediate action. Do as I will, I cannot get away
from the patronage question for, sooner or later, it is passed up to me.

We took lunch with Mrs. Soley. Among her other guests was ex-Governor
Sheehan. After lunch, "Blue Eyed Billy" and I had what appeared to be a heart
to heart talk, but if he analysed it afterward, it will probably occur to a mind
as astute as his that the confidences were all on his part. He is an able man
and I like him much. If it were not for his corporate connections he would be
an idea man to lead the democratic forces in this State, because of his ability
and personality.

April 13, 1914.

McAdoo telephoned from Washington. Burleson had referred some suggestions
for New York postoffices to him and he, in turn, passed them up to me. He said
the President would certainly win in the polls controversy and he thought by
about ten votes. We both think the tide has turned and is running our way.

I am to breakfast with McAdoo Wednesday morning in Washington and talk
over matters. He was disturbed over the criticisms being made of him and his
fellow members of the Federal Reserve Formation Committee and spoke particularly
of Baltimore's action. I advised him to pay no attention to the matter but to
go ahead and formulate plans for the Reserve Banks themselves. I suggested in
the formation of these banks it would be well to have the Governors appointed
from cities other than those getting the banks. In other words, since Kansas
City gets a bank, Denver should receive the governorship.

Washington, April 14, 1914.

We came over to Washington on the 3.30 train to visit the Bor-
den Harrimans. We were met by the Attorney General's carriage and driven di-
rectly to the Harrimans. Dr. Grayson was there and said the President wished

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us to come to the White House tomorrow.

Grayson and I had a long talk. He said if they had known I was coming over he would have wired me because of the acuteness of the Mexican crisis. The President is worried and needs me. He thought the President felt Eleanor's marriage keenly and does not want her to leave him.

I afterward had a talk with Mrs. Harriman and she gave her budget of news.
I went to bed tired and uneasy about Mexico.

April 15, 1914.

I breakfasted with McAdoo. He was in bed when I reached his home and I pulled him out. He spoke of the Cabinet meeting of yesterday. The Cabinet were practically a unit regarding Mexico and the determination to follow up Admiral Mayo's demand. Bryan was the one most disturbed about it and McReynolds showed some feeling. The President, of course, felt the responsibility more than the others, and said to them with considerable feeling that if they believed in the efficacy of prayer, he hoped they would pray for peace.

McAdoo felt if we went into Mexico we should stay. I was certain the President would not take this view.

In talking of New York party matters, we both agreed the President should make progressive appointments there in the future. He had weakened his influence by not doing so from the start.

I went with McAdoo to the Treasury Department and we continued our talk there for an hour, although many people were waiting to see him. He explained how delicate his relations now were with the President, and how careful he had to be not to offend other members of the Cabinet. He begins to see the other side of being the President's son-in-law.

I drove from the Treasury to the offices of the District Commissioners and had a chat with them. I afterward went to the White House offices and saw Tumulty. He told me how hard he was trying to get a decision from the In-

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terstate Commerce Commission on the rate increase. He wants them to give the
rate increase and he thinks the republican members are playing politics and do
not want the increase fearing it willture to the advantage of the democrats.
In my opinion Tumulty is going too far in the matter.

The newspaper men tried to get some expression from me in regard to Mex-
ico, but without success,

I went to Mrs. Harriman's for lunch. She had Senator LaFollette, Louis
Post, Henry George and Felix Frankfurter to meet me. LaFollette and I got along
well. He is concerned over the tendency of the President to ignore progressives
in his appointments. He expressed his disappointment generally at the trend of
the Administration's policies, especially that of the Interior Department. We
talked of the Indian Department and how it should be conducted. He thought
Cato Sells was trying to do well, but was too emotional and inexperienced. We
parted in fine humor with one another.

I also had a satisfactory talk with Felix Frankfurter concerning the Col-
lege of the City of New York. We agreed as to what should be done there and he
was surprised that I was informed as to its affairs. He is an alumnus of it.

The President telephoned me after luncheon and asked if he might not send
a motor for us at once and bring us to the White House. This was done. The
President was in his study when I arrived and we began at once on the Mexican
question. He told the details of recent happenings and we discussed what had
been done and what should be. I encouraged him by saying that perhaps in the
end good would come out of it all. I spoke of McAdoo's proposal to remain in
Mexico and to this he dissented. I advised him to stand firm and to blaze the
way for a new and better international code of morals than the world had yet seen.
If a man's house was on fire he should be glad to have his neighbors come in and
help put it out, provided they did not take his property, and it should be the
same with nations. If Mexico understood our motives were unselfish, she should
not object to our helping them adjust their unruly household.

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I thought Admiral Mayo should be warned to never again do what he did in this Tampico incident, that is to make a demand such as he made at Vera Cruz, without first referring the matter to Washington. Mayo should have remembered that the wireless has done away with the necessity for a Commander to act upon his own initiative. The President agreed to this. I illustrated it by saying that such things were as obsolete as the duelling code.

We motored for an hour and a half and had a delightful talk. We discussed the Federal Reserve Board at length, and McAdoo's attitude toward the different names proposed. I had taken the precaution to thresh these matters out with McAdoo and could tell the President his state of mind. I am anxious for this Board to administer the Currency Law successfully, for I am certain the President's reputation in history will rest largely upon its success or failure.

I asked whom he considered the greatest man in the early days of the Republic. He thought Alexander Hamilton was easily the ablest. We spoke of Washington and how much he depended upon Hamilton's advice. I thought this in itself indicated Washington's greatness. The fact that he was able to pick out Hamilton from among his associates, as his guiding mind, and that he used him in this way, showed a breadth of view that was remarkable. I told him that all the really big men I had known had taken advice from others, while the little men refused to take it. The fact that a man took advice did not lessen his greatness because, after all, he had to judge for himself finally, as to what was good and what was bad. He agreed to this.

At another time in our conversation, he remarked that he always sought advice. I almost laughed at this statement for McAdoo had just been telling me today that he was at White Sulphur with the President and his family when the despatch came from Admiral Mayo concerning his demand of Huerta to salute our flag, and he said the President never even mentioned the matter to him. The President does get a lot of information and suggestions from others, but it mostly comes gratuitously and not by his asking. McReynolds, Houston, Lane and

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all the others have the same story to tell. Miss Bones may have let out the secret when she told Loulie, "When Uncle Woodrow and the Colonel are together the family feel the country is safe, and that nothing can happen".

On the other hand, Senator LaFolletee told Mrs. Harriman he was afraid I was losing my influence with the President because some of the things he was doing were not progressive. He did not know whether it was because I had been away in Texas, or whether I was being superceded by someone else.

We talked of the Civil Service again and I urged him to retain Henry P. Fletcher in Chile. He said he intended doing this regardless of Mr. Bryan. He said, too, Mr. Bryan could say things in a diplomatic manner, but when he wrote despatches he was so blunt that he did not dare leave such matters wholly in his hands.

Loulie, the President, Francis Sayre, Helen Bones and I dined together and went to see the "Pirates of Penzance."

April 16, 1914.

I was at breakfast promptly at eight and we went over the despatches from Mexico. After breakfast we adjourned to the President's study and discussed appointments. I thought it essential to start his progressive program, and it would not do to delay any longer. He asked me to see McAdoo, McReynolds and Burleson and proceed along the lines we had mapped out as to patronage.

Burleson came to the White House to see me and I found him thoroughly in sympathy with this plan. Later I saw McReynolds and McAdoo and told them of the new policy to be enforced from now, and they also agreed. These three departments, of course, cover practically all the patronage.

I had Gregory's come to the Wallace's with me to lunch so we might have a chance to talk. After lunch I sent for Dudley Malone to come to the White House. Some attacks have been made upon me in the "American" caliming that I should be called by the Senate Committee on Foreign Affairs, to tell what I knew about the tells question. I asked Dudley to inform Senator O'Gorman I

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was in town and would be glad to be called if they wanted me. Malone told me
later that O'Gorman said they had no intention of calling me or inconvenienc-
ing me in any way.

The President, Dr. Grayson and I went to the Washington Country Club,
and I walked around the links with them. It was evident to me that Grayson was
not playing as well as he could, though I do not think the President noticed it.
We had a delightful ride both going and coming and we talked of many things both
serious and otherwise.

Cleveland Dodge came to dinner. Loulie went to the Harriman's where I was
expected, but I excused myself on the ground that the President had requested me
to dine with him. The President, Dodge and I went to the study after dinner
and at first they talked of Princeton affairs. Later we touched lightly upon
the Federal Reserve Board.

At half past nine I left to go to the Harriman's in order to meet the
guests, she having told them I would do so. Prince Munster, Prince Paul Trou-
betskoy and his wife, Ambassador Dumba, General Wood and several others were
there. I talked with Prince Munster for awhile about the German Emperor in
order to get more information about him. Afterward I had a long talk with
General Wood about the Army's preparedness. We discussed the international sit-
uation, particularly regarding Japan and the possibility of trouble there, and
what would be necessary to be done. He said Manila was now so fortified that
we could hold it for a year at the minimum, and that within a short while, Ha-
waii would be in a similar impregnable position. He thought the Panama Canal
was so near completion that it could be used in twenty days in the event of an
emergency. We promised to keep in close touch with one another from now on.

I had an interesting talk with Dumba. When I returned to the White
House the President had gone to bed.

April 17, 1914.

The President and I breakfasted together at eight and then went to the

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study. We talked a good deal about Hearst and his methods.

I advised him to see Lane and not permit Sells, the Indian Commissioner, to have the Board of Visitors done away with. Sells is anxious to have Congress fail to appropriate money for their expenses. The President said he would speak to Lane about it at the next Cabinet meeting.

I also suggested he make sure that the commissary and hygiene departments of the Army and Navy were in working order, so that in the event of war, there should not be such a scandal as in the last war. He thanked me for calling his attention to this.

I have seen a great deal of the President on this krisztusdi visit and we have opened our minds to one another without reserve. I am impressed by the analytic qualities of his mind and the clearness with which he expresses his thoughts. I have come in contact with minds of greater initiative and imagination, but never one that had more analytical power and comprehension.

Joseph Davies called to ask my advice as to whether he should run for the Wisconsin Senate from Washington, or continue in his present position with the hope and expectation of its being enlarged into a regular Trade Commissionship. He desired to know whether I thought it would be wise for him to make some speeches throughout the country concerning departmental affairs. I advised against it.

I went to the White House offices, then to the Treasury and afterward took the eleven o'clock train for New York.

New York, April 17, 1914.

Upon reaching New York, I found the newspapers flaming with the attempted assassination of Mayor Mitchel and the wounding of Corporation Counsel Polk. I immediately drove to the New York Hospital and met the Mayor who gave me all the details. In my opinion, the intemperate and unlicenced talk of the newspapers are largely responsible for such tragedies.

We went to dinner at Janet's. The other guests were Mr. and Mrs. John D. Rockefeller and young Bayard Cutting. After dinner I had an interesting

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time wixk talking with Rockefeller concerning his work among prostitutes. He told what he had done and what he had in mind to do in the future. He is fully alive to the value of this work and I hope will devote enough of his fortune to make a permanen't impression on this age old social evil.

I found Rockefeller a sensible and modest young man. I am glad to know that so large a fortune has fallen into such prudent and sympathetic hands. He is not so flexible when labor unions and such matters are mentioned, but that comes from his life-long environment and is to be expected.

April 18, 1914.

The day has been an exceedingly busy one. I asked Dudley Malone to come by and he spent an hour and a half with me, going over many matters of im- portance.

McAdoo, Houston and Eleanor Wilson are all here. Houston and I lunched with Martin. Henry Watterson was also there. He spoke kindly of the President and said they did not differ regarding his policies, but he was a man that he, Watter son, could not successfully cooperate with, indicating that the President was cold and indifferent. I told him that as far as my own experience had been he was just the opposite, for I had never had a sweeter kinder or more affection- ate friend than Woodrow Wilson.

Watterson told us incidents of the early days of his life, such as hav- ing known Jackson, Sam Houston, Wogfall, Rusk and later the immortal Lincoln. He was full of annecdoates and <u>xenophon</u> reminiscenes. He told me the trou- ble between Harvey and Wilson was caused mainly by McCombs who, he said, lied about it. We have promised to see more of one another in the future.

McAdoo, Houston and I have been together this afternoon. They are go-
ing on a revenue cutter over Sunday and will return here Monday.

While I was in Washington I talked to the President about my proposed visit to the Kaiser regarding the reduction of armaments. He thought well of it and

advised that I undertake it. He considered it of such vast importance that it
was worth while to try. I have therefore decided to go to Germany on May 16th
and see what can be done.

We went to dinner and the theater with Mr. and Mrs. Severance of St Paul.

April 20, 1914.

Melville Stone of the Associated Press invited me to lunch tomorrow as a guest of the Associated. I declined but asked for seats in a box to hear the President speak, in the event he comes.

I had a telegram from the President saying:

"I feel that it would not be wise or right for me to be absent from Washington
tomorrow. So sorry not to see you."

I am sorry, for I had a dinner and theater party planned for him. He
was to spend the afternoon and evening with me. I planned to have him alone for
dinner, but at the theater I intended having the Mayor and Mrs. Mitchel, Col.
and Mrs. Nelson, Dudley and Mrs. Malone, besides Loulie and Gordon.

April 21, 1914.

We lunched with Charles Grasty. Among his guests were Col. and Mrs. Nelson, and Mr. and Mrs. Untermeyer. Mrs. Wixson Nelson said they were now Wilson people. This is what I have worked for assiduously.

April 22, 1914.

Nothing of much importance happened today. At It was one of ordinary routine. Of course we are all distressed over the beginning of war with Mexico. Actual hostilities were caused by the precipitate demand of Admiral Mayo and a bears out the value of my advice to the President not to permit either army or navy officers to speak for the Government when they are within easy reach by wireless or cable. It will be difficult to restrict the sphere of war to Vera Cruz. The war feeling will grow on both sides of the Rio Grande, and there is no telling where it will end.

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April 23, 1914.

T. W. Gregory and George W. Anderson of Boston lunched with me. I went over
many matters of importance with Gregory.

Loulie and I went in the evening to hear Lohengrin. We went to meet Baron
and Baronne de Beyville, who sat in the box with us.

April 24, 1914.

Nothing of importance again today. Major Joseph Wheeler came to request
that he be appointed Colonel of a volunteer regiment. I am getting many such
requests. A cable from London comes from Commissioner Waldo who desires the
same thing.

I am receiving many letters from people, prominent and otherwise, offering
their service to the Government. They show a wide patriotic feeling, although
as a rule, the desire is to wear the badges and go as officers rather than as
privates. That, of course, is the usual thing and is the reason the war spirit
runs so high. I have a deep feeling for the ordinary private who undergoes the
hardships and the dangers without thought or hope of notice.

Ellery Sedgwick wires as follows:

"Would the President desire the holding of an independent mass meeting
in Boston to crystalize public opinion in definite support of his Mexico policy
of restricting hostilities and localizing them. The war feeling here begins to
run high and may turn sharply against the administration".

I sent the following answer to Sedgwick:

"I think your suggestion excellent and I hope you will carry it out. I
am deciding the matter myself without passing it further for it should be done
spontaneously. Many thanks."

April 25, 1914.

Robert Underwood Johnson asked me to see Senor and Senora Simonetti of
Mexico City. He is a Huertaite and former anti-Maderoite and was driven out

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of Mexico during that regime. They said it was commonly believed in Mexico that I was directing the President's Mexican policy, and that I had large interests there in connection with Charles P. Taft. They were surprised to learn the facts what a lot of liars there are in the world. Simonetti is the editor to whom I traced the rumors about me last year connecting me with the pil interests. I allowed him to come to see me simply to disabuse his mind, and because Robert Underwood Johnson's introduction gave him standing. He does not know that I am aware of the fact that he started many of the rumors about me.

Mr. and Mrs. Ira Nelson Morris of Chicago called. Burleson and Senator Lewis want Thomas Nelson Page transferred to Paris and Morris appointed Ambassador to Italy. It would be an absurd appointment, as anyone would know after meeting him, although I should like to see him get something.

Vick came to give some further details regarding the situation in Santo Domingo, and of the conduct of our Minister there.

April 26, 1914.

This morning I received a night letter from Dr. Grayson saying:

"Can you come here for a few days, Monday and Tuesday. Our friend needs you at this particular time. I know you will be a great comfort and help now especially. He spoke very feelingly for you today. I am very anxious to see you."

I had intended going to Boston Tuesday, but instead I shall go over to Washington tomorrow.

I do not like the President to be dependent upon Secretaries Bryan, Garrison, and Daniels as his war council. Garrison will do, but I cannot imagine worse advisers at this time than either Bryan or Daniels.

I went over the Mexican situation in detail with Mr. Edwin Ludlow. He believes Villa can take the City of Mexico now and rather expeditiously. Ludlow knows the situation there thoroughly, having lived in Mexico many years.

The Attorney General lunched with me. After going over appointments we fell to talking of the Mexican situation. He is still "grouchy" because the

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President does not consult his Cabinet. He says he knows nothing until he sees it in the newspapers. He asked if the President talked freely to me, to which I answered yes. He was good enough to say then, that he was glad I was going over Monday to be with the President.

Washington, April 27, 1914.

I came over on the 11.08. Charles Grasty met me at Baltimore and introduced me to Mr. Omer Hershey, whom he had recommended for the Federal Reserve Board. Hershey went with me to Washington and I found him an able and well informed man. I shall give his name to the President as a suitable one for the Federal Reserve Board, in the event any of those he now has in mind, fall out.

I was met by the White House motor and also by the Attorney General's carriage. I sent my traps to the White House and took the carriage with Mr. Hershey to McAdoo's office. I wanted McAdoo to meet and talk with Hershey. After Hershey left McAdoo and I had quite a conference and then strolled over to the White House together.

The President and I went over to the office before dinner. He showed me John D. Rockefeller Jr.'s telegram regarding the Colorado strike situation. He spoke with contempt of the "mere money getters". I told him I had met young Rockefeller and that he had much good in him, though his environment made him take a different viewpoint from the rest of us.

We talked of the desirability of pushing the progressive cause forward. I thought unless we did this we would not justify being in the position we were. the We spoke of political results of such a course, and came to the conclusion that it was best not to consider that aspect at all, but to go resolutely forward with the reform program and let the future take care of itself.

We spoke of Mexico and of Villa as representing the forward movement in that unhappyкан so called Republic. He said he had taken the article I sent him from the Globe entitled, "The Dividing Line" and had used it where it would

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do most good.

When we got back to the White House it was dinner time and he would not permit me to dress, insisting that I go in as I was. At dinner the conversation was along pleasant lines. The President spoke of not feeling at home anywhere now, that is he had a feeling that he had no home. He said he felt the same way when he was at Princeton and occupied the house of the President, that while he was perfectly comfortable and happy in his surroundings, yet he always had that unsettled feeling as if he had no permanent abiding place.

He said at one time during the evening that he wished Champ Clark had been nominated. He had received a letter from a prominent woman in a Western State where there was woman suffrage, stating unless he did certain things, the women of that state would vote against him. He answered the letter by thanking her and saying he sincerely hoped they would.

After dinner he saw Sam Blythe and afterward Secretary Garrison. I sat with Margaret and Helen Bones and talked with them about what the administration was doing and what it had in mind to do. Margaret sang for us and later Dr. Grayson, McAdoo and Eleanor joined us. I saw the President for a moment before we went to bed. I told him I expected to leave the next night and he replied that he expected I would do no such thing.

April 28, 1914.

For the first time the President was a little late for breakfast, though it was only fifteen minutes. It was because he had had so much to do the night before that he had to quiet his nerves by reading before he went to bed which brought him asleep late.

At breakfast I spoke of Edward S. Martin's delicious humor. And I thought he was not only humorous but had as much good sense as anyone I knew. The President replied that "humor and good sense go together". He spoke of Martin in a delightful way. He considered it a mistake for Life to try to be

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both humorous and **maxim** a reform paper. He thought a humorous paper should always be genial, and should look upon humanity as a pageant passing before it, and that the idiosyncrasies and whysurgicalities of life should be pleasantly brought out.

I asked if he would like to be editor of a daily paper. He replied that nothing would appeal to him less for the reason that no one could write every day an opinion of value. It was difficult enough to do this once a week, but impossible to do it each day. He said he enjoyed Punch very much. That"while there were no laughs in it, it was full of smiles."

After breakfast we strolled in the garden and he told of his plan to hold office hours during the hot weather in a marquee under the magnolia trees on the lawn. I approved this heartily, not only because it would be good for his health, but because the innovation would attract pleasant attention, and I thought it would be approved.

We discussed Mexico and mediation. Garrison is anxious for him to hire transports at once, but he is afraid such an act would be misconstrued now that mediation had been accepted. I advised hiring them secretly in order to avoid making a bad impression.

We talked of the different opinions in his Cabinet concerning the Mexican crisis. Garrison, of course, is the most active for war, and he said it shaded off from him as the one extreme to Bryan on the other. Bryan had talked to him so much concerning peace and always with the same set speech, that now he had no longer had to listen.

The President asked me to play golf with him in the afternoon, but I suggested Gregory in my stead, to which he consented. When he went to his office, I strolled over to McAdoo's to talk with him about the Federal Reserve Board and the Panama tolls question. I met Senator Owen there and "braced him up" on his speech which he is to make in the Senate in a few days on the Mexican question.

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A little later McAdoo and I went back to the White House as there was to be a
Cabinet meeting. There I met all the Cabinet, but had no conversation with any
of them excepting Houston. I advised him that the President felt he could not
spare him from the Department of Agriculture for the present, but later would pro
bably place him on the Federal Reserve Board.

Just before lunch Mrs. Wilson informed me they had saved last year $45,000.
they had paid out $15,000. on debts and had given relatives some, making a net
saving of only $30,000. I thought they were investing too much in one kind of
securities and suggested a greater diversity.

At lunch, she wanted to know of the President what he thought of McAdoo and
Eleanor living in the White House during the summer when the family were away. The
President evaded the question, and then she put it directly to me. Although
Eleanor was present I said I thought it would not be a good idea, it would be all
right while the President was there, but when he was away, it would cause comment.
The President concurred in this and Mrs. Wilson accepted it as final.

After lunch we went over to the White House offices for a few moments.
Garrison was there and we discussed the Colorado strike and the form of telegram
to be sent to the Governor of Colorado.

It was now golf time and we went back to the White House proper and Mrs.
Wilson, Gregory and I went with the President to the Washington Country Club. The
President and Gregory remained to play and Mrs. Wilson and I returned to the White
House. On the way we discussed the various troubles the administration was hav-
ing including the Mexico situation. I advised her not to worry about such mat-
ters, for all these difficulties tended to make the President's administration a
notable one; if anxious problems did not arise, his administration would be nega-
tive.

I had an engagement with Irwin Laughlin, First Secretary of the Embassy at
London. He read a copy of a letter he had written to the Countess Brockdorff of
the German Court. He wrote back that it would be well for her to know of my ar-

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rival in Berlin so as to advise the Kaiser.

I spoke to the President about what I was doing in regard to Germany and the Kaiser and he remarked, "you are preparing to make the ground fallow". I asked again whether he was certain that he wished me to go at this particular time. He replied, "the object you have in mind is too important to neglect."

At dinner Mrs. Wilson asked the President why he did not name George Foster Peabody, Ambassador to France. He said he had four other men in mind for that particular place, and gave their names.

After dinner we went over to the office for the President to sign his mail. We read the Mexican dispatches together and afterward got down to the real finish of the Federal Reserve Board. He took his pen and wrote down their names: Richard Olney first, then Paul Warburg, Harding, Wheeler and Miller. He turned to me and said, "to whom would you give the ten year term?" I advised giving it to Miller, which he did. He gave Olney the two year term, Warburg four years, Harding and Wheeler, the six and eight year terms.

I told him McAdoo preferred Hamlin. He replied, "but I prefer Olney and I happen to be President". He also said, "McAdoo thinks we are forming a social club". This, of course, was because McAdoo has consistently urged a board that would work in harmony with him. The President wishes to take these appointments away from politics as far as possible, and he does not think it would be proper to have McAdoo, Williams and Hamlin from the same Department on the Board. Of course, he is right.

It was agreed between us that we should not tell McAdoo just how freely we discussed matters relating to his department for fear it might offend him.

We then fell to talking of Shakespeare and what a marvel he was. The President said it was a constant source of wonder to him how one mind could comprehend all phases of life and all sources of knowledge.

We also discussed the question of servants. I told of how attached

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the boys in the office were to him and how much Irving Hoover thought of him. I
believed it was because he was always kind and paid them some attention. He
thought it was the notice of them that was most gratifying to them. He related a
story of a gentlewoman who hired out as a domestic servant in order to get their
point of view. The result of her investigation was that the greatest part of
them were made unhappy because their presence was almost invariably ignored.

He had just had an interview with Fred Lynch, who had expressed the opinion
he should see more of the business men of New York, since there was much dissat-
isfaction over here among them because of his refusal to see them. The President
repeated that he was as willing to meet the business men of New York as he was to
meet business men of any other section, but that that was not their real griev-
ance. Heretofore they had been sent for, which he had not done, and please God,
he would not do so long as he was President.

It was now ten o'clock and there were a number of letters over at the
house which I wanted him to read and I suggested we go over. I had him read
one from Henry P. Fletcher, Minister to Chile. After finishing my budget he be-
gan again to talk of Princeton and of the various happenings there, some of which
he had mentioned before, but most of which were new. I spoke again of
going home, but he would not hear of it. I asked if he had stopped the Indian
Commissioner's program to discontinue the Board of Visitors on Indian Affairs.
He said he had. We had a last word in my bed room before we bade each other
goodnight.

April 29, 1914.

We breakfasted together at the usual hour. After breakfast we wandered
around the White House looking at the various objects of interest.

The Postmaster General and I had a conference for over an hour, after
which I went to McAdoo's office. McAdoo and I talked mainly of his personal
affairs and his future relations with the Wilsons.

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After that, Billy Phillips of the State Department met me at the White House. He remained until lunch time. We discussed departmental affairs.

At luncheon the President was unusually delightful. He had a biting wit that made the meal a notable one. After lunch we inspected the marquee where the President is to hold his office hours during the summer, went to Eleanor's bedroom to see her presents, and at 2.30 the President, Mrs. Wilson and I went to the golf links. Dr. Grayson who was to play with the President came later. Mr. Wilson and I drove in together as we did the day before. She said she wished the Mexican people as a whole could know how Woodrow felt toward them, for it was sad that his high purposes for their welfare should not be known and his motives so misunderstood.

I did not return to the Country Club, but at 4.30 drove with Secretary Lane. We talked of the Alaska Railroad project and other matters appertaining to his department. He spoke of the President's consideration for his Cabinet and said that at no time during the past year had he hurt the feelings of any member.

At dinner there was no one present but Mrs. Wilson, the President and me. He and I decided to go to the theater and we had a most enjoyable evening. We discussed little or no business. We returned to the White House at eleven and I bade him goodnight and goodbye. I had a short interview with McAdoo who was there, and Eleanor whom I later took to the train with me.

New York, April 30, 1914.

We arrived on time and I took Eleanor to the Waldorf and placed her in the hands of her relatives, Mr. and Mrs. John Wilson with whom she will stop while in New York.

After breakfast I telephoned Paul Warburg and asked him to stop by on his down way up town. I told him the President would invite him to go on the Federal Reserve Board, and he would receive his invitation tomorrow. We talked of the

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matter long and earnestly and I urged him to accept. He was distinctly moved
by the tender and thanked me with moist eyes for my interest in him, for he said
of course the President would not have appointed him had it not been for me.

Dudley Malone followed Warburg. We took up many matters of interest,
among them the proper handling of the Colorado strike situation, and his effort
to bring John D. Rockefeller, Jr. to agree to some sort of settlement. John D.
Jr. had telephoned Gordon twice while I was in Washington asking where I was and
when I would return. Dudley telephoned his office and found he was sick abed.
Later he got in touch with his secretary and began negotiations in that way.

Warburg came back in the afternoon. He had been talking with his part-
ners who appreciated the honor which had come to him. The more I see of Warburg
the better I like him and the better I think the President has done in selecting
him.

Edward S. Martin came as he does nearly every day. He left, however, when
Warburg came.

May 1, 1914.

Today was another busy and interesting one. I found that Alfred Henry
Lewis was writing of me again in the American, telling of my political activi-
ties at the Baltimore Convention and of my negotiations with Thomas Fortune
Ryan. I have never met Ryan and I was in Europe during the Convention, but
that makes no difference to the imaginative Lewis.

Dudley Malone came to tell of his progress in his negotiations with Rockefel-
ed
ler. John D. was pleasant with what he, Malone, had said to his secretary. Ma-
lone had told him among other things that he, Rockefeller, should defend himself
and not permit his name to be smirched for the balance of his life with a charge
of murder, such as clings around those in connection with the Homestead strike
and riots.

I believe Dudley will influence a settlement of this vexatious question.

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Major Wheeler called much disturbed at having been summarily removed from Fort
Totten. I have taken the matter up with his Colonel and shall probably take
it up with Washington.

Dudley Malone sent his secretary up with a copy of his letter to Lewis
which I shall incorporate in the diary.

Paul Warburg called to show me the President's letter of invitation
to him and his reply. They were both fine.

Boston, May 2, 1914.

I came up to Boston today on the one o'clock train. The journey
was without incident. Upon reaching Chestnut Hill I received a telegram from
the President saying:

"Mr. Olney has replied saying only that he has received my letter and
will write Monday. Hope you will see him and let him know how we are
all counting on him"

I telephoned Mr. Olney at once and made an appointment with him for tomorrow at eleven. He is stopping at the Hotel Touraine.

May 3, 1914.

I had a long talk with Mr. Olney. He told me at the beginning that he could
not accept. I appealed to his patriotism and expressed the belief that he
could do his party and country no better service than to accept. He seemed
afraid he was not fitted for the work. He also had many commitments that he
did not consider it was fair to leave to others. As for the work, I was sure
the members of the Board would arrange it so that he need do nothing but super
vise. As for the business commitments I thought he could do his clients no
greater service than by becoming Governor of the Federal Reserve Board. I
impressed him with the President's desire that he accept, and I said all that
was possible to change his position. I believe he would take it if he were
not afraid that he could not perform the duties satisfactorily.

May 1st, 1914.

Mr. Alfred Henry Lewis,

New York American Office, Washington, D. C.

Dear Mr. Lewis:

During the past weeks I have carefully read your critical articles on the President, his administration, his friends and his attitude towards certain policies and measures.

I have been particularly distressed at the statements you have made in many of these articles about a very dear friend of mine, Colonel Edward M. House. You have intimated that Colonel House is a man of great wealth and lives in a beautiful home in New York. Of course, such must have been your information. But, as a matter of fact, Colonel House is a man of very moderate circumstances who lives in a five-room apartment which he rents from a landlord, as most of us do who live in apartments in the City of New York.

You have intimated, if not said, that he was interested in Mexico and Mexican securities. Colonel House is not, and never has been interested in Mexico or Mexican affairs and has never in his life visited Mexico. Moreover, he holds no Mexican securities of any kind, directly or indirectly, and has never held any such securities. You have also stated that, if not intimate with, he is at least on terms of understanding with gentlemen of large business affairs and high finance, such as J. Pierpont Morgan, James J. Hill, Thomas F. Ryan and others.

Colonel House has had no relations of any kind, direct-
ly or indirectly, political, social, financial or economic
with any of these men. In this morning's American you
have published a statement to the effect that Colonel
House was in touch and collusion, for President Wilson,
with Thomas F. Ryan for certain sinister political purpo-
ses. I do not know where you got this information. But
I feel sure that you will be glad to know from me as a
fact that Colonel House was not at, in or near the Balti-
more Convention, nor connected with it directly or indi-
rectly, but was in Europe, three thousand miles away, all
during the political battle at Baltimore. In addition
Colonel House has never seen Thomas F. Ryan in his life,
nor has he had any connection with him whatsoever, direct-
ly or indirectly.

Of course, Mr. Lewis, politics is politics, and the
man who takes a fighting part in the game should not be
over sensitive to criticism. But Colonel House is a man
of such fine character and integrity, and such a good
friend of mine, that I felt certain you would be glad to
know that you have been grossly misinformed about his
standing and his activities. And I also felt certain
that you would be only too glad to do anything in your
power to rectify any false impressions that may have been
left by the publicity given to the misinformation which
you have received.

Trusting that you are very well, and judging from the
deadly fire of your pen that you are, believe me to be,

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Mr. Olney wanted to know why we did not appoint a District Attorney for Boston. I asked him to recommend someone. He spoke of McClellan, I laughed and said that when I left him it was to meet McClellan and look him over for that office. We parted "throwing bouquets" at one another.

May 4, 1914.

The Associated Press has been trying to get me all day, but I have refused to go to the telephone. It was rumored that I was here for the purpose of seeing Mr. Olney about the Governorship of the Federal Reserve Board.

I wired the President as follows:

"Mr. Olney had definitely decided to decline. I talked to him for an hour and left him with an uncertain mind. I am not hopeful. If he refuses would suggest looking more closely into Hershey of Baltimore before offering it to Russell. I am leaving tomorrow midnight for New York."

New York, May 5, 1914.

I left Boston last night on the midnight. I am gratified to read what the papers have to say in regard to the Federal Reserve Board appointments. There is a uniform chorus of praise. I have received many compliments for the part I am supposed to have played in it, although no one, of course, knows just how much or how little that was.

May 6, 1914.

Dudley Malone and Frank Polk lunched with me. We discussed New York Federal appointments.

Mr. S. R. Bertron called in the afternoon to tell me he was certain W. P. G. Harding had not received his invitation from the President to go on the Federal Reserve Board. I was certain the invitation had been sent but asked him to wire Harding in time to give me the information before I left for Washington at midnight. About nine he rang me up to say Harding had received his letter and had accepted. Bertron added his compliments to those

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of others regarding the part I have played in the selection of this board.

Washington, May 7, 1914.

I arrived in Washington this morning and went to the Wallace's for breakfast. Immediately after breakfast I strolled over to McAdoo's and found him in bed. I promised to return later.

McReynolds called and took me driving so that we could discuss in peace some matters he had on his mind. He began with his old trouble about the President never consulting his Cabinet about matters of importance. The first he knew of anything outside his own department was when he read it in the newspapers. It was exceedingly embarrassing at social gatherings to find that everyone knew as much as he did about governmental affairs, etc. etc.

I told him again that if the President did what he, McReynolds, wished, other members of the Cabinet might object to discussing with the Cabinet matters relating to their departments; since the President gave his Secretaries great latitude they should be content. He seemed fairly satisfied.

His next item was the Colorado strike situation. He was afraid the President was going too far against the corporations and leaning too far in favor of labor. I thought organized capital could only be met by organized labor, and that it was unfair to take the position which the mining corporations in question were taking that they would deal only with their men as individuals. He seemed to accept this.

His third item was the anti-trust bills. He thought the President was getting himself into serious trouble for the reason that Congress was certain to pass a measure exempting farm and labor unions from the workings of the Sherman Act. The President would then be up against the alternative of either vetoing the measure or signing it with such provision attached. He thought it would be much better to pass this legislation over until the next Congress. Of course, that is only postponding the evil day. He thought Congress was too worn out to

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wrestle with the subject at this session.

I find McReynolds, Garrison and Burleson leaning more and more toward conservatism. The President and Mr. Bryan are about the only ones who are progressive, although Lane is so in certain directions and so is Houston, in spots. After two hours with McReynolds I again called at McAdoo's residence. He was insistent upon Hamlin being appointed on the Federal Reserve Board. I did not believe the President would do it, and gave him the reasons which I have stated before. McAdoo said he had been offered $50,000, a year salary by the Encyclopedia Britanica, but he had turned it down.

We then discussed his wedding trip, his household, under new conditions, and other personal matters.

Gregory lunched with me. I told him if one of the Justices should die while I was away, the President would probably appoint McReynolds to fill the place and would offer him the Attorney Generalship and that he must take it even if it were only for a short time, for I was sure his health would not unduly suffer.

Hugh Wallace saw Count von Bernstorff and told him I was going to Germany on the sixteenth of May. Von Bernstorff said the German Foreign Office had already informed him I was coming and had asked him to give them a report upon me, which he had sent. He said he intended sending another, which I thought was perhaps inspired by Wallace.

In the afternoon we went to the William Phillips' to spend the night. At 5.45 we went to the White House for the wedding. There were no guests outside the family and Cabinet. The service was simple and very beautiful. The President and Mrs. Wilson bore up bravely, but Nona McAdoo broke down and had to be taken home. Refreshments were served at small tables in the State Dining Room. When Eleanor and McAdoo left the White House all the guests ran out on the south porch to see them off excepting the President and myself. He seered to lack the heart to see the last of her. I think he loves her better than any

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I gave him a copy of Captain Bill McDonald's Memoirs with this inscription: "TO my friend, Sir Cecil Spring-Rice, who knows something of the work Captain Bill has done for Texas". Edward M. House.

The Ambassador is to keep in constant touch with me. I explained that the President was disposed to handle matters through me and it might be a misfortune if he and I let it get into other hands. I do not mean that others could not do it better, but from recent experience, I am certain there are some who might do it worse.

Sir Cecil expressed a wish that I might be in Germany at this time for he thought I might fathom the situation in inner court circles. When he was Minister to Sweden, the Kaiser's sister told him the Kaiser was unalterably for peace, and so was the Czar, and for similar reasons. She said, "William" knew he was no great general and if war came the military party would gain the ascendancy and perhaps produce some military hero who would over shadow him to such an extent that it might endanger the throne. She said "Nicky" was in much the same position in Russia, and his interests all lay in the direction of peace, just as did those of "William".

He thought if the old Queen were alive she could find out the situation with some accuracy, but he knew of no one else now living who could. He spoke of the possibility of German success at sea. There was no telling what surprise they might have "up their sleeves" just as they surprised the Allies with their enormous siege guns, which were able to reduce any fort the Allies had previously erected.

To prove the duplicity of Germany, not long ago the two Governments agreed that each would send a representative to their respective countries to inspect their artillery and manufacturing plants, but the Germans carefully concealed from the British representative all knowledge of this gun.

I was successful in making Sir Cecil see that it was not wise for Great Britain to take any big gamble in this conflict. If she could get disarmament and

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compensation for Belgium, she had better accept it and not risk the stupendous consequences of defeat. I also made him see that if the Allies won and Germany was thoroughly crushed, there would be no holding Russia back, and the past situation would hardly be less promising than the future.

He promised to come to New York at any time it seemed necessary.

September 21, 1914.

Bernstorff and Wallace came this morning at 10.45. I informed Count Bernstorff that the British Ambassador did not feel authorized to open negotiations with him for the moment, because others were involved and his motives might be miscontrued. I thought it was practically certain he was communicating with his Government and we would hear from him again in a few days. I thought Sir Edward Grey would probably also get in touch with Russia and France and give us something to work on.

I read him the President's telegram asking me to go on with negotiations, and assured him that no other negotiations were being entertained by the President. My reason for thinking this was true was that the President knew my aversion to interference; that if I was to do a thing, I wished to do it with the feeling I was wholly responsible.

Wallace wished to know whether I had impressed upon Spring-Rice the necessity for secrecy. I had, and felt sure he would not mention it to anyone. Wallace thought he might take the matter up with the French and Russian Ambassadors, but I did not believe he would.

Bernstorff spoke so much more kindly of Spring-Rice than the latter did of him. He felt that the character of his instructions from Berlin would warrant him in taking up these negotiations, but he understood why Spring-Rice would hesitate to enter into them without some direct word from his Government. I believe the matter was handled satisfactorily, although it was rather difficult to shield the fact that Spring-Rice was altogether distrustful of Bernstorff personally.

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I forgot to say that I asked Sir Cecil why he thought I might have been the
immediate although unconscious cause of this war. I told him the suspicion had
crossed my mind, and I was wondering how he had reasoned it out. He said I had
come so near making a general war impossible that the war party in Berlin and Vienna
had become alarmed. They probably knew why I was in Berlin and what I had said to
the Kaiser. They also probably knew why I went to England, and they undoubtedly
knew the contents of my letter to the Kaiser. That, together with Sir Edward Grey's
conversations with the German Ambassador in London, which were started after I dis-
cussed the subject with him, alarmed the war party and they took advantage of the
Archduke's murder and the Kaiser's absence, to precipitate matters, believing they
were coming to the end of the passage, and that it was, as Sir Cecil expressed it,
"now or never".

September 24, 1914.

Arthur Page came the other day and I gave him the details of the arrangement
the President, Mr. Dodge and I made to supplement his father's salary. I wanted
him to know about it, and I did not want him to mention it to his father or anyone
else. My purpose was that if Arthur approved, his father could not very well ob-
ject later when he found where the money came from. I suppose Page is getting
up a statement of his income since Arthur told me he had written to him concern-
ing some matters which indicate this.

I have had a great many callers, but none of importance excepting Attorney
General Gregory, who spent the day yesterday with me. He is having trouble with
McAdoo about an appointment of a marshal for New York. I hope there will be no
serious difficulty between the two, for they have been fond of one another, and it
seems too bad they should fall out over an appointment just as McAdoo and McRey-
nolds did. Gregory is in the right as far as I can see.

The row over the McCall appointment for Marshal gives me no end of use-
less annoyance. Personal calls and telephone calls in regard to the matter and

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all to no purpose.

Tom Pence of the National Campaign Committee was with me for an hour going over the congressional and senatorial campaign in the different states.

Mayor Mitchel called at six o'clock.

September 25, 1914.

I had a long talk with the Mayor. He told something of his difficulties with the Tammany organization, aided by the Governor, particularly as to the Civil Service Commission. He also gave a resume of what Commissioner Woods was doing with the police. He said he hesitated to breathe the matter to himself, and had asked Woods not to give him the facts for fear he might inadvertently let them drop sometime.

Woods believes he has discovered an anarchist plot to dynamite a large part of New York. He is allowing the matter to go far enough to accomplish arrests before he acts. Mitchel cautioned me to be careful with the President if he should come to New York again, and he thought he should be careful in any event since there was so much unrest and dissatisfaction throughout the land.

I took up with him the appointment of a U. S. Marshal for this district and told him of Gregory's decision. I had no difficulty in making him understand it. He asked if he, Frank Polk and Dudley Malone might come up Wednesday of next week to discuss the political situation in the City. The primaries will then have been held and we will be able to know what is best to do.

After dinner I telephoned Dudley and asked him to come down for a few minutes. I explained the matter of U. S. Marshal to him and he acquiesced in Gregory's decision. Malone spoke with a great deal of feeling concerning the President, and some of the men he has around him who are doing things that the President does not know of and would not countenance for a moment.

This conversation was started by my telling him that Tom Pence had given an account of how Mayre was appointed to Russia. It was thought he would make a

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campaign contribution and Pence, Tumulty and several Senators were led to urge his appointment on that account. Mayre's secretary was filling them full of what Mayre would do for the party, and then Mayre left without giving the campaign committee a dollar.

The National Committee has asked me to see whether I could not get them some funds here. My reply was that never in my political life had I solicited funds and I could not do so now, but I would ask some of our crowd here to do it. I asked Malone to take charge of it and he promised to do so. The funds are needed in the senatorial and congressional elections and are to be used for educational literature. The subscribers can pay the printers direct if they prefer rather than to hand the money to the National Committee.

I have congratulated Pence on the manner he is conducting the campaign as he explained it to me. No money is being given or used for any purpose excepting for educational purposes. This is the only kind of campaign I ever conducted myself.

September 26, 1914.

A letter comes from Spring-Rice this morning which is included here. I have not decided yet how I will treat it or what move I will make next, but I will *also* conclude what is best during the day.

Childers has just telephoned that Alfred Henry Lewis is as enthusiastic now about me as he was formerly antagonistic. He desires to write an article or have one written, telling the country of me as he now thinks I am and not as he and others have depicted me.

I have had a tremendously busy day. It is too bad to be bothered about Federal offices when the European situation is calling for so much of my time. The Mayor, Dudley Malone, Frank Polk and innumerable others have called or communicated with me over the telephone about different matters.

The Mayor asked advice about the appropriations in the Rivers and Har-

September 24th, 1914.

My dear Colonel:

I am spending some very pleasant minutes with
Captain Bill. The history is quite extraordinary and it is one of
the most striking books I have read for some time. T

The message went to its destination and is being considered
by the big bugs there. In the meanwhile I note that the assurance
made to you and others by our friend has been publicly and offi-
cially repudiated by his employers, so that he cannot be regarded
as either authorized or responsible. Any suggestions from this
quarter that one member of the firm alone should discuss conditions
with him can obviously only be made with a view to sowing distrust
among them. Anyone who wants the terms of an arrangement to be
discussed must approach all the members of the firm simultaneously.
If the services of a third party are required the application for
such services should be made to your friend who will of course
fairly and straightforwardly communicate with all the members of
the firm in order that by common consent they may take the matter
into consideration among themselves. None could render such ef-
fectual services as he.

I notice that our own selves are at the present moment the
object of the most virulent attacks from the person who talked to
you and from his friends and associates. There is no sign wha ever
of any peaceful intention and everything is done to envenom the sit-
uation especially and very particularly as far as we are concerned.

I enjoyed our talk most of any I have had for a long time
and I hope we shall have another one. The milk agreed very well
and I am taking it regularly.

Letter from,
Sir Cecil Spring-Rice to
E. M. House.

Yours ever,

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bors Bill as it affects New York. I promised to see the Dock Commissioner
Monday if I am here.

In reference to Spring-Rice's letter, I conferred with Wallace and had
him see Count von Bernstorff. They lunched together and Bernstorff told him
he was anxious to know the developments. Wallace thought the difficulty was
on account of the necessity of Great Britain talking with her allies. During
the conversation Wallace asked whether he believed the time propitious for peace
negotiations. Bernstorff replied that he had not the slightest doubt it was,
provided an entering wedge could be started in England. In his opinion, full
cooperation could be counted upon in Germany. He thought negotiations should
begin in England and should be kept absolutely secret, and after I left England
he could arrange for a favorable reception for me in Germany. The idea being,
of course, that the President would send me abroad to start negotiations.

Bernstorff's principal apprehension was public opinion in England. If
it became known that the Government was thinking of peace parleys, he thought
the English were so bitter and determined to fight to a finish, that they would
not want to consider peace at this time. He called attention to Winston
Churchill's speeches and said if he voiced the feeling of the Government, it
was useless to make any effort.

Wallace told him he believed Sir Edward Grey had different views, and
Bernstorff said if that were true, great things might be accomplished by my
visit. Bernstorff believes that unless peace is brought about soon, the war
will be a long drawn out affairs and nothing really decisive will occur for at
least six months or probably a year, and that if either side is markedly suc-
cessful, public opinion would not permit peace proposals, short of almost com-
plete annihilation.

He said Germany was refraining from doing a number of disagreeable
things in order to avoid embittering Great Britain. Among other things he

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mentioned that they had not sent Zeppelins to drop bombs on London simply because it would make England worse than she now is.

It was my purpose to go to Washington tonight, but Dr. Grayson unexpectedly came in and advised that unless I had business of importance he would suggest delaying it until Monday, since Saturday and Sunday were the only days the President was even partially free. I consented to this for I have a feeling we are going fast enough, and more haste will retard rather than help.

I have a long letter from Walter Page, a copy of which is included. I shall take it to Washington for conference with the President.

Grayson told me that when I left Cornish the President said, "I am thankful for such a friend. If there were more like him we would not need government".

Raymond Fosdick called for advice as to whether to continue with the Bureau of Municipal Hygiene of which Rockefeller is the head, or whether to accept a deputy police commissionership under Woods. I thought it depended upon monetary considerations. He replied that they did not enter into the matter, as he and his wife cared nothing for money. My advice was that unless he wished to attach himself to the Rockefellers for life, I would accept the place under Woods, for in my opinion, he had gone as far as he could with the Rockefellers without doing himself injury, provided he cared to go into others fields of endeavor.

Dr. Grayson came to dinner. We fell to talking of the President. The President is suffering from indigestion and he thought one cause of it was that McAdoo and Tumulty persisted in talking business to him during his meals. The President said he would rather die than hurt McAdoo's feelings, but something had to be done about it. I thought it might be arranged by my telling McAdoo when he meets me tomorrow that he, Grayson, had asked me not to discuss business with the President at his meals, and I had promised not to

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do so.

Grayson asked how I became interested in politics. He was surprised to learn that I was practically born into it, having done nothing else since boyhood. He had thought business was my occupation and politics my diversion. I explained that I had never given business much serious attention, but had devoted my time since early youth to public affairs. During the Grant and Hayes administrations I was in Washington a great deal as the guests of Senator Morton's family, as his son was my warmest friend at that time, and I probably had as early a recollection of the White House and of Washington as almost any man of my age.

Furthermore, I had never been seriously interested in state or local politics except as a means to get into national affairs as early as possible. I was ready in 1896 and again in 1900, and perhaps could have managed one of Mr. Bryan's campaigns had I so desired. The hopelessness of his races deterred me. In 1904 I could probably have managed the Parker campaign, and in 1908 Mr. Bryan asked Senator Culberson if I would undertake the management of his campaign. Culberson told him he did not think I would, and anyway, I was then in Europe.

Washington, D. C.
September 27, 1914.

I took the 12.08 train to Washington and was met at the station by McAdoo and Eleanor. They went to the White House with me and took dinner with us. After dinner we talked for awhile until a large package of papers came from the State Department marked urgent. This was the signal for McAdoo and the family to leave, and the President and I immediately got down to work.

Lansing had written a long letter to Page concerning the Declaration of London and its effect upon neutral shipping. He enclosed the modification of the Declaration which the British Government had made, and which they pur-

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pose enforcing during the war. As is known, the Declaration of London was not
accepted by Great Britain. She was never satisfied with it and the matter
drifted until the war caught us in its grip.

Lansing's letter of instruction to Page was exceedingly undiplomatic and I urged the President not to permit it to be sent. I also urged him, in spite of Lansing's protest that the letter must go at once, not to send it until further thought and a better understanding could be had on the subject. I suggested that he call Lansing over the telephone and find out something further about it. He did this but did not get much satisfaction, and he directed Lansing to send Page a despatch and later, instructions. In other words, he was sparring for time.

I then suggested that he permit me to have a conference with Sir Cecil
spring-Rice and get at the bottom of the controversy. He expressed warm ap-
proval of this plan. After this we went to bed pretty tired and a somewhat
worried.

September 28, 1914.

The President, Dr. Axson and I breakfasted together. After breakfast I went to McAdoo's for a short conference with him.

I had Hoover arrange with Billy Phillips for the use of his home, and I asked Sir Cecil Spring-Rice over the telephoned to meet me there at ten o'clock. The conference was a most interesting one.

I showed the Ambassador the letter Lansing had prepared to send Page. He was throughly alarmed over some of the undiplomatic expressions. One paragraph in particular he thought amounted almost to a declaration of war. He said if that paper should get into the hands of the press, the headlines would indicate that war with Great Britain was inevitable, and he believed one of the greatest panics the country ever saw would ensue, for it was as bad or worse than the Venezuela incident. He said he did not know what I had accomplished in my busy life, but he felt sure I had never done as important a piece of work

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as in this instance. He felt it was fortunate I happened to be in Washington
at this time and had caught the matter before it had gone further.

We discussed the best ways and means of getting out of the difficulty,
which he said would never have arisen if the State Department had talked the
matter over with him frankly in the beginning. His Government's attitude had
been known at the State Department for a month, and yet not a word of objection
had been raised. If he had known what the feeling of this country was he would
have taken it up with his Government, and their attitude would have been modified
As it was, they had already published their intention of doing the things to
which our Government objected, and it would be difficult to handle it now in a
way to save the *amour propre* of his Government.

We outlined a despatch for this Government to send to Page, and then we
outlined the despatch which we thought he should send Sir Edward Grey. We
agreed to be absolutely frank with one another, letting each know just what was
being done so there could be no subterfuge or misunderstanding.

The Ambassador was surprised that Lansing would use such language, which
he attributed to ignorance and not to design. It caused me some amusement
in thinking about the kind of diplomacy in which I was indulging. It is cer-
tainly original as far as I know, but I thoroughly believe in it. If nations
were as frank with one another as individuals who mean to be honest, I believe
the largest part of the difficulties between them might be averted.

It was agreed that I should hereafter be known as "Beverly" and when I
telephoned it was to be under that name, and we were to meet at Phillips' with-
out designating the place, merely by stating the hour agreeable to both.

The President was to have a conference with Lansing at eleven o'clock
and it was necessary for me to hurry back to give him the Page letter, and also
give him the benefit of the interview I had had with Sir Cecil. I arranged
with the doorkeeper at the office to hold Lansing in one of the *ARKXXIX* ROOMS.

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anterooms while I saw the President. I gave him in a few words the substance of my interview with the British Ambassador, and I pointed out the objectionable passage which he had marked and which I asked the President to assumed the responsibility for marking out when he calls Lansing's attention to its undiplomatic phraseology. Lansing was not to know anything of my conference with Spring-Rice.

After leaving the White House I went to the Department of Justice to see Gregory and confer with him about various matters. At one o'clock I returned to lunch at the White House. After lunch, the President, McAdoo, Tumulty and I conferred upon the New York situation regarding the Chairmanship of the State Executive Committee.

It seems that William Church Osborn has declined to serve longer and that McCombs wants that position as well as being National Chairman. Tumulty has found employment for Maurice Lyons, McCombs' long-time secretary, and Lyons in a burst of enthusiasm told Tumulty that McCombs has written a book in which he excoriates the President. He also excoriates McAdoo and, among other things says I wanted Senator Culberson nominated at Baltimore as a compromise candidate. McCombs is perfectly welcome to publish his book and tell everything I ever said to him. As far as my wanting Culberson in the event Wilson could not be nominated, it is true.

I went with McAdoo to the Treasury and later met the Federal Reserve Board. They greeted me cordially and we discussed some of the directors for Class C both for Texas and elsewhere. I believe the President has a good Board, though Hamlin does not seem to me to be the best material either for Governor or for the Board itself.

Burleson called at the White House at 3.30 and I drove with him for an hour and a half. To my amusement he told me how he got Gregory into the Cabinet. He is still under that delusion for I did not have the heart to dis-

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close to him that the President had practically decided upon Gregory in January when I told him of Justice Lurton probable resignation on account of ill health. However, Burleson is a fine fellow and is lowal to his friends. The President says McAdoo and Burleson are the only members of his Cabinet that help him in his legislative program.

We returned to the White House at five where I have an engagement with Senator Culberson. Culberson and I drove until seven, and then I took "supper" with him and his family, first leaving word at the White House that I would not be there for dinner, but would return at eight o'clock.

Culberson and I had a thoroughly good time recalling old time political incidents and campaigns. I found him much improved in health and spirits. He asked me to warn the President to be careful in his appointments for the Trades Commission. The Senate is disposed to regard such nominations very critically and it would be well to select the best men to be found.

In telling the President of this he said he would certainly choose the best men that could be found for a salary of $10,000. Men who were doing big things commanded more than that sum and would not accept such positions, and men who had made a success in life and were willing to accept such places, the Senate would probably not confirm.

I returned to the White House shortly after eight. Dr. Axson and Miss Bones were with the President in his study. We talked of the war and its probable effect upon literature. We thought it would be stimulating. The President read poetry aloud for an hour or more. After that Dr. Axson and Miss Bones left for bed and the President and I discussed public affairs for awhile. He declared if he knew he would not have to stand for re-election two years from now, he would feel a great load had been lifted from him. I thought he need not accept the Presidency unless he wished to, even if the Democratic Party demanded it, though I could understand why he would feel it a duty to do so.

Washington, D. C.

September 25th, 1914.

I saw the article which was headed "By the Presidential Confidential Adviser". It was a very violent and unreasonable, I should say ungentlemanly, attack on Sir Edward Grey whom the author had met while staying at the United States Embassy. I saw it and spoke to Mr. Phillips. I thought for the moment that I would ask for some denial that the author had anything to do with the President but it seemed rather as if the remark coming after Carden's interview partook of the nature of a tu quoque. But it will be at once apparent that should there be a controversy on the subject, the reasoned, studied and deliberate abuse, in a written article, of the Minister for Foreign Affairs, prepared and published by the guest and business associate of the United States Ambassador and the intimate confidant of the President, who has been, as is known, employed on a mission of the first importance, is not a matter which can be lightly passed over. I have, as explained above, not made it the subject of an official or unofficial communication to the State Department except the conversation with my friend Phillips

Letter from,

Sir Cecil Spring-Rice

To E. M. House.

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provided his health permitted. I could not see what he else he could do in
life that would be so interesting. He replied that the thing that frightened
him was that it was impossible to make such an effort as he had made in the
past or to accomplish anything like what he had accomplished in a legislative
way. He feared the country would expect him to continue as he had up to now,
which would be impossible. I thought the country would neither expect it nor
want it. There were other things he could do which would be far more delight-
ful in his accomplishment, and would add even more to his fame. I referred
particularly to his foreign policy which if properly followed, would bring him
world-wide recognition.

Neither of us could see exactly how he could inject himself into the for-
eign situation in regard to peace at this time. We thought if the war became
a draw, it was possible the Peace Conference would come to Washington and he
might take part in the proceedings, or it was possible it might be necessary yo
send a commission abroad, but neither of us could wuite figure out how this was
to be brought about. It was tentatively agreed that I should keep the matter
in my hands and advise him what was being done.

I thought the Germans were more likely to want peace first, for the reason
that their purpose had already largely failed, and if they were driven back into
Germany, the Allies would close in upon them, and the neutral nations would also
begin to bare their teeth, because they would know the end was not far off.

I told of my conversation with Spring-Rice and of the evident desire
of the Allies to postpone peace negotiations. I thought the time would come
when it would be necessary for him to bring some pressure. I thought this
could be done indirectly through me so as not to make it quite official.

I also related Bernstorff's conversation with Wallace in which he
said that Germany was ready to discuss peace measures had he suggested the
advisability of my going to London to see what could be done with the British

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Government. The President thought this would not be advisable at present, and Spring-Rice, when I mentioned it to him, als thought it best for me not to go for the moment, but to be ready to go at an opportune time. I disagree with them both, but have not pressed the matter because it might seem as if I wished to inject myself too prominently into the situation.

The President thought I should write Sir Edward Grey and tell him of the danger of postponing peace negotiations. If Germany and Austria are entirely crushed, neither of us could see any way by which Russia could be restrained. He thought I should bring this strongly to Sir Edward's attention. I suggested writing Sir William Tyrrell and reach Sir Edward Grey in that way. He advised me to do what I considered best.

I find the President singularly lacking in appreciation of the importance of this European crisis. He seems more interested in domestic affairs, and I find it difficult to get his attention centered upon the one big question.

Congress will adjourn now within a few days, and when it is out of the way, it is my purpose to make a drive at the President and try to get him absorbed in the greatest problem of world-wide interest that has ever come, or may ever come, before a President of the United States.

During one of our talks I was interested in hearing him outline some such form of government as I gave in Philip Dru. Some day when he is my guest in New York, it is my purpose to read from Philip Dru the constitution I wrote both for the nation and the states and see how far we differ. I have a feeling that we largely agree, although when I wrote Philip Dru I had never met the President nor read any of his books. As far as I can see, his thoughts and mine have run parallel for a long while, almost from youth.

It is his purpose after he retires from office to write a book which, for lack of a better name, he now calls "Statesmanship". It will relate to the essence of government, showing that it is not something human, in

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which the personal equation largely enters, and that it is not absolutely scien-
tific and arbitrary.

We talked much of leadership and its importance in government. He has
demonstrated this to an unusual degree. He thinks our form of government can
be changed by personal leadership, but I thought the Constitution should be
altered, for no matter how great a leader a man was, I could see situations
that would block him unless the Constitution was modified. He does not feel
as strongly about this as I do.

September 29, 1914.

I had another conference with Spring-Rice at Billy Phillips'. He gave me
a copy, as far as he could remember, of his cablegram to Sir Edward Grey, and
I make it a part of the diary. I asked the President yesterday to please have
Lansing confer with the British Ambassador. This was done, and Sir Cecil told
me what took place. All this related to the Declaration of London. When we
had finished with that subject I again took up the peace proposals. He kept
referring to the fact that Bernstorff had been repudiated by his Government. I
told him he was mistaken, for his Government had merely stated they had made no
overtures for peace, which was absolutely true. The overtures came from me to
Bernstorff. I told Sir Cecil this at least three times, and yet he would re-
vert to Bernstorff's Government not sustaining him.

He said the cablegram to Sir Edward Grey, which we composed together,
September 20th, was being considered now by his Government, and they were dis-
cussing it with the Allies. When I pushed him, he admitted that perhaps it
would be sometime before we heard from it. I gathered that they intend doing
nothing until what they consider a propitious time, and then they will use it
as a means of beginning peace conversations. I could see that Sir Cecil was
thoroughly of the opinion that Germany should be badly punished before peace

Cablegram sent by Sir Cecil Spring-Rice to Sir Edward Grey,

After stating reasons why American public opinion would
be deeply stirred by order in Council, namely traditional (1812)

Commercial (necessity of maintaining export trade etc.)
Telegram proceeds to suggest that O in C offers ground for strong
objection.

Because (it is contrary to traditional British view as to
foodstuffs;

(2) it is inconsistent with declaration of London which would be
the most convenient formula for adjusting all difficulties with
neutral parties;

(3) Because it is ineffective; for it is open to any exporter (as
in fact is proved) to consign to a neutral in neutral territory who
could reconsign to anyone he pleased.

The telegrams suggested that

(1) An
should be made of the list of absolute contraband
(which is allowable under the London declaration) so as to include
2.g. petroleum which is now almost entirely used for military pur-
poses.

(2) Am arrangement should be made with Holland not to allow re-export to belligerants.

(3) O in C should be revoked.

There is an enormous export to Norway.

September 1914.

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## REGULATION

was made. There was something of resentment and almost vindictiveness in his attitude. He said to forgive Germany now and to make peace was similar to forgiving a bully and making peace with him after he had knocked you down and trampled upon you pretty much to his satisfaction.

My interview with him made me more strongly of the opinion that inevitably the President will have to use some pressure more direct than that of the British Ambassador.

While in Washington, the President, McAdoo, Burleson, Tumulty and I had a conference regarding the Shipping Bill. We met to decide whether to push it at this session or let it go over. I was strongly in favor of letting it go over, for the reason that the President and the Congress are both exhausted and at the breaking point. If the President should push this measure, it would take Congress well into November to finish it, and members failing of election, would hold him responsible for their defeat.

It was decided to let Congress adjourn as soon as possible, preferably by the 10th of October or before, and then reconvene them around the middle of November. Burleson and McAdoo are strongly in favor of the Shipping Bill, and so is Lane. Houston is against it. The President has not taken the matter up with the Cabinet for discussion which some of them resent, and I think they are justified in doing so.

The President discussed Mr. Bryan's attitude wxxxxx regarding a second term with me. He had heard nothing further from Mr. Bryan since my conversation with him. I found, however, from Burleson that Mr. Bryan now said he thought the President should and would be re-nominated. Mr. Bryan has not lost any of his objections to a second term, but he sees it is inevitable. The President said, "in the event the second term plank becomes an issue, I will be compelled to fight it, for I am strongly opposed to any limitation. If you could trust the American people in other matters, you could

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also trust them to choose their own leaders as long as they desired them".

In this the President and I agree in no way. I believe the strongly entrenched position of a President makes more than two terms an exceedingly dangerous proposition.

Irving Hoover said he had not had an increase in salary for six years and that nearly everyone else had received one. He asked me to speak to Tumulty under whom his office comes, but I decided to go directly to the President who was glad to arrange it.

Just before I left Washington, Sir Cecil sent the President a confidential despatch which had come from Sir Edward Grey. He handed it to me at luncheon. Later, Sir Cecil rang me up and asked if I had read it and what I thought of it. I replied I had only looked at it hastily, but it seemed alright.

I sent for Billy Phillips to come to the White House, and we had a short conference. First Secretary Osborn seems unhappy, but Phillips had not heard any further talk of his resignation. Phillips suggests John Garrett, for Minister to Argentine, as a man who would strengthen the State Department in the event of a vacancy.

September 30, 1914.

The President and I had a final confidential talk after breakfast. It was arranged either for him to come to New York to see me or I am to return here to see him.

After we finished talking, Dr. Grayson and I went to the Treasury to see McAdoo, and at eleven o'clock Secretary Lane came to take me driving. We had a delightful time, he outlining in a succinct way his view of socialism. At one period he was inclined in that direction, but it occurred to him that the mind was like the body, and if you did not exercise certain portions of it, they would slough off and become lost. If socialism should prevail, the initiative in man would be almost wholly lacking and other qualities in which we now excelled,

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would become extinct.

He considers the President the only real democrat he ever knew, because he
is wholly without cynicism, believes in humanity and is full of hope. On the
other hand, Bryan's democracy rests largely upon phrases from Thomas Jefferson and
others.

Lane desires to go on the Supreme Bench. I again advised finding a suitable
man to offer the President for Secretary of the Interior in his place. He re-
plied that he had already done this, acting, I suppose, upon my advice of last
winter. The one he has in mind is a Mr. Lindsey, a California lawyer whom Lane
regards as admirably fitted for the place.

Among others, I have seen Bob Woolley who wishes to go on the Trades Com-
mission, and Jos. Davies, who will probably be appointed.

After lunch McAdoo and I had another talk. I thought he was making a mis-
take in mixing himself up with New York politics, for people were saying he was
trying to build up a machine in order to become President. If he had any chance
for the Presidency, it was by doing his job better than anyone had done it before.
I called his attention to the fact that his chances had materially lessened since
he became the President's son-in-law. The people of the United States would hes-
itate at anything that looked like succession. McAdoo took this advice in an ad-
mirable spirit.

I hear pleasant things said of him on all sides and he is doing great work.
He is one of the greatest Secretaries of the Treasury who has presided over that
office, and I believe history will do him justice.

I had a last interview with Gregory just before leaving Washington. I
then returned to the White House, picked up Dr. Axson and we caught the four
o'clock train for New York.

The President told me while I was in Washington that almost at the be-
ginning of hostilities, he had received a letter from President Eliot of Harvard
urging that the United States declare war against Germany. The President was so

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impressed with it that he brought the letter to the attention of the Cabinet, al-
though without any idea of acting upon it favorably. He looked for the letter to
show me, but was unable to lay his hand on it while we were talking.

When we were discussing the seizure of vessels by Great Britain, he read a
page from his History of the American People, telling how during Madison's Admin-
istration, the War of 1812 was started in exactly the same way as this controver-
sy is opening up. The passage said that Madison was compelled to go to war des-
pite the fact that he was a peace-loving man, and desired to do everything in his
power to prevent it, but popular feeling made it impossible.

The President said: "Madison and I are the only two Princeton men that
have become President. The circumstances of the war of 1812 and now run paral-
lel. I sincerely hope they will not go further."

I told the British Ambassador about this conversation. He was greatly
impressed, and said that in his cablegram to Sir Edward Grey he would call atten-
tion not only to the passage in the President's book, but to his comment to me
upon it.

New York,
October 1, 1914.

Among my many callers today were the Mayor and Corporation Counsel. They conferred as to New York affairs, and asked my advice as to what action had best be taken as to supporting Governor Glynn and Gerard for Governor and Senator respectively.

October 2, 1914.

Cleveland Dodge came by appointment early this morning. I wished to discuss
with him the State Chairmanship, in reference to his brother-in-law, William
Church Osborn. I also showed him Walter Pager's recent letter giving a state-
ment of his income and outgo for the past year, and asked him for a check in
compliance with his understanding with the President. It was agreed that he

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should give me a check for $10,000. to start with made payable to Arthur W. Page, and that Arthur was to send London exchange to his father without any explanation as to where it came from.

Dudley Malone telephoned in reference to the State Democratic Ticket. He is to see me later in the day.

The other day in Washington when talking about the Clayton Bill and of Senator Reed's attack upon it, the President said that "Senator Reed has the most comprehensively ignorant man I have ever met", and added, "Culberson has made the bill so weak you cannot tell it from water".

October 3, 1914.

It was an unusually busy day yesterday, beginning with Cleveland Dodge in the morning and winding up with Governor Glynn at 11.30 last night. Between times, there was Dudley Malone, McCarthy, Judge Gerard's Manager, William Church Osborn and others.

I was in constant communication with Washington during the evening in order to inform the President and McAdoo what I was doing. It seems that McCombs is making a hard drive for the State Chairmanship and they were about to elect him. As far as I am concerned, I should be glad to see him National, State and County Chairman if he desired, but it is not the Washington view of the way things should go, and while I did my best to keep out of it, it became impossible. I have tried my utmost to keep out of national and state politics and devote myself to international affairs, but I seem doomed to the treadmill for awhile longer.

I arranged with Governor Glynn to keep in constant communication with me. I agreed to get the independent and administration forces back of him and Gerard so that the party may put up a solid front. The Governor made many protestations of fairness and of good intentions and I accepted him at his word. I have a letter from the Austrian Ambassador asking for an appointment.

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which I shall make later in the day. Later, I shall try to get to the country
for a much needed rest.

Frank Page has just arrived from London with a letter and messages from
his father, and with the latest authentic news of the great happenings. I find we
are being misled as to allied successes. We are also misled by the reports of
atrocities, bad as some of them undoubtedly are.

Walter Page's letter of September 22nd is full of interest. I make it a
part of the diary for it tells its own story. I also include my reply.

New York City,
October 3, 1914.

His Excellency,
The American Ambassador,
London, England.

Dear Page:

I am handing Arthur a check for $10,000. to transmit to you. Another
check can go after the turn of the year or whenever you give me the word.

I have told Arthur something of the arrangement, but please do not discuss
it with him. Just let us do it in our own way.

The Austrian Ambassador called in the afternoon at four. He did not dis-
guise the fact that he would be glad to see peace brought about. I told him in
confidence something of my endeavors. At his request, I consented to his trans-
mitting what I had to say to Count Berchtold, Austrian Minister for Foreign Af-
fairs. I expressed the opinion that the Allies would not consent to start
peace conversations as long as the Germans were on their territory. He replied,
"Then a German defeat might not be an unmixed evil". This, I consider, a great
confession. I was impressed with his air of hopelessness.

I feel now as I did when I was in Germany that the English are the people

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they fear most, even though the less thoughtful ones have been so boastful. Dumba
is to keep in touch with me and I gave him permission to discuss matters with
the German Ambassador. He thought I ought to get in touch with the French Am-
bassador, but I considered the British Ambassador sufficient, as far as the Allies
were concerned.

We went out to Locust Valley and spent the night with Judge and Mrs. Lovett.

October 5, 1914.

George Foster Peabody called early, and Arthur W. Little of Pearson's
Magazine, lunched with me. I have had a busy day with telephone calls from
Washington and elsewhere, mostly concerning New York politics.

McAdoo said the President desired me to ask Governor Glynn not to do anything
hurtful to the New York City Civil Service Commission. Mitchel is fearful that
Glynn, at the instance of Tammany, has been persuaded to make a raid on the local
commission.

One of the pathetic features of the day's news is McCombs' statement that
although begged by Governor Glynn to accept the State Chairmanship, he did not
feel that he could consistently do so as long as he held the National Chairmanship

Frank Polk called in the afternoon. He was disturbed over the question of
the City Administration endorsing Governor Glynn, and over the report from Wash-
ington that McAdoo had nothing to do with the launching of the Hennessey-Roosevelt
ticket, thereby, in a way, leaving the City Administration responsible.

October 6, 1914.

The Mayor called this morning and remained an hour. He was telling of
his interview with the President and McAdoo in Washington yesterday. He talk-
ed to me about endorsing Glynn. It was decided to wait for a few days until
Glynn became uneasy when it was thought he would come to me to find out what was
the matter.

October 9, 1914.

I have been so busy in the past few days that I have neglected the diary.

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Briefly I will state that the British Ambassador came before breakfast on the eighth, and my letter to the President covers his visit quite fully. He has promised to come again soon.

Yesterday, the Governor sent his secretary to see me. There were several things he desired me to arrange for him. I was surprised to find they did not place much value on the endorsement of the City Administration. I soon put them right in this with the result that Stanley Quinn telephoned the Governor and asked him to set a time on Tuesday to see me with the Mayor and Frank Polk. I named 5.30 which I later found was agreeable to the Mayor, who was delighted with the manner in which the matter had been handled.

McCombs called yesterday and I spent an unhappy hour with him. I was in no mood to temporize with him and would have been willing to have a first class row. The more aggressive I became, however, the less so he was. It ended in the usual way by his asking me to help him get what he termed "recognition" from Washington.

He is so thoroughly selfish and disloyal to the President, and is so jealous of me that it is a wonder I have any patience left with him. He now remembers a lot of things that never happened, and it took some time and determination to set him right. I even had to go so far as to say that if anyone denied the statement I was making, they lied, and he had my permission to bring them to see me in order that I might kmam tell them so.

I had an interesting time last night. Mr. S. R. Bertron invited me to dine and go to the theater. The other guests were Mr. Wiggin, President of the Clearing House Association, and Mr. Frank Sayles of Providence. My letter to the President gives details.

I have a letter from Bertron this evening saying the Committee would meet with me at the Metropolitan Club on Tuesday evening.

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October 13, 1914.

Today was one of much importance. I brought the Governor and the Mayor together. The others present were Frank Polk, and Stanley Quinn, the Governor's secretary.

The Governor and the Mayor had a very frank understanding as to what would be done in the event the Governor was elected. There was no bargain at all. Mitchel merely wanted to know the general intentions of the Governor regarding New York City affairs, where they came in touch with the Governor's influence. For instance, Governor Glynn promised to consult with him upon all measures and upon all appointments, and he told the Mayor, in the event they could not agree that he, the Governor, would be perfectly willing to let me arbitrate their differences. They Mayor replied that nothing would please him so well.

What the Mayor got out of the conference was an assurance from the Governor that in future appointments he would observe the spirit and the intention of the City Administration. The upshot of the meeting was that Mitchel and the entire Administration will now cordially support Glynn. I promised Glynn to ask the President to endorse him cordially so we could present a united front.

After this conference I went to dinner at the Metropolitan Club. Mr. Bertron was host, and the others present were: Messrs Wiggin, of the Chase National, Vanderlip of the National City, Davison, of Morgan & Co. Hepburn, of the Chase National, Woodward of the Hanover National, Alexander and Frank Sayles of Providence.

The Wade plan to remedy the cotton situation was the first subject discussed. I objected to it on account of the excessive interest proposed. The borrowing banks would have to pay something over 8% which would make the borrower in turn pay a prohibitive rate. Davison, speaking for Morgan & Co. said he would be willing to lend five million dollars at 6% through the Federal Reserve Board upon cotton at six cents a pound. The Federal Reserve Board to use the currency

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association as a medium and take their joint endorsement. Vanderlip did not want to lend more than four cents perpound. I told him this would not solve the difficulty and was impracticable. We got him up to five cents and later to six. It was agreed tentatively among the bankers at this meeting to take thirty-five millions of the fifty millions which New York was allotted out of the one hundred and fifty millions which we consider necessary.

It was the most intelligent lot of bankers I have come in touch with. I was particularly impressed with Davison and Wiggin. Of the two, Davison is the abler and more forceful, and Wiggin is perhaps the more reliable. Hepburn has been an able man, but has seen his day. Vanderlip shows signs of either over work or dissipation and did not seem alert or aggressive. I left them early and telephoned McAdoo at Washington to tell him what had been done. He baulked at having the Federal Reserve Board do anything, but I insisted it must be done.

October 14, 1914.

I called Mr. Wiggin over the telephone this morning to tell him of my conversation with McAdoo and to urge him to see Wade at once and get his cooperation so that the plan could be presented to the Federal Reserve Board without delay.

I am receiving dispatches from the South urging me to use my good offices in the matter. The situation is becoming desperate and unless something is done, there will be widespread ruin, not only in the South, but in other parts of the country.

I have been pushing hard at the cotton problem all day. Wade and the yoinger Simmons of St Louis came at four to urge me to go to Washington with them. Wiggin has practically closed the matter here, and New York has subscribed forty millions and the balance will follow tomorrow.

I told Wade that I could handle the matter for him just as well over the telephone. He thought this was impossible, and unless I went to Washington

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they would hang around with their hats in their hands and not be able to accomplish anything. If he found this was true, I promised to take the midnight and meet them in Washington tomorrow.

I telephoned McAdoo and again urged him to get behind the plan, and told him that Wade and Simmons wanted me to go down with them tonight, and that I would do so unless he would undertake to go to the front. He did not seem to want me to come, and he appeared to want the Federal Reserve Board to get the credit of putting the plan through. He therefore agreed to throw the weight of his office back of the proposition and to father it.

This is all I wanted and he can get all the glory he desires. I am constantly hampered by the little jealousies of men, and I wonder what I have been able to accomplish what I have without an official position, and without more friction.

Mr. Bertron called to thank me for the part I have taken in the cotton problem. As a matter of fact, more credit is due Bertron for bringing it about, for if it had not been for his dinner last week and for his quiet, diplomatic work among the bankers since, it is doubtful whether the plan would have gone through. He said as he was leaving that I deserved well of my country and he wondered in what way I was ever to be repaid. I insisted I was repaid by the feeling that I had taken part in matters that were worth while.

October 17, 1914.

Yesterday was a stirring day, particularly in the afternoon and evening. I was in conference with McAdoo several times over the telephone from Washington concerning the cotton problem. The plan which the bankers proposed was found not feasible because the Currency Association could not legally borrow the money.

I met McAdoo at six o'clock at the Pennsylvania and took him and Eleanor

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to the Pliny Fisk apartment at 11 East 45th Street. I had a dinner on at Gordon's which he was giving to Gregory so I had to leave McAdoo in order to be there. At the dinner were the Attorney General, The Mayor, the Corporation Counsel, the Police Commissioner, the United States District Attorney and several others. It was a delightful affair. I was sorry I had to leave early to meet McAdoo, Wiggin and Davison.

I had an interesting talk with the Police Commissioner. He is trying to life the police to a higher plane of duty. There are great numbers of unemployed in New York at this time and he is getting each policeman to make a report of conditions on his particular beat, not only as to the idle, but as to the number of habitual drunkards, drug fiends and young lads that are starting wrong. It is his purpose to report these to different charity organizations and in that way make the police a more effective instrument for good.

He tells me that the officers take keen interest in this new work, and that it seems to make them feel they are important members of the community. He believes the I. W. W's were responsible for the recent dynamite outrages, but thought they were caused by anarchists of the Emma Goldman type.

I have promised to discuss these subjects again with the Commissioner, and to go with him some evening through those parts of the City where the most interesting work is being done.

I was called from the dinner to confer with McAdoo, Davison, Wiggin and Bertron. We worked out what now seems a satisfactory solution of the cotton problem, provided the other bankers will cooperate. We are to have a meeting with them at 10.30 this morning in which Mr. Harding and Paul Warburg of the Federal Reserve Board are to take part.

The President sends me a delightful letter thanking me for my help in different directions.

Mr. B. M. Baruch, one of the Trustees of the College of the City of New York, came to offer to my brother-in-law, Dr. Mezes, through me, the Presidency

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of that institution. I shall take it up with Mezes immediately and shall advise
him to accept, provided he can honorably leave his commitments in Texas.

Gregory talked to me concerning his departmental affairs and we are to have
a further conference today or tomorrow before he returns to Washington.

McAdoo, Paul Warburg, Harding and I had another meeting to discuss the
cotton situation. We are hopeful of being able to present something workable
and are to get together with the New York bankers tomorrow.

Rabbi Wise called at noon to offer his support to Governor Glynn if I
thought it would be of service to the National Administration, otherwise, he was
inclined to support Whitman, although he might remain neutral. We discussed the
matter in detail, I telling him why the President was interested in democratic
success. I added, however, that I did not think it was a matter of great moment
who was elected in New York since the President so dominated the country, that
Glynn's election or defeat would in no way lessen his political fortunes. I
suggested to Rabbi Wise that he see Glynn and try to get him to become anti-Mur-
phy along with the rest of us.

Maurice Lyons called after lunch. He gave a resume of what McCombs has
written of me in his proposed book and this is what it is:

"As I desired to obtain money for the Wilson campaign U went about and was informed: (I believe by Cato Sells) that Colonel House was in New York and that he was wealthy. I arranged an interview and met the Colonel. He handed me a cigar and took a cigarette.

He looked to me as if it would be a shame to ask him for a dollar. We looked at one another, shuffled about, and then I took up the matter of Wilson's candidacy. I found that he was in favor of (I believe) Gaynor but after winning him over, he said he could not give any contribution as he was not wealthy enough. I subsequently found out that he was worth over a million.

Later on I went to Beverly, Mass. to meet him, and the Colonel
said in the course of our conversation:

'Wilson's nomination, in my opinion, is impossible, but at the
proper time bring Senator Culberson's name forward. If he is nominated
you and I will control the patronage of the United States for the next
four years.'

I told the Colonel that I could not think of deserting Mr. Wilson
in any such manner.

After Colonel House was introduced to Mr. Wilson and had his ear,
I understood that he was sent to Headquarters during the Presidential
campaign as a sort of watcher, to report as to what was going on".

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There is hardly a glimmer of truth in anything McCombs has said. The first time I ever met him he called at the Hotel Gotham with McAdoo, and he never asked for money. I never smoke excepting half a cigarette twice a day, after lunch and dinner. At no time during the preliminary campaign did he ask me to contribute a dollar, for he knew I was largely standing the expense of the Wilson campaign in Texas, and was doing there more than I was able.

"He subsequently found that I was worth over a million". That, too, is not true.

McCombs was in such a nervous condition, and was so run down that I asked him to come to Beverly as my guest in order to recuperate and to have me coach him in a measure regarding the Baltimore Convention. He was totally without experience, and the days he spent at Beverly were filled with talks of the Convention and how best to bring about the nomination of Governor Wilson.

In the event the Governor could not be nominated, he asked me to suggest someone whom I thought might be nominated as a compromise. He spoke of the large following he had gotten for Wilson and the responsibility he felt toward them. I told him I knew of no one excepting Senator Culberson who would be perhaps satisfactory to all factions, but that the Senator's health was too bad to make him a possibility.

My services to the President as the preliminary campaign are too well known to be doubted by any statement which McCombs or anyone else can make. I never worked harder or with greater pleasure for any candidate in my life than for Woodrow Wilson, for his nomination and election seemed to me the brightest omen that had appeared for America within my memory. Subsequent event proved this. As a matter of fact, McCombs was at no time absolutely loyal to Wilson and was thinking of himself constantly. He thought Governor Wilson would lose after he was nominated, and wagered me $100.00 at Boston in the early part of September, that Roosevelt would beat him. This, too, after he had become National Chairman and was responsible for the Party's success, although, of course,

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McAdoo, Gore, Burleson and the others were the real factors.

McCombs literally fastened himself from the beginning to the President's coat-tails'. It was clear to me, when I first met the President a year before his nomination, that he did not think McCombs was the proper person to take charge of his preliminary campaign. I think both McAdoo and Walter Page shared this doubt. On the contrary, I was anxious for McCombs to have the sole credit and I did what I could to persuade Governor Wilson to let him continue unhampered by a committee which ikaxR he thought was desirable.

I am told that McCombs charges the President with ingratitude, but as a matter of fact, there is no question of gratitude or obligation involved. Woodrow Wilson was one of the most distinguished Americans before he became Governor of New Jersey. McCombs was an unknown, very obscure lawyer of the City of New York, who tried to make a place for himself by his activities in the President's behalf. From these activities, and from the almost unwilling acquiescence of the President, he obtained a prominence and notoriety that his natural abilities would not have given him. After the President was nominated at Baltimore, so much adulation was heaped upon McCombs that it turned his head and he thought he was the greatest man in America. This was unfortunate for him, for he wasutterly unable to maintain himself and was subsequently the cause of his undoing. The President was willing to stretch his conscience to a large degree, and offered McCombs even so important a post as Ambassador to France, but he was not willing to place him in the Cabinet as McCombs desired.

It is well known to many of us that McCombs has used the supposed friendship of the President for him for his pecuniary advantage. In one instance he was given a fee of $25,000, in the settlement of the Pittsburgh Bank failure for practically no work and without his influence being of the slightest use whatsoever. This voucher is now on file in the Comptroller's Office in Washington. How many more fees of a like character he took I do not know, but there are supposed to be many.

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This is the reason the President refused to take him into his confidence or to
place him in a position of trust. In all my years of public life, I have never
known a man to receive so large a reward for so small a service as William F.
McCombs. I say this in justice to Woodrow Wilson.

As to patronage, it is well known that I loathe it, and there is nothing
that could have been further from my thoughts than to have supported a man for
President for the purpose of controlling patronage. The President, of course,
knows this better than any man in the United States.

McCombs states that he found upon his first meeting with me that I was in fa-
vor of Mayor Gaynor when, the truth is, I had been working assiduously for six
months for Governor Wilson before I ever heard the name of McCombs and had long
discarded Gaynor as a possibility and for reasons which I have often stated.
I am sorry that his jealousy and his venom have led him to say such untrue and
unkind things about me, for I was always his friend and tried to help him both
with the President and others.

October 20, 1914.

McAdoo dined with us on Saturday. The Metropolitan Life Insurance Co.
has offered him the Presidency in place of Hagerman, at a salary of $85,000, a
year. I advised him to talk with the President about it, for I knew he would
be distressed at the thought of losing him from the Cabinet, but I also knew he
would wish him to do that which was best for himself and his family.

McAdoo has the Presidential bee firmly fixed. He asked whether I thought
this position would mitigate against him. I replied that the fact he had mar-
ried the President's daughter was the greatest blow he had given himself, be-
cause the American people would resent the idea of any form of succession in
the office of President. He seems to understand this now, though, I am afraid,
he did not at first. He is torn by conflicting desires, and we left the mat-
ter open for future discussion. He is to give an answer by November 12th.

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He told me that Grayson said he did not believe the President would be able to
go through another arduous term. He has a tendency toward hardening of the arte-
ries and continual concentration of the mind is bad for that trouble. McAdoo
did not think the President would run, or wanted to run for a second term. I
replied that I believed he would run though I did not tell him that I see every
indication of this fact. People in office often delude themselves, and I be-
lieve the President is in this state now. I am certain he would be a disappoint-
ed man if anything should arise to make a second term impossible.

McAdoo would not think of remaining in the Treasury for six years longer,
and if he knew definitely that a second term was on the cards, he would take
the Metropolitan Life offer. If, on the other hand, the President should not
run a second time, he might consider remaining in the Cabinet and continuing in
public life, if that were possible.

Last night, Fire Commissioner Adamson and the Mayor's secretary came to
see me in great excitement. Murphy was insisting that Governor Glynn should
speak in Tammany Hall. They thought if this were done it would place the Mayor
in a rādiculous attitude, and they thought the independent democrats of New York
State would resent such action by refusing to vote for the Governor at the coming
election. They desired me to tell Glynn that he should not do this. I said
I could not reach the Governor, but they were at liberty to get this word to him
in any way that was feasible.

They telephoned me this morning that at twelve o'clock last night they
had brought about the desired result.

Ex-Corporation Counsel Watson telephoned to tell me of his conversation
with Governor Glynn yesterday, and of Glynn's request that he come and advise
with me. The purport of it was that Glynn did not think McAdoo was giving him
sufficient support. He claims that he has done everything the Administration
desired, and against his judgment had retained Osborn instead of placing Mc-

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Combe at the head of the State Committee. He said McCombs would have been better
for him than Osborn for the simple reason that McCombs had succeeded in advertising
himself throughout the State as a political power at Washington, and as being close
to the Administration, and that while he, Glynn, knew the contrary was true, the
people at large did not know it and he would have received much benefit from this
feeling, unreal as it was.

This confirms my judgment that it was a bad move for the Administration to
take any part in suggesting who should or should not be State Chairman. It throws
the responsibility too largely upon us, for if Glynn is defeated, he will lay it at
our door.

October 22, 1914.

The cablegram from Page referred to in my letter to the President worries me.
The State Department is not what it should be and the President is so busy that I
am fearful something may pass him unnoticed and cause no end of trouble.

I am sorry to say, too, as I have said before, that the President does not seem
to have a proper sense of proportion as between domestic and foreign affairs. I
suppose it is the Washington atmosphere that has gripped him as it does everyone
else who lives there, and the work of the day largely obscures the tremendous
world issues that are now before us.

I shall not burden the diary with the usual political routine that goes
on each day, for it is of only momentary interest.

October 23, 1914.

My, my, what a busy day! Commencing with Governor Glynn, McAdoo, Dudley Ma-
lone, Commissioner Adamson, former Corporation Counsel Achibald Watson, Stuart
Giboney, Clarence Shearn, Montgomery Hare, Francis Lynde Stetson, McAneny, and
so many others I cannot even think of them. Every phase of the New York State
election has been referred to me today. Telegrams, party notices, arrangements for

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meetings have all passed up for visit. I am literally tired out and shall be glad
when the election has come and gone.

I have a letter from the President which is attached.

October 27, 1914.

Since I last wrote in the diary it has been much the same story. Governor
Glynn, McAdoo, Mitchel, Malone, Polk, Gibboney and other State leaders. It is all
of more or less passing interest, therefore need not be chronicled.

McAdoo telephoned yesterday that he expected to speak to the President last night about the Metropolitan Life offer. He wished me to go on the Board of Directors and said Untermyer, whom I take it he is working through, also desired it. I understand now why McAdoo thinks Untermyer would make a good successor to Gerard in Berlin.

I am curious to learn how the President will regard the proposition. I have
a feeling that he will be deeply disappointed at the prospect, but I am equally cer-
tain that after I have talked with him, he will be quite reconciled.

McAdoo is an active candidate for the Presidency and being the President's
son-in-law, a scandal is sure to arise, sooner or later, that will embarrass the
President if McAdoo continues in the Cabinet. It will not be long before others
will know of his ambition and not only Mr. Bryanm but others in the Cabinet who may
have the Presidential bee in their bonnets, will take occasion to criticize and resent
his action. If he leaves the Cabinet, the criticism could not reflect upon the
President, but if he is permitted McAdoo to continue his activities while a member
of the Cabinet, criticism is certain to follow. Not only that, it is better for
McAdoo's political and financial fortunes to get out, and what is best for him is
best for the President's daughter.

The President may feel that he cannot replace McAdoo, but that too, I
feel quite sure he can be persuaded is possible.

J. E. Williams, the well known labor leader and arbitrator in the Gar-
ment Workers Union lunched with me yesterday. He is a very able, broad-giaged man.

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He is the kind of man that should have been made Secretary of Labor, for he has more breadth than Secretary Wilson. I shall keep him in mind for the future.

He told me a great deal about that was of interest concerning the garment industry here in New York, and the manner in which it was conducted. Much to my surprise, he spoke well of the Hebrew employers whom he said tried to be fair and who were not narrow in their views.

October 29, 1914.

Charles Jerome Edwards came Tuesday and gave some valuable information regarding Brooklyn affairs.

Yesterday Mr. Bertron called early to discuss plans for the relief of Belgium. His idea is to place it upon a proper basis and get what he termed "some real money" for them.

Later in the day I went with Governor Glynn to Columbia College where he made an address at Earl's Hall. I merely rode up with him at his request in order that the press might say we were together. He thought it would be of service.

Joseph Palmer Knapp called in the afternoon of yesterday to discuss Metropolitan Life Insurance Company affairs. He asked me to become a director and was disappointed when I discouraged him. It seems that his father founded the company and was President of it for many years. He and his sister own almost a majority of the stock, and with that of his friends, he controls it. It is his purpose to change the management and also the character of the company by putting it into a foundation or mutualization instead of as it is now. He did not think a mutual company protects its policy holders nearly so well as when in a foundation, and there is much reason to his argument.

McAdoo talked to the President about leaving the Cabinet and accepting the Presidency of the Metropolitan Life. The President was much disturbed and told him that at the beginning of his administration it had been said that it was intended to break up his Cabinet either by forcing some of them out or by buying them out.

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I may be mistaken but I believe I can change the President's views. I shall undertake to see him sometime next week after I have talked with McAdoo who comes tonight to remain until after the election.

October 30, 1914.

We went to dinner at Edward S. Martin's last night but I left shortly after nine to meet McAdoo at the Vanderbilt Hotel. He was exceedingly disturbed about his health; about his interview with the President concerning the Metropolitan Life, and concerning our mutual friend, Joseph P. Tumulty.

He complained that the President rarely consulted him about matters of policy, and he thought he went to Tumulty for practically everything, which, as a matter of fact, he does not do. He read my two long letters which he had written to the President upon subjects that might have been better discussed in person, and I wondered why he took that method of communicating with him.

I told of my interview with Knapp and my impression that a decision by him would not be necessary until April first. He was generally cast down largely, I think, from over work and a run-down condition.

George Harvey lunched with me today. He was entertaining as usual. He has an extraordinarily clever mind, but his judgment is not always accurate. He said McCombs had been down with him eight days and had nearly driven him and Mrs. Harvey crazy. Mrs. Harvey finally had to abandon the ship, going away for a visit. Harvey said he now well understood, for the first time, what the President had suffered and asked if some measure of relief could not be given him by sending McCombs out of the country to any place no matter how unfit he was to fill it.

He spoke of Berlin and said of course Untermyer and McCombs were permanent candidates for everything that popped up, and that while Untermyer was well equipped mentally for the place, he doubted whether Germany would receive him, and he thought, too, something was due the President and McCombs should be given the appointment, no matter how badly he filled the office.

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He said McCombs had " a singularly inaccurate mind and his principal trouble is
a lack of grey matter and a swelling of the head".

Harvey spoke kindly and even enthusiastically of the President and is taking
an intelligent interest in the coming election.

I have had several telephone talks with McAdoo and he is to call at five.

Bob Adamson; Stanley Quinn and others have been among those with whom I have con-
ferred during the day.

I have a telegram from Sidney E. Mezes indicating he will accept the Presiden-
cy of the College of the City of New York. He is to be here next Tuesday and I
have communicated with Baruch.

The President's letter and my reply are parts of the diary.

Harvey told me, too, that Senator Root said to him last week that the Wilson
Cabinet was the best working Cabinet he had ever known. He said they were all able
and energetic with the exception of Daniels, who he thought was distinctly inferior
to the others. This coming from Root is of value because of his experience in the
Cabinets of two Presidents and because of his fine intellectual discrimination.

October 31, 1914.

Last night I went to Cooper Union to hear and see what they were doing at
Montgomery Hare's meeting. While Hare invited me to take any seat from that of
presiding officer down, I preferred, as usual, to sit in the back row among the park
bums that come in to get warm. The hall was about two thirds full, and the speeches
were of the usual poor quality. McAdoo did the best, but it was a poor best. It
confirms me in the belief that my judgment has been good in not attempting public
speaking. I could not have excelled, and to do less than that, is not worth while.

Mr. Richard Olney was my most distinguished caller today. He came for the
purpose of asking me to read a brief he had written in behalf of Lewis Cass Ledyard
whom the Grand Jury are investigating with a view of indictment in the New Haven case.
I am sorry I cannot permit them to persuade him to try and use his influence

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in this way. I am fond of him, but I cannot consent to interfere in this matter.

When he had finished, Mr. Olney said: "now what can I do for you?" I replied "Give me one of your photographs to hang upon the walls of my study". He answered, "But that is doing me another favor and I wanted to do you one", which I consider a graceful compliment.

I congratulated him upon the admirable letter which he has written in behalf of the President which we are using extensively as a campaign document. He said he had written the President offering his services in the event they were needed in peace negotiations.

Yesterday, George Harvey told me he thought Gerard was making a great mistake in leaving Berlin to come to the Senate. He said he had no competition as Ambassador; that the war would make him famous, but when he got in the Senate, he would find that he knew less than almost any man in it and his reputation would soon diminish to the vanishing point.

November 2, 1914.

McAdoo and Eleanor took dinner with us Saturday. M Loulie went with them to the meeting at Durlands Riding Academy, where McAdoo presided.

Sunday, Henry Watterson called, but I missed him. That, I consider a misfortune, and an even greater one befell me when McCombs caught me at home and held me for nearly two hours. Of course he wanted something. This time it is the Embassy at Berlin. He made all sorts of protestations of friendship, while, as a matter of fact, I know too well his real feeling to be even slightly deceived.

McAdoo and I lunched at the Ritz, and discussed the drift of the Administration toward conservatism. We both think the President is beginning to lean in the wrong direction.

I have the following telegram from the President:

"Shall expect Mrs. House and you on Wednesday with the deepest pleasure."

Woodrow Wilson.

McAdoo, Governor Strong of the New York Regional Reserve Bank and I had

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an hour's conference this afternoon. It seems that the banks throughout the country are not responding very enthusiastically to the appeal for the cotton fund. Strong believed New York, Chicago and St Louis could do it alone. I encouraged him to go ahead along this line and told him it would be a great advertisement. In if New York would take the lead and announce that it would see the thing through along with Chicago and St Louis regardless of the balance of the country.

McAdoo has sent out some strong telegrams to the clearing house associations urging them to respond. If this is not effective, then Strong will work the other end.

I advised him to communicate immediately with Chicago and St Louis and tell them what was in his mind, and ask them prepare them for the action if it was necessary to take it.

Strong explained the arrangement he made with Sir George Paish regarding maintaining the credit balance between England and the United States. It is very clever, though the details would perhaps not be interesting.

November 3, 1914.

Mezes arrived today came in today concerning his election to the Presidency of the City College. We met with Baruch in the afternoon and terms satisfactory to Mezes were agreed upon and he has definitely decided to take the place.

Loulie and I lunched with General and Mrs. Leonard Wood at Governor's Island. I wished to see the General before I went to Washington. I am strongly of the opinion that it is time for this Government to adopt some system, perhaps the Swiss, looking toward a reserve force in the event of war. I found General Wood receptive. He is to send me to the White House, memoranda and data to hand the President for his information.

Wood is desirous of going to the war zone and I told him I would try

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to arrange it for the reason that we have no military man who has had any experience in the handling of large bodies of troops.

The election returns began coming in around seven o'clock and by nine it loomed pretty black for the democrats. The last message that came to me was at 12.10 A. M. and it showed the West was standing up.

Washington, November 4, 1914.

Loulie and I took the 12.08 for Washington. Major General Bell went with us by invitation. I shall be more careful next time for he literally talked me to death. If he can fight as hard as he can talk, no enemy in the world could resist him.

We arrived at the White House in time to dress for seven o'clock dinner. Secretary and Mrs. McAdoo and the two Misses Smith of New Orleans were the only other guests.

After dinner the President immediately took me into his study. I was fearful that McAdoo would not like this, but he seemed not to mind and soon left for home.

We first discussed McAdoo and the Metropolitan Life offer. I started the discussion by saying that McAdoo felt that his health would give way if he continued to work as hard as he had during the past year, and I felt sure he thought, in the event he stayed on, there would be no possible chance for his higher ambition to become President, although McAdoo, perhaps, did not realize himself that he had this ambition or that it was guiding his intentions.

The President was surprised when I mentioned the advisability, from McAdoo's viewpoint, of severing his connection with the Administration, and he argued the question with me. However, I soon convinced him that it would be a political impossibility for McAdoo to be a successful candidate from within the Cabinet because of his relationship to the President.

He thought McAdoo's connection with a large financial institution like the

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Metropolitan Life would absolutely destroy any chance he might have. We allowed
the matter to stand there for the moment and began discussing McCombs.

I advised him of the book McCombs was writing and of the falsehoods he was
telling about us both, at the same time, I thought it wrong for Tumulty to get in-
formation from McCombs' former secretary in the way he had. I understood Maurice
Lyons was giving him copies of McCombs' confidential letters. The President agree
that this was wrong, but said he did not see how it could reflect upon him, Wilson.

I answered by saying that Tumulty had induced McAdoo, his son-in-law, to give
Lyons an office and it would look like they were all in collusion to bribe Lyons
to betray McCombs. The President was distressed and asked me to talk to Tumulty.

He asked what I thought of his making a speech to the business men of the coun-
try regarding the result of the elections, since Tumulty thought the republicans
would claim that their victories would bring about prosperity and people would ac-
cept that as the reason for better times. He was disinclined to make the speech
and considered it would do more harm than good, for he could not conceive the
American people stupid enough to let the republicans get away with such nonsense.
I advised that the speech would do no harm, perhaps would do good, but to make it
or not as he felt inclined.

In talking of McAdoo leaving the Cabinet, I thought Carter Glass might be
thought of as a successor. He had confidence in Glass, both in his ability and
integrity, but he knew nothing of finance and he thought John Skelton Williams
would be a better man. The trouble with Williams is that the bankers of the
country and many of the business men in the East dislike him. I think it is
without cause, but nevertheless, I question the advisability of his selection.
This, however, is something that can be taken up later.

He spoke of the result of the recent elections, and was distressed because
it seemed hardly worth while to work as hard as he had worked during the past two
years and to have it so stantly appreciated. I tried to console him by stating
that he was not running and they were voting for others and not for him. He re-

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plied "People are not so stupid not to know that to vote against a democratic ticket is to vote indirectly against me".

He spoke of the loss of prestige he would have not only in Congress but in Europe. He said their first impression over there would be that he had been defeated, and although the later returns would indicate otherwise, in the general disturbed conditions they would have time only to get a first impression. He seemed thoroughly weary and heartsick, and it took my best endeavors to put him in a better frame of mind. I told him I was much comforted in the returns; the West had supported him beyond our expectations, and for the first time we had run up against a practically solid republican party.

We then took up the Belgian relief plan. I read him a cablegram from Page which was address to "The Secretary of State and Colonel House". He authorized me to carry out the suggestions made by Page.

We passed then to the question of a reserve army. He baulked somewhat at first and said he thought the labor people would object because they felt that a large army was against their interests. He did not believe there was any necessity for immediate action, he was afraid it would shock the country. He made the statement that no matter how krakkxkka the great war ended, there would be complete exhaustion, and, even if Germany won, she would not be in a condition to seriously menace our country for many years to come. I combatted this idea, stating that Germany would have a large military force ready to act in furthering the designs which the military party evidently have in mind. He said she would not have the men. I replied that she could not win unless she had at least two or three million men under arms at the end. He evidently thought the available men would be completely wiped out.

I insisted it was time to do a great constructive work for the army and one which would make the country too powerful for any nations to think of attacking us. He told me there was reason to suspect that the Germans had laid throughout the country concrete foundations for great guns similar to those they

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laid in Belgium and France. He almost feared to express this knowledge aloud, for if the rumor got abroad, it would inflame our people to such an extent that he would be afraid of the consequences. General Wood has the matter under investigation, and he asked me to caution Wood to be very discreet.

I spoke of General Wood's desire to be sent abroad and asked him to let him go in order that we might have at least one man in our army with some experience. He said they would not accept him. I replied that Wood thought otherwise and it was something for him to work out in his own way.

He also had reason to believe the Germans had constructed wireless stations in the Maine Woods and in the mountains of California, probably in the tops of trees, and were communicating in that way. The secret service men are to try and discover the whereabouts of such plants.

If
In speaking of the building up of our army, I thought the Allies were successful there would be no need for haste, but if the Germans were successful and we then began our preparations, it would almost be equivalent to a declaration of war, for they would know we were directing our preparations against them. I therefore urged that we start without delay so that we might be ready and avoid being placed in such a position. The President does not seem to fully grasp the importance of such matters.

We went to bed at ten o'clock.

November 5, 1914.

We breakfasted at the usual hour. I saw McAdoo first and told him something of my discussion with the President concerning the Metropolitan Life. McAdoo is dissatisfied with matters as they stand and is inclined to quit. He was rather disturbed.

I met Daniels in his office and had a few minutes of pleasant conversation. I went into the Comptroller's office, largely for the purpose of looking

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him over again more carefully in view of the President's estimate of him as an
available man for the Treasury.

The President and I talked last night about the cotton pool plan. He was afraid Gregory would not give an opinion favorable to the legality of it and asked if I would not talk with him. I did this and found that while he thought the practice of giving an opinion in advance inadvisable, yet he felt sure the cotton pool did not violate the Sherman Act. However, before giving an opinion, he wanted the President to carefully consider whether it was of sufficient value to warrant the Department in departing from its rule. He cited the Tennessee Coal and Iron case during Roosevelt's Administration. An opinion was handed down then by the Department of Justice, stating that there was no violation of the Sherman Act in the Steel Company's acquisition of that property, and now the Government was suing the Steel Corporation, largely on the basis of their assumption of that property.

He called attention to the fact that the Attorney General's Department under
Roosevelt, declared there was no ground for suit against the New Haven Directors
for what they were doing, but many of the Directors who were now indicted had as-
sumed office after that opinion was given, and it was not impossible this question
was raised for the purpose of its bearing upon the New Haven indictments.

I saw Harding, who is chairman of the cotton pool committee, and discussed
the dat which he is getting up regarding it for the benefit of the Attorney Gener-
al, before an opinion can be written.

There were no visitors at luncheon. After lunch we went out to the golf
course which took practically all the afternoon. After dinner we immediately
went to the study and took up the personel of the Trades Commission. Much to my
delight, we had no difficulty in agreeing upon the membership and within an hour.
I warned him as to the composition of this commission and to guard against putting
anyone on it even indirectly connected with a corporation coming under its purview.

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He then spoke of his recent appointment, Hall, (on the Commerce Commission) as unsatisfactory. He was given an unexpired term, and he comes up for reappointment next month. The President does not wish to reappoint him because his friend Daniels, whom he appointed from New Jersey, tells him Hall is unfit. Hall, however, voted against the increase of rates, and the President was indiscreet enough to say to Senator Thomas of Colorado, from which State Mr. Hall hails, that he hoped Hall would vote for the increase. Now the President believes if he dismisses Hall there will be good reason to believe he has done so because of his vote.

I asked the President to remember one thing and that was never to look at political expediency, but to do the big thing and the right thing, and, in the long run, that would be not only the best for the people, but best for him individually. This stirred him to some enthusiasm and he declared he shared my feeling in the matter and he intended doing what was best at all costs.

We went to bed at ten o'clock, tired and contented.

November 6, 1914.

Another matter the President and I discussed was the question of always telling the truth. He contended again that when newspaper men asked questions involving his foreign policy, he felt entirely justified in lying to them, and he said Mr. Bryan told him he felt the same way. I remained silent and the President knew that I did not agree with him, for we have discussed this many times.

I had a busy afternoon. Lunched at the Wallace's. I saw a lot of people like Bob Woolley, Mrs. Culberson and others whom I had promised to inform when I was next in Washington.

We dined at the White House and afterward went promptly to the study. Soon after we sat down, a telegram came from Randolph announcing the coming of a baby boy to Mona. I took the telegram to Loulie, and the President congratulated us both warmly.

The President and I talked of the trouble brewing between McAdoo and

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Tumulty. McAdoo believes that despatches being sent out from Washington un-
friendly to him certainly emanate from Tumulty. One has just appeared in the
New York World laying the result of the New York defeat to McAdoo's "amateur" ac-
tivities. I told him that McAdoo thought Tumulty too near the interests. One
of his closest friends was Otto Carmicheal, who is Dan Reid's secretary. The
President did not know who Reid was. He said a Mr. Reid had come to see him and
he wondered if he was the man.

In talking of this the President became flushed and excited and wanted to
know if McAdoo had gone crazy. That kind of talk sounded to him more like Mc-
Combs than McAdoo. His face became grey and he looked positively sick. I was
unable to lift him out of this depression before bedtime. He said he was broken
in spirit by Mrs. Wilson's death, and was not fit to be President because he did
not think straight any longer, and had no heart in the things he was doing. He
asked if I had noticed it. I said I had not. He hoped I would talk to both
McAdoo and Burleson and straighten out New York appointments and not let them
worry him about them. I promised to do the best I could, but I advised appoint-
ing the cleanest, ablest, most progressive men he could find and not let anyone
influence him in making machine appointments for the purpose of getting any furth-
er measures through Congress.

Since Burleson and McAdoo have the responsibility of getting administration
measures through Congress, they naturally wish such help as they can get from the
President through appointments. I am worried for the reason that he shows re-
luctance in going to the bottom of a situationsof this sort. He should get the
truth and have it over with.

Before I went to bed I tried to brace him up by telling him what great
work he had to do in foreign affairs, but it was useless.

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November 7, 1914.

Burleson called at nine o'clock. He wished to talk of New York appointments. He spoke of McAdoo and Malone as being "amateurish" and said matters should be taken out of their hands for 1916. He wanted the Tammany congressmen to be recognized by giving them some patronage. I told him how troubled the President was in regard to this and asked him not to worry him further, but he would not promise. His idea seems to be that you can make a progressive out of a reactionary by giving him patronage. As a matter of fact, you get them to work along with you for the moment because it is their interest to do so, but they are never changed.

He also wanted to discuss the Trades Commission, but I let him do all the talking as I did not wish him to know the President and he had already discussed this with me.

He had heard of McCombs' tirade against me and of his saying that I wanted the Wilson Delegation turned to Culberson. He recalled that I had written him a letter the day I sailed for Europe in which I said "Stand by Wilson to the last and under no circumstances compromise."" He promised to look up the letter and send McCombs a copy of it. It will be pleasant reading for McCombs.

I saw Tumulty for a few minutes after Burleson left but about unimportant matters.

The President arose early and played golf with Dr. Grayson before breakfast. He returned at 9.30 for his regular breakfast. Grayson told me, and so did the President, that he had passed a wretched night. Of course I understood the reason why. I spoke to McAdoo of my conversation with the President and he also was greatly disturbed.

At noon I met the British Ambassador at Phillips'. He is pleased at the way Lansing is now acting, and says they get along famously. He spoke as he was glad to have Lansing in the State Department in place of John Bassett Moore. The President, too, spoke of Lansing as being more satisfactory than Moore. I told him it illustrated what I had so often said, that it was folly to become wed-

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ded to any particular person and to think them indispensable.

Sir Cecil said Sir Edward Grey was worried over the Declaration of London. I sent word to Sir Edward not to worry, and that everything would come out right. Sir Cecil was distressed over the defeat of the British fleet near Chile. He thought it might lead to the blocking of traffic on the North Atlantic. He was also fearful that the Germans might have something "up their sleeves" in a mechanical way about which the English did not know, and which would make a naval battle disastrous to Great Britain. He spoke in the frankest way, remarking that he should not talk to me about these matters, but he knew I was discreet and friendly. I warned him of Churchill's intemperate remarks and cited his saying that "This war meant annihilation to either England or Germany", when he might just as well have said "the Germans are saying this is a war of annihilation" which would have served his purpose quite as well. He said Churchill was an ass and no one could control him. Mr. The Ambassador is coming to see me soon in New York for a long talk.

There was no one outside the family at luncheon. The President asked me to take a long automobile ride with him, but I was too busy and the weather is too cold for me to enjoy a ride in the open car. He then offered to take a closed car, but I would not permit this.

I used one of the White House cars and took Secretary Garrison for a ride. He gave me the text of his report to the President. I told him of my talk with the President and of my desire to have the army placed on a porper footing for protection. He was delighted that I was taking an interest in the matter. We discussed who should succeed General Witherspoon as Chief of the General Staff. He amused me by saying that Major General Bell would be a good man, but that he would talk him to death. I told this to the President and he enjoyed it as much as I did, for as a matter of fact, Garrison drives us all distracted with his incessant talk.

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There were no outside visitors for dinner, but the President artfully evaded getting alone with me in his study. He was afraid I would renew the McAdoo-Tumulty controversy. However, he need not have worried. We had a delightful evening. He began by talking about German political philosophy and how wrong their conclusions usually were. He spoke of himself as a disciple of Burke and Bagehot. This is literally true, for he is always quoting from one or the other, mostly from Bagehot.

or

He began to speak of a flexible fluid constitution in contradistinction to a rigid one. He thought that constitutions changed without the text being altered, and cited our own as an example. At the beginning, he thought, there was no doubt but there was no difference of opinion as to the rights of the states to cede. This practically unanimous opinion probably prevailed down to Jackson's time. Then there began, after the War of 1812, a large sentiment for union which finally culminated in our Civil War, and a complete change of the Constitution without its text being altered.

Just then the ladies came in the sitting room where we were, and I got him to read some poems, something he very much likes to do. He read William Watson's "Woodsworth's Grave" and afterward, at my request, "Gray's Elegy". He also amused himself with any number of limericks. We did not go to bed until around 10.30.

November 8, 1914.

The President desired me to go to church with him but I compromised by having Loulie go. Mr. Bryan had just arrived from the West and I felt it necessary to see him. I wanted to find what his views were regarding the army. I found him in violent opposition to any kind of increase by the reserve plan. He did not believe there was the slightest danger to this country from foreign invasion, even if the Germans were successful. He thought *after war was declared* there would be plenty of time to make any preparations necessary. He talked as innocently as my little grandchild, Jane Tucker. He spoke with great feeling and I fear

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he may give trouble.

I asked what legislation he thought should be enacted during the next two years. He mentioned a national primary law, and a law prohibiting a second term. I was in hopes he had forgotten that. He was also full of his plan of "stabilizing" as he terms it, the prices of railroad securities, both stocks and bonds.

When I mentioned these things to the President he said we could reach the army increase in a way probably that would not excite criticism, and that Mr. Bryan was unreasonable in his views in regard thereto. He thought Mr. Bryan had mentioned the second term matter for his benefit, knowing I would repeat it, but he expressed the opinion that he, Bryan, would not mention the subject directly to him. As to a primary law, the President and I discussed that thoroughly. We agreed that it was a most difficult thing to satisfactorily bring about.

I gave him my experience in Texas. How little the campaigns cost under the old law, and how much they had increased under the primary system, so that no one excepting a rich man or one backed by riches, could afford to run for Governor. Culperson's campaign which I managed, cost only $1400.00 while the aggregate campaigns of all the candidates in Texas under the primary system would perhaps be well over $100,000.

I advised the President to let Bryan direct and take charge of the primary bill. I thought he would get as tangled in it as a fly in molasses. I told him not to help him out, but to encourage him to go on, and I gave it as my opinion that the very fact that Bryan was the Administration's sponsor for the measure, would certainly kill it. I think he liked this advice and no doubt will accept it.

As to the railroad stabilizing plan, he thought it was quite like Bryan's impracticability.

He read me a letter from Walter Page in which Page gave an account of an interview Colonel Squiers, our Military Attaché, had with Lord Kitchener. Kitchener sent for him, and it was intimated that he should come in full dress,

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as the Earl would be dressed in that way. The President said, "Is that not like British directness?" I shall not try to repeat what Kitchener said, but the most interesting part was that he thought the war would probably be over in two years. He also thought when the winter rains set in and the ground became soft, the Germans would not be able to handle their big guns. He told Squiers of a plan they had of ripping open the German Zeppelins, if they should make a raid on England. They attach long wires to aeroplanes with a sharp hook at the end, and it is their purpose to fly with great rapidity over the Zeppelins, and let the hooks rip the gas bags. This does not strike me as being feasible.

I thought when the Germans were driven back within their own borders, it would be advisable for me to go there and urge the Kaiser to ask him, the President, to mediate.

The President did not express an opinion one way or the other as to the advisability of this excepting he thought the Kaiser would hesitate to admit defeat, which that would practically be doing.

He insisted upon our remaining longer, and asked me to come as often as I could. He was exceedingly solicitous and affectionate, and promised to come over to me at this week end if it was at all possible.

I was afraid I had given him a wrong impression concerning McAdoo and some of the members of the Cabinet when I was talking to him the other night. I did not believe any of them excepting Mr. Bryan were consciously candidates for the Presidency, and that I had spoken perhaps with some exaggeration. He replied, "We know one another so well that even if something is said in the course of a conversation we did not quite mean, we each of us would understand it."

He expressed regret that the war had not been postponed for a little while because he thought we might have prevented it.

We discussed the propriety of bringing Ambassador Herrick home. I advised being careful and not to make him a martyr. He promised to avoid this, but thought

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the situation was in such shape that it was necessary to have Sharp assume his
duties, since he was now the regularly constituted Ambassador. He will notify
the French Government of his purpose to recall Herrick and then see what happens.
We left on the four o'clock train for New York.

New York, November 9, 1914.

Norman Hapgood, Charles R. Crane, and Walter S. Rogers called. We discussed the personnel of the Trades Commission. I was glad their minds ran along with the President's in one or two cases which will make it pleasing to them. They thought the Catholic question had entered into this election and they were certain it had defeated Sullivan in Illinois.

General Wood took lunch with me. He was pleased with what I told him of my talks with the President and Secretary Garrison.

After reaching New York I began the coordination of the Belgian Relief Com-
mittees as the President desired. The Belgian Minister, Robert de Forrest, Green
of the Rockefeller Institute Foundation, and S. R. Bertron came to confer about it.
I told de Forrest I would endeavor to get Bernstorff's consent in order to facil-
itate matters.

November 10, 1914.

Wallace saw Bernstorff and he acted very finely regarding Belgian Relief, agreeing to acquiesce in whatever we desired.

In the morning Cass Gilbert and some others came in. Later Dudley Malone,
Mr. Bertron and Will Irwin, the writer, called. Malone is bitterly against McAdoo
and Tumulty. I tried to show him that he and McAdoo stood for the same things. It
was to no purpose, for McAdoo seems bent upon irritating Malone to a degree that
makes cordial feeling between them impossible.

Irwin was very interesting telling me about his experiences in the war zone.

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He was arrest four times. His description of the modern battle was particularly interesting. He said it was a very drab affair. One looked into the distance miles away and saw little puffs of smoke and then heard, perhaps, the shriek of the shell, and nothing else. Everyone was hidden, and the lines stretched away hundreds of miles. He witnessed the German attack and saw two divisions of French infantry give way in something akin to a panic. Aeroplanes overhead took the news of the situation to the directing General and the gap was filled before the Germans could make much headway. He was at the destruction of Louvain, and saw citizens marched out of their homes with their hands tied behind them, and shot.

He said, usually in war soldiers entered with enthusiasm and with the expectation of coming through safely. But now, when they enlisted, it was to leave hope behind, and with the determination of going to their death.

Lanier Winslow, Gerard's secretary, dined with us, having just landed a few hours earlier. He described everything in Berlin as quiet, orderly and hopeful. He related many entertaining incidents, but I will not enumerate them here, for they will be told better elsewhere.

November 11, 1914.

The Belgian Minister called me over the telephone and asked for an interview. I put him off until tomorrow when I shall have more information from Washington.

The Austrian Ambassador also asked for an interview and is to call at 2.30. My letter to the President gives the substance of our interview. I thought I caught a note of discouragement, as far as Austria was concerned, and I have a feeling that she would be willing to treat with the Allies for complete peace separately from Germany, in the event they were liberal in their terms.

Dumba has promised to come again soon and to continue in touch with me. He had reported to his Government our exact conversation in which I outlined my ideas upon what terms peace should be made, and as to what could be done in the way of a future guarantee of disarmament. Most of my proposals received the approval of his Government, provided the details could be worked out satisfactorily.

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He did not tell me so, but I am sure he felt out Bernstorff before coming to see me, for his instructions were clear upon that point.

He declared he was placing all the cards upon the table. I congratulated him upon doing this, for it was the only diplomacy I knew, and the only diplomacy I thought worth while.

After Dumba left, there was a succession of callers and long distance calls from Washington largely about the Belgian Relief matter. It kept me from dinner until long after the hour, and I was thoroughly tired out when I went to bed.

William Church Osborn called to tell why the party was defeated in this State. It took him an hour and ten minutes to do this, although he might have summarized that I could have grasped what he had to say in five minutes.

Frank Polk also came to discuss the political situation.

November 12, 1914.

Wallace telephoned from Washington that after Mr. Bryan had conferred with the President, they thought it inadvisable to appoint an army or navy officer on the Belgian Relief Committee. They thought Wallace himself would be the proper person.

Clarence Shearn came to ask my advice concerning his future. It seems he has an ambition to enter public life and he knows that his connection with Hearst must be severed. He believes Governor Glynn would be glad to appoint him on one of the Supreme Court vacancies, and he was wondering if I did not think that a good way to begin. I thought it was. He said he would prefer the District Attorneyship, and that he might win this at the election next Autumn. I thought he could not, for the reason that people would say it was a Hearst endeavor to secure control of that office in order to persecute his enemies. Shearn saw the point and will take the judgship.

The Belgian Minister is to be here at four, and after him a succession of people including Frederic Allen, Congressman-elect Caldwell, etc. etc.

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November 13, 1914.

I was amused at young Pope Caldwell's estimate of himself, which he gave with much freedom. He admitted he was the "whole thing" in Brooklyn, and said it was Greater his purpose to become that in New York. I asked if he spoke well. He admitted that, too, and said many other nice and complimentary things of himself, all of which I hope may be true.

Telephone communications are constantly going on with Washington concerning the Belgian Relief Committee. The Belgian Minister came this morning at ten. I persuaded him that one man was all that was necessary, and I think I have the matter finally straightened out to the satisfaction of everyone, provided the President will consent to make the appointment and the appeal to the country.

Grayson telephoned late yesterday afternoon saying the President wished to know if it would be convenient for him to come over Saturday morning. He asked me to breakfast with him on his car, and after that he was at my disposal until Sunday afternoon. It is my intention to take him for the day to the Piping Rock Club. On Sunday we will hear Dr. Jowett preach and afterward lunch with Cleveland H. Dodge at Riverdale.

The papers have gotten the news of Sidney's election as President of the College of the City of New York, and this has added to my troubles, since reporters and others have been ringing me up wanting to know about him. I am glad the appointment has met with such general approval.

November 14, 1914.

Last Night Loulie and I went to dinner and theater with the Bertrons. He had the Belgian Minister and me. Havenath. The play was "The Only Girl" which I found amusing. Upon my return to the apartment I found a call from the White House. In answering it they told me the President would arrive at six o'clock this morning and would expect me to breakfast at six thirty. This changed my plans, and I had to notify the Police Commissioner and several others so it was well after midnight before I went to bed, and I arose at half past five.

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The matter of entertaining a President within such confined quarters as our little apartment is not an easy undertaking, especially since I have no clerical force, excepting my one secretary.

With the President was Margaret Wilson and Dr. Grayson. We had our breakfast and then motored from the station to our apartment and from there to the Piping Rock Club. The President played golf with Grayson and Gordon. I remained at the Club until their return. We had lunch quite promptly at one o'clock and afterward motored back to town, arriving at four.

The President and I did some work before we dressed for dinner. The main thing was to settle the Belgian Relief matter, which we did in a very few minutes. We also talked of the composition of the Trades Commission; and I had some letters to show him, two of them being from Col. Watterson concerning his Mexican policy, which the Colonel believes is likely to get him into difficulties.

People tried to get us over the telephone, and telegrams, special delivery letters and letters by messengers came in reckless profusion, until I told the maids to bring no more and to tell everyone we were out. I like the President to be quiet when he is with me and not to be disturbed by the importunities of friends and selfseekers.

We had a quiet dinner alone and then talked until nine o'clock upon many different subjects, largely however, upon psychical phenomena and the all absorbing question of a conscious personality after death. The President is very interested in these matters and takes a sane view of them. He does not lose his judgment in contemplating them, and yet he is broad enough to believe that it is well worth while to have them properly investigated by persons competent to do so.

I told him the progressives in Illinois had complained to me through Chas. R. Crane and Norman Hapgood, that in the early spring when Roger Sullivan's candidacy for the Senate was first mentioned, they had written to him, the President, concerning the matter. After waiting they received a letter from Tumulty saying he

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would call the matter to his attention. Not hearing from him, they wrote again in about a month, and received the same reply. After they considered enough time had passed they wrote again, and then Tumulty promised to bring the accumulated correspondence to the President's attention.

They claim that Tumulty failed to do this and that his purpose was to aid Sullivan who is a Catholic, and that there was a general conspiracy among the Catholics, aided by Tumulty, to keep information from the President.

The President said it was true Tumulty did not show him the correspondence, but he undoubtedly did it to save him from an embarrassing situation. If he had seen the correspondence, he would have been compelled to answer it. Not having seen it, he was enabled to get over a difficult situation. His reasoning is not altogether good, for the position Tumulty placed him in by withholding such correspondence is worse than any position that might be created by his having seen and met it. It shows Tumulty has a strong hold on him. It also shows that when he once gives his confidence it is hard to shake it. This I admire very much. The President is a peculiar man, in as much as he does not care for many people. He never seems to want to discuss things with anyone, as far as I know, excepting me. Even his Cabinet bore him with their importunities, and he often complains of them.

It is really a defect in his usefulness as an Executive, for the reason that he does not get many side lights on questions. He reads the newspapers but seldomly, and gains his knowledge of public affairs largely from the matters brought to his attention, and his general information is gotten from a cursory glance at the Weekly Press.

However, he is efficient in his manner of working. For instance, when we were discussing his message to the people concerning the Belgian Relief funds he said: "Now let us decide what points are best to cover". He took a telegraph blank having lines on it, and began to take down in shorthand the different points, he making some suggestions and I making others. There were about five points to be

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covered and he asked me to think if that were all. When we concluded there was
nothing more, he called his stenographer and dictated the message in full.

He has one of the best ordered minds I have ever come in contact with, and
although he is always complaining of forgetfulness. He said last night that he
did not see how anyone could write an autobiography from memory. As a matter of
fact, they cannot, unless a diary is kept.

At nine o'clock we took a walk from Fifty-third Street to Seventh Avenue
and down Seventh to Broadway. We stopped at several places where crowds were col-
lected to hear harangues, and as soon as he was discovered, we would pass along.
By the time we reached Herald Square a great throng was following us, consequently
we went in the 34th Street door of the Waldorf, went up in the elevator, crossed
to the 33rd Street side and went out there, continuing our walk down Fifth Avenue
to 26th Street where we took a motor bus back to Fifty-third Street.

The President seemed to enjoy himself thoroughly and said he would give any-
thing if he could get out and be lost in the crowd. I suggested the next time he
came I would have some whiskers for him. He thought that a great idea, but later
said it would cause a terrible scandal if it were found out. He left me in doubt
as to whether he wanted the whiskers or not.

When we reached home he began to tell me how lonely and sad his life was
wishing
since Mrs. Wilson's death, and he could not help thinking when we were out tonight
that someone would kill him. He has told me this before. His eyes were moist
when he spoke of not wanting to live longer, and of not being fit to do the work
he had in hand. He said he had himself so well disciplined that he knew perfect-
ly well that unless someone killed him, he would go on to the end doing the best
he could.

He went to bed about half past ten but I remained up until nearly twelve,
assorting my correspondence so that I might bring anything of importance to his
attention in the morning.

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November 15, 1914.

We took breakfast at 9.45, although I had been up long before. After breakfast we discussed public matters for awhile and then went to hear Dr. Jowett at the Fifth Avenue Presbyterian Church. There was a large congregation although it was pouring rain. Dr. Jowett did not preach as well as usual, because he was probably trying too hard to do his best.

After church we motored to Riverdale to lunch with Mr. and Mrs. Cleveland H. Dodge. We left there shortly before four o'clock and motored to the Pennsylvania Station. The President looked well when he left, and seemed to have thoroughly enjoyed his two days diversion.

Last night the Secretary of War sent a special messenger from Washington bearing a letter for me concerning his report. He desired me to discuss with the President the advisability of putting his report out in advance of handing it to the President. The President does not wish him to do so and I am to convey to Garrison this unpleasant information. Mr. Bryan has wired requesting that I ask the President to appoint a friend of his as Marshal here. This he also declined to do because he said the man was not fit for that particular place.

Mr. Bryan wanted him to appoint his brother on the Trades Commission. The President told him frankly he could not do it as it would be a bad thing for Mr. Bryan himself, and would bring upon him no end of criticism. He spoke kindly of Mr. Bryan, and went into some delineation of his character. He also went into a general discussion of his Cabinet, telling of the different characteristics of this one and that, commenting here and criticising there.

November 16, 1914.

The usual flood of crank and other letters demanding interviews has followed the writer ed the President's visit. One letter expressed regret that he was not able to kill the President while he was here.

McAdoo telephoned from Washington to find out about the President's visit. He also discussed some appointments which he has to make in his department. Sever-

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all people called but I had a quiet evening and went to bed early.

November 17, 1914.

Dudley Malone lunched with me. He goes to Washington tonight and advised with me about what he should say to the President. He said I was the only man the President consulted; that he talked with his Cabinet concerning matters connected with their departments, but not further. This, I believe, is literally true, although he is allowing Tumulty and Burleson to direct the small political affairs of his administration, as far as the party machinery goes. There are others with whom he might far better counsel, who have a less practical view but a wider and more healthful vision.

November 20, 1914.

The past few days have been busy but not interesting. I have been trying to get the New York situation ironed out so as to be able to give the President some advice regarding what is best to be done. This has necessitated my seeing any number of so called leaders of the progressive forces.

McCombs came this morning and stayed for an hour. He would have made it two, but another caller put him out. It was the same old story. What he had done for the President and how everybody had deserted him excepting him, McCombs, before Baltimore, and how after Baltimore the President had deserted him. The egoism of the man is apalling. He spoke several times of having put the President in the White House, and that he might have named another man had he so desired. "The President owes more to me than any person in the world, excepting his own mother, etc. etc."

He now wishes to go to Berlin and wants Gerard to resign. He even said that I had urged him to support Culberson knowing Woodrow Wilson had no chance. I stopped him there, and told him to get it straight, that he was mistaken. I then told him what really occurred which I have told elsewhere in this diary. I am glad he gave me an opportunity to correct him although he will perhaps make the misstatement again tomorrow.

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Judge William McAdoo took lunch with me. This was in line with my purpose to see democratic leaders.

Secretary McAdoo has telephoned several times during the past few days and today he talked of having a conference with the President last night regarding New York affairs. There was nothing of interest in what he said.

Arthur W. Little called this morning and asked me to become a Deputy Police Commissioner. The afternoon was filled with callers. We go to dinner and the opera with Mr. and Mrs. Archer Huntington.

November 25, 1914.

There has been much going on but of little interest, until last night. Dr. Grayson called up while we were dining at the Ritz, and said the President wished me to breakfast with him this morning at six o'clock as he passed through New York on his way to Williamstown. The outgoing train did not leave until 8.52 so we had nearly three hours together.

The President was up and dressed when the train arrived at six o'clock, which I thought exceedingly considerate, for I did not expect to see him until around seven.

We talked of many matters. He does not expect to get through at this short Session of Congress more than the Conservation Bill and the Philippines Bill, and he is doubtful whether it will be wise to attempt to get the Shipping Bill going. I thought unless it was put through at this Congress it would be useless to attempt it in the next when out majority would be narrow, and that its usefulness to meet immediate needs would be lost. I advised him to pay less attention to his domestic policy and greater attention to the welding together of the two Western Continent. I thought the Federal Reserve Act was his greatest constructive work, and was the thing that would stand out and make his administration notable. Now I would like for him to place beside that great measure a constructive international policy, which he had already started by getting the

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A. B. C. nations to act as arbitrators at Niagara. I thought the time had arrived to show the world that friendship, justice and kindliness were more potent than the mailed fist.

He listened attentively to what I had to say and asserted that he would do it, and would use his speech at San Francisco when he opened the Exposition to outline this policy.

I went further in my explanation of this international policy in relation to the Americas by showing how futile the policy of this Government had been in the past. In wielding the "big stick" and dominating the two Continents, we had lost the friendship and commerce of South and Central America and the European countries had profited by it.

We spoke of the ever present topic of the war. I have gotten in from good authority that Italy would now be with the Allies if she had been prepared. She found her equipment was not sufficient to be effective, but she is putting herself in shape to get into the war just as soon as she is ready and can make her forces worth while. I thought Roumania would also join the Allies. He expressed pleasure at this, and hoped these two countries would not delay too long.

I again insisted that Germany would never forgive us for the attitude we have taken in the war, and if she is successful, she will hold us to account. I told him that I had it on fairly good authority that the Kaiser had it in mind to suggest to us that the Monroe Doctrine should extend only to the Equator, which would leave Germany free to exploit Brazil and the other South America countries. Brazil seems to be the main object of Germany's desires. He replied that the war was perhaps a Godsend to us, for if it had not come we might have been embroiled in war ourselves.

I spoke again of our unpreparedness and how impractical Mr. Bryan was. I urged the need of our having a large reserve force and he replied "Yes, but not a large army", an amendment which I accepted. I particularly emphasized the nec-

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ecessity for greater artilleryplants and more artillery.

He said Jacob Shiff had written him suggesting that since he had urged our bankers not to lend money to belligerants, he thought that he should also urge our people not to seel arms and ammunition to them. The President did not say what he replied to Shiff, but he said that his policy would be a foolish one as it would restrict our plants and, in a way, make us less prepared than now.

He mentioned Bryan's desire to have our national prohibition made a party measure, and of his counter position which is for local option. I thought it sad that reformers of the Bryan type retarded rather than accelerated the things they most desired; That prohibition was coming as rapidly as was needful, and it was coming sanely and permanently, and there was no need to do something which might give it a setback.

He said Bryan had some personal feeling in the matter since the saloon men had always opposed him, and that back of his policies there was oftentimes personal resentment which should be absent. I reminded him how useful Bryan had been and declared that everything that was unpopular was laid to Bryan. The President had just told me about the Belgian Relief Committee and why he had not made the appointment. He asked, "did you wonder why I did not make it?" I did not because I laid it to Mr. Bryan. He said, "there it is again, poor Bryan, it is unfair that he should be made the target for everything, and most of the time unjustly so."

I was amused to hear the President say a little later that he intended to put Mr. Bryan in touch with the Chairman of the House Committee on Elections in regard to the primamry matter. He never referred to it as being a sugges-
tion of mine, and he perhaps by now *thinks* believes he thought of it himself, for we are all prone to forget where we get our ideas, and he not more so than I and others.

We talked of the Colorado strike situation. The miners are at the end of their tether financially and they desire the President to appoint the Media-

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tion Committee in order that they may accept it and end the strike, thus saving their faces. They believe that public opinion will later force the operators to arbitrate through the Mediation Board, differences that come up between them. This news is of the most confidential character because the miners do not wish it known that they are at the end of their resources.

On the other hand, Houston has been in touch with the Rockefellers and they are as eager for the settlement as the miners, and they told Houston, in the event the strike was called off, they were willing to accept most of the demands of the men. I thought it a pity Houston could not get this in writing, but the next best thing was for him to tell the Rockefellers that he had informed the President what they had said, and the President had acted upon this. He thought this a good suggestion.

We touched lightly upon the Catholic question. I told him it was something we would have to go into sometime more fully, for it presented many phases of trouble.

I asked what he had determined to do about reappointing Hall on the Interstate Commerce Commission, and advised him to tread lightly there, for there were many lurking dangers in dismissing him. He admitted this, but thought he could get a much better man for the place.

We spoke of the Bull Moosers, and how entirely unpractical and theoretical most of them were. It was seldom you could get one of them who was a good tool to use for the public service. I called his attention to Judge Nortoni of St. Louis, which my letter to him of yesterday explains. He said that George L. Record of New Jersey was a Bull Mooser, and it would not do to appoint another of that political faith. I had forgotten this for the moment.

After breakfast we walked for a lone while up and down the station platform, enjoying the keen air. The President does not particularly like cold weather, though, and said he preferred it warmer.

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November 28, 1914.

Yesterday I lunched with Paul Warburg at his country place. He related the story of the Federal Reserve Board up to date. He finds McAdoo suave, able and delightful in his personality, but with a firm determination to dominate the Board and to make it an adjunct of the Treasury Department. He says the plan to make it an efficient instrument for good will be destroyed if McAdoo is successful in carrying out his purpose.

as
He speaks of governor Hamlin as mere "a me too," and of not having an independent thought of his own, and as dominated completely by McAdoo. Warburg had been able to get Miller, Delano and Harding to stand with him upon the most important questions, and McAdoo had only been able to get Williams and Hamlin. He spoke of McAdoo's egotism and of his desire to have the credit of doing everything, not only in his own department, but also of those within the province of the Federal Reserve Board. He spoke of McAdoo's ability to grasp a good idea and run away with it as his own, and cited the gold and cotton pools as instances. Both of these were suggested by others, but in the newspapers one would have supposed that McAdoo originated and carried through both.

The four of them that have held together have seriously thought of resigning. I cautioned him about doing anything hasty and assured him that in the long run matters would come right. There were some things about which I could not speak, but which I assured him would bring about a better condition of affairs later. He replied that he would accept my assurances without further information.

One of the principal objections he had to McAdoo's policy was his determination to use the surplus Government deposits in any way he sees fit, instead of allowing the Board direct these funds where they should properly go. He has given me a brief upon this subject which the four of them handed to McAdoo and which it is my purpose to let the President read.

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We went to dinner last night at the Biltmore as the guest of my old college friend Frank Washburn. Later I met Seth Low at ten o'clock on the incoming Al-bany train. We went to his room at the Belmont, and in a few minutes I succeed-ed in getting his consent to act on the Board of Arbitrations in the Colorado strike matter.

He had arranged to go to Washington today to see the President and I wished to save the President a long interview with him. Low acted in a high-minded and patriotic way, and said although he was busy with many other things, if the Pres-ident really desired his services, he would gladly consent to act. We went into the question in detail, and while I did not know much about the subject, and did not know the President's mind concerning certain phases of it, I spoke with some-thing of authority and did the best I could in the circumstances. I congratu-lated him upon having a reputation which is of great service to the country in matters of this nature.

Today has been busy as was yesterday and the day before, but I shall not burden the diary with the infinite number of demands upon my time. I am happy that I was able to persuade Low to serve, for the President seemed anxious for him to do so, and he thought it would mean an early settlement of Colorado con-ditions.

I took lunch with Charles Burlingham at the Century Club. Wickersham sat with us most of the time.

November 29, 1914.

Among my callers today was George Rublee. I looked him over for the Fed-eral Trades Commission. He made a good impression. He seems a clean, able fel-low, but I doubt the advisability of his appointment on that Commission.

November 30, 1914.

This was one of the busiest and most disagreeable days, and without any special accomplishment. I was seeing people all day, and Thad Thomson and Albert

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Roberts dined with us.

December 1, 1914.

My most important caller today was Jos. E. Davies. We went over Federal
Trades Commission and I got some valuable suggestions from him. The President has
not discussed the matter with him and I take it Davies is beginning to get wor-
ried, not only concerning himself, but concerning the general makeup of the Com-
mission. I reassured him as far as he was concerned.

Ex-Congressman Connolly of Iowas called and asked my good offices for some
Federal position.

Mr. Whitridge, an Englishman, came today about a plan he has looking to the
neutral nations taking action regarding atrocities committed in the war. He is
ly things
a fair minded man and had nothing but kindness to say about the Germans whom he
thought would be willing to permit a commission to go within their lines in order
to ascertain whether their soldiers were brutal in any particular, or transgress-
ing the rules of civilized warfare. He desired the President to start the
matter by calling Holland and Sweden into conference, and gradually calling in all
the neutral nations of Europe and the world.

I thought his plan impracticable. The way to reach his purpose was to
do it through the great humanitarian organizations. If he does this and gets
them interested enough to send a commission over, I promised to try and get the
consent of the different Governments to permit them to pursue their work. Our
Government would not want to initiate the matter for the reason it would be dif-
ficult to control the members of the commission, who in their zeal to accomplish
good, might do overt acts that would involve this Government in serious diffi-
culties. He accepted this view of the plan.

December 2, 1914.

Senator Beveridge called tonight. Collier's has asked him to represent
them in Europe in rather an unusual way, and he desired my good offices in get-
ting him the proper credentials from our Government to the different belliger-

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ent governments abroad. He said when Mr. Bryan made his tour around the world, Roosevelt did everything he could for his convenience and comfort. I got in touch with Billy Phillips of the State Department by telephone and asked him to see that Senator Beveridge got whatever he wanted. Beveridge expressed much gratitude.

Washington, D. C.

December 3, 1914.

This has been a remarkable day with the telephone constantly ringing. The President telephoned from Washington and asked me to come down immediately so that we might be together in the evening and go over his message.

I took the 12.08 train. In the meantime, there was a constant rush of callers and telephone calls. I never wanted to go less, for Gordon telephoned that Janet was reaching a crisis. However, I felt it my duty to go.

I arrived at 5.40 and was met by a White House automobile. The President had inquired for me and had left word that he was over at his office, where I found him signing his mail. A little later Burleson came to discuss postoffices with him. I left them before they were through in order to dress for dinner.

No one was at dinner excepting Dr. Grayson and the conversation was casual. After dinner the President recited several new limericks, and read a whimsical poem or two, and then we settled down to work.

We went over his message carefully, but there were only a few suggestions which I made and which largely had reference to foreign conditions. I knew fairly well, of course, what the message was to be from recent conversations with him, and I was glad he had not inserted any new matter regarding domestic legislation.

He said he had read my letter and the clippings from the Springfield Republican with considerable interest, and thought we were right in our conclusions that he would be judged from now almost wholly by the way our foreign affairs were conducted. He spoke with extreme regret of Mr. Bryan's unsuitability for the office of Secretary of State, but did not know what could be done. He inti-

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mated that it might be well to let him leave the Cabinet in the event he desired to do so because of some policy with which he might disagree. We both thought he had served his usefulness as Secretary of State, and that it would be a good thing for the administration and for the country if he would pleasantly take himself out of the Cabinet.

The President read a memorandum which Mr. Bryan had given him which he said he had saved to read with me. It was an earnest argument for the President to again offer his services as mediator. I was certain it would be entirely footless to do this, for the Allies would consider it an unfriendly act, and further it was not good for the United States to have peace brought about until Germany was sufficiently beaten to cause her to consent to a fundamental change in her military policy. I reminded him that from my conversation with Dumba, Austria was willing to negotiate for peace upon a reasonable basis of reduced armaments, but that Germany had declined to do so. When Germany was pushed back within her own borders I thought it would be advisable for me to go there and see the Kaiser and endeavor to get his consent to two conditions. One being the indemnity of Belgium, and the other such a reduction of armaments as would insure lasting peace in Europe. With that as a basis, I could go to England with some hope of success.

He agreed to this, but thought it would be exceedingly difficult for the Kaiser to consent to such conditions because of his entourage who would advise against it. I was hopeful that both the Kaiser and his advisers by that time would see it was either peace upon the terms mentioned, or something very much worse.

Going back to Mr. Bryan, the President said that he, Mr. Bryan, did not know that he, The President, was working for peace wholly through me, and he was afraid to mention this fact to him for fear it would offend him. He said Mr. Bryan might accept it gracefully, but not being certain, he hesitated to tell him. I advised not telling him for the moment.

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The President had a feeling that I could do more to initiate peace unofficially than anyone could do in an official capacity, for the reason I could talk and be talked to without it being binding upon anyone, and we might in this way arrive at conditions. He has placed this problem squarely up to me. I am glad of it, provided he will give a little more time to the discussion of it, and provided he does not allow others to inject themselves into it.

Lanier Winslow, Gerard's secretary, is leaving for Berlin on Saturday, and I asked the President if he had any messages to send the Ambassador by word of mouth. He said he had some letters from Germany written by Americans married to Germans, stating that Gerard and some of his Embassy staff were anti-German, and were too free in expressing their opinions. He asked me to caution Gerard about this, and intimated if the matter became serious, he would recall Gerard.

He asl asked me to caution Walter Page about being pro-British. Page is writing letters to the State Department which excite attention, and both Mr. Bryan and Mr. Lansing have spoken to him about it. I promised to attend to both matters. See my letters of today to both Page and Gerard.

I gave him Ferrero's article in the November Atlantic Monthly to read, because it seemed to me to be about as sane an exposition of the situation as I had seen.

I also gave him Warburg's brief on the Federal Reserve Board, a copy of which Warburg had already sent McAdoo. The President's took McAdoo's view, which seriously to me, is the wrong one, although I did not argue the point with him. If the Federal Reserve Board is to perform its functions properly, it will not do to make it an adjunct of the Treasury Department to be absolutely dominated by the Secretary.

The President is sometimes inconsistent in these matters, for the very thing is happening now that he so earnestly deprecated when McAdoo was trying to have a board appointed which would be wholly subordinated to his wishes.

I advised the President to start the practice of giving to the public,

9

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State papers similar to the "White, Yellow" and other papers given out by every
civilized nation excepting outs. I thought it would have to come sometime, and
I would like his administration to receive the credit of it. He admitted this,
but did not like to begin it under fire. I replied there had not been enough de-
mand for it or criticism because of not having it, for anyone to make the charge
that he was giving way under pressure or criticism. He then said he did not see
how he could do it with Mr. Bryan as Secretary of State, and if he got someone in
the State Department to aid Mr. Bryan, it would probably be a man of Mr. Bryan's
choosing, and as unfit as Osborn or some of the others of his selection.

I asked if it was not possible to bring about a greater degree of civic
service reform during his administration. I spoke of the evils of the spoils
system and how it debauched our political life. He agreed to this, but did not
believe it would be possible to get any law through Congress, and he recalled what
Mr. Bryan's feelings upon the subject as being typical. However, if I were in
the President's place, I would make an effort and leave the responsibility of fail-
ure upon Congress.

In speaking of Germany, I asked if he recalled how the Kaiser drew around him
only the rich of every nation. The Morgans and their counterparts were the ones
he saw from the United States. It was the same with Great Britain. He seems pos-
sessed with the power of wealth, and his whole economic scheme seemed to me wrong
and wholly material. France, England and the United States do things for humanity
to a certain extent, but Germany is evidently actuated by a selfishness which knows
no bounds and which has led her, as it does individuals, to wreck.

While we were talking and almost at the same hour that the announcement
came of the birth of Randolph Tucker Jr. the announcement came that Louise Au-
chinloss was born to Janet. It was a curious coincidence and the President and
I both remarked upon it. We were in the same room, in the same chairs, in the
same positions, and it was the same time of day and we were discussing questions
of world-wide importance each time.

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We were busy until nearly eleven o'clock, and seeing how tired the President looked, I suggested that he go to bed and let me change my clothes and go to my train. I felt I must return to New York because of my precious Janet. Grayson took me to the station and talked until nearly midnight before leaving me.

New York, December 5, 1914.

I lunchéd with Martin today at the Century Club. He had just written one
of his illuminating editorials for Life, and we fell to philosophising upon inter-
national morals and governmental affairs. I did most of the talking, trying to
point out the fundamental error in international morals, in as much as they are
upon a different level from individual morals. No high minded man would think of
doing as an individual what he seems perfectly ready to do as a representative of
a state. It has been thought entirely legitimate to lie, deceive and to be
cruel in the name of patriotism. I endeavored to point out that we skunk could
not get very far toward a proper international understanding until one nation
treated another as individuals treat one another. We see the wreck individuals
make of themselves by devoting all their time to selfish interests, and, while
they may acquire things that seem to them worth while, in the end, they lose the
regard of their fellow man and finds themselves unhappy because of them.

I suggested to Martin that it might be worth our while to joint-
ly write a book, the philosophy of which would be the antithesis of Treitschke and
his sateblites. I thought we could do this without condemning by name the modern
German school of thought. The preparation of such a book would be a source of
pleasure to me, for among other things, I would like to stimulate the youth of
our country toward a goal other than material. It would please me if I could
show that the composition of a splendid strain of music, the painting of a beau-
tiful picture, or the writing of an exquisite poem, was of more value both to the
individual himself, and to his fellows, than the getting together of wealth.

["(242)", "Earl Harding, of the World, called to say he had finished an article upon the Santo Domingo scandal. This has grown out of the controversy of Walker Vick, former Receiver General, and Sullivan, the present Minister. The President is investigating the matter and I asked if they could not postpone the publication of the article until this investigation had been made. He thought this could not be done. I am writing the President about it today.", "December 7, 1914.", "Judge Nortoni's friends are pushing him vigorously for a place on the Trades Commission. They sent me a letter today from Colonel Roosevelt, intimating that he would be glad to have me write him in order that he in turn could tell me what he thinks of Judge Nortoni. It is a typical Roosevelt letter and shows how he keeps his friends. I shall not ask him to write the letter, for I do not think it fair to him to give such an expression unless the President desires to appoint Nortoni.", "Raymond Fosdick came this afternoon. He wanted to know what the President and I had finally concluded concerning his further employment by the Bureau of Social Hygiene. I told him we had not changed our minds and unless he desired to tie himself to the Rockefellers for life, he had better accept no further employment from their organizations.", "December 8, 1914.", "I had a letter from the President this morning regarding the Santo Domingo muddle. I called up Vick to tell him what the President said of him. Wallace was in from Washington. Bernstorff has been making more inquiries about me. Wallace told him he had never heard me express an opinion which indicated my feelings in the European conflict. Bernstorff replied that he heard on every side that I was judicial in my viewpoint.", "I asked Wallace to say to him generally that thexxxxxxxx was x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x

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tombstone

Bernstorff thought pressure should be brought to bear upon England to consent to the initiation of peace parleys. He believed if England knew how fair Germany would be in her terms, she would be willing to begin a discussion. I asked Wallace to say to him guardedly that this pressure was being started in an unofficial way through me, and I had sent letters by the Lusitania. I hoped to receive answers in three weeks. Bernstorff said he had heard on every side that the President was not only anti-German but pro-British. I denied this, and told Wallace of the President's desire that I should advise both Gerard and Page to act with the strictest neutrality, and I had given them an intimation that if they did not do so, they would probably be recalled.

Medill McCormick of the Chicago Tribune told Wallace he thought a bridge might be constructed by which many of the Bull Moosers could come into the democratic fold. Wallace is arranging for me to meet McCormick in Washington on my next visit.

December 9, 1914.

Bob Woolley sees a tendency in Washington among a coterie of newspaper men, of whom Sam Blythe is the head, to try the same old game he has seen tried in years gone by. During several administrations, they tried to influence appointments and legislation through the President's Secretary. Loeb was close to all these men, and Woolley thinks they are now trying to work through Tumulty. Tom Pence, he believes, is unconsciously a party, and he heard, with deep regret that had been invited to lunch at the Otto Carmicheal and some of the others were with the President in his box at some entertainment not long ago.

White House some weeks ago, and

Charles R. Crane followed Woolley. He explained why he backed Norman Hap-
good in the Harper's Weekly enterprise. President Eliod told him that Hap-
good reminded him more of Emerson than any man he ever knew and that Emerson
had exercised a great influence upon his life. It was this conversation that

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made Crane conclude to back Hapgood to the extent he has.

Crane is an earnest admirer of LaFolette, and wants to do something to
bring the President and him together. I doubt the feasibility of this, know-
ing both men as I do.

a
I was at lunch today given by George Foster Peabody in honor of Dr. Henry
Van Dyke. The other guests were Nicholas Murray Butler, John Finley, Oscar
Straus, Benj. Strong, Pierre Jay, Oswald Villard, of the Post, Charles R. Miller
of the Times, French, the sculptor, Frederic Coudert, Thomas Mott Osborne and
Ogden, Editor of the Post.

We had a delightful time. I sat next to Van Dyke and we talked pretty
much throughout the lunch. He declared that Holland was neutral in every way,
and the rumor that the Court was pro-German was untrue. Holland was fully mo-
balized with 350 000 fighting men, and any infringement of her neutrality woudd
be met at once in a vigorous way. It is clear as Van Dyke is anti-German, al-
though he tried to restrain this feeling.

After lunch I talked with almost everyone there. Straus told me what he
had been doing to bring about peace, but he said he was discouraged recently by
the different ambassadors with whom he had been talking. He does not know that I
am largely responsible for this discouragement. He evidenced a desire to con-
tinue the subject, but I avoided him because he was beginning to ask questions
which I did not care to answer.

Robert Underwood Johnson met me as I was coming out of the Century and told me of the American Academy of Science and its plans. He has written a poem on the opening of the Panama Canal to be read, he hopes, when the formal exercises are held. He asked who would have the direction of these exercises. I thought it would be the Secretary of War.

December 14, 1914.

We have been in Boston for the week-end with Mona and Randolph and I
have had a restful time. Coming back this afternoon, we met the Vice President

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and Mrs. Marshall. A storm was raging when we reached 42nd Street so we took them over to their train at the Pennsylvania Station. Marshall said he had the greatest difficulty in remembering either faces or names, and even now, he could not remember the names of all the Senators. He thought there would be trouble over the Immigration Bill and we discussed it at some length, both of us agreeing that we were against the literacy clause.

This morning early Seth Low came to discuss the Colorado mining strike situation. He had been in Washington and had seen the President and Secretary Wilson. He found the President's mind in rather a nebulous condition as to what was best to be done, but upon his return he had thought out what he considered a proper course of procedure and he wished to get my judgment upon it before going further. When I approved, he asked me to present it to the President for his approval, which I shall do upon my next visit in Washington.

Low has the same idea of John D. Rockefeller, Jr. that I have, and thinks he is well meaning and has the making of a good man, but his environment has been such that it is impossible for him to see beyond a narrow horizon. I advised Low to persuade him that the public had rights as well as stockholders, and to broaden his views so he might become a philanthropist in soul as well as in name. In this way he, Low, might render our country, and even the world, a service. I like Low the more I see of him.

He outlined a letter which the President is to write to him and also his, Low's, reply.

I have a letter from Joseph Davies and in a postscript he says:

"The other day I played eighteen holes of golf with the President, and I cannot refrain from saying that he spoke of you in terms of affection and admiration the like of which I have never heard him employ. From such a man it means much.""

I sent Ambassador Page a cablegram as follows:

"Please disregard my letter of December fourth for the present."

I did this for the reason that after thinking over my letter to Page, I

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concluded it would not do to unduly press the British Government at this time
to consent to the President's offer of mediation. I feel they are determined
to make a complete job of it while they are in it, and I also feel in my heart
that it is best for Germany, best for Europe and best for the world, to have the
issue settled now for all time to come.

December 15, 1914.

Last night I took dinner with George Harvey at the Metropolitan Club.
Harvey told of a two hour visit he had with Mr. Bryan in Washington, and the
distress Mr. Bryan was in. Mr. Bryan said he had no present intention of ever
running for another office, that while this was not final, at the same time, it
was the way he felt now. Harvey told Bryan he thought a great article could
be written in his behalf, giving him credit for the peace treaties which he,
Harvey, thought in the present temper of the world, might actually bring about
a demand that such treaties should be made between all nations, and he intended
asking Ireland, of the World's Work, to do the work. Harvey showed me Ire-
land's reply which was to the effect that he so utterly discredited Mr. Bryan's
sincerity and ability, he could not bring himself to write it.

Harvey diplomatically sent word to Bryan that Ireland was not available.
Mrs. Bryan suggested Maurice Low for the work. Harvey also had Low's reply. It
stated that he had just written an article which will come out on the first of
January in England, criticizing Mr. Bryan as being totally unfit to occupy the
position of Secretary of State, and he therefore could not stultify himself by
having an article of that kind appear in England, and another one eulogistic of
Mr. Bryan, appearing here.

Harvey did not know what to do unless he wrote the article himself.
He spoke of the impossibility of Daniels as Secretary of the Navy, and said he
should be made to resign. I asked what he thought of Mr. Bryan. He thought
Bryan had done all the harm he could and people now understood him, and it

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would be inadvisable to put him out of the Cabinet.

Harvey then got down to the real purpose of his desire to see me. He has two plans. One is that someone, preferably in the Cabinet, should look out for the President's interests in Washington in the way of meeting distinguished editors and visitors, entertaining them, and seeing that they meet the President if they are of sufficient importance. His next plan is that the President should have a representative abroad, going from capital to capital, linking up the embassies and getting in touch with the different governments, giving the President the benefit of all the inside information that could be gathered, and acting for him in delicate diplomatic affairs.

In other words, Harvey wants my job, for that is what I have been trying to do, although he is unaware of it. He was naive enough to say that he thought, without any conceit, he was the man who could fill each position best. I could then see why Dabiel's must go out of the Navy, and why Bryan must stay in as Secretary of State, and have a eulogistic article written of him in the North American Review.

Harvey talked steadily for two and a half hours, and during that time he did not get even a remote glimmer of what was in my mind.

Senator Spooner called this morning to ask me to speak to the Attorney General and get him to dismiss the indictment against Mr. George F. Baker. The Senator does not know the Attorney General himself and, upon making inquiries, was told that I would be the most influential person to approach other than the President himself, whom he hesitated to see because he did not know him.

I informed him as courteously and as firmly as I knew how that I could not comply with his request. Spooner understood, and said he appreciated my position. He took several shots at Roosevelt, whom he dislikes heartily, and then departed.

Martin dropped in for a moment to get the news of the day.

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One of the editors of the Delineator came after lunch to ask if I would not use my good offices with the President to get him to express some elevating sentiment, "reassuring the women of America that their sons would not be born to be slaughtered in Battle, and urging them not to lose their faith in the infinite love of God".

The Austrian Ambassador called at five. I had to hurry him away, because I had many engagements and was unable to give him more time. The principal thing he wished was to get my advice as to whether it would be well for his Government to protest against our Government selling arms and ammunition to the belligerents. Bernstorff had protests, but he did not wish to make an error if, indeed, it was an error. I advised making no protest. It was not a question of trade or monetary advantage to this country, but there was something back of it more important, which was that the United States was not a large purchaser of arms, and if she forbade her manufacturers to sell to foreign countries, our factories would be closed and we would be less prepared than even now, in the event of war. He saw the point and admitted the justice of the position.

He talked of the Declaration of London and of international law, none of which was important, and all of which I have threshed over with him before.

Arthur Page telephoned that his father sails on the Lusitania today. I fear my letters of December fourth disturbed him, and they made him think it advisable to come home and give us the exact conditions rather than risk a letter. I take it he wants to say, if we offer our services for mediation, we will offend Great Britain and will not serve any purpose whatsoever. He might as well have written as I had already cabled him to disregard my letter of the fourth.

In answer to my letter of yesterday, I have the following telegram from the President:

"Not crowded at all. Shall expect you with great pleasure".

(Signed) Woodrow Wilson.

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W The White House,
Washington.

December 16, 1914.

I took the 12.08 km train for Washington and found Eleanor McAdoo on the train. McAdoo met us at the station. I went immediately to the White house.

As usual there was no one at dinner excepting the family. After we had finished the President read a few minutes from Stephen Leacock's "Arcadian Adventures of the Idle Rich". We then proceeded to business.

I told of my interview with Harvey and of Harvey's outlining the kind of work he wish to do in both Europe and the United States. I laughed and told the President he was evidently trying to take my job away from me. I was afraid I had not done the work very well, but Harvey had outlined just what I had been trying to do. The President was generous enough to say I had been invaluable in my services.

He spoke of my going abroad in order to initiate peace conversations. He desires me to take charge of it and to go whenever I think it advisable. He thought Page could not do it because his influence is local. Gerard could not do it, as neither could Mayre nor Sharp, for the same reason, even if they had the ability, which he felt they had not. He felt that I was the one to undertake it and asked if I would be willing to go at this season of the year. I said I would be glad to go at any time and under any conditions.

It was agreed that I should see Bernstorff tomorrow and start conversations with him. I told the President of my letters to Page, and that I had called him to disregard them. He thought I need not have done this as he approved what I had written. I replied that I could release them at any time but, for the moment, it was best to hold them. He agreed to this.

I then explained the purpose of my visit to Washington. I thought he might or might not have an opportunity to play a great and beneficent part in the European tragedy, but there was one thing he could do

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at once and that was to inaugurate a policy that would weld the Western Hemisphere together. It was my idea to formulate a plan to be agreed upon by the peoples of the two Continents which, in itself, would serve as a model for the European Nations when peace is at last brought about.

I could see that this excited his enthusiasm. My idea was that the Republics of the two Continents should agree to guarantee each other's territorial integrity and that they should also agree for government ownership of munitions of war. I suggested that he take a pencil and write the points to be covered.

He took a pencil and this is what he wrote:

"1st. Mutual guarantee of political independence under republican forms of government and mutual guarantees of territorial integrity.

2nd. Mutual agreement that the government of each of the contracting parties acquire complete control within its jurisdiction of the manufacture and sale of munitions of war".

He wished to know if there was anything else. I thought this was sufficient taken in conjunction with the Bryan Peace Treaties which had already been concluded between the Republics of the two Continents.

He then went to his little typewriter and made a copy of what he had written and handed it to me to use with the three South American Ambassadors with whom it was thought best to initiate negotiations. We discussed the method of procedure and it was agreed that it should be done quite informally and without either himself or the Secretary of State appearing in it, until after I had sounded the different governments at interest. We did this for another reason and that was not to hurt Mr. Bryan's sensibilities.

It was agreed that I should explain the matter to Mr. Bryan and should tell him why it was thought best for me to do it rather than the President or himself.

I asked the President how he would suggest my reaching the Ambassadors in a way to make my word potential with them. He had no suggestions, but thought I

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would find a way, although the Brazilian Ambassador is the only one of the A. B. C representatives I know. We discussed whether it was best to see them individually or collectively, and concluded it would perhaps be best to see them collectively, a plan which I later decided not to do.

The President was evidently somewhat nervous about Mr. Bryan's attitude. It was easy to see that he did not want him to interfere in any way with my procedure, and yet he was afraid he might be sensitive regarding it. I thought I could work it out satisfactorily, for Mr. Bryan is generous and big minded in matters of this sort.

We talked of the religious issue which is lifting its ominous head in many parts of the country. The President was very firm in his determination to strike the Catholics a public blow, provided they carried their arrogance too far. It appears they are angry because the President did not force the country into war with Mexico on account of the supposed persecution by the Constitutionalists of the Catholic clergy and missionaries of Mexico. This feeling has been fanned into a flame by such political agitators as Mr. Roosevelt. At this moment a dispatch came in from the State Department which Ambassador Morganthau had sent from Constantinople in regard to the situation in Turkey and Asia Minor.

It seems that our Consul at Beirut had raised no end of a row with Turkish officials concerning the care of Americans and foreigners now under our protection. The President wished to know whether I thought it would be advisable to warn all Americans out of Turkey. He said Mr. Bryan thought this should be done. I advised doing nothing for the moment, but to get a better insight into the true situation.

He said they had information regarding a company which was putting out fraudulent naturalization papers by the wholesale. Some German, acting either from a patriotic motive or for the German Government itself, has undertaken to buy up naturalization papers to give to German reservists who are in this country in order that they may proceed abroad. The Attorney General has been in-

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structed to investigate the matter at once and report.

He then wanted my advice concerning the making of speeches throughout the country outlining democratic policies, both as to what has been accomplished and what is proposed. I thought he should make but one speech, and we agreed this should be made on Jackson day. We also agreed it was best to have it made at Cleveland, if that were possible, since there were objections to Chicago or St Louis.

Bedtime came and we parted for the night.

December 17, 1914.

I arranged for an interview with Mr. Bryan at 9.30 this morning. I outlined the plan the President and I were preparing for the ensuing linking of the Western Hemisphere and showed him what the President had written, explaining why it was thought best that I should do it. He acquiesced in a most generous way, which proved my forecast to the President was correct. He did something which is characteristic of the man. After but a few minutes conversation upon the subject of this proposed League, he began to discuss the Venezuela Minister's proposal concerning the calling of a convention of belligerent and neutral nations for the purpose of securing the rights of neutrals. He also discussed the Russian Treaty which has been tentatively suggested as being possible at this time. After that he got off on prohibition and I was glad to take him to his office and proceed to other business.

I went to Wallace's and met Medill McCormack of Chicago, who had come from Hot Springs for the purpose of discussing with me some sort of plan by which the Progressives might be brought into the Democratic fold. His idea was if we could form a "bridge", as he termed it, composed of a series of laws which the Progressives favored, they might come across it to our party. The laws he had in mind were a tariff commission, a child labor law and a law for the direction of the employment of unemployed labor.

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After McCormack left I discussed with Wallace the best way to reach the South American Ambassadors, and asked how well he knew them. I found he knew them but slightly. He suggested that we get Justice Lamar to introduce me, Lamar having been on the A. B. C. Mediation Committee at Niagara Falls. I seized upon this fortunate suggestion and asked him to take the matter up with the Justice and to see me at five at the White House.

At 1.15 the German Ambassador came to Wallace's to lunch. We took up the question of European peace proposals. I informed him of the President's decision to leave the matter to me, that is as to the proper time and as to the question of procedure. He said there would be no objections from his Government; that it would not be necessary to go to Germany first; that if I could get the Allies to consent to parleys I would find the Germans willing. I replied that there was no and dixindemnity use taking it up with the Allies excepting upon a basis of evacuation of Belgium, and for drastic disarmament which might insure permanent peace. He thought there would be no obstacle in that direction.

I congratulated him upon this position and thought it would have a fine effect, and would show it was not Germany's fault if peace parleys were not started. I asked him to confirm this by cabling to his Government. He has maintained that he has no means of communicating with his Government excepting through our State Department, but I said "of course I know that you can communicate with your Government when you desire, for any intelligent man can see that it would be impossible, under modern conditions, to prevent this". He then admitted that he could reach them.

I regard my conversation with Bernstorff as satisfactory, although I feel he is not thoroughly reliable, and should actual parleys commence, I may have difficulty in holding him to any verbal agreements they may make. However, I kept this misgiving well under cover.

Justice Lamar called at five and he agreed to arrange a meeting between

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me and the three South American Ambassadors, representing Argentine, Brazil and Chile. He gave me something of their views and characteristics and how I could best please them. He telephoned later in the evening saying that Naon, the Argentine Ambassador, was out of town, and since he was the most important one to see, I had better defer doing anything until his return.

Congressman Brown of Brooklyn called to see me concerning New York matters.

again

There was no one present at dinner excepting McAdoo. After we had finished I reported to the President what I had done in the South American proposal. We discussed the Colorado strike, Seth Low's letter and other matters incident thereto.

We talked of the Senate's rejection of some of his nominations. He asked what I would do. I advised him to make an issue with them. I thought the Senate was determined to make itself even more unpopular with the country than it already was by arrogating to itself the exclusive power of making appointments. That it was a ridiculous attitude to assume and one which the country would not tolerate. The country would see clearly that the several Government departments could not be run if they were filled with political henchmen of the Senate. I advised him, however, not to get angry, but to go at it with determination and good humor. I advised not sending them in a name they had rejected, but to continue sending in others just as often as he cared to do so, and to let them reject them at their peril. I counseled making the highest class appointments possible and leaving the Senate with the responsibility of turning them down because they were not of their own political following. The President thought well of this advice and said he would follow it.

He then read for an hour, A. G. Gardiner's sketch of the Kaiser, one of Sir Edward Grey and one of Asquith. After that we went to bed.

December 18, 1914.

Burleson came at half past nine and we went to the White House offices to

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by
see Tumulty in order to discuss some plan which the New York situation might be
properly adjusted. We decided it was best to have one man look into these
matters and report, and agreed on Frank Polk, Corporation Counsel.

The President asked me to see the British Ambassador this morning and I arranged to meet him at Billy Phillips' residence at eleven. The President desired me to tell him that he was anxious for the British Government to release the ships which are being held because of their supposed contraband cargoes. The President and I had gone over a despatch which Johnson of the State Department had prepared under the direction of Mr. Bryan to be sent to Ambassador Page at London. The despatch was crudely written and he said, "I can see we will have to re-write this". He took his pencil and began to make corrections. Before he had finished one page he became thoroughly out of patience and threw his pencil down saying, "It is not right to impose such a task upon me. They have not written good and understandable English, much less writing it in a way to avoid offence." He sent the document back to the State Department, requesting me to see Spring-Rice and attend to the matter verbally, telling him that the despatch would follow later.

I saw Spring-Rice and explained the matter to him and told him the President was anxious for the release of the ships. He promised to cable Sir Edward Grey and advise him to do so. I mentioned the crudity of the message referred to and asked him to explain to Sir Edward that the intentions of the State Department were of the best, but they did not understand the delicate phrasing of important diplomatic messages. The Ambassador was pleasant about it and said he liked Johnson and Lansing very much. He thought them both fine fellows and he had no trouble in getting along with them.

He said if Sir Edward agreed to the President's request, it would make two diplomatic triumphs for him, the first being his request regarding the Declarion of London. He thought when these papers were published, if they ever were, they would be considered great accomplishments. But the British Govern-

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ment would be careful as to their publication since the English people would think their Government had been weak in maintaining their position. How much of this was compliment and how much fact, I do not know.

He was distressed over the German bombardment of the coast towns and denounced it in unmeasured terms as being barbarous and cruel. I asked whether there was any danger of Russia weakening in her support of the Allies. He seemed to think there was a possibility. I cautioned him about sending his cables to Sir Edward, and asked him to protect both the President and me in order that the State Department should not know that messages were being sent in that way. He was certain there was no chance of the information getting back to the Department, for he had a method of reaching Sir Edward which would entirely protect us.

We then came to the most important part of our interview. I told him practically what I had written Page to say to Sir Edward Grey, that is, Germany was asserting her willingness to listen to peace proposals upon a basis of indemnity to Belgium and disarmament looking to permanent peace, and I thought the Allies would be placed in a bad light if they refused to consider peace upon these terms.

upon both proposals I asked him to kindly let me have a reply from his Government, as soon as possible. I wondered whether Sir Edward Grey knew where he was getting his information and how. He replied, of course he knew that I was the one he was communicating with, and that he had a special code which covered me personally.

I found the Ambassador distressed and pessimistic regarding the situation in general and the attitude of the United States in particular.

From Phillips' I went to Wallace's and from there to McAdoo's to lunch. I again urged McAdoo to leave all matters of patronage alone, excepting those relating to his own office. That the best thing for him to do was to make the most efficient Secretary of the Treasury the country had ever had and if he did this, the situation, as far as he was concerned, would take care of

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itself.

Justice Lamar reported that the Argentine Ambassador would probably return tomorrow. He has promised to telephone in the morning definite information.

When I reported to the President upon the day's work he was cordial and generous in his thanks.

There were no visitors at dinner. After dinner he read for awhile. We again discussed the Senate and their rejection of appointments. I brought to him the request of one of the editors of the Delineator to write an article for that magazine giving a word to the mothers of the country that they were not rearing their sons to be ruthlessly slaughtered without any high purpose to be accomplished. He said while he sympathized thoroughly with that sentiment, it was difficult to write such an article. He could not bring himself to express his emotion coldly in writing; that it was something that welled up from the heart to be said *MRS. SMITH* at the moment, and not ground out.

We then went into a general discussion of science and religion, he doing practically all the talking. It was an illuminating discourse. He contended there was no borderland of science now, that one science had merged itself into another so there was a general continuity, and to understand one it was necessary, in a way, to have an understanding of all.

December 19, 1914.

During my talk with the British Ambassador yesterday, he said Villa was alarmed lest, when the Constitutionalists came into power, the British Government would have a reckoning with him because of the Benton murder. Spring-Rice is sending him reassuring messages to the effect that if he conducted himself right, and upheld the law in Mexico, he would be forgiven. The Ambassador wished to know if we would regard it as a good thing to have Carranza gotten out of Mexico. I replied that we would be delighted. He promised to try to bring it about, and thought it could be done, provided we would insure his safety.

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I had a long talk with Shirley of Kentucky. He complained of a lack of coordination between the Administration and the democratic members of the House. I told him I was trying to bring this about. He talked in a sensible way about it, and I received much valuable information.

Justice Lamar telephoned that the Argentine Ambassador was back. I made an engagement with him at half past eleven. I hurriedly gathered together what data I could get concerning Argentine and upon Naon himself. When the Justice introduced me he excused himself for a moment and took Naon aside to inform him how thoroughly I represented the President. He then took his leave.

I began the conversation by complimenting Naon upon the advanced thought in his country, particularly in regard to penal reform. I considered the Argentine fifty or one hundred years ahead of Europe and the United States in that direction. I marveled at the statesmanship that saw as long ago as 1864 when they had their war with Uruguay, that a victorious nation had no moral right to despoil the territory of the vanquished. After I had made these few remarks, I had fertile soil upon which to sow the seeds of my argument.

Naon took the typewritten memorandum which the President had given me and warmly approved both sentences-- one and two. He was tremendously impressed with the significance of the first article and said it struck a new note, and would create an epoch in governmental affairs. When I told him the President had written the memorandum himself on the typewriter himself, he asked permission to keep it, saying it would become a historical document of much value.

I urged him to communicate with his Government by cable and to give me an answer by Monday or Tuesday. He felt confident the reply would be favorable. He took my address in New York and said he would communicate with me without delay. I let him understand that when the South American Governments had acted upon the matter, and it had been pretty well buttoned up, I would step aside and have the President and Mr. Bryan act officially. When I left, he followed me to the door and said he considered it a joy to work toward the consummation of

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such a policy as "your great and good President has promoted". I insisted upon
haste since our country like others had a large military party, and they were
not clamoring for a greater army and navy. I hoped his country would under-
stand what a propitious moment this was for such an understanding, for we now
had a President with idealism. On the other hand, we might soon have a Pres-
ident with an ambition for territorial expansion, and there might be another
story to tell.

At lunch I reported to the President the substance of my conversa-
tion with the Ambassador from the Argentine, and he was delighted. Naon thought
I would have more difficulty with the Brazilian and Chilean Ambassadors, giving
as his reason that they were imperialistic in their tendencies, and that Chile had,
at one time, tried to arrange with Argentine a war upon Bolivia and a division
of her territory.

The President said in talking with the Brazilian and Chilean Ambassadors
I could go very far, and he was emphatic in the statement that the United States
would not tolerate such an aggression upon other republics.

In the afternoon I saw both the Brazilian and Chilean Ambassadors. Da
Gama was easy of conquest and with practically the same argument I used with
Naon. Suarez was more difficult because he is not so clever in the first in-
stance, and in the second, Chile has a boundary dispute with Peru. He asked
if I knew of this and I told him I did, but we would arrange in the final draw-
ing of the agreement to cover such cases, since there were other boundary dis-
putes which would have to be adjusted, like that between Costa Rica and Panama.
They both agreed to cable their Governments and strongly recommend the ratifi-
cation of the proposal.

The President congratulated me warmly upon the day's work and said I
had done a consummate piece of business. I answered that it was easy of accom-
plishment and I did not feel as if I had done anything at all. I had keyed my-

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self up for a supreme test, and rather felt let down because it came with so
little effort.

The President began to reflect and wondered whether we had moved too
quickly. What he had in mind was the possible action of the Senate Committee
on Foreign Affairs, We discussed the best time to take the matter up with
the Senate Committee, and it was agreed it should be done immediately after the
Christmas recess. He would first see the Democratic Members and later, per-
haps, take the entire Committee into his confidence. Because this important
matter might come up for ratification by the Senate, I wanted to change my advice
as to how he should treat the Senate reagrding the confirmation of his appoint-
ments. This policy might be of such importance, not only to the two Americas
but to the world, that it would be folly to let a wrangle over patronage defeat
such a measure.

As usual no one excepting the family was present at dinner. After we had finished the President read aloud for nearly two hours, "The Adventures in Arcadia of the Idle Rich".

Wallace telephoned to say that Bernstorff wished to see me tomorrow.
This determined my remaining over. I had hoped to leave for home tonight.

December 20, 1914.

Although Sunday, it has been the busiest day of all. I first went to
call on Senator Culberson, Chairman of the Senate Judiciary Committee, in or-
der to get his advice as to straightening out the controversy with that body.
I took the Senator with me to Secretary Bryan's and had him wait in the motor
until I could tell Mr. Bryan what I had done yesterday with the three South
Americans. The President thought it advisable for me to keep him informed
so there would be no hurt feelings. Mr. Bryan seemed pleased with what had
been done but drifted off into the question of patronage and the best way to

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"do up Senator Hitchcock" in Nebraska. He followed me all the way to the automobile bareheaded in the cold bleak wind to get in as much as he could upon that subject.

I took Culberson home and called at Wallace's to meet the German Ambassador. Bernstorff was much exercised. He had information from his Government that the Allies intended bringing Japanese troops to Europe. If they should do this, he wanted me to know that all peace negotiations were ended as far as Germany was concerned. He was wrought up upon the subject, but I did not express an opinion. I promised to look into the matter and determine what was best to do. What I really did do was to tell the President and express the opinion that I was entirely legitimate for the Allies to get Japanese to fight for them in Europe or elsewhere. The President concurred in this view.

I did not believe it was true that Japanese troops were going to Europe but even if this were true, I attached no importance to Bernstorff's statement that Germany would not be glad to start peace parleys. I thought as a matter of fact, they would be more anxious for peace than ever.

I saw the Attorney General and went with him to see the Postmaster General in order to get him to agree to have his Department pass unofficially on David Graham Phillips' posthumous novel, "Susan Lennox" which is said to be questionable matter for mailing. Hearst, I understand, has agreed to give the family $12,000.00. for the serial rights, but he hesitates to close with them, claiming it might be held up in the mails. Senator Beveridge and Arthur W. Little are instrumental in getting me to do this.

After leaving Gregory and Burleson I had another conference with Culberson. I reported to the President at lunch and told him I would take the three o'clock train for New York. He asked if I would not remain and discuss the Trades Commission appointments with him in the evening, to which I readily assented.

The President, Miss Bones and I took a long drive in the afternoon. When we got back, the Secretary of the Interior came for an hour's conference. It

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was mostly concerning the personel of the Trades Commission and the Senate controversy.

There was no one at dinner excepting the family. Later the President called Davies in, and we went into the personel of the Trades Commission.

At 9.45 Phillips of the State Department telephoned to say the British Ambassador desired to see me in the morning about a matter of importance. I told Phillips I was leaving for New York tonight and to ask the Ambassador to come immediately to his house, and I would be over immediately within five minutes. I excused myself to the President and went to Phillips' and met Spring-Rice. He had word from Sir Edward Grey concerning our peace proposals and thought it would not be a good thing for the Allies to stand out against a proposal which embraced indemnity to Belgium and a satisfactory plan for disarmament. Sir Edward wished me to know that this was his personal attitude. He also asked whether it would be advisable for the Duke and Duchess of Connaught, the new Governor General of Canada and his wife, to pay their respects to the President sometime soon.

I advised against this, but promised to consult with the President. Spring-Rice has an invitation to go to New Orleans for some exercises in the celebration of the Peace Centenary, which I advised him to decline. In my opinion, the best thing to do was to remain quiet, and do nothing which would give the German-Americans or other anti-English element an excuse to cause trouble in this country. This, he said, was in line with his own judgment.

I returned to the White House. The President excused himself from Davies and I told him the news. He was much elated, and wanted to know whether I could go to Europe as early as the coming Saturday. I stated that I could go at any time. He said he needed me on two Continents, but thought before I left we could button up our South American matters so as to leave me free. He spoke in feeling terms, and expressed again and again his gratitude for my assistance. He was fine enough to say that I had suggested two great things, and the manner of doing

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them. I have never known him so appreciative or more affectionate. I insisted
that I was as grateful to him for giving me opportunities for public service as
he could possibly be to me for anything I had done in the way of accomplishment.

Mr. Bryan telephoned at this moment to discuss some international incident,
and then immediately drifted into the patronage question, and as to the best means
of "putting Hitchcock in a hole": It amused the President greatly and we both
laughed heartily. When he had finished the President said "damn" with force,
and said he must relieve himself of such unimportant and futile talks at a time
when the great world tragedy was uppermost in his mind.

He asked if I thought it would be well to say anything to Mr. Bryan about
what I had done with the British and German Ambassadors. I thought it might be
well to do so the first thing in the morning, and to do it with all the emphasis
possible in order that Mr. Bryan might feel the import of it and keep the matter
secret. This was finally agreed to, and I parted with the President at eleven.

New York City.
December 21, 1914.

My most important visitor this morning was Seth Low who came to find out what
I had done in Washington with the President in connection with the Colorado Strike
situation. I pleased him by saying he had lifted a load from the President's
back, and had transferred it to his own capable shoulders.

In the afternoon Sir Horace Plunkett called. He had just landed from
England, and had had an interview with Sir Edward Grey which he desired to tell
me about. He spoke to Sir Edward about coming to the United States and said
he knew he would be questioned here regarding why Great Britian went into the
war. He asked Sir Edward to clear up several points which the German Foreign
Office tried to make against him. Such, for instance, as the agreement with
France concerning the distribution of the fleet; the uncertainty as to whether
Great Britain would have considered the neutrality of Belgium violated had

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France been the first to cross her border instead of Germany, and of Grey's last conversation over the telephone with the German Ambassador in London, on August 2nd.

Sir Horace admitted there was something to be desired in Sir Edward's explanation, but he gave him credit for honesty of purpose. Sir Horace expressed the hope that the President would not press England for peace to the extent that relations would be strained. He thought the greatest good that could come to the English speaking race and to the world in general, was a closer and more sympathetic alliance between the United States and Great Britain. He is going West and I have promised to meet him in Washington when he returns near the middle of January.

Arthur Page called to tell me that his mother will land tomorrow morning. Young Spring-Rice came from Washington with copies of cables from Sir Edward Grey regarding the releasing of neutral vessels now held in the Prize Court, and also as to the censoring of commercial cables between America and Europe. I have had copies made of these cablegrams to take to the President tomorrow. I am keeping the originals for the diary.

Spring-Rice said his uncle desired him to say that the difficulty about beginning peace parleys was that the sincerity of Germany was doubted. They think Bernstorff is not acting with the direct authority of his Government, or at least, his Government would likely disavow that they had made any suggestion of being willing to start parleys upon a basis of indemnity to Belgium and a guarantee of permanent peace.

I told Spring-Rice, before I went to London to see his Government, it was my purpose to definitely know that Bernstorff was acting under instructions from his Government. Just how this is to be done, I shall discuss with the President.

"If convenient for you to see me tomorrow, Wednesday, I will take the 12.08

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train reaching Washington at 5.40. I shall return tonight unless necessary for
me to remain".

I received this reply:

"It will be both convenient and delightful to see you tomorrow".

(signed) Woodrow Wilson

Wallace came in after I had seen young Spring-Rice and I asked if there
was any doubt as to my understanding that Bernstorff had said his Government was
ready to begin peace parleys upon a basis of indemnity to Belgium and an agreement
for permanent peace. He said there was no doubt of it and that Bernstorff re-
peated it several times, and in addition, he had said to him, Wallace, on another
occasion *xxx* in speaking of an indemnity to Belgium "that was merely a matter of
money, and would not stand in the way".

Wallace thinks it would be advisable for him to get letters from Bernstorff
to official Germany, and let him go there and lay the matter before them, and
cable me their direct answer. Wallace did not purpose having any letters or
authority from our Government, but intended to act entirely for and with the Ger-
man Government. He practically said to me today that he was with the Germans
and intended to stay with them. This puts the matter in better shape for me, al-
though it necessitates my being more cautious in my discussion of affairs with him.
Not that I have any doubt as to his loyalty and honesty, but after making such a
confession, it would not be fair to be as open with him as I have been heretofore.

I went to the Metropolitan Club to dinner. Mr. Hemphill, President of the
Guaranty Trust Company has been insistent for weeks that I dine with him and Mr.
Rea of the Pennsylvania Ry. I asked them to include Mr. Daniel Willard of the
B. & O. who is Chairman of the Railroad Presidents Association. He came over
from Baltimore to be present. The other guest was Mr. W. A. Tucker who had ar-
ranged the dinner for Mr. Hemphill.

I sat quietly during the entire dinner saying nothing. When the coffee was

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served I told them the time had come for an optimistic note; that their pessimism had, in my opinion, done the railroads more harm than the increase in rates given by the I. C. C had done good. I insisted that President Wilson had been a friend to the railroads, and had been regardless of popular clamor because he saw they had at last a just grievance. However, while the public had been unduly severe upon them, the fault lay primarily with the railroads themselves.

Hemphill thought the fault lay largely with the personalities of the men on the I. C. C. and Willard criticized Clements, Chairman of the Commission. I replied that every railroad man I met, when Clements reappointment was pending, urged me to get the President to retain him. Rea admitted this was true and so did Willard. If a mistake was made, it was their mistake and not the President's.

I met with these men and gave them this talk with the approval of the President who thought I might be able to do some good.

Code now in use between the President and E. M. H.

Allies      New Jersey
Germany     Maine
England     Texas
France      Iowa
Russia      Dakota
Bernstorff  Jones
Spring-Rice Brown
Dumba       Smith
Jusserand   Young
Bakhmeteff  Tucker

I took the 12.08 for Washington today.

The White House
Washington, D. C.
December 23, 1914

The train was late and I did not reach Washington until 6.45. The President was eager to hear what I had to say, and came to my room and kept me from dressing for a few minutes which delayed dinner.

I explained told of young Spring-Rice's visit to New York with messages