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DEC 3 1968

ADVERTISER
Montgomery, Ala.
M-66,027 S-81,485

# Nixon Gives Security Job To Kissinger

NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Richard M. Nixon Monday appointed foreign policy scholar Henry A. Kissinger his assistant for national security affairs, with instructions to overhaul the diplomacy and defense operations of the White House.

Kissinger, a Harvard University professor, shunned the suggestion that he is a hard-line view of world problems. He said he will stress long-range planning which can "prevent crises from happening."

The president-elect personally announced his choice of the 45-year-old teacher, author and government consultant to what he said will be a major policy position in the new administration.

"There will be a complete reorganization and restructuring of the entire White House security planning machinery," 'Nixon said.

Kissinger said his job in essence is to see that all options are considered and long-range planning is weighed in shaping security decisions.

Neither Nixon nor his new aide would discuss security policy matters, stressing machinery instead. Nixon said it would not be appropriate for him to talk about substantive policy matters publicly until after the inauguration.

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From DEC 7 1968

STAR
Kansas City, Mo.

E-332,523 S-382,463

Other Newspapers Discuss:

# The Style of Nixon's Cabinet

The Des Moines Tribune

The Ripon society believes "the Republicans won the election, but they lost the campaign."

What the Ripon society means is that if Richard Nixon had campaigned aggressively on the moderate-liberal principles of the Ripon society, he would have won bigger and would have accumulated a more attractive batch of political I. O. U.'s.

The Ripon society, however, is right when it notes that, "The strategy by which power was pursued need not be the strategy by which it is wielded." It also accurately points out that those turned off by Nixon's campaign, the young, the black, the urbanized and suburban liberals, comprise the fastest growing groups in the electorate.

The society released its report at a time when Nixon has been deliberating cabinet and other high-policy appointments.

Nixon's appointments will show whether he wants bland, inoffensive custodians of authority or imaginative, sometimes abrasive problem-solvers —individuals who may reconcile those who, during his campaign, Nixon ignored.

The President-elect's natural caution will steer him toward the first alternative, but the Ripon society believes this would be a mistake and we agree.

The strongest thing Nixon

had going for him on election day was not his own popularity, but the unpopularity of the incumbent President. Next time he will be the incumbent.

In the intervening four years, a "safe", close-to-the-vest, border strategy would bring neither popular support nor, more important, progress in meeting the nation's great and varied problems.

The Indianapolis News

THE CAMPAIGN to tease a liberal "coalition" government from the victorious forces of Richard Nixon secured a new recruit last week.

Latest to plump for a Nixon embrace of the liberal Democrats is Arthur Larson, former assistant to President Dwight D. Eisenhower.

Larson came to prominence in the mid-1950s with a book called "A Republican Looks At His Party," in which he argued that the G. O. P. should get aligned with the liberal point of view if it wanted to make anything of itself.

That volume earned Larson the praises of Democratic-minded reviewers and leftward elements generally, but did not sit well with rank and file Republicans. It accurately placed him in the political spectrum as a liberal Democrat in G. O. P. clothing, hardly qualified to be the arbiter of Republican regularity.

Larson says the great danger

Nixon will face in office is the possibility of an alliance between conservative Democrats in the South and conservative Republicans in the North. The existence of such an alliance in opposition to big-spending, big-taxing measures in Washington has been discussed off and on since the recent balloting.

Liberal Republican Larson is horrified by the thought of such a union of conservative forces. "If a coalition of these two groups is formed during his administration," he says, "It will be a disaster."

Instead, he argues, Nixon must put together a coalition of liberal Republicans, liberal Democrats, Vietnik dissidents and other such left-wing elements.

For once we agree with a statement by a liberal Republican spokesman. A conservative alliance in Washington would indeed be a "disaster"—for Arthur Larson. It would be a disaster for the entire band of liberal commentators who have been trying to make sure that the American nation heads leftward. Irrespective of the party in power.

Such an alliance would not be a disaster, however, for the 42 million Americans who voted last month for a marked change in U. S. policies. Those 42 million have seen enough of the kind of liberalism that Larson espouses, and obviously don't want any more of it.

The Omaha World-Herald

WILLIAM F. Buckley, Jr., once described Dr. Henry A. Kissinger as "the anti-Communist professor at Harvard."

Perhaps the facetious identification was unfair to Harvard, which probably, by the law of averages, has a few other anti-Communist professors on its faculty.

But it was not an unfair description of Dr. Kissinger.

For a number of years he has been the unofficial spokesman for many foreign specialists who believe in preparedness and in not supinely allowing the initiative in global strategy to remain forever in Communist hands.

Now it appears that the voice of Kissinger will be heard at the highest level. He has been appointed as President-elect Nixon's special assistant for national security affairs, and will place his major emphasis on long-range foreign and defense planning.

Kissinger has been described, somewhat tentatively, as a "hard-liner" on relations with the Communist world. The description might fit; certainly he has been quoted with approval by conservative commentators down through the years.

One of his deliberate goals at the White House will be the revamping of security planning to try to insure that crises will be avoided, or at least foreseen, instead of being met piecemeal with makeshift measures.

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From

NOV 30 1968

NEWS

Birmingham, Ala.
E-192,759 S-227,467

Harvard foreign-policy expert
may receive job from Nixon

BY JULES WITCOVER
News Washington staff

NEW YORK

Harvard foreign-policy expert Henry A. Kissinger apparently is under serious consideration by President-elect Richard Nixon for a top advisory or policy-planning post in the new administration.

Kissinger saw Nixon for the third time since election day Friday at the President-elect's transition headquarters. Reliable sources outside the Nixon organization said Kissinger is being actively wooed but hasn't made up his mind yet.

Speculation on a job for the 45-year-old German-born Kissinger centers on two posts — as White House adviser on national security, or as chief of policy planning at the State Department.

Kissinger, who came to the United States in 1938 and was naturalized in 1943, has been the long-time foreign-policy adviser of New York's Gov. Nelson Rockefeller and is regarded as a hard-liner in dealing with the Communist nations.

His influence was reflected in Rockefeller's foreign-policy positions in the governor's unsuccessful bid for the Republican presidential nomination this year. These included a moderate Vietnam posi-

tion for "de-Americanizing" the war, slowly withdrawing American forces as South Vietnamese forces built up and setting up a buffer between North and South Vietnam while peace talks proceed.

THE HARVARD EXPERT also is regarded a specialist in European security and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. His most recent book, published in 1965, is "The Troubled Partnership — a reappraisal of the Atlantic alliance."

Kissinger was a consultant to the National Security Council in 1961 and 1962. Since 1961, he has been a consultant to the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, and, since 1965, to the State Department.

Rockefeller is believed to have advanced Kissinger's qualifications for a high administration post in his meeting last Tuesday with Nixon at the President-elect's Fifth Avenue Apartment.

Kissinger presently is head of the Harvard International Seminar and director of the School's Defense Studies Program. He graduated from Harvard in 1950 and earned a Ph.D. in 1954.

NIXON'S PRESS SPokesMAN, Ronald L. Ziegler, said

Kissinger had talked Friday with the President-elect and with John Mitchell, Nixon's campaign manager who now is heading up the whole transition operation, including the talent search.

Ziegler said no trips were planned for Kissinger at Nixon's request, but Nixon has been expected to end an observer to the Paris peace talks on Vietnam and the Harvard specialist conceivably could draw that assignment.

enjoys associated with mine
fires and explosions."

HE EMPHASIZED THAT agreement in the decision to seal No. 9 came from the U. S. Bureau of Mines, the West Virginia Department of Mines and the United Mine Workers union.

"Equally important is the unalterable fact that further delay endangers the lives of others," Corcoran said in the room at Consolidation's Monongah field office, about a dozen miles from the mine site.

FOR PETE'S
SAKE!

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NIXON NAMES A
SECURITY AIDE

Henry A. Kissinger To
Revamp Policy-Making

Procedure

NATIONAL AND FOREIGN

President-Elect Says Aim
Is to Prevent

Crises

New York (AP)—Presi-
dent-elect Richard
M. Nixon, announced today he
is making Prof. Henry A.
Kissinger of Harvard uni-
versity's assistant for
national security affairs to
oversee the foreign and
defense policy machinery
of the White House.

Nixon, at a news conference, said a 45-year-old Kissinger, a native of Germany, will revamp the entire security planning machinery at the White House with an aim to preventing global crises rather than simply dealing with them as they arise.

Wants Wide Views

The President-elect said that, after inauguration day, he wants to be certain he receives a broad spectrum of news c. foreign policy. "I intend to present with a paper that represents a consensus—the least common denominator."

He said he was calling on Kissinger, a professor of government at Harvard, to bring to him some new ideas so he will have the benefit of divergent views.

Asked if Kissinger might over-
shadow the man Nixon eventual-
ly appoints as secretary of state,
the incoming chief executive
said: "I intend to have a very
strong secretary of state." But
he insisted he has not decided
on nominees for either the state or
defense cabinet posts.

Kissinger said he foresaw no
prospect that he would be in
competition—with the men who
eventually get those cabinet
jobs.

As a Consultant

Long a federal consultant, but never a full-time government official, Kissinger was asked if he had not tended to pursue a hard line on Vietnam and other top overseas problems.

"I have tried to avoid labels that are hard or soft he replied.

To assist Kissinger in develop-
ing the new national security ap-
paratus at the White House, Nix-
on named 42-year-old Richard V.
Allen, a senior staff member at
the Hoover Institution on War,
Revolution and Science at Stan-
ford university. Allen, who will be
a "principal associate" of
Kissinger's, served as director of
foreign policy research during
the Nixon campaign.

Kissinger had met with Nixon
four times during eight days.
He has asked for a leave of absence
from Harvard to take the
White House job.

To Follow Rostow

In his new post, Kissinger will be the direct successor to Walt W. Rostow, President Johnson's assistant for national security affairs, who succeeded Mc-

George Bundy, now president of the
Nixon administration, and
Kissinger is director of Har-
vard university's defense studies
program and head of the
Harvard International Seminar.

THE COLUMBUS LEDGER

ESTABLISHED NOV. 18, 1886

MAYNARD R. ASHWORTH
PRESIDENT & PUBLISHER

CARLTON M. JOHNSON
EXECUTIVE EDITOR & EDITOR

M. A. BRUNI
Business Manager

LLOYD I. KETTLES
Research & Development

EDGE R. REID
ASSOCIATE PUBLISHER

CARROLL E. LISBY
MANAGING EDITOR

JOHN CORNETT
Administrative Assistant to Publisher

B. G. SORRELLS
Comptroller

"An able, disinterested public-spirited press, with trained intelligence to know right and courage to do it, can preserve that public virtue without which popular government is a sham and a mockery ..."

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1955 PULITZER PRIZE
FOR DISINTERESTED AND MERITORIUS
PUBLIC SERVICE

## Sale of Jets
Now Up To

BY ROBERT S. ALLEN AND

WASHINGTON—Final action or

50 Phantom supersonic fighter bombers to Israel is now in the hands of Pentagon authorities.

Their approval is expected by the end of this year.

The negotiations with the State Department, in progress for some six weeks, have been completed and the discussions shifted to military officials, chiefly Air Force. These deliberations mainly involve technical matters, and insiders anticipate no hitch or long delay.

Final approval of the Phantom sale, which Israel has sought for more than a year, will be announced by the White House.

In late September President Johnson issued a statement that he had directed the State Department to initiate negotiations with Israel on the purchase of these supersonic jets—this country's principal combat plane in Vietnam. However, it was not until early this month that discussions actually got underway with Ambassador Rabin.

* * *

tion for this delay. Both U. S. Administration part of a sale agreement, liferation treaty.

tion on this pact pending others. The U. S. Senate has it will do so is anyone's

phantom jets is approved, it reaches Israel.

COLUMBUS, GEORGIA, TUESDAY, DECEMBER 3, 1968 — PAGE 4

## TESTS FOR DRINKERS

### All Drivers Please Take Note

89

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From

DEC 19 1968

TIMES

CHATTANOOGA, TENN.

M-57,000 S-64,000

JAMES RESTON

The First Myth of the Nixon Administration

NEW YORK — There is a de-
ceptive myth making the rounds
these days that President-elect
Nixon chose William P. Rogers to
run the State Department because
he wants to be his own secretary
of state.

This theory, based on Rogers'
limited experience in foreign af-
fairs, involves a misjudgment of
Nixon, Rogers, the close personal
relations between the two men,
and the nature of the State De-
partment job.

No doubt President Nixon will
take an active part in the defini-
tion and negotiation of problems
with other nations. He believes in
personal diplomacy, particularly
with the leaders of authoritarian
governments. He talks a lot about
meeting with the Soviet leaders,
not in one summit conference, but
in a series of summits, and he will
probably revive Franklin Roosevelt's habit of making periodic re-
ports to the people over the air.

All signs, however, point to an
institutionalized presidency under
Nixon rather than to the strongly
centralized presidency in the per-
son of President Johnson.

Nixon has been remarkably ad-
roit so far in avoiding some of the
larger stupidities of his own cam-

paign propaganda. He has clearly
put his own personal stamp on the
Cabinet, and he dominated it when
he presented it to the nation, but
he has picked and is organizing
his administration so that it can
operate under the collective lead-
ership of the Cabinet aided by a
vigorous and articulate White
House staff headed by Dr. Henry
Kissinger of Harvard.

Nixon did not pick Dr. Kissinger
to head his national security staff
and Pat Moynihan to run his White
House domestic affairs council
because he was looking for person-
al aides, but because he wanted
efficient cabinet committees oper-
ating in accordance with a pre-
circulated agenda under the staff
system.

The President-elect spent three
long meetings with Dr. Kissinger
explaining how he proposed to or-
ganize the Cabinet-security coun-
cil team and even longer with Rog-
ers on the same subject before ap-
pointing them.

Nixon is a cautious man. He is
well aware of the fact that John-
son made several critical moves in
the escalation of the Vietnam war
without careful analysis in the Na-
tional Security Council, and that
President Kennedy, who, like John-

son, was bored with tedious de-
bates in the cabinet room, made
the same mistake when he plunged
into the Bay of Pigs.

The outlook, therefore, is not for
a president trying to be his own
secretary of state, but for the new
secretary of state representing his
case on major issues before the
N.S.C. and after much more con-
sultation with the State Depart-
ment experts than was the case
under Johnson and Rusk.

William Rogers, like any other
secretary of state, will have only
one client — the President of the
United States — but he is a force-
ful advocate, will define the consid-
ered judgments of his department
in the Cabinet with precision, and
will do so with the kind of confi-
dence that comes only through
long years of easy and friendly as-
sociation with Nixon.

Indeed, the Nixon-Rogers asso-
ciation is likely to be a much more
equal relationship than the John-
son-Rusk relationship, close and
trusting as that was. There was
always the danger in personal con-
versation with Johnson of being
overwhelmed by the power of his
personality and policies.

Also, Johnson had a way of rely-

ing, not alone on the institutions
of the presidency, and not alone
on the advice and debate in the
cabinet room, but on outside ad-
visers, and from time to time on
outside negotiators and private
emissaries.

This is not likely to be Presi-
dent Nixon's way. He will be very
much out front, but only after the
most careful private and organ-
ized discussion. The days of one-
man dominance are not coming
but going.

Cabinet meetings are tiresome
and time-consuming, but presi-
dents are much more likely to get
considered judgments when key
questions are defined in advance,
discussed within the departments,
and then presented to the Presi-
dent in the presence of other Cab-
inet members. Questions posed
suddenly by the President to a sin-
gle Cabinet officer take less time
but often get a less reasoned re-
sponse.

No president, not even Johnson,
can do all the things he has to do
and also be his own secretary of
state. He may try, but it is not
likely to work, and Nixon is not
even likely to try.

© New York Times News Service

paragus and tomato, and fina-
ly persimmon.

The cost of a recent dinner
including sake was 7,500 yen or
about $20 a person. The Fuku-
daya is at 6, Kioi-Cho, Chiyoda-
ku.

The Chinzan-so

If you would like to dine in
what may be the most sump-
tuous and spectacular restau-
rant surroundings in this city,
and a place where English
flows like hot sake, you
shouldn't miss the well-known
Chinzan-so garden restaurant.

The Chinzan-so is actually
three restaurants and a cou-
ple of tea houses — all with
views that are pure picture-post-
card, antiseptically beautiful.
The restaurants are nestled in
and about a leafy gorge or
ravine.

The food at the Chinzan-so is
of the sort known as Genghis-
Khan, and it is outstanding if
you like grilled dishes. They
say this kind of cooking has
been popular here for centuries;
since the days of the Mongolian
king when his tribesmen cooked
meat on their preheated hel-
mets. There are individual metal

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26

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AMERICAN
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From DEC 2 8 1968

POST
NEW YORK, N.Y.
Z-703,000 Sat-355,000

The Cabinet's
Right on Cue

MARY McGRORY

WASHINGTON

The Nixon Cabinet is taking its cue from its leader, who
has been the soul of tact, unobtrusiveness and non-programmatic
utterances in this transition era.

The Cabinet, composed of cheerful pragmatists, is disingen-
guished mostly for its happiness. The members were not drag-
goned or collared from counting house or law firms. They leaped
at the call of their leader to serve in a climate in which calm
competence has never been so welcome.

The "interchangeable" members, except for Secretary of
State William Rogers and Attorney General Joan Mitchell, the
inscrutable and austere Nixon campaign manager, have been
paraded before the press at Federal Building No. 7, the trans-
lation headquarters.

With Herbert G. Klein, the consonant-swallowing Director of Communications, as their chaperon, they have exhibited their joy at being tapped for the "bring-us-together" administration.

David M. Kennedy, the newly designated Treasury Secretary,
came to some small grief for his excess of discretion about the
price of gold. Nobody else has said anything of the slightest
moment.

There has not been a boat-rocker or a crusader in the crew
so far. Gov. Romney, ruddy face aglow at the prospect of wres-
tling with the problems of the city as Secretary of Housing and
Urban Development, expatiated, with his usual scrambled syntax,
on the missionary work of private citizens in alleviating the woes
of the ghetto poor.

That slum tour he undertook during his doomed quest for
the Presidency did him no political good at the time. But it left
him with countless impressions of individual enterprise which
he hopes to multiply during his tenure as the faithful servant
of the leader he once tried to vanquish on the hustings.

Romney was asked about his views on the family allowance,
a scheme put forward by Daniel P. Moynihan, the Democrat
whom Nixon has brought to the White House to be his tutor on
turban affairs.

Klein, in his role of verbal bodyguard, rose a foot off the
floor at the question and interposed a stream of cautionary
babble. Romney, a Governor and a sovereign in his own right,
rode over the Klein rapids and said firmly that he thought
Moynihan might have occasion to review what he had written
in the past.

This left some of his audience with the impression that
perhaps the family allowance idea might not have a totally
hospitalable reception in the new Administration.

The important point is that while the new Cabinet is, taken
as a whole, a rather inarticulate group—"problem solvers" they
prefer to be called—at least the two most conspicuous new
White House staffers, Moynihan and Henry Kissinger of Harvard,
may turn out to be the rhetoricians of the Nixon regime.

Both have taken the vow of silence in Moynihan's case
especially is taken with a grain of salt, since he is one of
the most brilliantly voluble Democrats in the republic, but they
are already in print on the most vital matters with which they
are concerned.

Kissinger's article in the current Foreign Affairs Quarterly
on the necessity of "two track" negotiations is already being
credited with having brought Vice President Ky of South Viet-
nam to heel on the matter of separate talks with the Viet Cong.

As for Moynihan, his prose is familiar to Washingtonians.

His controversial report on the Negro family was almost made
official doctrine by the Johnson Administration — until black
leaders, in the wake of Watts, backed away from its shattering
findings.

Moynihan has announced to the press that he will speak
only when spoken to by the President-elect, but word of his
forward look, "Maximum Feasible Misunderstanding," is
already in wide circulation. He charges the Johnson Admin-
istration, in its anti-poverty efforts, with "inexcusably sloppy
work."

Presumably, how both Kissinger and Moynihan will forswear
the written, as well as the spoken, word. But these two academi-
cians are the most closely watched trains in the incoming
Administration.

From them, it is said, will come the "extra dimension" which
Nixon attributed to the members of his Cabinet. Republicans
and Democrats alike prophesy that Moynihan will "not last six
months" in the Nixon world.

He may not, but on the other hand, because he has more
ideas and more words than the rest of the group put together,
he may end up as one of the most powerful men in the Wash-
ington now being readied for public view on Jan. 20.

PEANU

featuring
"Good ol'
Charlie Brown"

by SCHUZ

12-29

BENJAMIN HALL SCIENCE

4

2

Tel. WOrth 2-3797

From

TIMES DEC 5 1968

CHATTANOOGA, TENN.
M-57,000 S-64,000

JAMES RESTON

Selection of Kissinger 'Reassuring'

NEW YORK — President-elect Nixon's appointment of Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard as his White House assistant for national security affairs is a reassuring sign that the new administration is going to make a serious and objective reappraisal of its security problems and priorities.

Dr. Kissinger, who took his doctoral degree at Harvard under McGeorge Bundy, has been concentrating on precisely these problems for years in Cambridge and at the Council on Foreign Relations in New York and it is significant that he has the respect of most of the foreign policy experts who have served the last three presidents.

He is an intelligent, articulate, and remarkably industrious scholar, who also has had the experience of being a consultant to presidents Kennedy and Johnson on many of the critical problems of the last decade — from Berlin to arms control.

No doubt the Soviets will have their doubts about a German-born official being established as head of the security operations room in the basement of the White House, but his record scarcely supports his journalistic reputation as a foreign policy hard-liner.

It is true that both he and Gov. Nelson Rockefeller of New York helped persuade Nixon that a reasonable period of time should be allowed to go by after the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia before going forward with new arms control negotiations with the Soviet leaders.

His record as a whole, however, indicates that he is a cautious and reflective man who is prudent about the use of military power and does not hesitate to change

policies when they seem to be going against the national interest.

He worked very closely with Joe Wiesner, Thomas C. Schelling and others on the formulation of "the strategy of equilibrium" for dealing with the Soviet nuclear threat. This was based on the view that the best hope for peace and arms control lay in creating a situation where, in Wiesner's words, "a surprise attack by one side cannot prevent retaliation by the other."

This stable deterrent system, it should be noted, did not rest, as Nixon's campaign speeches seemed to rest, on the assumption that the United States must always have a clear superiority in military arms over the Soviets. Kissinger has always seemed to agree on the need for a powerful balance of power, but like Winston Churchill, has felt that there is "no need to make the ruble bounce."

In fact, the theory behind the "stable deterrent system" was that it would eventually make it possible to limit the size of the deterrent force on both sides and thereby lead in time to a limitation of the nuclear race.

Also, at the time of the Berlin crisis of 1961, early in the Kennedy administration, Kissinger worked with Abram Chayes, Carl Keysen, and Arthur Schlesinger Jr. to try to bring about a diplomatic settlement of the Berlin crisis. At that time, former Secretary of State Dean Acheson had argued for a bolder military strategy for bringing the crisis to a diplomatic settlement, if necessary by running a military convoy through Helmstadt along the autobahn to Berlin.

Kissinger and the others opposed this on the ground that all other diplomatic initiatives should be tired before any such test of strength were threatened or mounted and this view finally prevailed with President Kennedy. Acheson is not one of Kissinger's most enthusiastic supporters.

There is also reason for believing that Kissinger was primarily responsible for persuading Rockefeller to moderate his policies on Vietnam during the presidential campaign. So Nixon has chosen, not an adviser who can be easily characterized as a hard-liner or a soft-liner, but as a careful student of power and the machinery of government for analyzing and exercising power.

The president-elect's emphasis on the reorganization and strengthening of the National Security Council is also reassuring. This cabinet committee for helping the president reach his decisions on vital security questions has been seriously weakened under Kennedy and Johnson. Kissinger will now have the task of restoring it to the authority it had under President Eisenhower.

It is odd, in a way, that Kissinger should have been chosen by Nixon before the secretary of state was selected, and this may lead to some friction, for Kissinger will be closer to the center of power than most top officials at State, and he is a more forceful advocate than the normal run of State Department officials.

Nevertheless, it is significant that his appointment is now being widely praised by men like Bundy and Schlesinger and the other foreign policy watchers in the Western world.

© New York Times News Service

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From DEC 21 1968

TIMES-PICAYUNE
NEW ORLEANS, LA.

M-197,000

S-316,000

# A New Alliance System?

## Kissinger: Detach Superpowers from Regional Groupings

By DAVID LAWRENCE

WASHINGTON — In the next administration, three men will make foreign policy for the United States — President Richard Nixon, Secretary of State William P. Rogers, and Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, professor of government at Harvard who will be the presidential assistant on national security affairs. Advice will be sought from Congress and elsewhere, but decisions will be made by the President primarily on the basis of the recommendations of these two assistants.

An essay on the "central issues of world affairs" has been written recently by Dr. Kissinger and published by the Brookings Institution of Washington, an independent research organization supported by private foundations. While the article doesn't specify concretely how the world's trouble can be solved, it does state the facts about foreign policy problems. Dr. Kissinger points out that statesmen currently face "the unprecedented problems of formulat- ing policy for well over 100 countries" and that what used to be considered domestic events can nowadays have worldwide consequences.

AS COMMUNIST philosophies have spread among various nations, the world has become "militarily bipolar," Dr. Kissinger says:

"Only two powers—the U.S. and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics—possess the full panoply of military might. Over the next decade, no other country or group of countries will be capable of challenging their physical preeminence. Indeed, the gap in military strength be-

tween the two giant nuclear countries and the rest of the world is likely to increase rather than diminish over that period."

But Dr. Kissinger makes it

LAWRENCE

clear that a "bipolar world" is not necessarily a contented one, and that the smaller countries "are torn between a desire for protection and a wish to escape big power dominance." He says:

"Weaker allies have good reason to believe that their defense is in the overwhelming interest of their senior partner. Hence, they see no need to purchase its support by acquiescence in its policies. The new nations feel protected by the rivalry of the superpowers, and their nationalism leads to ever bolder assertions of self-will...

"The greatest need of the contemporary international system is an agreed concept of order...

"Regional groupings supported by the U.S. will have to take over major responsibility for their immediate areas, with

the U.S. being concerned more with the over-all framework of order than with the management of every regional enterprise."

This latter idea was also recently espoused by former Prime Minister Lester B. Pearson of Canada.

Dr. Kissinger insists that "a new international order is inconceivable without a significant American contribution." He doesn't suggest, however, what kind of organization can be developed which will not be plagued by Communist subversion of the governments of small countries so as to influence their votes in the United Nations.

DR. KISSINGER lays stress on the arms race and the importance of controlling it, and he declares that "a new look at American national security policy is essential." He believes, of course, that more emphasis should be placed on reaching agreements on arms control.

The impression that Dr. Kissinger's paper leaves is that Europeans must be persuaded to assume much greater responsibility, not merely through military arrangements but in what he calls "a degree of political co-operation which links the fate of each partner with the survival of all the others."

Dr. Kissinger is by no means an isolationist. He reveals rather a sincere desire to see a better system of alliances in the world which, he implies, can do more to preserve peace.

(© 1968, by Publishers-Hall Synd.)

UNION LEADER (M) & (E)

MANCHESTER, N. H.

CIRCULATION 55,103

DEC 2 8 1968

New
England
Newsclip

## Irrational Reaction

Addressed to William Loeb: Do you remember the remarks made by Gen. Curtis LeMay at the news conference where the announcement was made that he would be Governor Wallace's running-mate? In speaking of nuclear weapons, Gen. LeMay said that nuclear arms are considered by military men as just another weapon in the arsenal, but the liberal press has so brainwashed the American people that most of them react with panic to the very word nuclear. Of course, he's quite right about that, and it's a completely irrational reaction to be horrified by a word in itself.

I am reminded of this when I hear the way many conservatives react to certain words — like “Harvard,” for example. They're exactly like liberals when it comes to letting a word out of context set them off. Your editorial about Richard Nixon's appointment of Henry Kissinger as adviser on foreign relations is a case in point.

Now, I'm sure I have no greater love for the Harvard mystique than you have, but certainly the word *Harvard* of itself doesn't scare me, and neither does the name Henry Kissinger. As of this moment, Mr. Nixon hasn't announced his cabinet appointments, and if he should load his cabinet, as President Kennedy did, with all Harvard men, then we might well get a sinking feeling at the implications of things to come, but I would suggest to you that Dr. Kissinger is “just another weapon in the arsenal,” as far as Mr. Nixon is concerned, and nothing to get so excited about. The article I read about the appointment quoted Mr. Nixon as saying that one of Kissinger's main jobs would be to make sure the President will not “hear only what he wants to hear.” I think that's a good idea for anybody, don't you?

During this period before Mr. Nixon has even

taken office, I should think the malice of the liberal press would be enough, without having those who supported him for President turned on him every time he opens his mouth or makes a move. Personally, I prefer to believe that Richard Nixon is an honorable man who loves his country as much as I do, and will perform with strength and determination what he believes to be best for our country, regardless of the constant carping criticism of friends and foes alike. I trust him over the long haul, and every individual move he makes with which I may not agree is irrelevant to the whole picture.

Why don't you lay off and give him a chance?

MRS. ELIZABETH M. ROBIE

273 South St., Medfield, Mass.

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SUN-TIMES
CHICAGO, ILL. c5
M548,000 S-732,000

# Kissinger: Man With A World View

It appears that the administration of President-elect Richard Nixon will feature some fresh and creative thought. His appointment of Henry A. Kissinger as White House assistant for national security affairs is a case in point.

Kissinger is a Harvard University professor of government, and exerts from his book, "The Troubled Partnership," were printed in Sunday's Sun-Times. In this writing and elsewhere, Kissinger has shown an eagerness to reassess America's basic foreign policy positions.

He would like to reassess these positions, and America's role in the world, in a systematic way: "In the field of foreign policy," he has said, "we will never be able to contribute to building a stable and creative world order until we first form some conception of it."

In other words, the United States must recognize not only what is, but what may be. Without such long-term direction, foreign policy becomes sim-

ply a matter of scrambling and floundering.

Kissinger fears, for example, that the United States has credited the Soviet Union with more desire for peaceful accommodation than actually has existed. By thus being content in the short term to confuse "atmosphere with substance," the United States may well have given Soviet hard-liners the incentive to use negotiations only as a way of dissipating Western suspicions while actually carrying out such missions as the Prague invasion, with all its long-term consequences.

Kissinger obviously is a man with a well-developed world view. He now will have a national position from which to influence others toward that view. How well he succeeds remains to be seen, but at the out-set no fault can be found with his urging that United States first systematically conceive of a viable and creative world order, then contribute to it as a nation with firm understanding of its own role.

like Black, who are copies of the media, are being studied by researchers Eric Sevareid and Marthee D. Black. They are distinguished subject matters in the questions that now asking about Black social opinions don't mark a place where he places himself in the light of judicial activism and that of his own judgment can keep his own social

freedom has been any change in the law, he says, is read the Conventional language, in which they mean to say. Where does he make an absolute judgment, he heeds them.

The speech and press and the press, and has treated them as venal cases. He guards the office of speech. He has operated all through our recent opinions about the law to invade public or private estate and threaten, is not a state and local governments subject, although not for speech. Into which this puts the downs in welfare offices, the holdings at Columbia and San Black has grown too mellow in the objection that the recent focused men make things hard for Black people, says Black. That was the start.

WHAT HAS MADE this program so unfounded is the rumor that Nixon with Richard Kleindienst, the Arizona state chairman of the national committee's general election campaign ("to spy on words of one state chairman would be no improvement in the television personality and Nixon prescription.")

Some governors and state chairmen who talk about going to the mat with Nixon in a vote of the full national committee have forgotten the transcendant power of the White House. Nixon would be the sure winner.

But the damage before that showdown may be heavy. Nixon insiders remain determined to replace Bliss before next autumn. If they neither purge Bliss now nor promise to retain him, the growing backlash from party leaders could create dangerous tension between them and the first practicing Republican elected to the White House in 40 years.

SCRANTON

## LAW FOR TODAY

Q. My husband thought I would divorce him when he walked out a year ago to live with his girl friend, but I intend to keep my marriage vows. Can he be prosecuted for adultery?

A. Maybe. But adulterous behavior must be open and notorious; that is, shocking to the conscience of the community, if it is to be prosecuted under Illinois law. If a married man and a girl friend are openly sharing living quarters on a full time basis and there are witnesses to this fact, they could be prosecuted. The penalty is a fine up to $500 or a jail term of up to one year, or both.
—Illinois State Bar Assn.

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Press Clipping Service, Inc.

Tel. WOrth 2-3797

From DEC 11 1968
EVENING JOURNAL
WILMINGTON, DEL.
E-87,000

W

By Richard Wilson

WASHINGTON, D.C. — Every administra-
tion since Harry S. Truman relinquished the
presidency has come into office vowing its
intention to grasp the initiative in foreign
affairs in pursuance of well thought out long-
range plans.

Every administration, including Truman's,
thereupon devoted itself chiefly to reacting to
crises as they arose while the long-range
planners conducted in-house exercises in theo-
retical foreign policy.

The Nixon administration is no different in
this respect than its predecessors. Nixon's
appointment of Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard
University as his national security adviser is
hailed as the beginning of deep thought and
planning in foreign policy. But Kissinger is not
likely to dismantle the crisis room of his
predecessor, Walt Whitman Rostow, in the
White House basement. This is an information
center which goes into action in every world
crisis to collect the information and intelli-
gence a president needs to guide him in major
decisions.

THE crisis room has been rather overworked
during the Johnson Administration owing both
to a succession of world crises and President
Johnson's insatiable demand for instant infor-
mation at all hours of the day and night. The
place is getting a little seedy with overuse, and
Kissinger may not like the looks of it, but he
nevertheless will have to spend a good deal of
his time there rather than in the higher realms
of theoretical postulation.

Dean Rusk thinks the foreign policy of the
Nixon administration will be locked in on the
same course as the Kennedy-Johnson and
Eisenhower administrations and there is every
reason to think the secretary of state is right.

If we get involved in no more Vietnams it
will not be due to long-range planning but
because the circumstances and conditions of

some new crisis do not lend themselves to
American armed intervention. In any case
reaction to a new crisis is not likely to be based
on pre-packaged theoretical concepts but on
crisis conditions. A reaction quite contrary to
all previous concepts can easily be the case,
depending on the atmosphere prevailing at the
time.

IF the planners could be blessed with fault-
less insight on the intentions of Kosygin, Mao,
Nasser, and their like, tidy plans could be
worked out. But contingencies rarely arise in
the expected form or at their expected time
and so the planners and theoreticians are called
out of their beds to help make instant decisions
reacting to unexpected conditions.

Then the Central Intelligence Agency gets
much blame for not having foreseen precisely
what those conditions would be and the whole
city of Washington goes into a frantic flap.

In all fairness, this is not because the CIA or
the State Department or the White House have
failed to anticipate any number of possible
contingencies. The public is usually shocked
because it has been lulled into thinking that our
adversaries will change their ways if we treat
them well.

DEAN Rusk's point seems to be that so long
as we remain the world's leading power we
shall have to respond to these thrusts as
conditions require, or withdraw into some kind
of isolationism. It appears to be Rusk's intui-
tion that the public may not support much
longer a strong position of U.S. leadership.

Nixon, however, is showing no signs of this,
nor is there any sign of it in his selection of
Kissinger as his adviser. This much seems to
confirm Rusk's judgment that the foreign
policy of the Nixon administration will be
locked on the same course as its immediate
predecessors.

(c) Register and Tribune Syndicate, Inc., 1968

No Changes Seen
In Foreign Policy

1

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AMERICAN

Press Clipping Service, Inc.

Tel. WOrth 2-3797

From

DEC 5 - 1968

BULLETIN

PHILADELPHIA, PA.

E-673,000 S-735,000

Advice on National Security

"National security policy is not primarily a technical problem, but a challenge to political understanding and, ultimately, to philosophical insight." So wrote Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, the Harvard specialist on defense whom President-elect Nixon has named as his assistant for national security affairs.

Add to the view quoted above the job specifications that are to guide Dr. Kissinger in a most influential White House post and there is indication of the great pains Mr. Nixon is taking to assure for himself both depth and breadth in the advice he gets in the security area.

For Dr. Kissinger is not expected to consume his time reading telegrams dealing with details of what's going on over the globe from hour to hour. He is not to constitute himself a barrier between the President and the Secretary of State.

What he and the staff he is assembling are to do is to be concerned with something more than reacting to crises. He is to think and plan long-range, to assure that the President gets the wide spectrum of policy views that he desires; to bring before the President views that

the latter may not necessarily find pleasing to hear.

President-elect Nixon obviously regards foreign affairs as an area in which he has special expertise. He has said that he will have a "very strong Secretary of State." Given the appointment of Dr. Kissinger, an adviser to Governor Rockefeller, as Mr. Nixon's national security adviser with the special goal of restoring the National Security Council to full vigor, and the picture emerges of a perhaps more flexible and less doctrinaire approach than the new President's critics might have thought likely.

In his slow and careful construction of the policy-shaping mechanism, Mr. Nixon obviously is drawing on his own experience and study of how the White House operates. Policy choice, control over actions and long-range purpose appear to be the ingredients that he intends to assure to a much greater degree.

Even more important will be whether this leads to a "new burst of creativity, not so much for the sake of other countries as for our own people, especially the youth," which Dr. Kissinger has also said is needed.

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From DEC 1 3 1968

INQUIRER
PHILADELPHIA, PA.
M-512,000 S-932,000

Those Unhappy 'Intellectuals'

Some self-styled "intellectuals" are unhappy with Richard M. Nixon as the next President of the United States. They have been disenchanted with him for years; they bitterly opposed him during his two campaigns for the Presidency; now that he has made it, they are prepared for any act of malevolence they can undertake, if given half an opening.

Historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr., one of the leaders of the liberal intellectual pack, has expressed his unhappiness with the people's choice for President and is worrying about the next four years.

Professor John K. Galbraith, another shepherd of the flock, is afraid that Mr. Nixon does not possess the intellectual capacity required of a President.

These are only two members of an ultra-liberal clique which has acquired such superior airs that it has taken on the appearance of an American cult of Mandarins.

Certain newspapers noted for their slanted news coverage against Mr. Nixon have never stopped finding fault with him since his election. They are pre-judging him as

a poor President weeks before he has taken the oath of office.

The spasms indulged in by the anti-Nixon intellectuals, giving the impression that the President-elect doesn't want the professorial cult around him, have been made to look ridiculous by Mr. Nixon's appointments of Harvard's Dr. Henry A. Kissinger as assistant for national security affairs; of Dr. Paul McCracken of the University of Michigan as chairman of the Council of Economic Advisers; of Dr. Lee A. DuBridge, president of California Institute of Technology, as the incoming President's chief science adviser; of Daniel Patrick Moynihan, the noted sociologist, as special assistant on urban affairs. If these men do not bear the credentials of intellectuals, nobody does.

Intellectuals, even the most liberal, are supposed to have some intelligence. It would only be intelligent, as well as fair, for them to give Mr. Nixon a chance to show how he copes with the multidimensional problems ahead of him as President before they hand down judgments on his performance.

ENGLISH FLAVOR

For a dining room (left), a Tudor English flavor and giant brick fireplace are grounded by a modern checkerboard floor of vinyl tile. The blend of centuries, leaping from 16th to 20th, creates an atmosphere appropriate for country homes.

Basically informal, the unusual wallpaper pattern, tie-back draperies, wood beams and harlequin windows are reminiscent of English manor houses. The ribbon and floral wall motif originated in ancient Persia, and is said to have had an influence on Chippendale.

SIMILAR FEELING

The refectory table and leather padded chairs are actually Spanish in design, belonging to the same period as Tudor and consequently of similar feeling. It's the kind of table that would have been used in kitchens of great houses. Likewise, the tele chandelier.

In scope and trimmings, the fireplace is unmistakably English. To carry out the look, English oak plaques over the hearth are hand-carved in fruit motifs. They once decorated doors of all

Kissinger

FROM PAGE ONE

a prolonged stalemate or a resumption of the war," he said.

IF HANOI PROVES intransigent and the war goes on, Kissinger wrote, the United States should adopt a strategy to reduce casualties and concentrate on protecting the population, strengthen the Vietnamese army to permit gradual withdrawal of some U.S. forces, and encourage Saigon to broaden its political base for an eventual contest with the Communists.

Kissinger ended with an appeal that Secretary of State Dean Rusk could have written.

"However we got into Vietnam, whatever the judgment of our actions," he wrote, "ending the war honorably is essential for the peace of the world.

"Any other solution may unloose forces that would complicate prospects of international order. A new Administration must be given the benefit of the doubt and a chance to move toward a peace which grants the people of Vietnam what they have so long struggled to achieve; an opportunity to work out their own destiny in their own way."

at Fontbonne College and Missouri University of Missouri at St. Martin Cinerama Theater, was Greek Orthodox Charities. (P

## For Peace For

the establishment of the institution in Russia, he said, then it was Wallace's wish that efforts be made to establish it in Jerusalem.

Wallace viewed his bequest as "seed money" to help establish such a university, Bamburg said. Wallace had traveled to several countries trying to interest leaders in the project, Bamburg said.

If plans fail in establishing the university, Bamburg said, the will authorizes the executors

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NEWS

PHILADELPHIA, PA.

E-236,000

# Henry Kissinger Fled Nazis, Became U. S. Defense Expert

By United Press International

Henry Alfred Kissinger is a pleasant, quiet-speaking man who could lose himself in a crowd but who stands out as an expert on matters of national defense.

Kissinger — bespectacled, 45, and conservative in dress and manner — fled from Nazi Germany with his family 30 years ago. He still speaks with a trace of a German accent.

A member of Harvard University's Center for International Affairs, Kissinger is well versed in U. S. involvement in Vietnam—and U. S. efforts to end the Southeast Asia conflict.

KISSINGER has been a White House adviser during the past several years and while on

sabbatical leave from his post at Harvard he served as a special adviser to Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge in Vietnam.

Kissinger fled as a refugee to this country in 1938, and later became a naturalized American citizen. He was graduated from Harvard summa cum laude in 1950, received his master's degree two years later and added his Ph.D.—also from Harvard—in 1954.

Kissinger, the father of two children, is divorced.

His book "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy" was published in 1957 and quickly became a source book for top-level American policymakers.

It put Kissinger among the

inner circle of Washington planners.

HE ALSO HEADED a special study of this country's defense setup during 1956-58 for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund and was a consultant to Nelson A. Rockefeller when the New York Governor was undersecretary of health, education and welfare.

The professor, who will take a leave from Harvard to assume his consultant role on national security affairs with President-elect Richard M. Nixon, also has been an adviser to the National Security Council and the Defense Department.

Kissinger wrote an essay en-

titled "Central Issues of American Foreign Policy" for a Brookings Institute publication, "Agenda for the Nation," in which he said the U. S. could not hope to soothe the troubles of the world unless it drew up some concept of order.

"The most profound challenge to American policy," he wrote, "will be philosophical: to develop some concept of order in a world which is bipolar militarily and multipolar politically . . . in the field of foreign policy we never will be able to contribute to building a stable and creative world order unless we first form some conception of it."

# Holiday Shopping Season Brings Out These Gypsters

By SYLVIA PORTER

At just about this time last year, Christmas shoppers in one state plunked down more than $100,000 to buy appliances ranging from color TV to refrigerators advertised at one-third to one-half of the regular retail prices.

Dazzled by the bargains, customers paid for the appliances in advance and in full without so much as a written statement of the delivery date. This racket closed

## By Profit-Taking, Turnover Eases

NEW YORK (UPI).—Stock finished mixed yesterday as profit taking choked off a bid for a sixth consecutive winning performance. Trading was active. The UPI stock market indicator, measuring all stocks traded, showed a gain of 0.08 percent on 1600 issues crossing the tape.

Declines narrowly edged advances, 705 to 677. There were 177 new highs and five new lows.

THE DOW JONES average of 30 blue chip industrials dipped 1.74 to 98.34. DJ utilities also sagged, but the rails gained ground.

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From
FREE PRESS
Detroit, Mich.
M-521,257 S-577,640

DEC 20 1968

c5

# Nixon Keeps Aloof
On Kissinger Article

NEW YORK —(AP)— President elect Richard M. Nixon let it be known Thursday that he does not endorse—but neither does he object to—the views on the Vietnam peace talks expressed by his chief national security adviser.

Nixon's response to the publication of the Vietnam views of Dr. Henry Kissinger came from the president-elect's press spokesman, Ronald L. Ziegler, in response to a swarm of questions from newsmen.

The furor over the Kissinger article in the quarterly Foreign Affairs was the second of the week involving public statements by top Nixon appointees. The statements were made despite Nixon's effort to keep a lid on substantive public discussion until after he takes office Jan. 20.

The president-elect was forced to reassure the world monetary community Wednesday that he did not anticipate any change in the price of gold.

THIS STATEMENT was issued in response to the shock wave generated by the Treasury secretary-designate, David M. Kennedy, a Chicago banker, when he refused to commit himself during a press conference on the subject. This was interpreted as a signal

of a coming change in the Nixon fiscal policy.

Kennedy conferred with Nixon Thursday.

As the Nixon camp tried to cool off the fold situation, the article by Kissinger appeared. It was a strong statement of the Harvard University scholar's convictions on Vietnam that was written before his appointment to the incoming administration.

Kissinger said in the article that the current Paris talks should be a prelude to informal and perhaps even secret talks between Hanoi and Washington on the one hand, and between Saigon and the National Liberation Front on the other.

Kissinger said the United States and North Vietnam should discuss a mutual withdrawal of troops and that the South Vietnamese and the Vietcong should work toward a political settlement.

ZIEGLER SAID Nixon was aware of Kissinger's views, and aware of the article, when he picked Kissinger for the sensitive White House post. But Ziegler left it unclear whether Nixon knew specifically of the suggestion for two-level talks in Paris.

UNION LEADER (M) & (E)

MANCHESTER, N. H.

CIRCULATION 55,103

JAN 1

1969

New
England
Newslin

Can Nixon Win Wars
With Men Like Kissinger?

Addressed to William Loeb: You write of Pearl Harbor day. At Yale, the response was a lusty shout to win back our honor militarily.

How we have been subverted since then! Now we pause, unilaterally disarm, stop the bombing, consult pacifists, listen to scientific moralists, glorify appeasers, and stomp on any militarist as a war mongerer without morals or Christian thought. And the result? So far in Vietnam we have about 30,000 American dead, 73,000 South Vietnamese dead, and over 400,000 North Vietnamese dead.

The way of the social idealogue has caused over a half million dead in Vietnam!

I bring this up because I want to add to your idea that Nixon is better than Humphrey because he will upgrade our defense. He will have to do much more than that. He will have to win the war in Vietnam quickly. The only way to do that is by force and violence, and the only persons qualified in that field are the very militarists we downplay.

It is even doubtful that Nixon wants to win the war. Let's assume the idea has crossed his mind.

Meanwhile, we could stop helping both sides if for nothing else than to help the morale of our forces in Vietnam. Of course, that means loss of some trade and the denial of the policy of merger with the USSR by aid and trade.

It will require the firing of "usurpers" like Dean Rusk, Robert McNamara, Walt Rostow, Clark Clifford, Abe Fortas, N. deB. Katzenbach and all such.

It is the ideas of such men which are responsible for those half million dead because that is the simple fact of history.

If Nixon hires any more men like Kissinger, we are doomed!

In his biography, I find academic degrees from Harvard but no military qualification. Yet, he is a specialist on nuclear weapons and foreign policy for the Council on Foreign Relations! He pleases Nelson Rockefeller and Henry C. Lodge in these same areas.

Two years in the army worked a wonder. The point is that if we need military help, which we desperately do, what earthly use will Kissinger be?

We have not rid ourselves of professor fever through Nixon. It may be impossible for Nixon to do this for so many of his buddies are CFR oriented. There is a major question as to whether Nixon can even improve our defense with men like Kissinger, much less win any wars.

JAMES B. MUMMA

24 Arden Rd., Wellesley, Mass.

WASHINGTON, PA.
OBSERVER REPORTER
D. 15,000

DEC 1 2 1968

## Intellectual Dialog

President-elect Richard M. Nixon appointed Harvard man Henry Alfred Kissinger to advise the President on foreign affairs. Mr. Nixon is also busily naming other member of the cabinet and specialists in various fields.

In light of Dr. Kissinger's assessment of his present job eight years ago, it might be well for Mr. Nixon to add one more specialist.

Dr. Kissinger said:

> "If the intellectual is to make a contribution to national policy, he faces a delicate task. He must steer between the Scylla of letting the bureaucracy prescribe what is relevant or useful and the Charybdis of defining these criteria too abstractly. If he inclines too much toward the former, he will turn into a promoter of technical remedies; if he chooses the latter, he will run the risks of confusing dogmatism with normality and of courting martyrdom — of becoming, in short, as wrapped up in a cult of rejection as the activist is in a cult of success..."

Our recommendation for an additional aide? An interpreter, naturally,

WESTERN
PRESS CLIPPING
EXCHANGE
MINNEAPOLIS, MINN.

OWATONNA (MINN.) PEOPLES' PR M 5,774,55,714

SUNDAY, DECEMBER 8, 1968

THESE DAYS

By John Chamberlain

Kissinger Choice Is On Beam

The conservatives have been biting their nails in fear that Richard Nixon might veer to the Left in making his appointments. The promise to take Democrats into the Cabinet scarred them; so, too, did the speculation about softy liberal Republicans in key policy jobs. But the sky hasn't fallen in at the moment of writing. When a power in the Republican South, Harry Dent of South Carolina, is named a deputy counsel in the White House along with the effective 28-year-old John Sears, who jumped from a job in Nixon's law firm to master the picture of the whole U.S. political chessboard in phenomenally brief time, it is evidence that Nixon can move with surefooted certainty.

This was doubly underlined by Nixon's first major policy appointment, that of Professor Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard as White House assistant to the President for national security. After a round of telephone calls to people who keep a watchful eye on the works of university and foundation foreign policy experts, I failed to elicit even a single derogatory remark on Kissinger. Even those who can't stand Harvard, believing it the projected shadow of the Americans for Democratic Action President J. Kenneth Galbraith, were quick to say that Kissinger is "Harvard with a difference."

Kissinger is supposed to be a "Europe and Atlantic" man who, like Nixon, thinks a first order of business is to restore firmness to the NATO alliance. This, after all, is simply good realism: if western Europe went to the Soviets, the rest of the world would go, too. But Kissinger is no fool about Asia; indeed, he has had his experiences in Vietnam, where he took part in abortive "peace" explorations for Washington.

The important thing about Kissinger is, in the understatement of the "Third World War" pundit, James Burnham, that he takes the resistance of the Soviet Union seriously. There is more to this wryly dry observation than meets the eye. For the fact of the matter is that White House advisers during the Johnson and Kennedy administrations tended to take the Russians all too lightly. They reacted only at the eleventh hour to the presence — for weeks the subject of Senator Kenneth Keating's warnings — of Soviet missiles in Cuba. They conclud-

ed, rather blithely in view of Hungary and Czechoslovakia at two ends of an era, that "convergence" between the Soviets and the West is inevitable; that "detente" is a simple matter of declaring its desirability; that "bridge-building" could be started before major differences in Southeast Asia and the Middle East are settled.

True enough, the White House adviser, Walt Rostow, once the chief prophet of the convergence thesis, ran into Ho Chi Minh and learned that a Marxist could still think as a Marxist. Lack of seriousness about Communism, however, has been latent in Washington throughout the 1960-68 period.

Kissinger is a tough man to pin down, for he dislikes such easy labels as "hard" and "soft." But he would certainly agree to dividing people into the bluffed and the unbluffed. He is an authority on weapons systems, but he is also a first-rate student of diplomatic psychology: he knows that atomic "deterrence" can't be considered apart from the pictures about it, sometimes fallacious, that exist in the heads of statesmen. It may be true that anti-missile systems will not stop nuclear warheads from reaching their targets. However, if a nation has an anti-missile system and its politicians believe in it, this must be considered in judging the likelihood of that nation to dare aggressive moves.

For those who have a perhaps frivolous taste for thinking about the impact of key appointments on the domestic political scene, Nixon's choice of Kissinger has its titillating side. For Kissinger was Nelson Rockefeller's chief adviser on foreign affairs questions. In picking Kissinger, Nixon has achieved a minor miracle: he has done something that must be welcomed by the Rockefeller liberals, yet he has avoided offending the conservatives. Moreover, he has selected a man who will work in easy tandem with other foreign affairs advisers who have been in the Nixon entourage all along. Richard V. Allen of the Hoover Institute for War, Peace and Revolution, who handled Nixon's foreign policy research during the campaign, is one of Kissinger's chief boosters.

Not all of Nixon's appointments will please everybody.

DOUGLAS, ARIZ.
DISPATCH
D. 4,000 S. 4,000

DEC 3 1968

# Nixon
## Kissinger, 'brain truster' meets Nixon

NEW YORK (AP) — President-elect Richard M. Nixon meets today with Henry Kissinger, a Harvard braintruster, in their fourth publicly announced meeting in eight days.

This coincides with reports around the Nixon headquarters that an important noncabinet appointment would be announced today.

Kissinger, 45, director of Harvard University's defense studies program and head of the Harvard International Seminar, was a federal consultant on national security matters early in the administration of the late President John F. Kennedy.

Kissinger has continued to serve as a consultant on nuclear weaponry.

Sunday's developments around the Nixon camp hinted

at the possibility the President-elect might not go as far as his campaign speeches indicated in substituting tax credits— requiring congressional approval—for direct federal subsidies in some aspects of the antipoverty program.

Robert Ellsworth, a top assistant to Nixon, had lunch here Sunday with Henry Ford II, board chairman of the Ford Motor Co. and chairman of the National Alliance of Businessmen created earlier this year at the behest of President Johnson.

The alliance has a goal of creating 500,000 jobs for the hardcore unemployed by early 1971. Businessmen train the recruits for regular jobs, with the federal government paying the difference between he normal cost of such training and—in about one-third of all cases—the higher cost of preparing the dis-

advantaged for similar employment. Congress appropriated 1200 million for such subsidies to business in the fiscal year ending June 30.

During the campaign, Nixon often talked about substituting tax credits for subsidies in this type of situation but, after Sunday's luncheon, Ellsworth said Nixon is "hopeful and desirous" of continuing the alliance program "aggressively and progressively."

The alliance already claims to have trained 110,000 workers at an average cost to the government of $2,000.

Ford was asked about the relative merits of subsidies and tax incentives. He termed it a "toss of the coin" proposition and said "It is not definitely clear that one way is better than the other."

schedule.

The rules committee, which will make some important—and some not-so-important—decisions, was to meet Monday, but a meeting of general managers lasted so long that the commit-

would allow a perfect pitch-hitter for the first pitch. This would let a team hit a pitcher without taking hits of the game.

The general managers mended changes in the

## Suns, Oaks Lose

By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

The Phoenix Suns, who are used to it, and the Oakland Oaks, who are not, both came out losers Monday night, but in different leagues.

The Dallas Chaparrals nipped Oakland 112-111, handing the Oaks only their third setback in 19 American Basketball Association starts.

Meanwhile, the expansion Suns of the National Basketball Association dropped their 11th in a row losing to Seattle up

## Ohio State Firms No. 1 Grid Rank

By THE ASSOCIATED PRESS

That Dream Match—the No. 1 team against the No. 2 outfit in the Rose Bowl—remained a reality today ... but just barely.

Ohio State solidified its hold on the top spot in The Associated Press' major college football poll, but the Buckeyes' New Year's Day foe, Southern California, had only a precarious hold on second place after last weekend's 21-21 draw with Notre Dame.

The Buckeyes, who wound up their regular season on a 9-0 note Nov. 23, drew 34 of the 39 first-place votes in averaging 770

strength of a 41-7 blasting of jummed from 11th to 10th on the Oklahoma State.

Idle Purdue, 8-2, moved from 12th to 11th; Alabama, 8-2, advanced from 15th to 12th following a 24-16 victory over Auburn: idle Michigan, 8-2, remained 13th; idle Oregon State, 7-3, he'd on to 14th, and surprising Ohio U., 10-0, leaped from 17th to 15th although it did not play.

Rounding out the to 20 were No. 16 Missouri, 7-3; No. 17 Arizona State, 8-2; Houston, down all the way to 18th from 10th after a 40-20 loss to Florida State that lifted the Seminoles from among the also rans into the No-

THE OHIO NEWS
BUREAU COMPANY

Cleveland, Ohio 44115
First Clipping Bureau In Ohio

THE ATHENS MESSENGER
ATHENS, O.
P.M. CIRC. 16,268
MUN. CIRC. 18,128 (no Sat.)

DEC-11-68

Foreign Policy Tip

President-elect Nixon has finally tipped off his hand on his major foreign policy concerns. By appointing Prof. Henry Alfred Kissinger, 45, of Harvard as his special assistant for National Security Affairs, he has indicated that Europe and the NATO alliance are uppermost in his mind and of survival in a nuclear age his top defense priority.

It is possible to say this by studying Kissinger's background and especially his writings, by which he asked that he be judged, when someone asked him if his is not a "hard line" toward the Soviet Union. That perhaps comes from the fact that both as a professor and as director of Harvard's defense studies program, Kissinger's work has been in the field of Soviet-American relations, especially with regard to nuclear weapons.

For instance, in his "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy," published in 1957 under the aegis of the Council on Foreign Relations, Kissinger argued the most effective deterrent to any substantial communist aggression was the knowledge

that the United States would employ nuclear weapons from the very outset. Three years later, in "The Necessity for Choice," he said he had rethought the problem and decided he had been wrong. It was doubtful, he said, that the United States would know how to fight a limited nuclear war and therefore a conventional strategy should be first employed in case of Communist attack.

These books emphasized the necessity for the United States to have a clear-cut strategic doctrine. He combined this thinking with his belief in NATO and its place in the strategy of deterrence. He testified in 1966 before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the control task of United States strategy was to encourage "a European sense of responsibility."

Of course, Kissinger's views are not necessarily Nixon's. But he would not appoint his most intimate adviser on foreign policy unless they saw eye to eye on these vital matters. For the present at least, we can say foreign policy will be to prevent crises before they occur.

RACINE (WIS) JR. TIMES E. 35,544 S. 35,743

WEDNESDAY, DECEMBER 4, 1968

## PROFILES of Newsmakers

### Henry A. Kissinger

NEW YORK (AP) — Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, President-elect Richard M. Nixon's new assistant for national security affairs, is compact, square-jawed and circumspect.

Ask him, for example, how he will counsel Nixon on the war in Vietnam:

"I believe very strongly that the position of a White House assistant is inconsistent with making public statements on substantive matters."

### Touch of German

His speech is brisk, business-like and marked by the lingering accent of his native Germany.

At 45, Kissinger has an 18-year string of credits as a consultant to government agencies, and a reputation in the foreign affairs community as something of a hard-liner on dealings with the Communist world.

Kissinger has written five books, dozens of magazine articles, on foreign and defense policy.

He joined the faculty of Harvard University in 1954, now is a professor in the Department of Government. He has been a consultant to the State Department since 1965, and to an array of other government agencies in the security field.

Kissinger, who came to the United States in 1938, is a graduate of Harvard University, and earned his doctorate there.

He served three years in the Army counterintelligence corps during World War II.

### Known by Books

His acquaintance with Nixon dates to a Christmas party little more than a year ago at the

HENRY A. KISSINGER

Harvard to White House

New York home of Clare Boothe Luce. But Nixon said he knew Kissinger long before through his writings. He mentioned particularly a 1957 book, "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy."

Nixon said several men were under consideration for the assignment he gave Kissinger. "I felt that at this time there was a need to bring to government someone who had never had that responsibility before," he said.

The new job is Kissinger's first full time position in government; he is seeking leave from Harvard.

Kissinger was born in Fuerth, Germany, on May 27, 1923. He became a naturalized citizen at the age of 20.

He is the father of two children.

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steps for protection of wildlife.

Maurice Van Susteren, hearing examiner, told persons attending a department DDT hearing that the agency cannot entirely prohibit the use of the substance, but can prevent its use if water pollution is involved.

Several conservation groups have asked the department to act. Petitioners said wind and rain carry DDT to rivers from farms and from cities where it is used to fight Dutch elm disease.

Slow to Deteriorate

Charles F. Wurster Jr. Old-field, N.Y., an organic chemist who has campaigned throughout the nation against the pesticide, told Tuesday's hearing that DDT is slow to deteriorate, remaining in the environment years after its application.

"There cannot be a controlled use of an uncontrollable compound," he said.

Wurster said DDT kills beneficial insects as well as undesired insects, and can "upset the insectecology anyplace it is used."

Orrie Loucks, a University of Wisconsin botanist, said winds carry the pesticide for long distance, often lifting the substance from plants and earth long after application.

Use of DDT on a windless

COLUMBUS EVENING
BUREAU
COLUMBUS, O. 43216
P.O. BOX 233148

DEC. 12-68

C

HISTORY REPEATS

Long-Range Foreign Policy
Usually Delayed by Crises

By RICHARD WILSON

Every administration since Harry S. Truman relinquished the presidency has come into office vowing its intention to grasp the initiative in foreign affairs in pursuance of well thought out long-range plans.

Every administration, including Truman's, thereupon devoted itself chiefly to reacting to crises as they arose while the Wilson

long-range planners conducted in-house exercises in theoretical foreign policy.

THE NIXON administration is no different in this respect than its predecessors. Nixon's appointment of Henry A. Kissinger of Harvard University as his national security adviser is hailed as the beginning of deep thought and planning in foreign policy. But Dr. Kissinger is not likely to dismantle the crisis room of his predecessor, Walt Whitman Rostow, in the White House basement. This is an information center which goes into action in every world crisis to collect the information and intelligence a president needs to guide him in major decisions.

The crisis room has been rather overworked during the Johnson administration owing both to a succession of world crises and President Johnson's insatiable demand for instant information at all hours of the day and night. The place is getting a little seedy with overuse, and Dr. Kissinger may not like the looks of it, but he nevertheless will have to spend a good deal of his time there rather than in the higher realms of theoretical postulation.

Dean Rusk thinks the foreign policy of the Nixon administration will be looked in on the same course as the Kennedy-

IF WE GET involved in no more Vietnams it will not be due to long-range planning but because the circumstances and conditions of some new crisis do not lend themselves to American armed intervention. In any case reaction to a new crisis is not likely to be based on prepackaged theoretical concepts but on crisis conditions. A reaction quite contrary to all previous concepts can easily be the case, depending on the atmosphere prevailing at the time.

If the planners could be blessed with faultless insight on the intentions of Kosygin, Mao, Nasser, and their like, tidy plans could be worked out. But contingencies rarely arise in the expected form or at their expected time and so the planners and theoreticians are called out of their beds to help make instant decisions reacting to unexpected conditions.

DEAN RUSK'S point seems to be that so long as we remain the world's leading power we shall have to respond to these thrusts as conditions require, or withdraw into some kind of isolationism. It appears to be Rusk's intuition that the public may not support much longer a strong position of U.S. leadership.

95

2

Tel. WOrth 2-3797

From DEC 3 - 1968

c5

## Profile

# Circumspect Expert

NEW YORK, Dec. 2.

DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER, President-elect Richard M. Nixon's new assistant for national security affairs, is compact, square-jawed and circumspect. Ask him, for example, how he will counsel Nixon on the war in Vietnam:

His speech is brisk, businesslike and marked by the lingering accent of his native Germany.

Kissinger has written five books and dozens of magazine articles on foreign and defense policy.

HE JOINED the faculty of Harvard University in 1954 and now is a professor in the Department of Government. He has been a consultant to the State Department since 1965 and to other government agencies in the security field.

Kissinger, who came to the United States in 1938, was graduated from Harvard University and earned his doctorate there.

He served three years in the Army counterintelligence corps during the Second World War.

His acquaintance with Nixon dates to a Christmas party little more than a year ago at the New York home of Clare Boothe Luce. But Nixon said he knew Kissinger long before through his writings. He mentioned particularly a 1957 book, "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy."

The new job is Kissinger's first full-time position in government; he is seeking leave from Harvard.

Kissinger, who is divorced, is the father of two children.

19

AMERICAN

Press Clipping Bureau, Inc.

Tel. WOrth 2-3797

From DEC 3 1968

JOURNAL
Montgomery, Ala.

E-28,189

The Limited Warmonger

OF ALL the powers that will
come into the hands of Richard
Nixon next January, none is more
awesome than the power to make
war. In a time when ideological
opponents possess the military
capacity to virtually destroy the
world, the war-making decision
becomes — literally — the decision
which ends all decisions.

In this ultimate decision, the
President is curiously the captive
of the technical expert. He must
make his decision based on
technical information which may
be faulty, but which he
nevertheless cannot question.
Given little or no time to
determine for himself what kind
of response is demanded in a given
situation, the President must act
or risk a national paralysis in a
time of crisis.

A number of books and films
— notably “Failsafe” and “Dr.
Strangelove.” — have dealt with
this gloomy theme in recent years.
Such fictional treatments usually
have their technical flaws, but
they nonetheless drive home the
point: in certain situations, the
President is all but helpless to
alter the war-making powers of
a technological elite.

President-elect Nixon has ap-
parently settled on Henry A. Kiss-
inger, the Harvard professor who
specializes in strategic doctrine,
as the next Administration's chief
adviser on national security.

Since Mr. Kissinger was born
in Germany, naturalized in 1943,
and still speaks with a slight ac-

cent, his new position may alarm
some who recall the spine-tingling
satire, "Dr. Strangelove," in
which the mad German scientist
maneuvers an unwilling President
into an inextricable suicidal war
with Russia. A few years ago,
we were privileged to attend a
lengthy seminar conducted by
Kissinger on national defense
policy; for whatever reassurance
it may be worth, we recall him
as calm, sane, and highly-in-
telligent in his approach to the
uses and consequences of force
in a nuclear age.

In fact, Kissinger is one of those
who led us away from John Foster
Dulles' "brink of war" diplomacy.
Dulles' reliance on "massive
retaliation" may have been
serviceable when it was introduced
in 1954, at a time when the United
States enjoyed an unquestioned
nuclear superiority over Russia
and all other powers, but it rapidly
lost its value with the spread of
nuclear capability. Clearly, such
a policy could not deal with am-
biguous or local threats, and it
offered no alternative other than
suicide.

Kissinger was among those who
pressed for, and achieved in mid-
1957, the shift to flexible response
— the ability to wage limited war
if the occasion demanded.

There is at least a little comfort
that a President can let an enemy
know that he is serious — short
of sending the missiles out of their
silos.

THE OHIO NEWS
BUREAU COMPANY

FREMONT NEWS

MESSENGER

FREMONT, O.

P.M. - CIRC. 15,561

DEC-10-68

CS

# Defining Top Tasks Difficult

David Lawrence

WASHINGTON — President-elect Nixon is finding it necessary to reorganize the office of the chief executive. Somewhat similar attempts have been made by preceding administrations, and they reflect an evolution in the presidency from merely a cabinet type of government to the addition of an important echelon of advisers who deal with special topics rather than the administration of departments or agencies.

The new president will before long need to define the responsibilities of his group of special advisers, setting forth where their duties begin and end, so that it will be clear just what the functions of the cabinet members are in relation to the men who sit at the elbow of the president every day.

Presidents in recent years have found that the White House requires not only an information-gathering staff, but advisers with a thorough knowledge of specific fields in public affairs. Mr. Nixon already has at work at least 14 different parts of the

country who specialize in particular subjects. One of the new president's chief assistants has been designated as the administrative head of all these various groups so that duplication between them can be avoided and co-ordination achieved.

Mr. Nixon has selected, as chairman of the President's Council of Economic Advisers, Dr. Paul W. McCracken, professor at the University of Michigan's Graduate School of Business. He is also to be the over-all chairman of the task forces.

Dr. Lee A. DuBridge, president of the California Institute of Technology, will be science adviser to the President dealing not only with the space program but with research in all fields of science. Nearly every department of the government is in some way related directly or indirectly to what is going on in the scientific world.

Mr. Nixon has chosen Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, the head of Harvard's International Seminar and its Defense Studies program, as his assistant for national security affairs. He, of course, will not be issuing orders to the joint chiefs of staff or other officials in the Pentagon, but will devote himself to long-range planning. Basic policy will be made by the President, and such recommendations as come from Dr. Kissinger doubtless will be submitted to the Defense Department for study and comment.

A most interesting post has been given to Herbert G. Klein, who is to be director of communications for the entire executive branch of the government — a new concept.

As for relations with Congress, Bryce Harlow, who used to be an aide to President Eisenhower, will be the presidential assistant on legislative and congressional affairs and presumably will maintain contact with the chairmen of committees and other leaders in both Houses.

Among the many task forces that have been set up to furnish the Presidency with comprehensive studies are those which will deal with labor-management relations, crime and law enforcement, international economic policy, tax legislation, inflation, housing and urban renewal, public welfare, intergovernmental fiscal relations, education, and health programs.

It may well be asked whether there will be conflicts or collisions between the cabinet officers and the presidential advisers.

FREE PRESS

COLORADO SPRINGS, COLO.
D. 20,538 SUN. 20,527

DEC 11 1968

# The Kissinger Appointment

It is a strange thing about Richard Nixon. After twenty years in public life, as Congressman, Senator, Vice President, two-time Presidential candidate, and now as President-elect of the United States, he is still a mysterious and shadowy figure. Maybe others are more skilled at this than we are, but it is difficult for us now, more than a month after the election, to see the outlines of the administration which will be in charge of public affairs in this country for the next four years. Mr. Nixon has withdrawn from public sight to a degree virtually unprecedented among recent successful Presidential candidates. He has not held a single press conference since the morning after the election. He is obviously working hard to form the coming administration and to outline its policies, but so far, let's confess frankly, we can't tell with any degree of confidence what will happen after January 20th.

We are reduced to a role similar to that of the "Kremlinologists" of the 1950's, whose only clue as to what was going on within the Soviet government was to examine carefully who attended what parties in whose company and who stood next to whom on ceremonial occasions — such as the review of parades from atop Lenin's tomb. This approach is a little more scientific than reading tea-leaves, but not much.

All right, so we are looking for clues. Few are to be found in the appointments to the White House staff. These appear to be competent but essentially faceless associates of Mr. Nixon. Every President needs such immediate subordinates, men with a passion for anonymity. The appointment of Herbert Klein as "Information Director" for the entire government might be more revealing were it not for the fact that no one seems to be entirely sure just what his functions are going to be. An information director can either give out a great deal of information, thus making it an "open" administration; or else he can

stop the flow of information, which would give rise to the same credibility gap from which the present administration has suffered so seriously.

Nor is the appointment of President DuBridge of Cal Tech as the President's Science Advisor very revealing. He is an eminent and respected scientist, who will bring prestige to the position. But it is not clear whether the scientific community is divided on policy issues, or, if it is, on what side Dr. DuBridge is to be found.

In fact, about the only appointment so far which does reveal something about the shape of things to come is that Dr. Henry Kissinger of Harvard University as the President's advisor on National Security Affairs — a place occupied presently by one of Dr. Kissinger's former colleagues from across the street at M.I.T., Walt Rostow. We believe this to be a very fine appointment. Dr. Kissinger has the respect of the academic community. He has been a policy advisor to the Kennedy and the Johnson administrations, and to Governor Rockefeller. He is well-grounded in the historical aspects of international relations. His special fields of competence relate to two subjects: arms control and Europe. He is not an expert on Asia, or, for that matter, on the underdeveloped areas in general. He brings to his new tasks a record of solid scholarship and of much constructive advice. We speculate that his appointment may mean a shift in the priorities of American foreign policy. If that speculation is accurate, we approve of the shift. In any event, we believe that the appointment is a good one, and we are encouraged by it.

Tonight's announcement by President-elect Nixon of the selection of his Cabinet will undoubtedly reach a broad audience via television but, we submit, it will be some time before the American public will hear any enlightening dialogue as to course charted and goals sought.

...und abenus
ein Tänzchen
im Highball

Londoner Luft in Nürnbergs neuester Diskothek

Öfter mal was Neues! — Und natürlich bei Charly Sachers, der nach
und nach die Nürnberger Adlerstraße unter Kontrolle bekommt. Die
Stammgäste von Sachers „Baumwolle“, die, seitdem der Gastronom
seinen Bauernladen eröffnet hat, Sachersche Köstlichkeiten auch mit
nach Hause nehmen können, haben von nun an auch die Möglichkeit,
unter Charly’s Schirm und Schutz das Tanzbein zu schwingen. Wo sich
noch vor einem halben Jahr große und kleine Kinder an einer Mini-
Autorennbahn erfreuten, darf jetzt getanzt werden. Und nicht zu
knapp! Denn die Tanzfläche im neueröffneten „Highball“ in der Adler-
straße ist geräumig, und bei der Musik, für die Disk-Jockey Micky ver-
untwortlich zeichnet, kann kein Mensch ruhig bleiben.

Was an dem neuen Lokal be-
onders gefällt, erklärte der bär-
ige Gastronom, der mit seiner
Diskothek „Heustadel“ in Ingol-
tadt schon einige Erfahrung ge-
mammelt hat: „Das soll auf keinen

Fall ein Tanzschuppen sein, in
dem junge Halbstarke ihr Unwe-
sen treiben!" Ganz im Gegenteil
wird das neue Etablissement, als
„night club“ apostrophiert,
seriöses Publikum durch intime
Atmosphäre anlocken. Sachers
hierzu: „Wir geben Club-Karten
aus, und zwar nur an nette Leute,
die wir gut kennen. Das ideale
wäre, daß bei uns jeder jeden
kennt!“

Diesen „Idealfall“ haben S-
chers und sein Teilhaber Gerd
Fraunholz bei der offiziellen Ein-
weihung am letzten Wochenende
ohne Zweifel erreicht. Und wenn
ein Gast wirklich ein fremdes Ge-
sicht entdeckte, so wurde späte-
stens bei der Polonaise, die durch
beiden Etagen des großzügig an-
gelegten Lokals führte, Freund-
schaft geschlossen, und mit einem
kräftigen Schluck an der Bar be-

dem malenden Innenarchitekten
Oskar Urban zu verdanken, der
viele Stunden seiner Freizeit in-
vestierte, um aus der ehemaligen
Auto-Rennbahn eine Tanzdorado
im Stil der schicken Londoner
Diskotheken zu machen: Schöne
Formen, leuchtend-anheimelnde
Farben und interessante Lichtef-
fekte bilden ein ausgewogenes
Ganzes.

Für die nächste Zukunft hat der Hausherr große Pläne: Schon im Frühjahr wird man im „night club“, der die ganze Woche über geöffnet ist, schon am hellichten Nachmittag seinen Kaffee trinken und die Arbeiten junger Künstler besichtigen können. Uta Keil

argus
Seit 1887

Auschnitt aus:

Die Kommenden, Freiburg

vom

25. Jan. 1969

Christian Hansen

Das Dilemma der Macht

Die außenpolitischen Vorstellungen Henry Kissingers

Richard Nixon, der neugewählte republikanische Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten, der am 20. Januar 1969 sein neues Amt angetreten hat, hat zum Berater für Außenpolitik und Fragen der nationalen Sicherheit den in den USA und in der militärischen Fachwelt angesehenen wissenschaftlichen Experten für Verteidigungsfragen und internationale Politik, Prof. Henry Kissinger an der berühmten Harvarduniversität, ernannt. Dd Nixon dem nationalen Sicherheitsrat wieder eine zentrale Entscheidung einräumen will, kommt dem neuen Plannungschef für die amerikanische Außen- und Verteidigungspolitik hohe Bedeutung zu. Kissinger hat sowohl unter dem Präsidenten Eisenhower als auch Präsident. Kennedy und dem Gouverneur Rockefeller eine wichtige Beratertätigkeit ausgeübt. Seine Ernennung ist in der internationalen politischen und diplomatischen Welt des Westens begrüßt worden. Prof. Kissinger stammt aus Fürth und ist infolge der Hitlerschen Rassenpolitik im Jahre 1938, wie viele tausend andere hochbegabte Wissenschaftler, Intellektuelle, Techniker und Ingenieure nach den USA und andere Länder emigriert.

Kissinger gilt als der bedeutendste Theoretiker der Großmaßtpolitik im Atomzeitalter. Er hat seine Studien in starkem Maße auf die Frage der amerikanischen Sicherheit, des Ost-West-Verhältnisses, der Atomrüstung und deren Auswirkungen auf die Militärstrategie konzentriert. Er gilt in den USA als einer der führenden Europa- und Deutschlandspezialisten. Auch unter der Studentenschaft ist Kissinger seiner geistigen Elastizität, Objektivität und seines unwahrscheinlichen Fleißes wegen — er arbeitet täglich über 16 Stunden — sehr beliebt. Seine Seminare an der Universität sind überfüllt. Sein Einfluß auf die amerikanische Sicherheitspolitik und Militärstrategie ist nachhaltig.

Kissinger vertritt die Auffassung, daß die 20 Jahre alte NATO neue Vorstellungen entwickeln müsse, wenn sie mit den Problemen der 70er Jahre fertig werden wolle. Nach Kissinger, und nicht

nur nach ihm, gibt es im Atomzeitalter keine Verteidigung mehr. Durch das „nukleare Patt“ zwischen den USA und der UdSSR seien die bisherige NATO-Strategie bzw. NATO-Verteidigungspläne der 50er Jahre umgeworfen. Es sei eine Wahnvorstellung, daß jene Staaten, die die Amerikaner unter ihre Fittiche genommen hätten, durch eine amerikanische Überlegenheit gesichert seien. Diesen Gedanken unterstreicht auch der englische Militärschriftsteller Liddel Hart, wenn er sagt: „Die Amerikaner werden es sich zweimal überlegen, ihre strategische Luftwaffe zur Beantwortung sowjetischer Angriffe in Europa oder Asien einzusetzen, da nun auch New York und Chikago in den Schußbereich russischer Raketen geraten sind.“ Kissinger und Liddel Hart sind der gleichen Meinung, wenn sie meinen: Von Sieg als Endziel eines Krieges zu sprechen, grenze an Wahnsinn, denn ein totaler Krieg mit nuklearen Waffen wäre für beide Supermächte tödlich. Das Atomwaffen-dilemma lasse den Russen immerhin die Möglichkeit, die Stellung des Westensstückweise „anzuknabbern“, ohne daß sich deshalb die Amerikaner veranlaßt sehen würden, auf ein Selbstmordrisiko einzugehen. Das könnte zum Beispiel ein „plötzlicher Vorstoß begrenzter Art sowohl in zeitlicher Dauer als auch in seinen Ausmaßen sein“. Der Westen tue gut daran, mit der Möglichkeit eines Überraschungsangriffes innerhalb von 24 Stunden zu rechnen. Liddel Hart glaubt, nach einem derartigen Blitzangriff könnte ein Verhandlungsangebot kommen, das die Westmächte vor die Alternative stellt: „Wollt ihr die Welt in die Luft sprengen oder mit uns am Konferenztisch zusammentreten.“ Kissinger denkt in diesem Punkt ein wenig anders, worauf er in seinen Werken eingehend zu sprechen kommt. Er glaubt, man müsse vorher mit den Russen in Verhandlung treten, um so den „Krieg“ zu lokalisieren, ihn in Grenzen zu halten, um ein Übergreifen in einen allgemeinen nuklearen Krieg zu verhindern. Daraus leitet er den Begriff „begrenzter Krieg“ ab. Diese Gedanken hat Henry Kissinger bereits in den 60er Jahren in seinen Büchern: „Kern-

Klub

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r 4,-, Por-
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Correspondenten Roland Müller

Auseinandersetzung zwischen der Auffassung
einung der Bundesländer über die sogenannte
eblich verschärft. Völlig überraschend waren
g, nicht nur den Vermittlungsausschuß zwi-
th, was erwartet worden war, sondern zusätz-
setzespaket von 17 Verfassungsänderungen

anzurufen, muß in der kommenden Woche auf
der Bundesratssitzung am 7. Februar noch er-
folgen.

Nach Darstellung von Weichmann sind es
vor allem die Bundesvorschläge für eine kon-
kurrierende Gesetzgebung, die von den Län-
dern als nicht annehmbar bezeichnet werden.
Das bedeutet, daß der Vorschlag der Bundes-
regierung, der bereits vom Bundestag gutge-
heißen wurde, sowohl den Bau von Kranken-
häusern zu finanzieren als auch eine zentrale
Bildungsplanung vorzunehmen, von den Län-
dern zurückgewiesen wird. In anderen Fragen
dagegen machte Weichmann deutlich, daß eine
Eingangsgesetzgebäude so schnell möglich ist, in

BÄUMCHEN statt Kerzen umgeben seit zwei
Tagen das Denkmal des Heiligen Wenzel in
Prag. Nachdem Demonstranten dort immer wie-
der Kerzen und Bilder zum Gedenken an der
Studenten Jan Palach angebracht hatten, ver-
hinderte die Stadtverwaltung solche stumme

TURUN SANOMAT
Turku
89.505/R

20.1.1969

Sita

BULEV. 10

HELSINKI 32 HELSINGFORS · 63 13 62

# Nixonilla kolme levotonta rintamaa

Washington
(TS—Stewart Hensley)

Kun Richard Nixon maanantaina siirtyy Valkoisen talon isännäksi, hän saa hoitaakseen kolme levotonta ulkopoliittista rintamaa — Vietnamin, Lähi-idän ja Euroopan.

Tapa, jolla hän suorittuu näillä rintamilla halituskautensa ensimmäisinä kriittisinä viikkoina ja kuukausina, voi ratkaista koko hänen presidenttikautensa ulkopoliittikan menestyksen tai epäonnistumisen.

Tarkkailijat arvelevat, että Nixon etenee toistaiseksi varovaisesti välttäen suuria poikkeamia Johnsonin politiikan yleislinjoista. Nixonin

täytyy aluksi nojautua edellisen hallituksen neuvontantajien ja diplomaattisten asiantuntijoiden neuvoihin. Liian kauan hän ei kuitenkaan voi odottaa oman leimansa painamista Yhdysvaltain ulkopolitiikkaan.

VIETNAMIN SUHTEEN Nixonon ensimmäisenä tehtävänä pidetään Hanoin vakuuttamista siitä, ettei rauhanhalu voi ajaa amerikkalaisia sellaisiin myönnytyksiin, jotka horjuttaisivat Yhdysvaltain liittolaissuhteita ja liittolaisten luottamusta. Nixon on tästä hyvin selvillä ja hän on ryhtynyt toimiin vakuuttaakseen vastapuolelle, ettei hän aio suosua sopimukseen, joka itse asiassa merkitsisi "naamioitua antauumista".

LÄHI—IDÄSSÄ uuden presidentin on päätettävä, kuinka oli si parasta suhtautua Neuvostoliiton lisääntyvään sotilaallisen ja diplomaattiseen vaikutusvaltaan alueella, sekä Kremlin kampanjaan arabivaltioiden puolesta Israelia vastaan.

EUROOPASSA Nixonilla on edessään ongelmia, jotka ovat aiheutuneet Tshekkoslovakian miehityksestä ja Neuvostoliiton paluusta oppiin, jonka mukaan sillä on oikeus suojella puhdassoppista sosialismia kaikissa sosialistisissa maissa.

## Ydinkysymykset

EUROOPAN POLITIIKAN ydinkysymykset ovat 1) Naton sotilaallisen aseman vahvistaminen 2) kaupalliset ja poliittiset suhteet Itä-Eurooppaan ja 3) Neuvostoliiton kanssa käytävät neuvottelut ydinasekilvan rajoittamisesta.

TOISTAISEKSI Nixon on ulkopoliittisissa lausunnoissaan tyytynyt yleisluontoisiin toteamuksiin kieltäytyen puhumasta julkisesti mistään erityispolititiikasta tai menettelytavoista. Tämä asennoituminen sai osakseen arvostelua demokraateilta vaallikampanjan aikana ja hiljaisuus on herättänyt pettymystä moinen diplomaattien ja poliitikkojen keskuudessa.

## Yleisluontoisesti

ON KUITENKIN todennäköistä, että Nixon vielä virkaanastujaispuheessaankin käsittelee ulkopoliitiikkaa hyvin yleisluontoisesti. Osittain tämä voi johtua siitä, että hän ei halua tehdä etukäteislupauksia, jotka myöhemmin voisivat osoittautua ratisitteiksi. Suureksi osaksi hiljaisuuden syynä kuitenkin lienee, että Nixon ja hänen avustajansa eivät monen ongelman suhteen vielä ole tehneet päästöstä noudatettavasta politiikasta.

UUDEN HALLITUKSEN ulkopolitiikan avainhenkilöitä tulee olemaan Harvardin professori Henry Kissinger, jonka Nixon on valinnut erikoisavustajakseen kansallista turvallisuutta koskevissa kysymyksissä.

KISSINGER ON yhdessä tulevan ulkoministerin William Rogersin ja apulaisulkoministerin Elliot Richardsonin kanssa laatinut Nixonille raportin ulkopoliittisista vaihtoehdoista. Kaikkien kolmen kerrotaan valitta-

neen, etteivät he ole pääseet keskustelemaan viime aikoina Nixonin itsensä kanssa kylliksi ulkopoliittikasta, koska tulevalla presidentillä ollut monia muiita kiireitä.

## Vähän kokemusta

ROGERSILLA enempää kuin Richardsonillakaan ei ole merkittävää kokemusta ulkopolitiikan alalta. Sen sijaan heillä on tarjottavana yllin kyllin uskollisuutta Nixonia kohtaan ja hallinnollista pätevyyttä.

TARKKAILIJAT pitävät asiantuntija Kissingerin asemaa ulkopolitiikan muotoilussa erittäin tärkeänä. Tarkkailijoiden keskuudessa on myös ihmetelty, mikä lopulta tulee olemaan Kissingerin ja ulkoministeriön välinen suhde. Eräät ministeriön virkailijat sanovat Kissingerin suunnittelevan yhteistoimintaa muuttamien terävien ministeriön palveluksessa olevien nuorten virkamiesten kanssa ja siten eräänlaisen "pikku-ulkoministeriön perustamista" presidentin ympärrille.

ni alkaa helposti kaihtaa vastuutta, koska uskoo, että asiantuntijat pystyvät suojelemaan häntä myös virheellisten ratkaisujen seurauksilta.

Onko rakkaus toiseen naiseen aina uskottomuuden syy?

Vastaus: Aviomies voi olla uskotton rakkaudesta toiseen naiseen. Usein hän kuitenkin solmii tilapäisen suhteen siksi että yrittää loukata vaimoaan, joka on osoittanut todellista tai kuviteltua ynseyttä. Syrjähyppyjen syyrä voi myös olla miehen halua

Vastaus: Monet nuoret, jotka tuntevat itsensä kömpelöiksi toisten seurassa, ovat huomannet alkoholin hälventävän ujoutta ja jopa tekevän heistä seuran keskipisteen. Kohtuullinenk alkoholinkäyttö voi kuitenkin estää ujoa ja sulkeutunutta ihmistä kehittämästä seurallisia ominaisuuksiaan, niin että hän tulee vähitellen riippuvaiseksi väkijuomista.

Copyright Bull's
Presstjänst AB

## Sirhan paheksuu väkivaltauutisia

Los Angeles (TS). Sirhan Sirhan, joka on parhaillaan oikeuden edessä syytettynä senaatori Robert Kennedyn murhasta, on peruuttanut sanomalehtensä — Los Angeles Timesin — tilauksen, "koska se on täynnä uutisia väkivallasta, kaaoksesta ja levottomuuksista".

"Mitä onkaan tapahtu-

## Tärkeä tavoite vapauden tiellä

Sinänsä Zeinapin tutkinto kuulostaa pikkuasialta, mutta se on itse asiassa tärkeä virstanpylväs vapautumisen tiellä, jota Jemenin naiset ovat kulkeneet vuoden 1962 vallankumouksesta lähtien. Paljon on vielä tehtävä, mutta ensimmäiset ja samalla vaikeimmat askeleet on otettu.

Entisen kuningasvallan aikana tyttöjen koulunkäyntiä pidettiin

läistytöt riisuneet huntunsa, jokin empien, lähteneet kouluun ja päättäneet valmistua sairaanhoitajiksi. Nouria Hameed, joka on 16-vuotias hoitajaoppilas sanoi aluksi hävenneensä hunnuttomuuttaan miesten seurassa. Hän tunni itsensä alastomaksi ja pelkästi miesten käyttäytyvän sopimattomasti häntä kohtaan. Nykyisín hän kulkee kaduilla pusero ja hame yllään ja suhtautuu poikiin kuin tovereihinsa ainakin.

## Setämäisiä miesopettajia

Vanhemmat ovat kuitenkin yhä varuillaan ja oudoksuvat uutta vapautta. Niinpä sairaanhoitajakoulussa, jota Nouriakin käy, on varmuuden vuoksi vain vanhoja ja arvokkaan setämäisiä miesopettajia. Koulun johto ei halua suotta kiihdyttää vanhempien tunteita.

## Vannoutunut pulunsyöttäjä

Bradfordin kaupunki lähetti äskettäin 1 000 markan shekin rouva Hannah Dumbillelle, jonka eräs poliisi tapasi "likaamasta yleistä paikkaa" jokin aika sitten.

luenssasta.

"Tenesee oli kuolemaisillaan vakavaan influenssakohtaukseen ja sen jälkeen hän vaati, että hänet kastettaisiin katoliseen uskoon", sanoi isä Leroy sen jälkeen kun Williams, joka on tunnettu melkoisen kovasta kielellisestä ilmoisustaan, oli vaihtanut uskontoa. Williams kuului aikaisemmin episkopaaliseen kirkkoon. (UPI)

## Kolmas kerta toden sanoo?

Malung den 3/2 1969

ARTHUR

Inger Ulla

Slocknad är livets låga
Brusten blicken mild och god
Fri Du går från kroppens
plåga

Som Du bar med tålamod.
Tung är sorgen, svår att bära
Tomt det blir i hemmets vrå
Tack för allt Du gav oss kära
Ljust Ditt minne skall bestå.

Jordfästning har ägt rum.

För alla bevis och vänligt del-
tagande vid min käre Makes,
vår Fars, Broders, Svärfars och
Morfars

Viktor Göransson

bortgång, för alla blommor till
hemmet, för den vackra blom-
stergärden vid hans bår, tal och
för telegram till olika fonder,
framföra vi härmed till släkt,
grannar, vänner och till kyrko-
herde Stellan Oltéus vårt var-
maste tack.

Ett särskilt tack till läkare och
personal på Lima sjukhem.

MATILDA

Viran

Sonja och Kurt

Ronny Gunvy

Tänk på Järna Blomsterfond
Postgiro 3 22 48.
Telefon 201 30.

Efter förhandlingarna diskuterades med affärschefer snabbköp, närhetsbutik och butiksservice utom samhället. Representanter för såväl privata som kooperativa handeln var närvarande och redogjorde för sina synpunkter. En livlig diskussion utspann sig därefter kring dagligvaruförsörjningen och "hemmets finansminister".

Varuförsörjningen till ytterområdena fann affärscheferna tillfredsstälande, försäljning via varubussar avsågs fortsätta. Sortiment, prisfrågor, reklam via rabattkuponger, samlande av kartonglock och liknande reklamjippon diskuterades också från olika aspekter.

I stort var "mödrarna" nöjda med
dagens service i butiker och varu-
bussar. Sammankomsten avslutades
med tesupé.

Centerkvinnorna

har haft årsmöte med cp-ledaren
Erik Karlsson som förhandlingsleda-
re. Omvald som ordförande blev An-
na Emretsson, v. ordf. Inga Ahne-
brink, sekr. Ingeborg Jansson och
kassör Anna Hols. Revisorer blev
Margit Matsson och Marianne Aslund.

Föreningen hade oförändrat 27 med-

Till alla som deltagit med oss
i sorgen och saknaden efter vår
käre Far och Svärfar

Vendel Åkerman

vid hans bortgång, för alla blom-
mor vid hans bår samt de mån-
ga gåvorna till olika fonder
framföra vi vårt varma tack.

BARNEN med familjer

rätten, där inte kommunen tänker
utöva rätten i s. k. negativa ären-
den.

Till kommunal kontaktman med
lantbruksnämnden vid tillämpning
av lagen om kommunal förköpsrätt
valdes Nises Evert Eriksson.

Fullmäktige godkände nämndens
förslag till yttrande om gymnasie-
organisationen, där bl. a. ett par-
tiellt gymnasium i Vansbro föreslås.

Fastighetstaxeringsnämnden om-
valdes, vilket betyder att Einar
Westman, Johan Enström och Axel
Karlsson, Sågen, även detta år har
detta uppdrag.

Fullmäktige godkände kommunal-
nämndens förslag om yttrande om
kommunindelningsreformens fullföl-
jande, vilket för Appelbos del inne-
bar ett helt frivilligt samgående.

Skolmaten.

Skolmaten består denna vecka av:
måndag skinksås, tisdag stekt fisk
med äggsås, onsdag köttbullar, tors-
dag ärtsoppa, fredag fruktkräm.

lemmar vid årskskiftet. Viss studie-
verksamhet och annan aktivitet har
förekommit, bl.a. har kursen "El i
hemmet" fullföljts och avdelningen
genomförde i somras den stora CKF-
träffen med 400 gästande kvinno-
medlemmar. Dagens förhandlingar
följdes av supé på Lugnet.

Jurist hos Handelsbanken

Malung är utan advokat, men nu
ämnar Handelsbanken vissa dagar
bygga ut sin kundservice med ju-
risten Ingemar Wikström från kon-
toret i Falun, som står allmänheten
till tjänst när det gäller juridiska
frågor.

onsda
fredag

423 Lantmännen i Sverige

Röda kors.

Säfsnäskretsen av Röda Kors-
set har 423 medlemmar. Kassan
har omslutit 8,354 kr. Två sjuk-
vårdskurser har ordnats med
sjuksköterskan Brita Fors som
ledare. Tre barn har på kretsens
bekostnad fått vistas på väst-
kusten.

Valkollekten gav 683 kr, Lu-
ciainsamlingen 73 och Röda kors-
veckans insamling 1.064 kr. Till
Biafra har sänts 1.000 kr och
till leprasjuka 600 kr.

Till styrelse valdes Gösta
Björnerfeldt, ordf. Torsten Lund
sekr. Ulla Morell, kassör, Olle
Lundblad, Annie Berglund, Cla-
ry Svensson, Carin Norrby, Van-
da Johansson, Gravendal, och
Hilda Andersson, Tyfors. Revi-
sorer: Ivar Gustafsson och Gun-
nar Bryngel.

Hilding Jansson, som varit sekr
och kassör under många år, av-
tackades och även hans maka
lämnade styrelsen.

Dödsfall

— Skogsarbetaren Gunnar
Rahkola, Tyfors, har avlidit i en
ålder av 53 år. Han var född i
Sideby i Finland och från 1962
bosatt i Säfnäs. Närmast sör-
jande är maka, barn och barn-
barn.

Kronprinsessan Lovisas barn-
sjukhus i Stockholm. Hon ska
flyttas till ett spädbarnshem.
Flickans föräldrar hade på
fredagen ännu inte hört av
sig. Barnavårdsnämnden i
Stockholm, har övertagit an-
svaret för barnet.

FLODA

Krock i Holsåker

Två personbilar frontalkrockade på
byvägen i Holsåkers by på lördags-
eftermiddagen. Ingen person skada-
des. Bilarna fick plåtskador.

Flodafullmäktige to
i kommun

Eric S. Larsson informerade om de
båda alternativen och fullmäktige
beslöt enhälligt utan debatt att följa
den s.k. frivilliglinjen. För att kla-
ra löpande reparationer på de kom-
munala fastigheterna och även i mån
av tid avlasta en del av kommunal-
technikerns arbetsbörda, beslöt full-
mäktige att anställa lämplig person
och denna befattning utannonseras.

Kommunalnämndens ordf. och lö-
nenämnden fick i uppdrag att uppta
förhandlingar med kommunalteknik-
kern om eventuell ändring i hans
nuvarande lönesättning.

Lönenämndens förslag om anta-
gande av nytt pensionsreglemente