Christian Science Monitor

Thursday, September 26, 1974

T

2

# U.S. tries to rally oil-using nations

By Dana Adams Schmidt

Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Washington

Planning by the United States and other major oil-consuming nations to "do something" about the threat to their economies posed by soaring oil prices will begin to take shape at a weekend conference of foreign ministers and finance ministers at Camp David.

It appears to be the American intention to develop some collective action by the oil consumers. The idea of an oil consumers' cartel, to cope with challenge of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), has been kicking around for several years. Whenever suggested it has met furious objections from the Arabs.

But now it seems likely to take shape, regardless of objections. A first step in that direction was taken last week at the meeting of the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development at Brussels that reached tentative agreement on organizational devices for global sharing of oil should the consumers again face an embargo or major cutback of production.

## Offensive moves

That was planning for a defensive move by the consumers; now at issue are offensive moves to oblige or persuade the Arabs to roll back or at least not to raise oil prices any further.

A second recommendation comes from some of the more moderate oil producers. As formulated by the President of Venezuela, Carlos Andres Perez, in a full-page advertisement in the New York Times replying to President Ford, they are urging a worldwide forum to tackle not just the problem of oil prices but of other commodities such as food and agricultural machinery.

The Venezuelan proposal focuses on the oil producers' general defense: that they are not the main cargüits, that the problem of world inflation is much broader, and that the oil producers have just tried to keep up with inflation.

This claim by the producers is open to question, considering that as

recently as 1971 the price of a barrel of light Saudi Arabian crude oil was $1.80 a barrel, that in 1973 the price had risen to $3.01 and that it now is $11.65.

At least one among the Arab oil ministers, Ahmed Zakî Yamani, is willing to admit that the rise has been excessive, and he has been advocating a rollback of $2.00 per barrel.

The Saudis say they have not managed to take the lead in bringing about the rollback because they find themselves isolated among the producers. Privately they are urging the U.S. to put pressure on Iran and Venezuela to support the Saudis in this enterprise. This idea, too, may come up for discussion at Camp David.

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger will be host to British Foreign Secretary James Callaghan, French Foreign Minister Jean Sauvagnargues, West German Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher, and probably also the Italian Foreign Minister, all of whom have been at the opening meeting of the United Nations General Assembly in New York.

At the same time Secretary of the Treasury William E. Simon will look after the finance ministers of these and possibly other countries who are gathering here for the annual meeting of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund next week.

In a sense, according to one State Department official, it will be an extension of meetings of finance ministers begun by Mr. Simon outside Paris three weeks ago. But that was before President Ford and Dr. Kissinger issued their doomsday warnings this week to the oil-producing countries. These have served to focus the attention of the world on a key to its economic survival and to enlarge oil producers, especially the Arabs, who see themselves identified as culprits against whom collective measures may be taken.

Although there was no official announcement, and the entire meeting continued to be cloaked by the State Department and White House with an air of mystery, U.S. officials admitted privately that President Ford was likely to appear at the meeting.

Another of the approaches to the oil producers that some U.S. economists have been discussing is to try to persuade them that accumulation of the vast capital resources that result from the present oil prices can be of little use to the producers.

It has been calculated by the World Bank that by 1985 $1 trillion, an almost unimaginable sum of money, will have accumulated in oil producers' hands, and that this will bankrupt countries such as Italy and Japan, which depend heavily on imported oil, and will disastrously dislocate the world's economy.

E MONITOR

VOL. 66, NO. 213
TWO SECTIONS

EASTERN EDITION

15c

A look into Ford's
anti-inflation package

The experts make a forecast of what
steps the economic summit will develop

By David R. Francis

Business-financial editor of
The Christian Science Monitor

Boston

Economists figure they already
know pretty well the program that
will result from President Ford's
"economic summit" Friday and Sat-
urday.

It will be a package designed to
stabilize the economy. It will try to

How food
shoppers
are coping

By Lucia Mouat

Washington

"I'm buying only what I absolutely need these days," explained the shopper emerging from her neighborhood supermarket with only one small sack of apples. "For snacks now, it's fruit instead of any more cookies and candy."

Another shopper, carrying a
loaf of day-old bread and wearing
a jubilant smile of discovery,
says: "It's half price if you wait a
day — I'm taking short cuts
where I find them."

"How can you blame anyone?" asks a young woman depositing a sack of celery on the seat of her red sports car. "Wages and everything else have gone up too — it's a circle. At least there's no shortage of food here."

U.S. grocery shoppers have
watched and bought as retail food
prices have climbed 16 percent
over the last year, the steepest
hike since the close of World War
II. The Agriculture Department
predicts a similarly steep jump
by the end of 1974.

Though predicting no soaring of
grocery prices next spring when
the impact of last summer's
drought and reduced grain crops

prevent the current recession from
worsening. At the same time, it will
attempt to moderate inflation.

The atmosphere for the summit was
dramatically improved Wednesday
with an announcement by the nation's
fifth-largest commercial bank, Mor-
gan Guaranty Trust Company of New
York, that it was cutting its prime
rate by ¼ percent to 11¾ percent.
This was the first of the nation's
largest lending institutions to trim its
interest rate for its best customers.
Wall Street reacted at once. Not 30
minutes after the news, the Dow
Jones average of 30 industrial stocks
was up 10.48 points to 664.58.

The high points of the summit
package, economists guess, will be:

● A $10 billion tax reduction.

About $7 billion, according to specu-
lation by Sam I. Nakagama of Kidder,
Peabody & Co., will go to individuals
in the form of increased exemptions.

Another $3 billion will go to corpo-
rations in the form of easier deprecia-
tion (or asset revaluation) for capital-
intensive industries and increased
investment tax credits for utilities.

* A request to Congress for a $10
billion cut in federal spending to
perhaps just below $300 billion.

* Extension and improvement of unemployment compensation to take care of prolonged joblessness.

* An increase in public-service employment, but not an enormous amount.

* A package of economic struc-
tural reforms aimed at trimming
inflation. It might in particular call
for the removal of excessive regu-
lation in rail, air, and truck trans-
portation. There might also be an
effort at altering some agricultural
programs that tend to boost food
prices.

* Creation of some form of high-
level labor-management committee
to oversee wage and price increases,
but a group without powers of com-
pulsion. The committee might also
attempt to devise programs to in-
crease productivity.

* Some limitation on financing by
federal agencies outside the Trea-
sury.

★Please turn to Page 4

THE MONITOR

VOL. 66, NO. 214
TWO SECTIONS

EASTERN EDITION

15¢

# U.S. stands all alone on oil tough talk

## Ford, Kissinger alarm consumer nations, anger sheikhs, put fresh onus on Israel

By Joseph C. Harsch

This has been the week when the new Ford-Kissinger combination in Washington launched its first important foreign policy initiative, and it got a little bit out of hand — although probably with no serious consequences.

The operation was launched last Monday in the form of twin speeches by the President and Secretary of State in which the President spoke of the "dangers of confrontation" arising out of the high oil prices being maintained by the Arab oil-producing countries and Dr. Kissinger spoke of "deliberate decisions [by Arab producers] to restrict production and maintain an artificial price level."

### Excited speculation

The combination promptly caused excited speculation about possible American military action against Arab countries. This in turn caused U.S. Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger to issue a formal denial that any such thing was in the works. The State Department also insisted that military contingency planning was totally out of the question.

The immediate effect of the twinned speeches of Monday was to cause the important oil-consuming partners of the United States to take alarm and pull away from the United States. Clearly, they wanted no part of any operation which even hinted at military action against the Arabs.

The French were first to react by announcing their own oil-conservation program. They put a $10.1 billion ceiling on their oil imports for next year.

This was the background as foreign

<table><tr><td>PATTERN OF DIPLOMACY</td></tr></table>

and/or finance ministers of Britain, France, West Germany, and Japan packed for a Camp David weekend with Dr. Kissinger on oil and related matters.

No agenda was involved. It was to be a projection from earlier discussions within this group about the serious economic problems which now beset the oil-consuming countries.

Behind all this is preliminary maneuvering over the next round of peace efforts for the Middle East. The last Arab-Israeli war began nearly a year ago. It was halted in a cease-fire which contemplated Israeli with-

*Please turn to Page 10

2

Friday, September 27, 1974

# U.S. output still declining

By Harry B. Ellis
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Washington

Again, a fresh batch of statistics shows that U.S. economic woes continue to spread, with no handle on the twin problems of inflation and recession yet in sight.

The index of "leading indicators" — a compilation of trends in the economy — dropped by 1.2 percent in August, reports the Department of Commerce.

This indicates that the nation's output of goods and services, which shrank 7 percent in the first quarter of 1974 and 1.6 percent in the second, is still declining.

This latest report comes on the heels of the worst monthly trade deficit in United States history — $1.13 billion in August.

Earlier reports showed that wholesale prices soared 3.9 percent in August (46.8 percent at an annual rate), while consumer prices rose 1.3 percent.

oil, whose price has shot up nearly 400 percent in the last year. The U.S. imports 35 percent of all petroleum it consumes.

## Foreign trade in red

The oil bill already has pushed U.S. foreign trade $2.11 billion into the red so far this year. Earlier hopes of a trade surplus have disappeared, and some analysts predict a 1974 trade deficit higher than the $6.34 billion shortfall of 1972.

Last year the United States, in the wake of the dollar devaluations, posted a $1.35 billion trade surplus, leading to hopes that 1974 also might be in the black. Indeed, says Commerce Secretary Frederick B. Dent, the U.S. would be enjoying a trade surplus above $8 billion so far this year, were it not for oil.

The August trade figures, mirroring the deficits being chalked up by Britain, Italy, and other oil-consuming nations, underline what President Ford called the threat to world order and safety from exorbitant oil prices.

Leaders of the U.S., Japan, and major European powers still are groping for some effective pressure to apply on oil-producing nations, to bring down the price of oil.

## France sets ceiling

France, meanwhile, took the step of setting a $10.1 billion ceiling on its oil imports in 1975. Every French family, assuming oil prices do not decline, will feel the pinch of an estimated 10 percent drop in petroleum consumption.

As for the United States, its Project Independence will "place heavy emphasis on the goals of energy conservation by all Americans," declared John C. Sawhill, federal energy administrator.

## Announcements to come

So far, however, President Ford has disclosed no plans for rationing Americans in their use of petroleum. Current consumption, due largely to the high price of oil, is 4 to 5 percent below last year's demand.

The President, meanwhile, will have "important things" to say during the upcoming Sept. 27-28 economic summit meeting, according to White House press secretary Ron Nessen.

Speculation centers on some form of tax relief being given to low-income

★ U.S. left standing all alone after oil-price tough talk [cc]

Continued from Page 1

drawals from occupied territories in
step with progress toward Arab ac-
ceptance of the permanence of Israel.

For six months there has been
almost no progress in either part of
this process. Israeli withdrawals are
less than the Arabs had expected by
this time, which in turn explains their
refusal to date to reduce the price of
oil.

Talk of renewed war

Arabs talk of renewing the fighting
unless the peace process is resumed.
Israel has been heavily rearmed by
Washington and the Arabs by Mos-
cow.

Was talk in Washington about a
"confrontation" the best way of get-
ting Mideast peace moving again?
Apparently what the President and
Dr. Kissinger wanted was the appro-
val and support of Britain, France,
West Germany, and Japan when the
Secretary of State goes to the Middle
East next month to launch his next
push for more peace (or less war).

The choice of words was unfortu-
nate. It sounded too blustery and
threatening for the other oil con-
sumers whose economies are still
staggering from the consequences of
last winter's oil embargo. Con-
frontation does not reflect their sense
of the best way of getting the Arabs to
reduce oil prices. Territorial con-
cessions by Israel would be the better
way (to the British, French, West
Germans, and Japanese).

Tough task for Kissinger

But can Dr. Kissinger persuade the
Israelis to make more territorial
concessions?

That is the cue question behind all
the maneuverings of the week. Such
concessions are probably the in-
dispensable first step to lower or at
least stable Arab oil prices.

The Arabs have a weapon in their

oil. They have used it with powerful
effect once. They are using it again
right now, by holding up the price of
oil when it could, of course, be
brought down.

In effect, the Arabs are telling Dr.
Kissinger, and President Ford, that
the price of oil is tied to those Arab
territories which Israel captured in
1967 and upon which Israeli troops
still stand.

The Ford-Kissinger speeches did
not produce a common front of the
industrial oil-consuming countries
against the Arabs. But it certainly did
underline the connection between oil
prices and Israel's occupation of Arab
territory.

It also clarified the lack of en-
thusiasm among the other oil con-
sumers for any form of pressure on
the Arabs. The only pressure they

would approve would be on Israel to
disgorge more of the 1967 conquests.

Such a course could not easily be
coordinated with Washington where
Israel is the politically popular cause.
But Dr. Kissinger perhaps got a little
leverage on Israel out of it all from
the mere fact that he cannot carry a
single other oil consumer along with
him for any policy of toughness
toward Arabs.

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France Shows the Way

France has given the industrial world a worthwhile example of meaningful action to guard against the disastrous implications of escalating oil prices.

Without threat or bluster, the French Cabinet has mandated a flat ceiling on national spending for oil imports. At present price levels, this action would reduce the volume of oil imported into France by about ten per cent next year, and thereby force widespread measures to reduce consumption.

Even as President Ford and Secretary of State Kissinger warn the oil-producing states of the risks they are creating for themselves and the world by maintaining their sharply increased prices, other American officials helplessly explain that there is little the United States can do, at least in the short run, except pay the bill.

This simply is not so. What is so is that none of the corrective measures will be easy; they will require national efforts at energy consumption that will hit every American household, store and factory. They will require a display of leadership from the highest level of the government, going far beyond hand-wringing and jawboning.

The United States is now importing about 36 per cent of its petroleum needs. Largely because of the fourfold price hike that the oil-producing cartel has imposed, over the last year or so, this country experienced the biggest monthly balance-of-payments deficit in its history last month. Other countries are even worse off, some much worse.

The foreign and finance ministers of the major Western nations are meeting in Camp David this weekend to try to broaden the coordination among oil consumers that has shown its tentative first stirrings. The dramatic French initiative makes it particularly important that the United States provide convincing evidence at Camp David of its readiness to cooperate in both short-range and long-range programs to meet the energy challenge.

What is needed immediately is a clear explanation from President Ford, ideally in the context of the economic summit discussions opening today, that the energy crisis is not over, and will not be over for some years to come—no matter what happens.

The American people showed a commendable willingness to respond in their daily life habits last winter when the Arab oil embargo made the energy threat believable. The threat now is not a shortage of supply as it was then; it is that the current drain of wealth and power to the oil cartel threatens a breakdown of world stability. There is every reason to expect a similar willingness to conserve fuel now, once the society is jarred out of its sense of false security.

ice agent, on an experimental corn plot on his farm near to the hybrid varieties at left for storage purposes.

# Three Hybrid Corns Tailored to the State

Special to The New York Times

ATHACA, N. Y., Sept. 26—Six years ago a team of corn researchers began a series of experiments in crossing varieties that resulted in the development of three new hybrids that are now recommended for use by New York State farmers.

The experiments were a part of a continuous process here at the State College of Agriculture and Life Sciences at Cornell and similar institutions throughout the country to develop superior plants that will produce more food, more efficiently.

when only the kernels are pulverized.

There is a direct correlation between the amount and quality of milk a cow produces and the quality of her food.

"The farmers who consistently have the highest corn yields are those who best select the precise hybrids and soil fertility, and weed, insect and disease-control programs to fit their specific soil and management resources," according to the crop specialties here.

Controlling nuclear aid

Only a few years from now as many as 25 countries will possess nuclear arms. This is the stark fact that prompted Secretary Kissinger to warn of the danger of nuclear catastrophe after 30 years of relative nuclear restraint.

His concern about the spread of arms production is being echoed by many members of the United Nations. Canada has called for tighter international controls on nuclear materials and the United States says it will soon come up with proposals.

At the heart of the problem is the use of nuclear materials meant for peaceful purposes to manufacture atomic explosives. India's big bang vividly showed how easily plutonium, a byproduct of nuclear reactors, can be diverted to make a bomb. As the Economist notes, it takes less than 20 pounds of plutonium to build a bomb capable of devastating a city. In 10 years' time the world's

annual output of plutonium may exceed 200,000 pounds.

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Hence, besides working out a system of ironclad safeguards against the diversion of nuclear materials, it is essential to get the world community once again behind the NPT and to strengthen its provisions. And, it seems only common sense to require that nations benefiting from nuclear aid be required to sign it.

betrugen, göttlich inspiriert zu sein
— ja, in den Bereich des schranken-
losen Gemüts zu gelangen“ (Wissen-
schaft und Gesundheit, S. 84).

Wenn wir uns nicht mehr als auf
uns selbst gestellte, selbständige
Einzelwesen sehen und statt dessen
unsere Einheit mit Gott anerkennen,
werden wir das Leben anders be-
trachten. Wir werden aktiver und
fühlen uns mehr verpflichtet, und
bei allem, was wir tun, engagieren
wir uns mehr. Unser Leben wird
bereichert.

Unser Denken wird konstruktiv
und wirkungsvoll, wenn es vom
göttlichen Gemüt hergeleitet wird.
Wir werden dazu angeregt, uns
selbst und anderen zu helfen. Wenn
wir mehr über die von Gott herge-
leitete Macht des Menschen und
seine Fähigkeiten — unser wahres
Potential — lernen, werden wir im-
mer stärker das Verlangen haben,
gut zu sein und Gutes zu tun, und
es wird uns gezeigt, wie wir es tun
können.

*Christian Science: sprich: kr'istjan s'aians.

Die deutsche Übersetzung des Lehrbuchs der Christlichen Wissenschaft, „Wissenschaft und Gesundheit mit Schlüssel zur Heiligen Schrift“ von Mary Baker Eddy, ist mit dem englischen Text auf der gegenüberliegenden Seite erhältlich. Das Buch kann in den Lesezimmern der Christlichen Wissenschaft gekauft werden oder von Frances C. Carlson, Publisher's Agent, One Norway Street, Boston, Massachusetts, USA 02115.

Auskunft über andere christlich-wissenschaftliche
Schriften in deutscher Sprache erteilt auf Anfrage der
Christian Science Publishing Society, One

God and man, we progress.

"Acquaintance with the Sci-
ence of being enables us to com-
mune more largely with the di-
vine Mind, to foresee and foretell
events which concern the univer-
sal welfare, to be divinely in-
spired, — yea, to reach the range
of fetterless Mind" (Science and
Health, p. 84).

As we cease to see ourselves as
separate, self-contained individ-
uals, and instead acknowledge
our unity with God, our outlook
on life changes. We become more
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Our experience is enriched.

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and we are shown how to do it.

[Elsewhere on the page may be found translations of this
article in French and German. Once a week an article on
Christian Science appears in a French and a German
translation.]

THE NEW YORK TIMES, FRIDAY, SEPTEMBER 27, 1974

# Kissinger Sees Oil Crisis Periling West

Continued From Page 1, Col. 7

in this case as a historian," one official said. "He grew up in Nazi Germany and knows how economic depressions can lead to acceptance of authoritarian regimes, and he fears that this could happen in the West if something is not done to solve the problem."

Mr. Kissinger is expected to repeat this concern at Camp David on Saturday when he and

> A related article appears with the financial news on Page 75.

Treasury Secretary William E. Simon meet with Foreign and Finance Ministers from Japan, Britain, West Germany and France to discuss the economic crisis, aides said.

Mr. Rabin's allusion to Italy as especially prone to Communist take-over, was confirmed by officials here as a particular Kissinger concern.

Italy, with a critical balance-of-payments problem, has the largest Communist party in the West.

Last month, the dominant Christian Democratic party rejected an offer by the Communists to join the coalition Government, an offer backed by many Christian Democrats.

Mr. Kissinger was also reported to have expressed concern about Italy's "going Communist" when he met with Congressional leaders last week to discuss the activities of the Central Intelligence Agency.

At that meeting, he reportedly defended the need for convert activity by asserting that despite criticism of the C.I.A., if Italy went Communist, there would be criticism that the

United States had not done enough to save her.

President Giovanni Leone of Italy arrived in Washington yesterday and continued talks today with Mr. Ford and Mr. Kissinger on energy, economic and security problems.

In a toast yesterday, Mr. Kissinger said that in recent months, "as the result of circumstances outside the control of Italy," the country "faces economic difficulty."

"When Italy's friends, therefore, attempt to work out cooperative arrangements," Mr. Kissinger said, "it is not something that they do for Italy; it is something they do for themselves and for the structure of the modern world."

One official said that in his speech Monday Mr. Kissinger deliberately alluded to the political crisis he sees the West facing when he said:

> "The economic history of the postwar period has been one of sustained growth—for developing as well as developed nations. The universal expectation of our peoples, the foundation of our political institutions, and the assumption underlying the evolving structure of peace are all based on the belief that this growth will continue."

> "But will it? The increasingly open and cooperative global economic system that we have come to take for granted is now under unprecedented attack. The world is poised on the brink of a return to the unrestrained economic nationalism which, accompanied the collapse of economic order in the thirties. And should that occur, all would suffer — poor as well as rich, producer as well as consumer."

One aide said that Mr. Kissinger not only feared for the

political democracies in the west — including the United States — if the economic crisis went unchecked, but for those in the developing world, such as India.

What concerns Mr. Kissinger, aides said, is that other countries do not see the problems. He believes that the oil producers must be shown the need to keep the economic order viable, and the oil consumers must rally to protect themselves and to persuade the producers that only through cooperation can the world survive.

## SOVIET SEES NO RISE IN ITS OIL EXPORTS

DETROIT, Sept. 26 (AP)—

The head of the Soviet delegation to the World Energy Conference said today that despite his nation's huge oil resources the Soviet Union cannot quickly become a major exporter of oil.

> "It is not so easy to say let us increase production enormously," said Pyotr S. Nepozhny, the Soviet Minister of Energy and Electrification.

Although his nation has enormous reserves, Mr. Nepozhny told newsmen through an interpreter, "we cannot increase exports in the near future" because of the time it takes to develop new fields.

He said that the Soviet Union had to shift its electrical industry to emphasize more coal and nuclear power. He noted that the Soviet Union had immense sources of coal, chiefly in the eastern region, where it can be extracted easily through open-cut mining.

E MONITOR

VOL. 66, NO. 214
TWO SECTIONS

EASTERN EDITION

15¢

By Joseph C. Harsch

Excited speculation

*Please turn to Page 10

PATTERN OF
DIPLOMACY

2

Friday, September 27, 1974

# U.S. output still declining

Washington

Earlier reports showed that wholesale prices soared 3.9 percent in August (46.8 percent at an annual rate), while consumer prices jumped

oil, whose price has shot up nearly 4 percent in the last year. The U.S. imports 35 percent of all petroleum consumers.

## Foreign trade in red

The oil bill already has pushed U.S. foreign trade $2.11 billion into the red so far this year. Earlier hopes of trade surplus have disappeared, and some analysts predict a 1974 trade deficit higher than the $6.34 billion shortfall of 1972.

Last year the United States, in the wake of the dollar devaluation posted a $1.35 billion trade surplus leading to hopes that 1974 also might be in the black. Indeed, says Commerce Secretary Frederick B. Dermer, the U.S. would be enjoying a trade surplus above $8 billion so far the year, were it not for oil.

The August trade figures, mirroring the deficits being chalked up Britain, Italy, and other oil-consuming summing nations, underline what President Ford called the threat to world order and safety from exorbitant oil prices.

Leaders of the U.S., Japan, and major European powers still are groping for some effective pressure to apply on oil-producing nations, bring down the price of oil.

## France sets ceiling

France, meanwhile, took the step of setting a $10.1 billion ceiling on its oil imports in 1975. Every French family assuming oil prices do not decline will feel the pinch of an estimated percent drop in petroleum consumption.

## Announcements to come

Speculation centers on some form of tax relief being given to low-income Americans to help them weather the

U.S. left sta

Continued from Page 1

Talk of renewed war

Tough task for Kissinger

Two in One?

Despite the haste with which President Ford scotched
the idea, the proposed separation of the two key Gov-
ernment posts now combined in the person of Henry A.
Kissinger would actually strengthen the formulation and
operation of this country's foreign policy.

Mr. Kissinger reacted as if personally affronted when
the suggestion appeared among the ideas submitted to
the new President—and Mr. Ford wasted no time in
expressing confidence in Mr. Kissinger before the United
Nations General Assembly. But the proposal makes only
good sense on its own merits.

It in no way denigrates Mr. Kissinger's record in
American diplomacy to argue that the Secretary of State
and the national security adviser to the President have
different functions, neither of which can be carried out
with maximum effectiveness when they are merged in
one person.

First in rank among Cabinet officers, the Secretary
of State is the President's principal foreign policy
adviser; he directs a highly visible and prestigious
department of the government, as well as a large dip-
lomatic and consular staff overseas. The national secu-
rity adviser, by contrast, works most effectively as a
discreet member of the President's personal staff, with-
out vast departmental resources of his own; his mission
is to organize and collate the arguments and positions
submitted by all concerned government agencies for the
President's attention.

One of his traditional tasks is to mediate and attempt
to reconcile positions argued by, say, the Secretaries
of State and Defense on particular policy questions. No
one can reasonably be expected to act as mediator
between himself and someone else.

The merging of these posts may have fitted former
President Nixon's close working style, but by all
accounts President Ford prefers much more open and
flexible staff arrangements. The concentration of power
that now exists in the making of foreign policy is ill-
suited both to the new President's way of working and
to the efficient conduct of international affairs.

CHICAGO TRIBUNE 28 SEPTEMBER 1974

Kissinger's star a bit less glittery

Bill Anderson

WASHINGTON—The future of Dr. Henry Kissinger, secretary of state, is not nearly as bright today as it was just a few months ago.

On the surface, Kissinger enjoys the full backing of President Ford and a long and close association with Nelson A. Rockefeller, Vice President-designate. He has the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in the palm of his hand and is indulged by many doting reporters and columnists.

There seems to be a public perception that "Henry can do almost anything." He gets credit now for detente with Russia and the breakthru of the Red China wall, at least from liberal Democrats. Zionists are worried, tho, that in the end Kissinger won't really support Israel.

But in recent interviews, we find Kissinger's troubles are far deeper.

One of the reasons for Kissinger's problem is obvious: As the most traveled secretary of state in American history, he has more diplomatic efforts in the air at any given time than six jugglers in a three-ringed circus.

Some of the efforts are about to land in the sawdust, and one of them may be the critical issue of oil—or the high price of oil that flows from the Persian Gulf and elsewhere in a monopoly threatening to strangle the world economy.

Intelligence briefings emerging now give some congressional watchers the strong notion that Kissinger handled the Cyprus war very badly. This country had good advance information the hard-nosed Turks were about to invade the island—and did little or nothing to discourage the act.

Congress has specifically refused to go along with a Kissinger deal with North Viet Nam to furnish that country American tax dollars for rehabilitation. Pressure builds to continue aid cuts to South Viet Nam. The war there worsens.

So far Kissinger has gotten a "pass" from the foreign relations committee chaired by William Fulbright, the lame-duck Arkansas senator, for any blame in the wire-tapping adventures of the Nixon administration. He appears to be on his way to getting a clean bill of health in the Central Intelligence Agency intrusion into the affairs of Chile.

With the departure of Gen. Alexander Haig as chief of staff at the White House, Kissinger has lost the pipeline of communication and access afforded

(See KISSINGER, Pg. 6-F)

5-F

Toward Cyprus Peace

[LC]

The overwhelming (307-to-90) approval by the House of a binding cutoff in military aid to Turkey until "substantial progress" is made toward a Cyprus settlement dramatizes American revulsion against the massive Turkish aggression on the island. The action was also aimed at forcing Administration compliance with laws that mandate such a cutoff when a recipient country misuses American military assistance.

Secretary of State Kissinger warned Congress that this move would be "destructive" of his efforts to advance a solution for Cyprus, but the exact opposite seems more plausible. Washington will now find it very difficult to maintain anything like the normal flow of military aid unless Turkey—currently the strongest party by far in the dispute—will demonstrate greater willingness to order the troop and territorial withdrawals that will make fruitful negotiations possible. Mr. Kissinger is now in a stronger position to make that point than he was before the House voted.

One hopeful development is an indication from the Turks that the negotiations between leaders of the two Cyprus communities should move on from the agreement on prisoner exchange and strictly humanitarian matters to issues of political substance. These talks can continue even while Greece and Turkey are preoccupied with their election campaigns.

Prospects for a Cyprus settlement and solutions for other combustible Greek-Turkish questions—including those involving oil drilling rights, territorial waters and air space in the Aegean—will be greatly enhanced if both countries emerge from the elections with strong

days

Bilk

Wine: Prefix

Foster child, in

Scotland

Black or ironing

Trifle

Lawyer: Abbr.

Like some
weather

Do a creative job

Style of
furniture

Fissile rocks

2 Optimist's
feeling

3 Mountain, in
Italy

4 Insignificant one

5 TV street

6 Wading bird

7 Dissolute one

8 Spanish coin:
Abbr.

9 Pot addict,
familiarly

10 Bestow

38 "Act On
author

39 Beats soundly

41 Converged on
the icebox

42 Winter falls

44 Moon: Prefix

45 Mosque official

46 Meddle

47 Raisin, in Spain

48 ——kiri

49 Of the ear

50 Kind of kneed

53 Increased: Abbr.

1 2 3 4

5 6 7 8 9

10 11 12 13

14

15

16

17

18

19

20

23

21

22

25

26

27

28

29

30

31

32

33

34

35

36

37

38

39

40

41

42

43

44

45

46

47

48

49

50

51

52

53

54

55

56

57

58

59

9/26/74

majority governments. Each will then be in better posi-
tion to make essential concessions.

Mr. Kissinger is again offering "my direct involve-
ment," if necessary, to help produce a Cyprus solution.
But the most useful function he can perform at present
is not that of mediation; Greece could not accept him
in that role. Instead, he should try, quietly but inces-
santly, to persuade Turkey not merely to avoid any
further provocation, but to make a start toward recon-
ciliation by pulling out some troops and by ordering
at least a limited withdrawal from the 40 per cent
of Cyprus it now occupies.

would have only a minor short-term effect on inflation. But he added that if the cuts were of the sort that would also contribute to slower spending growth in future years, meaning less Government borrowing, "there is a good cahnce that interest rates would fall, which would be a tremendous help to housing."

Republicans on the panel were sympathetic to Mr. Greenspan's analysis, but many Democrats were doubtful.

For example Representative Brock Adams, Democrat of Washington, said that he

Mr. Greenspan's analysis of the problem was sophisticated and technical, using such terms as "unit money supply" and "income velocity." The "underlying" inflation, he argued, came about in the following fashion:

> Because of budget deficits and a rapid growth of borrowing by federaly sponsored agencies, such as the Federal National Mortgage Association, which do not count in the budget, the Government began to "pre-empt" more and more of the nation's "basic savings flows."

Oil Stance Softens

[L.C.]

## Talks Seen

By Michael Getler

Washington Post Staff Writer

Defense Secretary James R. Schlesinger said yesterday he expects the global economic problems caused by rising oil prices to be settled by negotiations rather than by military action.

"The United States regards the problem of oil prices as one that is detrimental to the world's economy," Schlesinger told a Pentagon news conference.

But, he added, "it expects to have a solution to the problem through negotiations and amicable discussions. It is not anticipated that there is going to be military conflict."

Schlesinger's press conference came just two days after President Ford and Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger had issued a double-barreled warning to oil-producing countries that failure to reduce artificially high oil prices could bring on a global economic calamity.

Mr. Ford noted in his speech that countries, throughout history, have gone to war over natural resources. And, while the President carefully ruled out war as an acceptable solution, the fact that he mentioned it caused headlines in many Persian Gulf countries the following day emphasizing the implied physical threat.

## Clash Barred

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

The United States yesterday disavowed any intention to launch "a confrontation" with Arab oil producers at the meeting of foreign and finance ministers from five major industrial nations at Camp David this weekend.

"Instead, American officials said, the unusual high-level, private meeting at President Ford's Maryland mountain retreat is an attempt to talk out a new approach to the crushing dilemma of oil prices. Retaliation, or "tough tactics," several sources said, would be a last resort only if negotiations fail.

The Ford administration yesterday was trying to take the edge of outright hostility off the grim interpretations that followed the outcomes about "exorbitant prices" by President Ford and Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger on Monday. At the same time, U.S. officials did not want to diminish those shock warnings of disastrous world economic consequences unless there is a cutback in the four-fold increase of world oil prices.

This dual theme was evident in comments yesterday by President Ford, Defense Secretary James R. Schlesinger, and other officials, publicly and privately.

See SCHLESINGER, A9, Col. 6

See MEETING, A9, Col. 1

THE WASHINGTON POST

Friday, Sept. 20, 1974

B3

# Some Questions on India

By Dorothy Gilliam

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger turned up at a reception at the Indian Embassy last night, a few hours after being asked during testimony on Capitol Hill if the CIA is operating and covert action programs in India.

"I said any American who is brought to my attention (engaged in such activity) would be immediately removed," the Secretary said. "No one is engaged in such activity in India."

Kissinger's testimony was given before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. It was prompted by warnings Kissinger had received recently from U.S. Ambassador to India Daniel P. Moynihan that reports of CIA activities in Chile had confirmed Prime Minister Indira Ghandi's "worst suspicions and gen-

otine fears" that such intervention might occur within her regime.

"We expect rapid and substantial improvement and very good relations," Kissinger said, adding that his trip to India, scheduled to begin Oct. 26, will last for two to three days.

Last night's reception honored Indian Foreign Minister Sadar Swaran Singh, who had met earlier in the day with President Ford. Asked by an Indian newsman if Chile had been one topic of discussion, Singh answered that it had not.

"Chile was too hot?" laughed the reporter.

As Kissinger moved from an anteroom to the main reception room at the embassy, Patricia Aburdene, the American wife of an Arab banker, asked if he

would shake the hand of an Arab.

"Some of my best friends are Arabs," quipped the secretary with a smile.

"What about Palestinians? What do you have against them?" she continued.

"I don't have anything against them," he answered.

Later, when Kissinger walked into the reception room, an Indian woman in a pale green sari, Kanti Singh, asked him the whereabouts of his wife, Nancy. Kissinger replied that she was ill.

"What did you do to her?" she pressed.

"This girl," said Kissinger, backing away slightly, "has a very mysterious mind." He turned to her husband, Maninder Singh, who was standing nearby. "You'd better watch this girl."

Stephen S. Rosenfeld

Mideast 'Commitment'

The idea of sorting out and reducing our foreign commitments is such a firm part of the post-Vietnam conventional wisdom that it comes as something of a shock—but, on reflection, a useful and encouraging one—to be warned that the Mideast is one place where American commitments may have to be increased.

Indeed, as set forth by Harvard Professor Nadav Safran in the latest issue of Foreign Affairs magazine, it's already happening. The Syrian-Israeli and Egyptian-Israeli troop disengagement accords were brought into being by American commitments to provide aid and support to the local parties and to police the accords.

"Additional and increasingly weighty American commitments" will have to be made, Safran says in his article entitled "Engagement in the Middle East," to move negotiations forward on the much more difficult substantive issues that remain.

At the word "commitment," to be sure, many Americans instinctively bridle. To them it means involvement, trouble, over-reaching, troops, war, Vietnam.

To Safran, however, and to Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, whose Mideast policy he admires, "commitment" has a contrary, positive aspect: to provide a mutually agreeable link and cement between the parties and, without giving either side an advantage in preparation for war, to give both sides incentives and channels to move toward a settlement.

To judge by the record so far, this is a popular course for Americans. With virtually none of the sharp debate that still marks deliberations on Vietnam, the Congress has accepted the troop disengagement accords and voted the substantial sums of aid requested to implement them. To an extent that few could have foreseen, popular partisanship in the Arab-Israeli dispute has yielded to the consensus that support for both sides is in their mutual interest and in the American interest, too.

This is a ray of light in a dark sky, one not adequately appreciated. Kissinger's shuttle diplomacy has taken the popular spotlight, but for the long haul you need a policy supported by Congress—surely Vietnam taught all of us that—and Kissinger's Mideast strategy seems both to require and to earn such support in a way that could not be imagined if the policy aimed exclusively at either the security of Israel or the assurance of Arab oil.

There is no reason to believe, by the way, that Gerald Ford's accession to the presidency has altered the essentials of this policy.

Not so long ago the guiding principle

of American global policy, or at least the guiding rhetoric, lay in the softly comforting Nixon Doctrine, whose promise it was to ease the security burden of friendly states from American shoulders onto their own. As Mr. Nixon no doubt knew, Americans were aching to hear that their retreat from a certain kind of activist world leadership would leave our friends as well as ourselves better off.

The emerging Mideast truth is, however, that a hands-off policy is out of the question. It is hard to think of any similar situation where all the parties to a dispute were so eager to involve the United States in its settlement. If in Vietnam we were a large part of the problem, in the Mideast we are a large

> "If in Vietnam we were a large part of the problem, in the Mideast we are a large part of the solution."

part of the solution. This is a heavy charge to us but it is a tribute and a source of leverage too.

So it is that, while the United States is seeking to reduce its responsibilities in many other parts of the world, it is consciously increasing its role overall — though not in the crucial sense of military participation—in the Mideast and is making itself a virtually permanent part of the political furniture of that region.

No one can fairly say there are no dangers for the United States. The rationale for expanding American commitments in the new flux is to keep those dangers within bounds. It means we are building ourselves into an uncertain future, but the alternative. — the replacement of the American restraining hand with a Soviet manipulative hand — seems worse.

In the past Kissinger has shied away from acknowledging that the United States is becoming "guarantor" of a Mideast settlement. In this matter Safran finds him excessively defensive. The administration would be better advised to stress its "monumental" interests in the region "instead of minimizing the commitments that would serve them," Safran argues. "American wealth and power and American intelligence and idealism have seldom had a worthier object."

## 'Second Hat' at White House Involved

Washington Post

9-18-74

E.C.J.

# Officials Deny Kissinger May Lose Adviser Post

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger's ultra-powerful "second hat" as White House national security adviser yesterday survived a round of reports that he might lose it.

Published reports that President Ford had before him a proposal from his transition staff to strip Kissinger of his national security post, first brought this comment from State Department spokesman Robert Anderson:

"The secretary discussed with the President today this report, and there is nothing to it. There is nothing to the report that the secretary will not continue to be the assistant to the President for national security affairs."

In late afternoon, White House spokesman John W. Hushen denied that any such report was even submitted to the President. What is more, Hushen said, the President told him the transition team was specifically instructed not to go into this area of White House operations.

"Furthermore," said Hush-

en, "my understanding is that one of the President's first acts was to reaffirm his desire to keep the NSC (National Security Council) as his principal forum for foreign policy decision-making and to keep Dr. Kissinger as his assistant for national security affairs."

It is no secret inside the top levels of the federal bureaucracy that many officials envy and resent the fact that when Kissinger became Secretary of State in September, 1973, he also retained the White House post, which he had held since 1969.

The "two hats," as the dual posts are called, give Kissinger extraordinary power in Washington. He divides his time between the White House and the State Department. As head of the NSC staff of about 50 professionals plus clerical staff, Kissinger dominates the government's interdepartmental national security committees, including such groups as the recently publicized "Forty Committee," which supervises

clandestine U.S. intelligence operations around the world.

Immediately after President Ford took office he announced that Kissinger would retain both jobs in his administration. Nevertheless, some critics inside and outside the administration have clung to the hope that in time the two posts would be separated.

There have been rumors, which were brought to Kissinger's attention by one of his aides last week, that a proposal to split the positions was circulating inside the Ford administration.

As a result, when the Los Angeles Times published a lengthy report yesterday stating that such a proposal was made by President Ford's transition team, it aroused considerable attention. The Associated Press followed with its own account that the

recommendation was awaiting the President's decision.

According to the Los Angeles Times' version, informed sources said former Pennsylvania Gov. William W. Scranton, and Donald Rumsfeld, United States ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, both members of the transition team, were influential in drafting the purported NSC recommendation. Former Secretary of Defense Melvin R. Laird, and Alexander M. Haig Jr., retiring White House staff chief, also supported the call for a more independent NSC staff operation, according to the Times' report.

Scranton and Rumsfeld were both out of the country yesterday and unavailable. Laird could not be reached.

White House spokesman Hushen said he asked Philip

W. Buchen, counsel to the President, and John O. Marsh Jr., a member of the transition team, about the reported NSC recommendation "and neither one of them ever heard of it." Hushen said, "There is nothing in the final report given to the President which touches on the NSC" and there are "no recommendations awaiting any presidential action."

Interior Secretary Rogers C. B. Morton, the other member of the transition team, said yesterday in response to inquiries that "our final report did not deal with this in any shape or form."

If there was any such recommendation, said Morton, "it would have to have come from an individual—it didn't come from the team; I can vouch for that."

Rowland Evans and Robert Novak

Increasing Bleakness in the Mideast

An incredible secret Israeli request for $4-billion a year in U. S. arms is explained by the confidential estimate given to major American industrialists by Secretary of State Henry Kissinger on Sept. 6: A new Arab-Israeli war "within six to eight months" is a better than 50-50 proposition.

Kissinger told the businessmen that the U. S. would continue to push for a new negotiating phase, but time is running out. Kissinger's top lieutenant for the Mideast, Under Secretary Joseph Sisco, made a similarly bleak report. One industrialist present came away with the strong impression that the Palestine question—the heart of the Mideast dispute—is beginning to look “insoluble” to U. S. policymakers.

With once-hopeful prospects for a Mideast solution deteriorating, Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin in Washington last week pressed on President Ford his massive military aid package—published here for the first time. Although it definitely will be trimmed, it raises the possibility of a preemptive Israeli strike against Syria which would dangerously draw in both the United States and the Soviet Union.

When fully totalled, Israel's aid demands far exceed the widely-reported $1-billion in immediate "urgent" military supplies plus $1.5 billion a year in military credits for the next five years. Rabin's government also has asked $2.5-billion in military arms to be paid

> "Administration officials are troubled that Israel is trying to gain a military posture of such strength that the U.S. will lose what little leverage it now has . . .

for in cash in each of the next five years.

"Add it all up," one high Pentagon official told us, "and Israel is preparing expenditures, in cash and credit, on military armaments equal to 40 per cent of its gross national product for the next five years. It's totally ridiculous."

Yet, that $4-billion in American arms almost exactly equals U.S. military sales to oil-rich Mideastern countries, led by Iran and Saudi Arabia. Thus, Rabin attempts to tie U. S. aid to Israel to the same level of U. S. arms for the Arabs (though, of course, Iran is neither Arab nor anti-Israeli). Besides, Rabin argues that Soviet military aid to Syria must be neutralized by U. S. aid to Israel.

Both Kissinger and Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger agree in opposing Israel's vast new arms demands on the U. S. No final decision has been made by Mr. Ford, staunchly pro-Israeli as a congressman (although the administration has tentatively rejected

Israel's request for highly sophisticated, late-model American arms, particularly laser-guided "smart" bombs). Mideast specialists in the government doubt that Mr. Ford, despite his fondness for Israel, will agree to anything approaching the overall Israeli demand. These specialists privately say that Israel already is stronger in relation to the Arabs than at the outbreak of war last October. In that strength, they perceive a growing militarism in Israel which could lead to preemptive operations against Syria, plunging the U. S. into direct Soviet confrontation.

Some highly qualified officials here are now talking about a conditional Syrian decision to move its capital from Damascus, within easy air range of Israel, to Aleppo, far to the north on the Turkish border. That reflects how seriously the threat of Israeli attack, reversing the preemptive Yom Kippur Syrian attack on Israel, is taken in Damascus.

Administration officials are troubled

that Israel is trying to gain a military posture of such strength that the U. S. will lose what little leverage it now has in trying to promote compromise.

"They want military autonomy," one high official told us. "But if they get it they won't have to negotiate."

Israeli claims that Syria has broken its Golan Heights truce agreements of last May are taken seriously in the Ford administration. However, the possibility that Israel might react with a preemptive military strike against Damascus ("to teach them a lesson," in the phrase of one high U. S. official) is regarded as totally self-defeating.

More important, from the administration's viewpoint, is the grave worry that a new Arab-Israeli war would have instant Washington-Moscow repercussions. Although neither was directly involved at the start of war last year, both soon became major participants. In the next round, both will be involved at once—with deep, conflicting and potentially calamitous commitments.

Some shrewd specialists want the Ford administration to defuse the powder train by an immediate and drastic cutback in arms aid to both the Arabs and Israel, with Soviet cooperation. That may seem pollyannish, but it deals with a harsh truth: The gravest arms race in the world today is in the Middle, not amonw the nuclear powers.

© 1974, Field Enterprises, Inc.

[LC]

decision to pardon Nixon
back to our recovery from
mentality. It resurrects
on long nurtured in the
that "whatever pleases
has the force of law"-and
Gerald Ford, too, is willing
telf above the binding pro-
society. A President's power
s of course constitutional, but
it arbitrarily, prematurely and
He pleads the need "to
". But mercy without justice
sm.

> case of Watergate, justice re-
> either Richard Nixon's hide nor
> tion; it requires that safeguards
> oned against a return of the spirit
> ess absolutism which he inspired

series of
now with considera-
one has an excuse to rage, it is the
ple who voted for Nixon in 1972 and
were betrayed by him. Yet I sense no
thirst for revenge among them. There is,
instead, a desire to know how they were
double-crossed and a belief that Nixon
should give an honest accounting.
Another disturbing part of Ford's
statement was his compulsion to let us
know that in making his decision he
searched for the guidance of God "and
my own conscience." Maybe the public
finds such piety fetching, but our experi-
ence with officials who make a public
virtue out of private prayer hasn't been
very encouraging, and we had better

wrong, that he
flawed subordinates, or at least
wrong he did was for a good cause. A
patronage for an old colleague who has
lost his seat in Congress.
It is not very elevating, but the game
is played that way and men like Ford
come instinctively to abide by the rules.
The distance from the cloakrooms of
Congress to the Oval Office in the White
House, where higher loyalties should
prevail, is a long way to travel for men
swathed in old habits.

Newsweek, September 23, 1974

...and once every month from now on, as the former Presidential press secretary, newspaper publisher and television interviewer joins Newsweek's other regular roster of distinguished columnist-observers: Shana Alexander, Pete Axthelm, Milton Friedman, Meg Greenfield, Clem Morgello, Paul Samuelson.

Newsweek

A-20 Richmond Times-Dispatch, Sun., Sept. 22, 1974

WASHINGTON
WATCH

Sonnenfeldt Probe Will
Test Ford's Openness Pledge

By Clark R. Mollenhoff

WASHINGTON — The "openness and candor" pledged by President Ford will undergo an early test with a congressional investigation of alleged perjury and security violations by an aide to Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger.

The challenge is being pushed by one of Ford's long-time friends, U.S. Rep. John Ashbrook, R-Ohio, in connection with a House Internal Security Committee investigation involving State Department Counsel Helmut Sonnenfeldt.

FORD WILL be asked to set aside one of former President Richard M. Nixon's last invocations of "executive privilege," a rebuke to the House committee's demands for testimony and documents from an FBI investigation of Sonnenfeldt.

The Nixon letter was written July 31, at the request of Kissinger, to bar congressional investigators from State Department records and testimony that may prove that Sonnenfeldt is a liar.

The House Internal Security Committee, led by Rep. Richard Ichord, D-Mo., has already heard several witnesses in closed sessions, including Stephen Koczak, director of research for the American Federation of Government Employes, and Otto F. Otepka, a former chief security evaluator at the State Department.

The Nixon administration avoided producing records on Sonnenfeldt when the Watergate scandals were the center of the nation's attention.

The basic principles of executive branch accountability to the Congress are

as much a part of the Sonnenfeldt controversy as they were in the Watergate affair, according to Ashbrook.

Ashbrook believes that if Sonnenfeldt is telling the truth about the resolution of a security investigation in the early 1960s in his favor, "Secretary of State Kissinger should be eager to get all of the records out on the table to prove it."

ASHBROOK SAID it is not the contention of any witnesses that Sonnenfeldt has been involved in any recent security violation in his most recent role as Kissinger's Soviet-American specialist on the National Security Council, where he has had a leading role in the arms talks and the Soviet grain sales.

But a number of the witnesses say Sonnenfeldt lied to the FBI and the Senate

Finance Committee when he was up for confirmation as Nixon's undersecretary of the Treasury for East-West trade programs.

The nomination was stalled through 1973, and was finally withdrawn by Nixon after Kissinger was named secretary of state, replacing William P. Rogers.

Sonnenfeldt's nomination was then submitted to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee to be counselor at the State Department. Chairman J. William Fulbright, D-Ark., on Kissinger's urging, pushed the hearings through his committee without bothering to hear the witnesses who had appeared against Sonnenfeldt before the Senate Finance Committee.

FULBRIGHT DIDN'T even put Son-

nenfeldt under oath when questioning him about his background, in preparation for confirming him in one of the most important foreign relations roles at State. The committee didn't even bother to seek the records that the House Internal Security Committee is now demanding, which they had been informed would show that Sonnenfeldt had perjured himself.

Since last December, the State Department has been playing an elusive game of cat and mouse with the House Internal Security Committee's subpoenas. The State Department agreed to cooperate, and then wanted to negotiate for summaries of the records in much the same manner that Nixon delayed the House Judiciary Committee on the White House tapes.

Ichord and Ashbrook have rejected offers of summaries of the records sought from G. Marvin Gentile, deputy assistant secretary of State for security, and have demanded production of the "complete and unexpurgated security files" of Sonnenfeldt and another high Kissinger aide.

When Kissinger refused to produce the records, the House Committee insisted that if he was going to claim executive privilege he should obtain the authority directly from Nixon.

Ford's big test with his old friend, Ashbrook, will be on whether he overrides the Nixon letter to suppress evidence or honors the subpoena for records dealing with Sonnenfeldt's credibility.

(C) The Register and Tribune Syndicate

Inez Garcia: "I don't feel ashamed. I was defending my honor."

# Rape as Murder Defense

## Woman Says She Killed in Frenzy After Attack

By Leroy F. Aarons

Washington Post Staff Writer

MONTEREY, Calif.—A

about an hour before the killing. Third, prosecution witnesses are testifying in

linez, who weighed 300 pounds, held her down.

The prosecution says this never happened, that Jim

By Jack Taylor
Special to The Washington Post

OKLAHOMA CITY, Sept. 21—Aides of former President Nixon suppressed the Army's secret report on the Mylai massacre for several years despite public statements to the contrary, it has been learned.

The decision against release of the controversial 1970 report was made by White House officials, overruling private recommendations by the Army that it be released, according to military sources in Washington.

Several sources, including the author of the report, retired Lt. Gen. William R.

## Sindona Quits Board of Bank Holding Firm

NEW YORK, Sept. 21—Michele Sindona, the controversial Italian financier, resigned today from the board of directors of Franklin National Bank's holding company, reportedly to bolster the financially troubled bank's chances of survival.

Sindona, the largest shareholder in the holding company with 21.6 per cent of its stock, is having substantial legal and financial troubles in Italy, and bank observers said that regulatory agencies in Washington have urged Franklin to detach itself from Sindona's influence.

In particular, his withdrawal as a voting member of the board was sene by the observers as strengthening Franklin's position in its current request for assistance from the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. The bank's proposal to the FDIC cals

Peers, now say an ex-
new plea to President
may result in release of
four-volume Peers report

The document is the
of an Army investig-
headed by Peers, into the
tial cover-up of the 1968
sacre by U.S. troops in
Vietnam. That probe le-
charges against 14 off-
none of whom was con-
The only man convicted
Lt. William Calley, the
platoon leader, who
charged on the basis of
other investigation.

For years, the Army
maintained that the de-
on releasing the report
rested solely with three
cessive Secretaries of
Army.

High Army officials now
mit privately that the W
House was secretly calling
shots all along. They say t
responsible were former
domestic affairs adviser
D. Ehrlichman, former P
dential counsel John W.
III and his successor, J.
Buzhardt, a former De
partment general cou-
None of these former
would respond to inquiry

Pentagon sources su-
that the former White H
aides did not want the
released because they fe
it would revive the bitter
lai controversy.

The Army also has
wanted portions dealing

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MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1974

New York Times

C

3

# Kissinger Plans New 'Initiatives' in U.N. Speech Today

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Secretary of State Kissinger arrived in New York yesterday for a major address to the United Nations General Assembly today on food, oil and nuclear problems and his first meetings with high-level Greek and Turkish officials on the Cyprus crisis.

State Department officials said that following up on President Ford's speech to the General Assembly last week, Mr. Kissinger plans to propose some new "initiatives" in his 11:30 A.M. address.

Primarily, the Secretary intends to urge the oil producers to cooperate with the consumers in finding ways to lower oil prices, officials said. They said that such cooperation would contribute to an easing of the problems that food producers face because of rising costs of fertilizers.

Mr. Kissinger also will devote part of the speech to nuclear problems. He will affirm Washington's determination to seek further accords with the Russians on the limitation of strategic arms and will express spread of nuclear weapons to countries without them.

## Worried About India

Officials said that Mr. Kissinger, who until recently had not focused on this question, had become worried about the implications of India's underground nuclear explosion last May. They said he wanted to insure that countries could share the benefits of nuclear energy without more nations having nuclear weapons.

Mr. Kissinger plans to speak at length about the Middle East and Cyprus. Officials said he

## The Proceedings In the U.N. Today

Monday, Sept. 23, 1974

### GENERAL ASSEMBLY

Meets at 10:30 A.M. and 3:00 P.M. The scheduled speakers are from Brazil, United States, France, Peru, New Zealand, the Federal Republic of Germany, Portugal, El Salvador, Finland and Greece.

Political and Security Committee—3 P.M.

Special Political Committee—3 P.M.

Economic and Financial Committee—10:30 A.M.

Social, Humanitarian and Cultural Committee—3 P.M.

Committee on Trust Territories—10:30 A.M.

Legal Committee—3 P.M.

Tickets may be obtained at the public desk, main lobby, United Nations Headquarters. Tours: 9 A.M. to 4:45 P.M.

would reaffirm his view that a Middle East settlement could best be achieved through step-by-step Arab-Israeli negotiations in which he currently is serving as mediator, rather than through a total package negotiated at one sitting.

They said that on the Cyprus question, the Secretary would stress the need for the parties concerned — the Greeks, Turks and Cypriotes — to work out their own solution, rather than have one imposed from the outside.

Ever since the breakdown of the Geneva talks on Cyprus last month and renewed Turkish military action, Mr. Kissinger's

efforts to bring the parties together have failed. American officials said that with both Turkey and Greece now realigning their Governments, no break in the situation seemed imminent.

## Seeks Firsthand Picture

But the Secretary hopes to get a firsthand impression of the Greek and Turkish attitudes when he meets separately to-morrow with the Greek Foreign Minister, George Marvos, and the Turkish Foreign Minister, Turan Gunes.

Mr. Kissinger has communicated extremively with Greek and Turkish leaders my message and by telephone but not face-to-face. Last month, the Greeks rejected his suggestion that Mr. Mavros or Premier Constantine Caramanlis visit Washington for talks.

Mr. Mavros and Mr. Gunes are among the scores of Foreign Ministers who have come to New York for the start of the General Assembly session. This tradition has become so well established that diplomate refer to it as the annual meeting of the "Foreign Ministers club."

In addition to meeting Mr. Mavros and Mr. Gunes, Mr. Kissinger also has meetings

scheduled for today with Foreign Ministers Pedro Cortino Mauri of Spain and Antonio Francisco Azeredo da Silveira of Brazil. He will give a lunch for the Foreign Ministers and chief representatives at the United Nations from the black Africa nations.

## Dinner for 'Big Five'

Tonight, Mr. Kissinger will join in a dinner to be given by Secretary General Waldheim for the five permanent members of the Security Council. Others scheduled to attend are Foreign Ministers Andrei A. Gromyko of the Soviet Union and Jean Sauvagnargues of France, Foreign Secretary James Calaghan of Britain and the chief delegate, Huan Hua.

Tomorrow Mr. Kissinger is scheduled to meet privately with Mr. Callagha for a breakfast and also to see the Foreign Minister of Norway, Canada, Peru and Laos. He will give a lunch for the West German Foreign Minister Hans Dietrich Genscher, and a dinner for Mr. Gromyko.

Mr. Kissinger is expected to return to Washington on Wednesday but to come back to New York for at least four days next week to continue meetings.

4

C

THE NEW YORK TIMES, MO

BOWWIT
TENDER

The: David Evins serves
for copper patent with
Shoes, Second Floor
New York Manhasset
Innewood Jenkintown

Greek Electi

By STEVEN V. ROBERTS
Special to The New York Times

ATHENS, Sept. 22—Elections will almost certainly be held in Greece within the next two months, even if little progress is made toward settling the Cyprus situation.

Last week, the Cabinet of Premier Constantine Caramanlis approved a basic election law, providing for a single legislature of 300 members selected through a system of "reinforced proportional representation." The complex procedure will give more power to small parties than would a simple majority system, but less than straight proportional voting would.

This week, the Government is expected to publish a decree that will legalize the Communist party for the first time since 1936 and will suspend the martial-law provisions that now curb public meetings. The election date is still uncertain, but most analysts predict that the voting will be in mid-November.

Political parties have already started to function, however. Before Foreign Minister George Mavros left for the United Nations on Friday he was elected leader of the Center Union party, the liberal coalition that

THE WASHINGTON POST, SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 2

[L.C]

922-74

Joseph Kraft

# Ford's Foreign Priorities

President Ford's repeated expressions of support for Henry Kissinger are undoubtedly genuine. Still the President has a problem with the Secretary of State.

It is not the gross problem of rivalry imagined by would-be barons in the Ford entourage. It is the delicate and difficult problem of squaring the President's need to meet the international economic crisis with the Secretary's emphasis on detente with Russia and settlement in the Mideast.

A good way to sense the difference is to consider the staggering impact of the threefold price increase enacted by the cartel of oil-producing countries over the past 18 months. Something like half the rise in American wholesale prices over the past year springs directly from that increase. The inflation raging in most of the other countries of the world is even more closely tied to the oil price rise.

So is the world food crisis. Fertilizer, a petroleum product, has risen in price step by step with oil. The countries which require fertilizer are those least able to pay because they have to spend their precious dollar assets on oil itself. So India, Pakistan, Sri Lanka and several other nations known as the MSAs, or the countries most severely affected by the oil price rise, are threatened with famine.

Perhaps even more serious than the food problem is the impact of the oil

> "President Ford rightly understands that avoiding a world depression has to be the centerpiece of his foreign policy."

price increase on the international balance of payments. The United States is running a heavy deficit largely because of the increased payments for oil. So are all the other industrialized countries.

For the United States the impact is not disastrous. The oil-producing countries unable to buy goods with their receipts invest the money in the most stable foreign countries. That means America, mainly, and, to a lesser extent, Germany, Japan and Britain.

But nations such as Italy and France have to borrow to meet their debts, or else tighten up terribly on consumption. Borrowing is tough and now threatens a run on major banking facilities. Economic restrictions, by spreading from country to country, could produce the world depression so many people foresee.

President Ford rightly understands that avoiding a world depression has to be the centerpiece of his foreign policy. That is the plain meaning of

the principal statement made on the suggestion of the Treasury Department in his speech to the United Nations last week: "Let us not delude ourselves. Failure to cooperate on oil, food and inflation could spell disaster for every nation represented in this room."

But every serious effort to meet the oil problem runs athwart policies put into effect by President Nixon and still cherished by the Secretary of State. The most obvious measure would be to insist on a break in the oil price in exchange for this country's good efforts in promoting a settlement in the Mideast. But Dr. Kissinger hasn't wanted to jeopardize his diplomatic moves by mixing in vulgar commercial interests. For fear of alienating the Arabs and thus spoiling his negotiation, he has not applied any pressure for an oil price break, and his effort to wheedle down the price by being nice to the Saudis has obviously not worked.

A second tactic would be to organize

the consuming countries in a kind of countercartel. Dr. Kissinger has taken some steps here, notably in promoting the Washington energy conference of oil-consuming countries.

But cooperation with such major oil consumers as Japan, France and even Britain has been sticky. A large part of the reason is that Dr. Kissinger has placed so much more emphasis on detente with Russia than on cooperation with this country's allies.

A third tactic would be to develop a strong program for energy selfsufficiency in this country. Only that would have involved sacrifice in the context of international crisis. President Nixon had declared the crisis was over as soon as the first progress was made toward an easing of tension between Israel and the Arab states. And in the absence of a crisis atmosphere, it has been impossible to take steps toward American self-sufficiency.

In short, Dr. Kissinger's emphasis on settlement with the Mideast and detente with Russia implies living with higher oil prices. Mr. Ford's need to deal with international economic problems implies bringing down the price of oil—perhaps even at the cost of living with an unsettlement in the Mideast and an incomplete detente with Russia.

Global Connections

Vadillo in Siempre, Mexico

Special reports for this sec-

gentle enough to leave these raw mate-
rials producers with markedly higher

abroad, it would have trouble paying
the doubled price.

In the past, India could count on sur-
pluses of American wheat to fill its
food gap. Now the surpluses have been
run down and food riots threaten In-
dian cities.

If Western economies were stable
and expanding, the poorest nations of
Asia and Africa could look forward to
relief from abroad. In an inflation-rid-
den world, however, industrial nations
are husbanding their farm produce to
limit price increases at home, curbing
their aid programs and investing pri-
vate capital in more secure outlets.

THE PLIGHT of the industrial nations is on a vastly different and less dramatic scale. Despite the frequent comparisons with the shatterin, depression of the 1930s, no such catastrophe has yet struck. There have been narrow, nationalistic policy decisions but for the most part, the wealthier countries have not attempted to export their unemployment to seek an impossible world in which each nation pushes its exports and closes its markets to the goods of others.

The downward drift of the dollar,
the pound, the lira and now the yen
has largely taken place in a climate
of consultation and agreement, how-
ever reluctant. Fears that floating
rates would encourage a wild, competi-
tive scramble to devalue have not yet
been justified.

The great worry of policy makers ev-
erywhere is that stagnant production,
climbing unemployment and spiraling
inflation will shut

"We're on the edge of a de-
pression. We've noticed several
changes in the character of our
business and some drop as well.
The verdict isn't clear yet. It
could be serious. I think infla-
tion is going to continue for
some time, but I sense that peo-
ple who are very leery or rais-
ing prices may be forced to. Peo-
ple who are having to pay the
higher prices are getting very
close to the end of their rope.
I think that we're going to have
kind of a very sen-
tive world.

# World-Interest or Self-Interest?

By William V. Shannon

WASHINGTON, Sept. 21—If this were a book instead of a newspaper, column, I would give it one of those fashionably long titles such as, "Some Preliminary Thoughts on America's World Responsibilities Upon Being Denounced as a Neo-Isolationist."

In two recent articles, I suggested that Cyprus is not an American responsibility and recalled earlier "crises" in Lebanon, Laos and the Dominican Republic that, like Cyprus today, were exaggerated by Presidents and the press inasmuch as no real American national interest was involved.

It is a small but interesting clue to public opinion that my column on Cyprus evoked more mail than any other subject on which I have written and that it was overwhelmingly favorable to my position. But it is to the minority of letters, several of them friendly and thoughtful, raising the specter of neo-isolationism to which I want to address myself.

Everyone agrees in theory that the United States ought not to be the world's policeman. But in practice as each situation arises there inevitably goes up the cry for American leadership. It always seems that if the world's strongest, richest nation does not act, no one will. "Let George do it" has become "Let Uncle Sam do it—or defend it or pay for it or lead the way in finding a solution for it." Americans of every political persuasion are becoming rather weary of this unrelenting round of diverse responsibilities. Yet when one attempts to define standards by which this nation's real interests can be measured, anomalies and contradictions immediately show up.

Clearly, what happens in Canada and Mexico is of vital concern to us because they are our neighbors. Because of a shared heritage of culture, law and free political institutions, we are deeply involved in the fate of Britain, the other democracies of

Western Europe, and—by extension—Australia and New Zealand.

It is also in America's national interest to help our ex-World War II enemies—West Germany with its industrial Ruhr and Japan with its economic genius—to stay in the ranks of the free and friendly nations.

If we agree that North America, Western Europe and Japan form the heart of America's interests in the world and if, for reasons of space, we leave aside the complex question of

But nations, any more than individuals, cannot make all their decisions on coolly calculated appraisals of self-interest. Americans, like all Western people, feel some degree of guilt because we did not stop Hitler in time to prevent the holocaust that destroyed most of Europe's Jews. When World War II ended, this country did not open its doors quickly or widely to the surviving Jews and thereby provide an alternative to the Zionist answer. From a religious viewpoint, many Americans are concerned because no believing Christian could be indifferent to the fate of God's Old Testament people.

History, too, imposes responsibilities. Neither Israel nor West Berlin could have survived this long without American military and economic aid. Each succeeding President since Harry Truman in 1948 has strongly reaffirmed America's support.

Are these two vulnerable positions vital interests in the sense that the U.S. would fight for them? One can answer that with another question. Would the Russians have fought if we had tried to help the Hungarians, or the Czechs during their unsuccessful struggles for freedom? The U.S. did not know the answer but decided not to take the risk of finding out. As long as the United States remains strong, the Russians are likely to be equally prudent.

In thinking about America's sense of obligation to West Berlin and Israel, these two poignant, perpetually endangered orphans from the storm of World War II, one is reminded of Robert Frost's poem in which the husband and wife gently argue whether they have a duty to help their former hired man:

> He says, "Home is the place where, when you have to go there, they have to take you in."

His wife replies, "I should have called it something you somehow haven't to deserve."

If the people of West Berlin or Israel cry out to us, we cannot pretend to be deaf.

America's relations with the so-called Third World; we still have to take into account anomalous situations, specifically the city of West Berlin and the state of Israel.

By any normal ways of reckoning national interest—strategic location, profitable trade, intrinsic power—neither Berlin nor Israel qualifies as one of America's vital national interests. On the contrary, it makes no geopolitical sense for the United States to mortgage its power and prestige to half a city isolated in hostile territory. Similarly, if Israel did not exist, our relations with the Arab countries would presumably go much more smoothly.

Mending
Greek-U.S.
relations

By John K. Cooley
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Christian Science Monitor
9-23-74

Athens

Policymakers in the United States and Greece are puzzling over how to repair Greek-American relations, badly shattered by the Cyprus crisis and Greek bitterness over Washington's support for the seven-year Greek military junta which collapsed last-July.

Prime Minister Constantine Carmanlis has sent Greek Foreign Minister George Mavros to the United States to test U.S. intentions before the Cyprus issue comes before the United Nations. Mr. Mavros is due to address the UN General Assembly Monday.

Here in Athens, as Greeks excitedly prepare for their first free parliamentary elections in 10 years, expected in late November, the anti-American mood appears to be gathering strength.

Commentators welcomed the U.S. Senate's action last Thursday in voting a resolution to end U.S. military

★Please turn to Page 6

September 23

deported.

Following former West German Chancellor Willy Brandt's treaty with the Soviet Union in August, 1970, the U.S.S.R. agreed to permit those Soviet Germans to emigrate who could prove that they still had relatives Germany.

Only 500 ethnic Germans a month are presently granted exit visas, but there are reportedly tens of thousands who are willing to make the move West Germany. Undoubtedly this subject came up when Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko met last week with West Germany's Foreign Minister Hans-Dietrich Genscher and Chancellor Helmut Schmidt.

## Founder has emigrated

The founder of the German-language samizdat publication is one of those who have already emigrated West. Known by the Lithuanian name Vytautas Grigas (because as a child he was placed in a Soviet-Lithuanian orphanage), he recently gave an interview to Radio Liberty.

Mr. Grigas founded the chronicle in 1973 under the name "Re Patria" (Fatherland Again). It is devoted to reviving the national consciousness of Soviet Germans.

"Re Patria" has five sections. The first is called "Soviet Germans" and tells about their history and culture. The second section, called "Law - Theory and Practice," tells about the prospects of a campaign to restore the Volga German Autonomous Republic and how to obtain permission to leave the U.S.S.R. for Germany.

A third section is called "Germa-

★ Mending Greek-U.S. relations [uc]

Continued from Page 1

aid to Turkey. But they were quick to point out that Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, whom most Greeks now seem to regard as a personal enemy — newspaper cartoonists depict him wearing a Tukish fez, with a Muslim star and a crescent emblem — had quickly stated that aid to Turkey would continue.

## Possible moves cited

Seasoned observers here believe the only U.S. move which could arrest the spread of anti-American feeling here would be a vigorous effort to secure a substantial reduction of Turkish military strength in Cyprus. The likelihood of this, the same observers admit, looks quite slim at the moment.

"United States policy toward Greece, Mr. Mavros told this reporter before leaving for New York, "simply must change if we are to warm up our relations again."

The policy has to change in such a way as not to give Turkish Prime Minister Ecevit another opportunity to express gratitude to the U.S. for the understanding shown to it in a difference "which ended with the destruction of Cyprus, an independent country," Mr. Mavros said.

Mr. Mavros would not spell out details of what he thought either Washington or Athens could or should do now to improve things. He said this would have to wait until he has talked to U.S. Secretary of State Kissinger.

## Policy under review

Mr. Mavros repeated to a luncheon of the Foreign Press Association here that the question of Greece's bilateral accords granting the U.S. military bases here was under study. "When the study is complete, we will announce our policy on the bases," he said.

Only junior Greek officials greeted the new U.S. Ambassador to Greece,

Jack B. Kubisch, when he arrived at Athens airport last week.

"I am acutely aware of the responsibility and challenge this assignment represents," Mr. Kubisch told newsmen. "Secretary of State Kissinger said that he feels there is no more important assignment in our diplomatic service right now than that of the American Ambassador to Greece."

Ambassador Kubisch, with little or no experience of East Mediterranean affairs, was welcomed by some Greek circles as a man with a clear record in Athens, where many Greeks have always regarded the U.S. envoy as a sort of American proconsul who actively interferes in Greek affairs.

## Criticism quick to surface

But only a day after Mr. Kubisch's arrival, Avghi, a newspaper of the newly legalized Greek Communists, expected to enter candidates for the coming elections, characterized Mr. Kubisch as an old CIA collaborator of Dr. Kissinger. It charged he was equally responsible, with Mr. Kissinger, for the military coups in Chile and Brazil.

Andreas Papandreou, the Greek-American economist and politician who returned from a Canadian teaching post to found a new leftist party, the Pan-Hellenic Socialist Movement (PSK), has been making the same kind of charges about the CIA in Greece for many years. Now, however, more Greeks than ever before are prepared to take them seriously.

"From Cyprus, with love," is the ironic slogan on a poster displayed on Athens bookstores and other private premises. It shows an American flag with weed-like flowers between the stripes. A close look discloses that the stars in the blue field are actually tiny skulls. The Americans and members of the old military junta here are equal targets of almost daily demonstrations by young Greeks convinced of U.S. guilt in Cyprus.

★ Moscow frets over Kissinger's future: 'Will he stay?' [L.C]

*Continued from Page 1*

The Soviet approach to detente with the United States is not sentimental. It is cold, calculated power politics. And the Russians recognize in Dr. Kissinger the same unsentimental, power-politics approach that is their own — and this gives the Kremlin a degree of trust and understanding in dealing with him.

What worries the Russians is their assessment that the personalities of President Ford and Dr. Kissinger are incompatible. So (as the Russians see it) is their world outlook. Therefore, Moscow concludes, the two cannot be expected to go on together for very long.

In spite of the pat on the back given to Dr. Kissinger by President Ford at the United Nations General Assembly, Soviet analysts discern growing signs of Dr. Kissinger's isolation — not only from the President but also from the Congress, which is cooling off in its earlier unqualified admiration for the Secretary of State.

## Special relationship

If this process continues they argue, sooner or later Dr. Kissinger will have to leave his present office, simply because it will become virtually impossible for him to conduct foreign policy in the manner and style and with the same degree of freedom to which he has become accustomed. Moscow seems to have little doubt that Dr. Kissinger will not accept such a changed role except for a temporary period while he phases himself out or is phased out.

Soviet experts contend that the success of Dr. Kissinger's diplomacy stemmed from his special relationship with President Nixon rather than from his ideas or innovations. Now that the partnership has been disrupted, they say, the ideas may not prove so successful by themselves. The crucial fact in this context is that for the first time since Dr. Kissinger arrived at the White House he is

lacking the authority that provided him with an aura of invincible success.

While this is good for the Soviet Union where its relations with other countries are concerned, it is not good for its own relations with the United States.

And if it comes to a choice, Moscow would still rather see Dr. Kissinger as an outright adversary in the inter-

national arena than to cease meeting him as an equal friend representing another superpower.

Yet Moscow is not certain at all. While the Russians are treating Dr. Kissinger with deference, and will continue to do so, they are also cautious about his attitude on questions of interest to the Soviet Union. In some respects Moscow is positively unenthusiastic about him.

Perhaps significantly, the Soviet press gave less space to President Ford's address at the UN General Assembly than to Dr. Kissinger's latest testimony before a Senate committee hearing on detente.

The point is not that Moscow likes Dr. Kissinger. The point is that without Dr. Kissinger the shape of detente will be different — though exactly how no one can forecast.

# Soviets fret [ic]
over future
of Kissinger

By Dev Murarka
Special to
The Christian Science Monitor

Christian Science Monitor

9-23-74 Moscow

There are signs here of Soviet concern over the questions being asked in Washington about the future of U.S. Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger.

"Will he stay? If so, how long?"
"Will he go? Then how soon?" These are the questions Soviet experts are posing to foreign diplomats and journalists. Underneath it all is a growing concern about Dr. Kissinger's future, and it is agitating Soviet experts far more than any other problem relating to relations between the United States and the Soviet Union.

For Russians it is a vital question because they think that the immediate fate of detente depends far more upon the person of Dr. Kissinger than upon anything else. This may appear to contradict Soviet assertions in public that detente does not depend upon a single individual, no matter how important. But it is not so. Dr. Kissinger not only represents continuity after the resignation of President Nixon but also its philosophical foundation or, as the Soviets would term it, its ideological foundation.

★Please turn to Page 6

national minorities have to go through. It is called "the Case of the Girning Family."

In December, 1973, the Girnings, a German family of five from Dushanbe, Tadjikistan, arrived in Moscow, convinced that the central authorities would give them an exit permit. They had been advised to do this by the local authorites in Dushanbe.

They had packed up, sold their belongings, given up their Dushanbe residence permits and their jobs. In Moscow they spent about two months wandering from place to place, since they were thrown out of hotels as soon as it was known they wanted to emigrate.

For weeks, like so many Soviet Jews, they haunted the Visa and Permits Department and the Présidium of the Supreme Soviet in hopes of getting a hearing. Finally the head of the Visa and Permits Department told them bluntly: "If you turn up again, we'll have your children sent to an orphanage and you put in jail."

In despair, the family demonstrated before the Party Central Committee building. Across their chests were strips of white cloth proclaiming their desire to emigrate to their homeland and be reunited with relatives in West Germany. Within three minutes they were seized by KGB (secret police) officers, dragged into the building and later sent back to Dushanbe, where they live illegally (because they have no residence permits) and are unable to get jobs.

Yet there has been progress. In the Stalin era the Girnings would not have been allowed to leave Dushanbe, nor could the illegal chronicle "Re Poria" have been compiled and distributed. Soviet Germans like the Girnings can look to the West German Government to use its "good offices"

A 26

MONDAY, SEPTEMBER 9-23-74

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

# The Palestinian Question at the U.N.

A DELEGATION of the Palestine Liberation Organization has arrived at the United Nations hoping to gain international recognition as a "national liberation movement" and as the "sole representative" of all Palestinians, and to be seated at the U.N.-sponsored Mideast peace conference at Geneva. We say to the delegation: Welcome to the world community. It is good to see the PLO talking politics instead of blowing up airplanes, gunning down hostages and murdering schoolrooms full of Israeli children. For too long, moreover, the PLO has confined its political overtures to countries and forums where a general sympathy for its cause inhibited inquiry into its specific activities and goals. Its pilgrimage to New York should allow such an inquiry to go on.

The basic question the PLO needs to answer is whether it is a band of terrorists, acknowledging no law but the gun, or a would-be nation prepared to accept the law of nations. It is precisely the PLO's weakness on this point which has denied it the international standing it now seeks. For it is unthinkable that an organization of sovereign states should give status to a group that not only seeks by violence to topple one or more of those states but also has a long record of condoning in practice the assassination of American diplomats and other third country nationals who get caught in the terrorists' snare.

We are among those who think there should be a 20th Arab state (there already are 19) called Palestine. Not only are the Palestinians a historically recognizable people who deserve a political status they do not have; many other peoples, of course, such as the Ukrainians or Lithuanians, meet this standard. The Palestinians are— and here is the crucial difference—politically in a position to undermine any Mideast settlement which does not provide for them. The PLO position up to now, however, has been that, in addition to there being a 20th Arab state, there should be no Jewish state. Thus alleging Israel's illegitimacy, the PLO seeks to legitimize any means, including terror, to undo Israel. In fact, the principles of the PLO as they stand are inconsistent with the U.N. Charter. No support is due the PLO until it

accepts the obligations formally undertaken by the member states. Israel is far from the only nation with a vital interest in denying the PLO's ugly logic a foothold at the United Nations.

The other broad question for the PLO is: Which Palestinians does it represent? Those in the refugee camps? Those in the Israeli-occupied West Bank and Gaza? Those in Jordan? Those living elsewhere in or outside the Arab world? It is too easy to overlook the fact that Palestinians are a dispersed, fragmented and unorganized people. The PLO surely speaks for some of them. But, in particular, whether it can speak for the largest consolidated group of them, in Jordan, is unclear. Though Jordan's ruler is Bedouin, most of its citizens are Palestinians. Of 11 Jordanian delegates at the Geneva peace talks last December, seven were Palestinian. Yet King Hussein has an entirely understandable reluctance to see a group based in Beirut, the PLO, given even paper designation as the "sole representative" of the people who compose most of the population of his country. The United Nations would be just as foolish to intervene directly in the affairs of Jordan as in the affairs of Israel.

That the Palestinian question has been brought again to the United Nations—as a political question, not a refugee issue—is well and good. It is a political question and the United Nations is meant to deal with such questions. But the whole situation has been transformed since the first (and last) time the United Nations addressed the issue, in 1948, when the Palestinians were offered a state of their own and they turned it down. Specifically, it is no longer within the capacity of the United Nations to offer Palestinians statehood. That can only result now from a process in which Israelis and Jordanians are involved. Certainly the United Nations should hear the arguments, shrill and harsh though they no doubt will be. But the United Nations should not endorse terror, or trample on the sovereignty of its member states, or complicate the already immensely difficult task of the three principal local parties to work out a relationship of their own.

Kissinger due to stress
food-fuel tie-up at UN

Christian Science Monitor

9-23-74

By David Anable
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

United Nations, N.Y.

U.S. Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger comes to the United Nations this week with two missions:

* Publicly, to hammer home the economic theme which President Ford introduced forcefully here Sept. 18 — that by far the most crucial problems facing the planet are fuel and food, and that the world cannot have one (U.S. food) without cooperation on the other (Arab oil).

* Privately, to sound out his fellow foreign ministers on most of the world's outstanding political problems, from the Middle East and Cyprus to Indo-China and Korea. His discussions with Arab statesmen here will preview his scheduled trip to Middle East countries next month.

The U.S. administration appears

suddenly determined to bring into the open its deep concern over the world's economic crisis.

No sooner had President Ford left the United Nations last week than Treasury Secretary William E. Simon arrived for a UN dinner and rang out the same alarm. He specifically referred to the need to lower oil prices.

## Elaboration expected

Now, in his speech today to the UN General Assembly, Dr. Kissinger is expected to elaborate on the issue, provide figures for U.S. food aid, and try to rally world opinion behind the hardened U.S. position.

"There's no way to exaggerate the degree of the crisis," says one well-informed American source. "And we just don't see any way that the world economic system can be straightened out without a reduction in oil prices."

Up to now the oil-price trend has been dramatically in the opposite direction. But recent events have brought some faint signs of a split in oil producers' ranks.

★Please turn to Page 4

ment, notably Sen. Henry M. Jackson (D) of Washington, that the terms of the amendment were being met.

According to administration sources, the understanding with the Russians is now complete and was confirmed by Soviet Minister Foreign Affairs Andrei Gromyko during meetings with President Ford and Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger at the White House Friday and Saturday.

But the decision to push the trade bill out onto the floor of the Senate is still hung up by disagreement with the Senators who want freer trade with

their way.

If they do not, they believe there will be no trade bill at this session of Congress, which will recess in October.

The understanding with the Russians, according to congressional informants, may enable 100,000 or more emigrants to leave the Soviet Union annually. A report from Tel Aviv Sunday indicated the Israelis already are preparing to receive this number of immigrants from Russia.

This year the immigration rate from the Soviet Union has slipped well

# The plight of Soviet Germans

By Paul Wohl

Written for

The Christian Science Monitor

A German-language samizdat publication that has emerged from the Soviet Union chronicles the plight of about 1.8 million Soviet citizens of German origin.

Most of these ethnic Germans live in Kazakhstan, not far from the Chinese border. Previously they lived in the Autonomous Volga German Republic. But during World War II, as the Nazi forces approached the Volga River, Stalin had the Volga German Republic dissolved as a separate entity.

Language." A fourth "Person Seeks Person," gives dramatic details of individuals searching for their relatives. A fifth section collates all the decrees and resolutions of the Soviet Government concerning the Volga Germans from 1941 to the present.

## One family's ordeal

A poignant section of the latest issue recounts an example of the privations and anguish some non-Slav

★Kissinger to stress tie-up[LC]

Continued from Page 1

Although the quadrupling of oil prices over the past year or so has saddled many countries with staggering burdens of debt and inflation, few have so far dared risk their remaining fuel supplies or potential Arab aid by speaking out.

## Tough line well received

But despite strong Arab reaction here to Mr. Ford's address, some developing countries have quietly welcomed the tougher U.S. line, while many industrialized countries have warmly applauded it. Dr. Kissinger is expected to add his weight to the U.S. effort to mobilize such latent support.

The big question remains: can the U.S. gather enough world opinion behind it to turn the overall trend of international oil prices around?

The apparent impasse in Mideast negotiations is causing considerable concern here. It is sure to be an important topic of conversation during the tightly scheduled series of breakfasts, lunches, dinners, and back-room meetings arranged for the U.S. Secretary of State this week and again on his three-day return to the UN next week.

UN Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim, at his press conference on the eve of the General Assembly, expressed anxiety lest the momentum of Mideast negotiations be lost. But he also accepted a need for all parties to coordinate their positions before re-

suming the Geneva talks rather than have the talks break down for lack of adequate preparation.

## Two next steps outlined

American officials say the next two steps in this direction are: working out whom Israel negotiates with next — Egypt, or Syria (said to be getting impatient and "edgy"), or Jordan; and waiting for the Arabs to coordinate their position on the Palestinian question, which they are expected to do at the Arab summit in Rabat, Morocco, opening Oct. 26.

Several months of tense negotiations are ahead with Dr. Kissinger the pivot both here at the UN and during his Mideast trip next month. Meanwhile the General Assembly is scheduled to debate the Palestine issue, probably in November.

On Cyprus, the current U.S. aim is to encourage Greece and Turkey to give full backing to the talks already under way between the leaders of the island's two communities.

The meetings between actingCypriot President Glavcos Clerides and Vice-President Rauf Denktash, initiated by Mr. Waldheim, are producing results. This past weekend, for instance, the two men agreed on a general release of all prisoners of war; and some reports say that the Turks already are beginning to withdraw some of their troops to the Turkish mainland.

dom in the new republic. Read on
about the Liberty Bell and about
a rather shrewd investment some
twentieth century Americans are
making in it.

IN 1751, the Province of Penn-
sylvania had a policy of individ-
ual freedom that much influenced
the other colonies. It was fitting
that when the Assembly of the
Province decided to order a bell,
they asked that on the bell's shoul-
der be inscribed the biblical phrase
from Leviticus XXV. 10 "Proclaim
liberty throughout all the land unto
all the inhabitants thereof." Thom-
as Lester's Whitechapel Foundry
in London was chosen to cast the
bell and in September 1752, it ar-
rived in America. Philadelphians
gathered in the State House yard to
hear it ring out. It cracked, how-
ever, upon the first strike, perhaps
due to mishandling by amateur
colonial bell hangers, eager to hear
it. In 400 years, it was to be the
only bell from Whitechapel's to
have so cracked. "Two ingenious
workmen", John Pass and John
Stow recast it, but Norris did not
like its tone and had it recast a
second time. It was then hung in
the State House tower; and for the
next twenty years, it would ring
out on the burning issues of the
day. It loudly prescinded the

since with a rubber mallet. In 19
on D-Day its muffled sound
broadcast over network radio.

IN COMMEMORATION

To commemorate the 200th an-
versary of the Declaration of Ind-
pendence in 1776, the famo-
Whitechapel Bell Foundry of Lo-
don (the same bellmakers who cas-
the original Liberty Bell) is castin
a limited number of Bicentenni-
Liberty Bells to the original desig-
and on the original site. About 10
of the two thousand pound full-
scale replicas are being cast, for d
elivery to communities throughou
the Nation.

In addition to the 100 large bell
Whitechapel is casting a Limite
Edition of 2400 smaller 1/5 scal-
replicas utilizing a special process
Over 1000 of these bells have al
ready been ordered and about 90
of them have been delivered, thu
far, to Americans throughout
U.S.A.

OFFICIAL SANCTION
AND ENDORSEMENT

This worthwhile project has been
given the recognition, sanction and
endorsement, of many organiza-
tions and official Government agen-
cies. For instance, The Bicentennial
Council of the Thirteen Original
States, the non-profit organization
comprised of state officials repre-

A Warning on Oil

President Ford, Secretary of State Kissinger and Secretary of the Treasury Simon have teamed up to sound the strongest possible United States warning of the danger to world order from the price-rigging and production curbs of the international cartel of oil-producing countries. The blunt words by the President and Mr. Simon at the opening of the World Energy Conference in Detroit and those of Mr. Kissinger at the United Nations General Assembly were clearly coordinated for maximum effect.

While sharply criticizing the four-fold oil price increase of the last year and emphasizing the disastrous consequences for developed and poorer nations alike—and, eventually, for the oil exporters themselves—Mr. Ford and Mr. Kissinger put even greater stress on the imperative need for international cooperation to cope with the crisis and on the willingness of this country to assume a leadership role in that effort.

Expanding on the theme of his own address at the United Nations last week, the President called for a comprehensive global energy program to be called "Project Interdependence," in contrast to "Project Independence," the effort originally launched by President Nixon to make the United States self-sufficient in energy.

And as the President had done last week, Mr. Kissinger wisely coupled his call for international cooperation to resolve the energy crisis with the comparable necessity for a global effort to avert hunger, both immediately and over the long run. He again promised specific American proposals at the World Food Conference in Rome in November for helping the developing nations boost their own food-growing potential, ending the chronic shortage of fertilizer, expanding agricultural research, rebuilding world food reserves and providing immediate food relief for famine areas.

This aggregate effort by the President and two Cabinet officers thus adds up both to a warning and to the clearest offer yet made of American cooperation—including American sacrifice where necessary—for cooperative international effort to resolve two of the gravest crises that have confronted the world since World War II.

"Nations cannot simultaneously confront and cooperate with one another," Mr. Kissinger told the General Assembly. The hope must be that all delegations, but especially those of the oil-producing countries, got Washington's message and will act promptly and constructively in the spirit of reciprocity and interdependence.

The New York Times/Tyrone Dukes and Mike Lien

The plane on the East River near Wall Street yesterday morning, Anacostia River, near Capitol Hill, an hour and a half later.

Downtown Airlines officials note, however, that Wall Street businessmen can walk aboard the plane in New York and that their flights avoid all airport congestion. They point out, too, that they have carried some 15,000 passengers between New York and Philadelphia since that service began in July 1972.

## Schedules Are Listed

The two seaplane flights from New York will leave every week day at 9 A.M. and 1 P.M. Flights will leave Washington at 11 A.M. and 3 P.M. All flights stop in Philadelphia. There is an additional New York-to-Philadelphia flight at 5 P.M. The time to Philadelphia is 30 minutes and the fare $27.

The time between Philadelphia and Washington is 45

minutes and the fare $37. There is a 20 per cent discount on 20-ticket books.

The green and white, turbine-powered DeHavilland Twin Otter roared away from the airline's float along the East River just south of Wall Street at exactly 9 A.M. yesterday. At the controls was Capt. C. Robert Mills, a veteran of years of Navy and commercial flying boat and seaplane flying. The plane took off to the north, turned 180 degrees and headed across New Jersey for the Delaware River.

Aboard the 30-minute flight to Philadelphia were newsmen, officials and a handful of paying passengers, most of whom were regular users of the seaplane service. The Twin Otter, which is equipped with twin floats almost as long as its fuselage, follows the shoreline of Staten Island, cuts across Raritan Bay, then flies southwest to Morrisville, Pa., on the Delaware River.

The New Jersey segment is the only time the plane, which has no wheels, is out of sight of a large body of water. But airline officials contend the Twin Otter can land on rough terrain more safely than almost any land plane with wheels.

## Over Hunt Country

At Philadelphia, the plane landed near the foot of Walnut Street, close enough to that city's financial district for some of the passengers to walk to their business desti-

Marquis Childs

# U.S. Arms 'Sales'

Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger is the greatest arms merchant in history. His sales around the world have a momentum of their own that fix American policy. Chile is a striking example.

With so much blame heaped on the CIA for abetting the military coup that overthrew the government of Salvador Allende, the role of the Department of Defense deserves examination. The Chilean generals who shot down Allende and his government were getting large amounts of U.S. military aid at the very time they were plotting the overthrow.

In 1972, a year before the coup, Chile's military got $12.4 million in military hardware. The following year the amount was $15 million. The coup occurred on Sept. 11, 1973. Proposed for the 1975 fiscal year is $20.5 million.

This is in "credit sales" which tend to be a handout for those countries favored by the Defense Department. Theoretically repayable, the amounts stay on the red ink side of the ledger indefinitely.

In addition to the hardware, the Chilean military got smaller amounts for what defense calls "overseas training." Both in calendar 1972 and 1973 the amount was $900,000. In 1973, 77 Chileans in uniform were trained in the United States and 313 in the U.S. training center in the Panama Canal Zone. The Canal Zone center is said to have a high political component with training in the repression of minority opposition at the guerrilla level.

Since the armed services committees

of Senate and House tend to be ante-
rooms of the Defense Department, it is
unlikely there will be any examination
of what the money went for. But the
American taxpayer is entitled to know
whether the military hardware was
used to kill the hundreds shot down in
the coup and in the executions that fol-
lowed.

"There should be a
close look at Secretary
Schlesinger's multi-bil-
lion arms operation."

Chile is a classic case of secret
American meddling that is not only fu-
tile but self-destructive and downright
evil. Allende's minority government —
he got 39 per cent of the vote—was
doing about everything calculated to
bring on a revolt in a country that
more than any other in Latin America
had a long tradition of representative
democracy. With little or no effort to
bring in other elements, Allende and
the Marxists around him were moving
toward totalitarianism.

But throughout the Americas the
fumbling Allende experiment was fol-
lowed with the keenest interest. I was
in Mexico City a few days before the
Chilean coup. The young men around
President Luis Echeverria were well
aware of how precarious Allende's pos-
ition was. One of them put it this way:

"We know the terrible mistakes he is
making. But it was an elected govern-
ment and we hope that it will survive
the term for which Allende was
elected."

Whether the Allende government
might have fallen by the constitutional
process or whether, as was widely
feared, he could concentrate his au-
thority to frustrate any lawful change
is an unanswered question. That is ir-
relevant today, since throughout the
Americas the impression is now wide-
spread that meddling by Washington
precipitated the coup.

On the other side of the world,
Greece is another classic example of
how the arms merchant sets policy.
The fumbling, inept military junta in
Athens got $58 million in "credit sales"
in calendar 1972, $60 million in 1973,
with $71 million proposed for the cur-
rent year. These bumbling colonels
and generals set off the Greek Cypriot
rebellion on Cyprus that ended with a
massive Turkish invasion. One result
was that the civilian government in
Athens withdrew from NATO.

As though to cement the hold of the
junta, the defense department ordered
"home porting" in Greece for elements
of the Sixth Fleet. That is one reason
for the anti-Americanism rampant to-
day.

Closing out the CIA's secret, covert
operations is surely desirable. In that
fine bureaucratic password, it is
counter-productive or worse. But at
the same time there should be a close
look at Schlesinger's multi-billion dol-
lar arms operation.

Let's think

[LC]

# Kissinger, the CIA, and history

By Erwin D. Canham

How much longer will Henry Kissinger serve the American Government as Secretary of State? What, finally, will the historians say about him? And, in a related question, what will the historians say about the Central Intelligence Agency?

President Ford has manfully — if unpersuasively — rallied to the defense both of Dr. Kissinger and of the CIA. But both remain in trouble. Both exemplify realpolitik at its starkest. And some Americans are beginning to ask whether this is good enough for a nation which must stand for principle in the world if it is to stand for anything.

Some creditable facts must be recognized. As an intelligence-gathering agency the CIA has been important and necessary. Only in its operations — its "dirty tricks" — all the way from the Bay of Pigs to Chile, and to Cambodia, and to Greece and Turkey, and to many other places — does it begin to raise very serious doubts.

## Invitation to espionage

I must confess a bias. I do not have a high regard for the CIA's judgment and common sense. It is violating no secrets to recall that once a CIA official came to Boston to ask me to perform a certain function: to be a "cover" for an operation in espionage. I told him I would be willing to serve my country, but my profession as an editor required me to remain strictly outside such clandestine activities. Moreover, I told him that what he wanted me to do was so transparently foolish as to be self-revealed to the "adversary" almost

as soon as it was undertaken. In fairness I must add that another CIA man told me afterward that he fully agreed with my feeling and he was glad I had turned the proposition down.

When the record of CIA "dirty tricks" is finally evaluated, I believe history will give this side of its activities a very low score. Moreover, such things are often merely imitations of the "adversary's" tactics. And it is more than questionable that a nation ever gains anything by stooping to such levels. There is much more to be gained by sticking to one's principles.

## Policy architect?

The United States has been badly damaged around the world by such tactics. It is blamed, manifestly, for much more than the CIA has actually attempted.

On the credit side for Dr. Kissinger is his immensely skillful implementation of policy for former President Richard M. Nixon. It may be asked whether he was in fact an architect, rather than simply a negotiator. Certainly Mr. Nixon originated the opening to China, the detente with Russia, and many other policies which his advisor and Secretary of State carried out.

Indeed, how much does Dr. Kissinger's role depend upon his special relationship with the former president? All recognize his powerful in-

tellect, which fitted well with Mr. Nixon's own hardheaded and experienced thinking. The Nixon-Kissinger team was unique. What will the Ford-Kissinger team be like? Will it be comfortable for either or both of them?

## Critics gather force

There is always the possibility that President Ford will find so highly charged a subordinate difficult. And Dr. Kissinger may one day decide the time has come to make his fortune, as well as fame, by resigning and writing his books.

Meantime, the domestic critics both of the CIA and Dr. Kissinger are gathering force. This is not just a cabal seeking to harm the administration. It is an expression of concern for the integrity of American policy. Cloak-and-dagger tactics have infected American domestic politics, as we all know. The age of dirty tricks, of clandestine intervention in the affairs of friendly nations, should come to an end. There are far better ways to support the American national interest and the nation's friends abroad than to subsidize them or subvert their opponents.

Much that has been achieved in international politics in recent years is still provisional. Real peace in the Middle East is unachieved. The arms race continues apace. The tightrope the United States walks between Russia and China is ever perilous. The American Government has cavalierly neglected its friends.

The verdict of history may be very good. But it is not yet in.

Courtesy of the British Museum, London

make, defenders of the house against evil": Stone thought to be
relief based on a drawing by Wu Tao-tse

invested his forms with a sense of
realism somewhere beyond mere
likeness. His paintings of purgatory
were so convincing as to "...make
beholders sweat and their hair stand
on end, themselves shivering all the
time, though it may not be cold.
They have caused men to seek after
virtue and give up evil practices."
The basis for the last remarkable
claim lies in the story wherein some
butchers and fishmongers, after
viewing one of his purgatory paint-
ings, changed their occupations, it
being a fundamental tenet of Bud-
dhist teaching not to take any life.

Followers of Western art have
noted that it is possible to judge the
time of day in some of the Dutch
painter Jongkind's seascapes by the
relationship of sun, wind, and water.
Similarly, weather conditions are
said to be predictable on the basis of
the cloud formations in John Con-
stable's landscapes. This desire to
sustain a reassuring contact with the
simple realities of life has not been
lost on the Chinese artist. There once
existed an ancient painting contain-

ing a cluster of peonies with a cat
sitting alongside. The subject was
deduced to be noon through the
following analysis: "... the flow-
ers are wide open and dulled in hue,
just as flowers are at midday. Then
again, the pupils of the cat's eyes are
like a black thread, as they always
are at that hour. When flowers have
dew on them the calyx is contracted
and the hue is fresh; and in the
morning and evening the pupils in a
cat's eyes are always round."

Thus, while the ancient Chinese
adage expresses a preference for
painting ghosts rather than dogs and
horses, since everyone has seen the
latter two but no one has seen a
ghost, the Chinese artist would,
when the "spirit" moved him, sat-
isfy the demand for realism of the
most critical observer. The Chinese
artist recognized that a good repre-
sentation did not always capture the
spirit of the subject but that the
capturing of the spirit ensured a
good representation.

John W. Linn

Domicile

有人可能害怕患病,害怕失去
而子,或害怕得罪他所心愛的人。有人
甚至害怕他自己的思想。恐懼以各種偽裝
的形態出現,我們可以看到它對個人與民
族國家的不良影響。

我們害怕別人的原因，可能是基於一項信念，認為他們不喜歡我們，甚至可能憎恨我們。在某些事例中，這種見解似是很有理由的。

我們應該怎麼辦呢？

有人問耶穌，誠命中那一條是第一要
緊的，他回答說，「第一要緊的就是說，
以色列人阿，你要聽，主我們的上帝，是
獨一的主。你要盡心、盡性、盡意、盡力、
愛主你的上帝。其次就是說，要受人如
巴。」（馬可福音12：29-31）

這段話豈不是告訴我們，要把我們的
信心寄託在何處嗎？我們若服從上帝，受
上帝又愛同胞，上帝就保護我們，使我們
不致受到憎恨人或被人憎恨的結果。基督
科學的發現者和創立者瑪麗、碧嘉、愛迪
（Mary Baker Eddy）說，「在真愛的庇
護下，人間的憎恨不能接近你。」（科學
與健康附錄經之鑰 Science and Health

Blue morn

I was brought up on sonn

With iambic pentam-
terse.

I did not understand unr
verse

Until I saw a morn
adorning

A fence with intricate pa
green

Gracefully looping
between

Bright blue

Shouting the glory of the
morning.

I will not desert th

A20

TUESDAY, SEPT

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

9-24-74

President Ford and Oil Prices

AMERICAN OIL POLICY has changed sharply within the past week, as President Ford abandoned quiet diplomacy and shifted to direct public warnings to the oil exporters. He is now telling the exporting nations that they are not going to be permitted to tip the rest of the world into economic chaos through constantly escalating prices. "The whole structure of our society rests upon the expectation of abundant fuel at reasonable prices," the President said yesterday in Detroit. True, and that expectation has now been turned upside down by the exporting countries. "Sovereign nations," the President told them, "cannot allow their policies to be dictated, or their fate decided, by artificial rigging and distortion of world commodity markets." At almost the same moment, Secretary of State Kissinger was delivering the same message at the United Nations. "The world," he said, "cannot sustain even the present level of prices, let alone continuing increases."

This new turn in policy began to be evident last week, with the United Nations speech in which President Ford warned the newly rich oil producers against political manipulation of oil prices. Other American officials immediately began talking in even more direct terms. Federal Energy Administrator John C. Sawhill told a congressional hearing: "There comes a point where the conditions under which oil is supplied lose their commercial character and become issues of national survival. At that point—and we have long passed it—we must explore the full range of options at our disposal to protect our national interest."

The reasons for this drastic change in American posture are not hard to find. Last spring, most American and European officials expected the new high prices of oil to induce consumers to reduce their purchases, creating a surplus that would push prices back down. In early summer the surplus did indeed appear. But OPEC—the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries—replied, instead, by cutting back its production and raising prices again. Last spring American diplomacy spoke softly on the subject of oil, to avoid jeopardizing Secretary Kissinger's excruciatingly delicate negotiation of the Arab-Israeli cease-fire. Now Mr. Kissinger has been forced to consider whether the continued increases in oil costs may not constitute a greater menace to world order than even the disputed national boundaries of the Mideast.

Above all, the new Ford administration has come to perceive that OPEC is not only using oil as a political weapon but as a revolutionary weapon—revolutionary in the sense that is being deliberately invoked to make drastic changes in the structure of world power. When Secretary of the Treasury William E. Simon went to

the Mideast two months ago, he carried with him elaborate studies arguing that the OPEC governments would make more money through higher production at lower prices. His mission was not a success. Most of his listeners already commanded more money than they knew what to do with. They are now pursuing goals that go far beyond money or economics. They are convinced that they have been cheated and exploited for decades by the oil companies and by the rich countries. They now have inherited real power in the world's economy, and they are using it with increasing intemperance to settle old grievances.

Last spring, most Americans assumed that the great surge in oil prices was over, and the only question was how to absorb it. But over the past six months it has become very clear that the price increases are continuing rapidly and endlessly. For the United States, the average cost of oil imports two years ago was $2.58 a barrel, not including transportation. In the first quarter of this year it was up to $8.74. In the second quarter it went to $11.69, and it is substantially higher now. The quarterly meeting of OPEC in Vienna earlier this month only confirmed and strengthened this pattern of continuous rise. It imposed an average increase of 3.5 per cent, with another rise promised at the next quarterly meeting in December. OPEC says that these increases will be tied to inflation rates in the industrial countries. Since the soaring price of oil contributes to the inflation, the process now threatens to become circular. It is this prospect of further arbitrary price increases, to enforce a variety of political purposes, that makes the pattern intolerably dangerous.

President Ford and his administration have taken the right first step toward an answer. They have delivered a clear statement to the OPEC governments that they are misusing their new power. What is the next step? Perhaps that depends upon OPEC's answer, if any. In the past, President Ford observed yesterday, nations have gone to war over this kind of menace. "But in the nuclear age," he emphasized, "when any local conflict may escalate to global catastrophe, war brings unacceptable risks for all mankind." Instead, he returned to the great theme of interdependence: "The quest for energy need not promote division and discord . . . I envisage movement toward a unifying cooperation to ensure a decent life for all. Most Americans understand that oil in the future is going to cost a good deal more than, until very recently, we had ever anticipated. But it is necessary to arrive at terms that do not throw the oil-consuming countries, both rich and poor, into turbulence. President Ford is talking, explicitly, in the language of peaceful accommodation. But he is also telling the OPEC governments that a stable and binding agreement is now essential.

# Ford Warns Oil Countries on Prices

## PRESIDENT, From A1

The nations represented here to join in support of "Project Interdependence" to meet the world's energy needs, scaling down former President Nixon's proposal for "Project Independence."

Moreover, Mr. Ford said that America's goal of achieving energy self-sufficiency in Project Independence did not mean that it would cease importing some of its energy supplies.

The President expressed full understanding of the desires of the leading oil-producing countries to earn a fair price, but he declared that "exorbitant prices can only distort the world economy, run the risk of worldwide depression, and threaten the breakdown of world order and safety."

Sheikh Ahmed Zaki Yamani, Saudi Arabi's oil minister, told reporters after the speech that he "heard no veiled threats—not at all. What I heard from him was a tone of cooperation rather than confrontation."

Yamani has been unsuccessful in efforts to persuade fellow Arab oil producers to reduce oil prices, but he played a leading role in negotiations that led to the lifting of last winter's oil embargo against the West.

Mr. Ford declared that the producers need the goods which only the industrial countries can produce. And he

said that if Project Interdependence is a success it will decrease the world's reliance on the oil supplied by a few nations.

Even though "it is difficult to discuss the energy problem without lapsing into doomsday language," he is optimistic, he said. "The advantages of cooperation are as visible as the dangers of confrontation," he said. "And that gives me hope as well as optimism."

If the exporters and consumers "lapse into confrontation," the President said, or into "an unseemly scruple of consumers being played off one gainst another, all hopes for a global solution will be destroyed," Mr. Ford said.

"Everyone can now see the pulverizing impact of energy price increases on every aspect of the world economy," Mr. Ford said. "The food problem, the inflation problem, the monetary problem, and other major problems are directly linked to the all-pervasive energy problem."

"Sovereign nations try to avoid dependence on other nations that exploit their own resources to the detriment of others," Mr. Ford said. "Sovereign nations cannot allow their policies to be dictated, or their fate decided, by artificial rigging and distortion of world commodity markets.

"No one can foresee the extent of the damage nor the end of the disastrous consequences if nations refuse to share nature's gifts for the benefit of all mankind."

The World Energy Conference is an annual event which is the outgrowth of the World Power Conference, an industry gathering of electric company executives that has been held for a number of years.

In his speech, Mr. Ford urged the following five principles:

* All nations must seek to increase energy production, enlarging and diversifying their sources of supply.

* The rate of increase in consumption must be reduced and waste eliminated. Energy-saving possibilities are as promising in the short term as production increases, he said.

* A cooperative spirit and conduct are essential. "Nothing could be more harmful than policies directed against other nations," he said.

* "We must be especially attentive to the situation of the poorest nations, which will suffer drastically if the energy problem does not come under control."

* A global strategy must seek to achieve fuel prices which provide a strong incentive to producers but which do not seriously disrupt the economies of the consumers."

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Kissinger's Warning

In his eloquent if gloomy resumes before the United Nations General Assembly, of the threats to world stability, Secretary of State Kissinger emphasized a point often overlooked: problems that have been at least manageable through the postwar period—local rivalries, economic conflicts, the spread of nuclear knowledge—now threaten to become uncontrollable.

Up to now, the nations may have paid merely a high price for procrastinating on these problems—for mud-dling through rather than persisting after solutions; for relying on old slogans rather than on unavoidable up-to-date facts; for permitting “too many of the underlying causes to fester unattended.” But in a very short time, for many reasons, Mr. Kissinger warned, the price could be catastrophic for the whole world.

"The world has dealt with local conflicts as if they were perpetually manageable," he said. Now there is no guarantee that the next local crisis will not " explode beyond control."

"The world has dealt with nuclear weapons as if restraints were automatic." But with nuclear technology spreading and more nations (India) entering the nuclear weapons club, "nuclear catastrophe lcoms more plausible —whether through design or miscalculation; accident, theft or blackmail."

"The world has dealt with the economy as if its constant advance were inexorable" and wider participation in growth were the only problem. Now national, regional and bloc approaches to economic issues and consequent strains in the delicate fabric of international economic cooperation—the manipulation of oil prices and production is the most dramatic example—threatening to "engulf us all in a general depression."

Mr. Kissinger was in no doubt about the consequences, for the United Nations and for its member states, of continuing to conduct international business in the same old ways: "A world ever more torn between rich and poor, East and West, producer and consumer; a world where local crises threaten global confrontation and where the spreading atom threatens global peril; a world of rising costs and dwindling supplies, of growing populations and declining production."

This was one of Mr. Kissinger's best oratorical efforts: not merely the clear-headed analysis of complex problems for which he has often been noted, but convincing eloquence about the imperative of cooperation and a "global conception" in an increasingly interdependent but increasingly vulnerable world—coupled with a sharp reminder that time, indeed, is running out.

brooklyn where houses were
alternative site for project.

first four blocks scheduled to
be razed for the complex.

Mr. Steinis and others now
contend they rarely were no-
tified of public meetings on
the proposal, that their
protests about the site were
ignored and that their sug-
gestions of alternate sites
that would require less relo-
cation of residents were de-
ried.

"We all want good schools," said Ralph McGill, who owns a garage and brick home in the condemned area, "but at the same time we want to stay here so we can send our kids to the new

Continued on Page 63, Column 1

Robert and Ray Steinis, in
years ago, with friends

The Ups and Downs of

By PETER KIHSS

"Regular gasoline — 49 cents a gallon," said the sign yesterday at the Little Falls Friendly Service Station on the eastbound lane of Route 46 in Little Falls, N.J.

Frederick O. Browning, op-
erating the station is an often
fiercely competitive area, said
the bargain price had led to
14 or 15 telephone calls
"threatening to burn down
the station" since he cut the
price a week ago.

Gasoline prices have come
down somewhat in the met-
ropolitan area over the last
two months, nearer to 54 and
55 cents than the former 60
cents-plus—and cheaper in
New Jersey than in New York
City because of less sales tax
and delivery

Federal Energy Administra-
tion office in New York said,
had been subjected to Feder-
al orders last April to roll
back prices two cents a gal-
on on a total of 41¢,991
gallons for which it was held
to have overcharged custom-
ers previously.

Mr. Browning contended yesterday that he had made up the quota by rolling back prices from a 57.7-cent ceiling for his station for regular, for example, to 55.7 cents over a four-month period ended last month.

Confusion Blamed

He asserted that the roll-
back order had been issued
because he had become con-
fused over his costs from the
Mobil Oil Corporation from

# Gromyko Lauds Detente; Makes Gesture to Israel

## Russian, at U.N., Stresses Thaw—Outlines Terms for Israeli Relations

By KATHLEEN TELTSCH

Special to The New York Times

UNITED NATIONS, N. Y., Sept. 24—Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko of the Soviet Union today vigorously championed the improvement in Soviet-American relations and insisted it had led to solid accomplishments.

"For the first time international détente has gone further than good wishes and verbal assurances," he said in an address to the 29th General Assembly.

The strength of his defense was seen by Western diplomats and others as reflecting concern in Moscow about a continuation of the détente policy begun under Richard M. Nixon and Secretary of State Kissinger.

The speech was appraised against the background of Senate hearings in which Secretary Kissinger's détente policy has come under fire from critics questioning its value to the United States.

### An Overture to Israel

The tone of Mr. Gromyko's speech contrasted with a recent increase in anti-American propaganda in the Soviet press. A rash of anti-American political cartoons, which were a staple of Soviet newspapers during the cold war years but which became infrequent during the years of détente, has suddenly appeared. [Page 6.]

Mr. Gromyko, whose address was judged as one of his most moderate in tone, held out to Israel an inducement of resuming

diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, which were broken during the Arab-Israeli war in 1967, if and when genuine progress toward peace was made in the Middle East.

The Soviet Foreign Minister tempered this overture, however, by warning Israel against any endeavor to "freeze" the situation by holding Arab territories occupied in the 1967 war, and said "militarist intoxication" could lead to a new clash. He also called for a quick resumption of the Middle East peace conference in Geneva with the Palestinians taking their "rightful place" at the conference table.

Mr. Gromyko's remarks about the possible resumption of

The New York Times

Andrei A. Gromyko, Soviet Foreign Minister, at the General Assembly.

and one his shirt
cation of ever get-

ard around tomor-
rows to think of it
oment and say a
for a simple chap
d.

ne offered to dis-
with the Indian
passador instead
tion to possible
the India position
Conference to be

appears to be po-
minister Indira
e United States,
urning aid under
program since
a's teeming mil-
dy and soul to-
tical pride.

EVEN SO, the system is in
trouble. A dozen causes have
contributed to the slow de-
cline.

The antisepsis of civil serv-
ice has destroyed most of the
healthy bacteria of political
patronage. Programs of public
welfare have replaced the

raveling at the edges.

The pending bill on cam-
paign reform, unless I am
wholly mistaken, will acceler-
ate the parties' decline. This
surely is not the purpose of the
bill.

The idea is to prevent the
malodorous scandals that

If the bill winds up by mak-
ing public money available to
candidates for House and Sen-
ate, the effect will be to en-
courage third, fourth and fifth
party candidates, thus benefit-
ing incumbents and placing
plurality winners in office.

This additional probability:

surgery is well-advised.

Before the two-party system
is further weakened, it might
be prudent to reflect that we
have nothing to take its place.
There is not much satisfaction,
after all, in marveling at the
brilliant operation, if the pa-
tient dies.

Jerald F. terHorst: The Attacks on Kissinger

Henry Kissinger's vaunted
reputation as the indispens-
able diplomat is being under-
mined on Capitol Hill at a most
unfortunate time for President
Ford. Unless Ford can thwart
the secretary of state's detrac-
tors and keep the sensitive
Kissinger on the job, Ameri-
can relations abroad are
certain to be profoundly alter-
ed.

There is a curious similarity
to the sudden attacks now
being mounted against Kiss-
inger within both parties, not
the least of which is election
year politicking.

MANY SENATE Democrats
who challenged Kissinger on
his Vietnam war policies dur-
ing the Nixon administration
— and were mainly unsuccess-
ful — now are attacking him
as responsible for covert CIA
operations aimed at overturn-
ing the popularly elected but
leftist Allende government in
Chile.

Simultaneously, some of
Ford's Republican allies in
Congress are hacking at Kiss-
inger on the theory that the

new President will never real-
ly be his own man with his own
administration unless he
sweeps out all the Nixon hold-
overs in the White House staff
and the Cabinet — including
the secretary of state.

Whatever the merits of the
Democratic and Republican
arguments against Kissinger's
retention, it would seem obvi-
ous that neither side has care-
fully thought out the prospec-
tive scene of President Ford
attempting to formulate
American foreign policy at
this critical juncture of history
without Kissinger's assist-
ance.

The get-Kissinger movement
comes at an ironic time for the
secretary of state. He has just
completed his first full year as
head of the State Department,
where he has succeeded in lift-
ing the morale of the agency's
employes and restoring the de-
partment to its accustomed
place at the center of Ameri-
can foreign policy-making.

DURING THE FIRST five
years of the Nixon administra-

tion, when William P. Rogers
was secretary of state and
Kissinger was White House
national security adviser,
many of the same congression-
al critics were lamenting the
fact that U.S. foreign policy
was being formulated at the
White House instead of
through the State Department.

Kissinger's domination of
foreign policy and particularly
his views are legitimate areas
for challenge.

For example, how does a
policy of covert intervention in
the domestic affairs of Chile,
or any other country, square
with the Kissinger-Nixon doc-
trine that the United States is
not concerned about another
nation's internal politics but
only its external attitude to-
ward America! That doctrine
has been the basis for improv-
ing U.S. relations with Soviet
Russia and the People's
Republic of China.

FORD HAS gone to substan-
tial lengths to quell the
criticisms of Kissinger, sens-
ing that his ability to negotiate
abroad is seriously undercut

whenever the secretary of
state is under attack.

So long as Kissinger could
be considered fully in charge
of foreign policy, Ford was
free to concentrate on the
high-priority domestic issues
of his new administration, par-
ticularly the task of devising a
workable anti-inflation pro-
gram.

If Kissinger's status be-
comes seriously eroded, Ford
will have to become even more
involved personally than here-
tofore in Middle East
negotiations, the Cyprus snarl,
strategic arms talks with the
Soviets, breaking the trade bill
deadlock over emigration of
Soviet Jews, and dickering
with the Arab oil-producing
states that threaten to worsen
the already critical energy
crisis.

Kissinger, of course, is not a
miracle worker. But those who
would force him out ought to
weigh the foreign policy risks
that would be created at this
stage of a new presidency.

Star-News Sept. 25, 1974

# Kissinger Sees Oil Crisis Periling Western Society

## He Tells Visitors That Failure to Solve Economic Problems Could Break Up Political Fabric of Democracies

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Sept. 26—Secretary of State Kissinger has told associates and foreign visitors in recent weeks that he is gravely concerned that failure to solve the world's economic problems could lead to a break-up of the political fabric of the West, and possible Communist take overs in some countries.

This gloomy assessment of the situation, which he attributes largely to the spiraling costs of oil, was a major factor in the decision by President Ford and Mr. Kissinger to make their strong speeches on Monday calling for reduced oil prices and cooperation by producers and consumers to avoid world economic disaster, State Department officials said today.

Although Mr. Kissinger—and Mr. Ford—focused on the economic aspects of the problem, Key State Department officials said that Mr. Kissinger was very worried about the long-term political dimensions of the problem, and had told this to many people privately.

One visitor with whom Mr.

Kissinger spent many hours recently was Premier Yitzhak Rabin of Israel. In an interview printed yesterday in the Tel Aviv newspaper Maariv, Mr. Rabin said:

> "The increasing cost of oil is prompting a significant number of the Americans I met during my visit to consider the price of oil as the main reason for a possible collapse of the democratic regimes in Western Europe, which would make the European countries ripe for Communist domination. American personalities pointed out to me in many talks the serious danger of Communist domination in Italy, and perhaps in other European countries."

While not confirming that Mr. Kissinger had expressed that concern to Mr. Rabin, several officials familiar with Mr. Kissinger's views said that they had heard similar remarks from the Secretary about the long-range implications of the oil-price crisis.

> "You have to look upon him

Continued on Page 6, Column 4

NO WAR OVER OIL,
SCHLESINGER SAYS

NYTimes

9-26-74

Defense Chief Declares U.S.
Will Seek Price Solution by
'Amicable Discussions'

By JOHN W. FINNEY

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Sept. 25—
Secretary of Defense James R.
Schlesinger said today that the
United States was not contem-
plating military action against
the oil-producing countries in
the Middle East, but rather was
seeking a solution to rising oil
prices through "amicable dis-
cussions."

He made these comments in
answer to questions at a news
conference. The questions were
prompted by recent warnings
by President Ford and Secre-
tary of State Kissinger to the
oil-producing countries.

Neither had suggested that
the United States might be driv-
en to military intervention. But
in some quarters their state-
ments were interpreted as im-
plicit threats that the United
States was contemplating eco-
nomic war if not military
action.

In a speech Monday at an
international energy conference
in Detroit, President Ford
warned that continued high oil
prices set by the producing na-
tions brought "dangers of con-
frontation" and could "threaten
the breakdown of world order

Continued on Page 3, Column 3