LONG ISLAND NEWSDAY 22 SEPTEMBER 1973 (3 OCTOBER)

VIRGINIAN-PILOT 27 SEPT (30ct)

## Message for Saigon

Relations between Washington and Moscow are a lot friendlier than they used to be, and that's all to the good. But imagine the uproar if the State Department asked Congress to appropriate foreign aid funds to help the Soviet secret police maintain law and order.

Out of the question, of course. In fact, Soviet harassment of political dissidents threatens to put a severe crimp in the Nixon administration's plans for closer economic ties with the Russians.

But in other countries where thousands of political prisoners are jailed, the U.S. Agency for International Development has been supporting the police for years. Probably the most flagrant example is South Vietnam, where the U.S. government says there may be 500 to 1,000 political prisoners and other informed estimates start at 40,000 and go up to 200,000.

There's a movement in the Senate to strike all AID funds that go to South Vietnamese police or prisons, and we hope the movement is successful. A government that keeps its prisoners in "tiger cages" is no more deserving of American dollars than one that locks up its dissident intellectuals and labels them insane. Congress should let Saigon know in no uncertain terms that continuing support is dependent on broader liberties for South Vietnamese citizens.

ATLANTA JOURNAL 22 SEPTEMBER 1973 (3 OCTOBER)

## Peace in Laos

GUNS STLLL FIRE in anger in too many localities in South Vietnam and in Cambodia insurgent forces continue to press their attacks against the legitimate government.

But in Laos, the third country which makes up the disparate area known as Indochina, a settlement has been reached which brings violence to an end for the first time in nearly 20 years.

No one knows how long the Lao-tian agreement will remain effective. But it apparently has the support of both the political left and the political right. And inasmuch as it was brought into,being by the political center, there are ample grounds for cautious optimism.

Coalition governments containing substantial Communist participation are not noted for longevity. But exuding a mixture of optimism and braven-do, one leader of the political right has noted that there have been Communists in the government in France and that France is not a Communist coun-

try. Whether the comparison is a valid one is open to question.

But the important point is that there has been a genuine cease-fire in Laos. There has been an instrument signed setting up a coalition government loyal to the king. There is some basis for hope that Laos can pursue a constructive course away from internal strife and gunfire.

There is no question that there will be political maneuvering to seek political advantages for all components of government. But as long as that maneuvering remains within the political realm rather than resorting to force of arms, the tiny kingdom is ahead of the game.

It would be an oversimplification to note that the two Vietnams and Cambodia would do well to emulate Laos. But at least after nearly 20 years of gunfire, a way has been found by the Laotians to bring an end to warfare. That shows it can be done when both sides are willing to negotiate rather than fight.

PHILADELPHIA BULLETIN 20 SEPTEMBER 1973 (3 OCTOBER)

## Soviets lag in space

As was true in the race to explore the moon, the Soviet Union has fallen far behind the U.S. in space station technology and experience, despite at one point being well ahead.

This was brought home last week when Russia tested its modified Soyuz spacecraft. The two-man, two-day mission, while apparently meeting objectives set for it, paled in significance when compared with Skylab 2's re-

markable flight of 59½ days.

The Soviets also have yet to demonstrate an ability to orbit a space laboratory anywhere near the size and with the refinements of the NASA ship still circling the Earth.

Much more than prestige is at stake here. Skylab has proved that space station capability is of tremendous scientific and economic value to a nation. Every square mile of the U.S. main-

## Skylab 2's Success

It may not be significant that national television shifted coverage from the Watergate hearing to the Skylab 2 splashdown. Senator Ervin and his colleagues were not providing much of a show just then. Even so, the latest astronauts on completing a 59½-day space odyssey—an endurance record as well as a scientific triumph—revived in the Nation some of the excitement and pride that so universally accompanied such earlier space successes as the first moon walk of July 1969.

William C. Schneider, director of the Skylab program, said that Navy Captain Alan L. Bean, Marine Major Jack R. Lousma, and civilian scientist Dr. Owen K. Garriott surpassed their scientific goals by more than 150 per cent. As if to support that point, Dr. Robert Parker, the Skylab program scientist, pointed out that the astronauts had completed 305 hours of viewing time with the solar telescopes, against a planned 200 hours, and had made 39 successful passes gathering remote-sensing data on earth resources, compared with a planned 26.

Of all the scientific returns, the flood of data from the sun will be perhaps the most spectacular. "This represents a true breakthrough, or revolution, in solar astronomy," said Dr. Robert W. Noyes, an associate director of the Smithsonian Center for Astrophysics, in Cambridge.

There will be benefits of a more practical sort. Dr. Richard Wilmarth, manager of the earth-resources phase of the project, reported that Skylabs 1 and 2 together had "covered essentially all the United States," taking high-resolution pictures and instrument readings of crop conditions, geological formations, water resources, and storm patterns.

The purely human factor is hardly less amazing. While all three astronauts upon stepping from their command craft onto the deck of the recovery ship showed effects of having been away from the earth's gravity for two months, all were in excellent health and spirits. Their return to earth had been within seconds of schedule and within easy sight of the ship. Mussolini's trains never kept better time.

A third and final crew is scheduled to board the earth-orbiting Skylab in mid-November. Its challenge is clear.

land, for example, has now been photographed in detail, plus large portions of the rest of the globe. NASA has made strides in experiments with solar power, and in work with metals.

Because the stakes are so high, in the discovery of resources, for example, the Russians can be expected to push ahead as rapidly as possible with their revamped program.

But for the time being, American technology holds the upper hand.

4-E

Post/commentary

9.26.73

Kissinger on his own

The confirmation of Henry Kissinger as secretary of state, a role that he has had de facto and now de jure, gives him authority to innovate in the State Department. Just how he may use that authority remains to be seen, but if his past philosophy can be used as a guideline, we can expect changes for the better.

Few men in the history of this country have assumed the office of secretary of state with such acumen and experience in foreign affairs. He has, as presidential adviser, been separate from the State Department, yet instrumental in shaping foreign policy. But he also has been critical of the makeup and operation of that department.

He once complained that the 12,000-man governmental branch was misdirected and overstaffed, saying, "There is a definite problem in the State Department and it consists of many factors. One is that State Department training is in the direction of reporting and negotiation, not in thinking in terms of national policy." As for staffing, he said, "On the whole, if we could get rid of the bottom half of the Foreign Service we would be better off." He was speaking in 1968 at a seminar at the University of California.

State Department operation has not changed much since then. If Kissinger's philosophy has not changed, and there is no indication that it has, the department and the nation may benefit. His words ring as true now as then. The State Department needs streamlining to make it more responsive to national policy.

Now that Kissinger has moved beyond his detached role as the President's adviser and negotiator, he has the opportunity to put his thoughts into action by moulding his department into the responsive and flexible organization that it should be. He said at the California seminar, "There is no such thing as American foreign policy. A series of moves that have produced a certain result may not have been planned to produce that result." Facing this reality will enhance the effectiveness of the State Department.

Things may never be the same for Henry Kissinger. More important, things may never be the same for the State Department.

Kissinger in 'Parliament of Man'

Henry Kissinger's first address as secretary of state, made before the United Nations General Assembly this week, was closely watched because of the special authority Mr. Kissinger brings to his new job. More than any secretary of state since John Foster Dulles, he speaks for the President in formulating and articulating foreign policy.

Important as the speech was in setting a tone for his stewardship, it contained few surprises, offering instead general reassurances to all. For all the U.N. members worried about Mr. Kissinger's liking for secret, bilateral diplomacy, he declared his intention to work through the U.N. — "the parliament of man." He sought a move forward from big-power detente to "cooperation among all nations." This does not mean, however, that the U.N., in its present disunited state, is likely to play a major role in U. S. policy.

To Russia and China, each of which is suspicious of the other's friendship

with the U. S., Mr. Kissinger gave assurance that the U. S. had no thought of domination or of a partnership in domination.

To Japan, often neglected by the U. S. in the past, Mr. Kissinger gave support to become a permanent member of the U.N. Security Council.

To the non-aligned nations (after chiding them that they were becoming aligned, forming a bloc of their own), Mr. Kissinger offered the prospect of an international food conference and a pledge to assist the underdeveloped world.

Mr. Kissinger naturally spoke in general terms, but one proposal he made was more specific — that was to seek new guidelines to enable the Security Council to play a more central role in peace-keeping activities. Such agreement would enable the U.N. to play a key role in international crises. The spirit with which the major powers attack this problem will be a measure of the reality of the era of co-existence.

Kissinger and McNamara

Henry Kissinger plowed new ground at the U.N. General Assembly Monday, touching some of the issues dealt with the same day by Robert McNamara at the annual meeting of the World Bank. McNamara cultivated familiar fields. The agricultural metaphor is appropriate since the secretary of state briefly, and the bank president at length, discussed two of the central problems before the world community: food and development.

As befits a new secretary, Kissinger's speech was an outline of principles ranging from environment to arms. But because his reputation has been built on war-peace negotiations, his remarks on food and development assume special significance. In our view, there is more to be said for Kissinger's eloquent recognition of those problems than for his proposals. For instance, his call for the Assembly to begin a search for "new and imaginative" approaches to development is only a restatement of what has been going on for years there and in other institutions — notably, in the World Bank.

McNamara told the bank's governors from 122 countries its success in meeting lending goals for the five-year period just ended. Equally important, he told them what next needs to be done and why. Prominent in the bank's new plans are programs to emphasize aid to small farms.

Most of the world's poor live in rural areas. Experience shows that small farms can be made far more productive than most in the developing areas

are now. Doing so requires domestic policy changes in developing countries and further financial assistance from wealthy countries. Such talk makes many Americans, including a number on Capitol Hill, recoil. But McNamara points out that the U.N. target for the 1970s would require industrial nations to commit only 2 percent of their incremental incomes—not 2 percent of total incomes, but 2 percent of the growth in incomes over what they were at the beginning of the decade.

There are reasons of trade expansion and world political stability to justify such commitments, and there is another that McNamara puts simply and well. It is the prevalence of absolute poverty, "a condition of life so degraded by disease, illiteracy, malnutrition and squalor as to deny its victims basic human necessities." That is the lot of 40 percent of the world's peoples—not a handful of misfits, but 40 percent.

McNamara asks this basic question: "Are not we who tolerate such poverty, when it is within our power to reduce the number afflicted by it, failing to fulfill the fundamental obligations accepted by civilized men since the beginning of time?"

Kissinger's U.N. speech only hinted at America's acceptance of its share of those obligations. Congress, by delaying and haggling over appropriations for agencies such as the World Bank, puts the question in doubt. The secretary of state could make an auspicious start in his new role by urging Congress to end the delay.

Small nations have UN duty

Henry Kissinger, the diplomat with the flair for the unexpected, told the United Nations General Assembly the United States would not be satisfied with the world's uneasy truces, with offsetting blocs and accommodations of convenience.

President Nixon had spoken of a generation of peace. Kissinger wants to institutionalize peace and transform the current coexistence into community. That goal, after all, was what the United Nations was established for. It could still live up to its promise if some of its members quit playing games.

A third bloc has come into being inside the United Nations and is now a dominant factor because of its voting power. That bloc is the alignment of the nonaligned, poised between the superpowers as the tension between them eases.

But that bloc has a responsibility, too, as well as voting power. If it could learn to deal with each issue on its merits, the world could move from

armistice to lasting peace, which always had been the American goal. The superpowers can enforce a resigned passivity but that's not real peace.

In Kissinger's view, it is important to achieve a consensus so that all nations can feel they have a stake in avoiding war. Aspirations must be shared by the rich and the poor. Truth and justice are not the possessions of only one group or ideology. The nonaligned could help the cause of peace by being less distrustful of the growing accommodation between the major powers. After all, when the superpowers were at loggerheads and arming, the nonaligned feared they would be dragged in as victims should war break out. They can't have it both ways. Detente, if sustained, could set their minds at rest.

It was a timely reminder by Kissinger that the smaller nations have a responsibility to the United Nations under the one-nation, one-vote system.

Wednesday, Sept. 26, 1973—THE DETROIT NEWS—19-B

UPI 09-25

(MID EAST)

SCOWCLOFT

L.L.

SAUNDERS

HAK MIDDLE EAST PLAN ACCRUED
FOR DISCUSSION BY FAISAL ACCORDING
TO LONDON TIMES

LONDON (UPI) -- THE TIMES OF LONDON SAID TODAY SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER HAS PUT FORWARD A MIDDLE EAST PEACE PLAN THAT HAS BEEN ACCEPTED AS A BASIS FOR DISCUSSION BY KING FAISAL OF SAUDI ARABIA.

THE FRONT-PAGE STORY SAID THE REPORT WAS BASED ON "RELIABLE REPORTS FROM THE MIDDLE EAST." THE TIMES' NEW YORK CORRESPONDENT QUOTED STATE DEPARTMENT SPOKESMAN ROBERT MCCLOSKEY AS DENYING THE REPORT.

THE PLAN, ACCORDING TO THE TIMES, CONTAINED THESE POINTS:

-- ISRAEL TO MAKE A PARTIAL WITHDRAWAL FROM THE SHEZ CANAL, GIVING UP CONTROL OF BOTH RANKS TO EGYPT.

-- SHARIM-EL-SHEIKH TO BE RULED JOINTLY BY EGYPT AND ISRAEL UNDER A CONDOMINIUM PLAN.

-- AN AREA OF THE SINAI PENINSULA, TO BE DETERMINED, ALSO TO BE A CONDOMINIUM.

-- JERUSALEM TO REMAIN PART OF ISRAEL BUT CHRISTIAN AND MOSLEM HOLY PLACES AND PRIVILEGES TO BE ADMINISTERED AND PROTECTED BY THE VATICAN AND JORDAN, RESPECTIVELY.

-- THE WEST BANK TO BE RETURNED TO JORDAN BUT NEW ISRAELI SETTLEMENTS TO REMAIN.

-- ISRAEL TO WITHDRAW FROM PARTS OF THE GOLAN HEIGHTS.

UPI 09-25 11:22 AED

UPI 09-25A

(KISSINGER)

NEW YORK (UPI) -- SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER TODAY SCHEDULED A MEETING WITH HUANG HUA, THE PERMANENT REPRESENTATIVE OF CHINA AT THE UNITED NATIONS.

THE U.S. DELEGATION ANNOUNCED LATE THIS MORNING THAT KISSINGER WOULD MEET AT 12:30 P.M. WITH HUA IN THE SECRETARY'S HOTEL SUITE AT THE VALPORE ASTORIA.

THERE WAS NO ADVANCE INFORMATION FROM EITHER U.S. OR CHINESE SOURCES ON THE SUBJECT OF THE MEETING.

UPI 09-25 11:24 AED

HAK TO MEET TODAY WITH PRC
PERMITREP HUANG HUA

The Miami Herald

JOHN S. KNIGHT, Editorial Chairman

JAMES L. KNIGHT, Chairman

LEE HILLS, Publisher ALVAH H. CHAPMAN, Jr., President

DON SHOEMAKER, Editor BEVERLY R. CARTER, Gen. Mgr.

GEORGE BEEBE, Associate Publisher

LARRY JINKS, Executive Editor

JOHN D. PENNEKAMP, Associate Editor

RON MARTIN, Managing Editor

6-A

Wednesday, September 26, 1973

EDITORIALS

# Mr. Kissinger's Sound Speech
Lends Weight to U.N.'s Case

FOR a hard-nosed, pragmatic negotiator who plays his cards close to the vest, Henry Kissinger may have surprised many of those who witnessed his first official performance as Secretary of State — addressing the United Nations.

The organization itself has been downgraded in the eyes of the world, first because it hasn't kept the peace — short of World War III — and next because it has become a tower of babble nearly three times its original size.

Would the new Secretary of State, who got the toughest grueling from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee of any of his predecessors since World War II, kiss off the U.N. in polite words? Would the man who so laboriously arranged the Peking and Moscow connections come to this wobbly parliament of man as a sleek cynic?

No, to both. Secretary Kissinger in fact had ideas for improvement consistent with "realities." One could almost see the building blocks of his mind fitting things into place. First, a broader effective membership (Japan in the Security Council, for instance.) Second, new "peace-keeping guidelines," such as activation after 28 years of forlorn hope of a peace-keeping force headed by a forceful general staff. Third, the end of bloc politics, weakened already by the detentes he had brought about. Fourth, strict U.N. attention to such concrete problems as world hunger, with a plan to alleviate it. And so on to the peroration:

We can repeat old slogans or strive for new hope. We can fill the record of our proceedings with acrimony or we can dedicate ourselves to dealing with man's deepest needs. The ideal of a world community may be decried as unrealistic — but great constructions have always been ideals before they can become realities. Let us dedicate ourselves to this noblest of all possible goals and achieve at last what has long eluded us: true understanding and tolerance among mankind.

Some of this is pure rhetoric, perhaps, in a place where rhetoric, if not always distilled, usually is expected. But we believe that Mr. Kissinger is sincere and that he gave the best of two worlds

of scholar and negotiator, since he belongs to both, to the cause of a meaningful United Nations.

It is worth noting that only the Castroites, China and some of the Arab nations sat on their hands. Henry Kissinger is the powerful and proven sure arm of a President who does his thing best at foreign affairs. With this kind of support, perhaps there is life left in the old U.N. after all, it being the only one we have.

Dr. Kissinger's realism

Technically, Secretary of State Kissinger was correct in describing himself to the United Nations Monday as "probably the world's most junior foreign minister." He had been confirmed by the Senate only two days earlier. But there was more wisdom in his speech, and more good advice—especially if one took the trouble to read between the lines—than in anything the U. N. has heard from his seniors in recent memory.

Dr. Kissinger's appointment and his record of success in personal, bilateral diplomacy have led many of the smaller U. N. members to fear that the organization may be by-passed as a result of Kissinger-style dealings among the major powers.

Dr. Kissinger assured the U. N. of United States support for the concept of world community and for peace. But at the same time he refrained—and perhaps deliberately so—from allaying the fears of the small countries. His message was clear to anyone who sought it: The United States will support the U. N. whenever its approach is realistic, but unless the U. N. acts quickly to repair some of its own deficiencies, the fears of little countries may be justified.

Dr. Kissinger expressed the disappointment of Americans with the way the U. N. has been working. And so he omitted one criticism which appeared in his prepared speech, it was there for anyone who looked for it: The U. N. has spent too much time on empty resolutions which have poured forth as if words were the only reality. "The anguish, the turmoil, and the promise of the real world," his prepared speech read, "have frequently been obscured by rhetoric and distorted by slogans."

Dr. Kissinger said that "the time has come to agree on peace-keeping guidelines so that this organization can act swiftly, confidently, and effectively in future crises." Between the lines, this is a call for substantial changes in the structure of the U. N., because as it is now constituted—with the voting majority in the hands of a multitude of

miniature or impoverished countries that have neither the resources nor the power to enforce their resolutions—the U. N. will probably never be able to act swiftly, confidently, or effectively.

Dr. Kissinger urged that the Security Council play "a more central role in the conduct of peace-keeping operations." This is a realistic suggestion because without the support of most of the Security Council's permanent members, the U. N. hasn't the power to enforce anything. Yet the tendency of the small countries in recent years has been to shift power from the Security Council to the General Assembly, which has proved little but a Babel of voices.

Dr. Kissinger endorsed Japan for permanent membership on the Security Council—an endorsement which makes good sense but will find little support in much of the "nonaligned" Third World.

Dr. Kissinger recognized that even with its political disabilities, there are areas in which the U. N. can be useful. He called for a world food conference in 1974 to deal with the problem of food shortages in many parts of the world, and be promised United States Co-operation.

He called for greater attention to the economic problems of the developing countries—but here, again, he urged that it be "candid and realistic . . . free of peremptory demands, antagonistic rhetoric, ideological confrontation . . . or we will surely fail."

We hope the delegates from the small countries got Dr. Kissinger's message, because they are the ones who will have to approve any changes in the U. N.; they are the ones who will have to sacrifice some of their voting power, even if it is only paper power; and they are the ones who have been most unrealistic in their demands. But if they don't act, then Dr. Kissinger's message is clear: A is their own fears that will probably come true, and whatever power they have in the U. N. will become meaningless.

# Kissinger's Speech

Henry Kissinger, newly-confirmed U.S. Secretary of State, spoke for the first time before the United Nations Monday and assured the people of the world that this country is devoted to international peace and opposed to domination by big powers or power blocs.

"My country remains committed to the goal of a world community," Kissinger said. "We will continue to work in the parliament of man to make it a reality."

There was nothing particularly remarkable in Kissinger's speech before the U.N., a body he has criticized in the past. No great new plans, no startling announcements. Even those words quoted above would be standard rhetoric, heard many times before from our own and other leaders, were it not for Kissinger's historic accomplishments in bringing about a more stable community of nations. Those accomplishments were achieved outside the United Nations—were achieved in fact by talks among the world's super powers. But one of the U.N.'s problems in the past has been the standoff between the super powers in the organization. Now that an era of cooperation appears to be a reality, the U.N. may become more effective as a peacekeeping force and as a means of better international cooperation and understanding.

In short, the Cold War was largely responsible for the ineffectiveness of the U.N. in the past. Kissinger's work in ending the Cold War will go far to-

ward restoring that effectiveness.

Henry Kissinger's remarkable career is well known, and there is no need to review it. We were deeply impressed, however, by his solemn and measured voice as he spoke of American goals and hopes in his first major address as Secretary of State. A Jewish refugee from the Nazi tyranny of a few decades ago, he became an advisor to three U.S. presidents and President Nixon's most effective and internationally respected negotiator in Vietnam, in Russia and in China. The Nixon administration's place in history will owe much to Kissinger. Though his speech may have contained little that was new, Kissinger's record of accomplishment and his obvious devotion to the goals and ideals he spoke of, lent impressive weight to his words.

NEWSDAY, WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 26, 1973

# Auspicious Debut for the New Secretary

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, a virtual stranger at United Nations headquarters, offered a few low-key proposals Monday for restoring some of the UN's lost power and influence. And Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, who practically came with the lease at the UN, resurrected an old disarmament ploy yesterday that would insure a new squabble of the kind that has practically immobilized the UN for years.

The Gromyko scheme calls for a 10 per cent cut in military spending by each of the five permanent members of the Security Council, with part of the money to be used for aid to developing countries. A good idea in theory, perhaps. But how to find out whether the cuts are actually made? How to determine whether one country's 10 per cent really balances another's? And why should China, in many ways a developing country itself, earmark 10 per cent of its arms budget for other poor nations?

While the Gromyko proposal could tie

the Security Council in knots for years to come, the most important of Kissinger's suggestions would increase the council's role in UN peace-keeping operations in the

hope of softening Soviet opposition to permanent peace-keeping machinery. We can't think of a more effective way to counter the almost universal suspicion among UN members that Kissinger is interested only in superpower diplomacy.

Some other Kissinger recommendations—making Japan a permanent member of the Security Council, organizing a world food conference next year, drawing up a charter of economic rights and duties for rich and poor nations—were criticized in a New York Times editorial as “unnecessarily modest.” Perhaps the man who engineered detente with Moscow and Peking is the victim of his own reputation; surely no one expected him to walk into UN headquarters with a Mideast settlement in his pocket. Any proposal is too grandiose if—like the Gromyko disarmament scenario—it is hopelessly impractical. And none is too modest if it leads, in Kissinger's words, “from detente among the big powers to cooperation among all nations—from coexistence to community.”

Ranan Lurie

FSIS 33

JORDANIAN ON KISSINGER TALK WITH ARAB DELEGATES

M27J757 AMMAN DOMESTIC SERVICE IN ARABIC 0520 GMT 27 SEP 78 M

(PRESS REVIEW)

(TEXT) UNDER THE TITLE, "ALL AMERICAN MIRACLE," THE NEWSPAPER AD-DUSTUR SAYS: DURING THE LUNCHEON U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE DR. HENRY KISSINGER GAVE FOR THE HEADS OF THE ARAB DELEGATIONS TO THE UNITED NATIONS, HE REITERATED HIS BELIEF THAT THE MIDDLE EAST PROBLEM CAN BE SOLVED ONLY THROUGH NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN THE TWO PARTIES. HE CALLED FOR ABANDONING THE EXPECTATION OF ANY AMERICAN MIRACLE TO ACHIEVE A SETTLEMENT OF THE PROBLEM.

THIS BELIEF IS NOTHING NEW. IT DOES NOT GO BEYOND BEING A REITERATION OF THE ISRAELI VIEW WHICH AIMS AT TAKING THE PROBLEM OUTSIDE THE FRAMEWORK OF THE UNITED NATIONS, CIRCUMVENTING THE UN RESOLUTIONS IN THIS RESPECT, AND THEN DRAGGING THE PROBLEM INTO THE LABYRINTH OF LONG AND COMPLEX NEGOTIATIONS.

AS FOR EXPECTING THE AMERICAN MIRACLE, THIS NEVER AROSE IN THE ARAB SPHERE BECAUSE THE ARABS AVE NOT CALLED ON AMERICA TO DO ANYTHING OTHER THAN ABSTAIN FROM SUPPORTING ISRAELI AGRESSORS, RESPECT THE UN RESOLUTIONS ON THE ISSUE, GIVE THE INTERNATIONAL ORGANIZATION A CHANCE TO EXERCISE ITS RESPONSIBILITIES, AND DESIST FROM OBSTRUCTING UN EFFORTS IN THIS CONNECTION AS IT HAS OFTEN DONE BY VIRTUE OF THE AMERICAN VETO AT THE UN SECURITY COUNCIL.

THERE IS NO DOUBT THAT THE CALL FOR PURSUING SUCH A COURSE IS NOT LIKE EXPECTING MIRACLES. THE REAL MIRACLE PERFORMED BY AMERICA IS THAT IT HAS GIVEN ISRAEL, THANKS TO UNLIMITED AMERICAN MATERIAL, POLITICAL AND MILITARY SUPPORT, THE ABILITY TO DEFY THE WISHES OF THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY, DISREGARD THE UN RESOLUTIONS AND OPENLY DECLARE ITS EXPANSIONIST INTENTIONS IN THE ARAB TERRITORY, CONTRARY TO ALL INTERNATIONAL NORMS AND CHARTERS.

THIS MIRACLE, WHICH HAS BROUGHT THE MIDDLE EAST ISSUE TO AN IMPASSE, IS IN NO WAY A GOOD MIRACLE. HOWEVER, NO ONE IN THE ARAB SPHERE EXPECTS THE PROBLEM TO BE SOLVED BY AN AMERICAN MIRACLE, ALTHOUGH AMERICA'S COMPLIANCE WITH THE UN RESOLUTIONS FOR ENDING THE ISRAELI OCCUPATION OF THE ARAB TERRITORY AND ACHIEVING A JUST AND LASTING PEACE IN THE AREA WOULD BE A MIRACLE.

27 SEP 0936Z HWM/GFE

FBIS 40

NHAN DAN COMMENTARY ON KISSINGER'S UN SPEECH

D260940 HANOI IN VIETNAMESE TO VIETNAM 0429

GMT 26 SEP 73 D

(TEXT) IN A COMMENTARY ENTITLED "WAS THE U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE HEMMING AND HAWING OR MERELY SPEAKING EVASIVELY?" NHAN DAN WRITES TODAY:

ON 24 SEPTEMBER, 2 DAYS AFTER OFFICIALLY SUCCEEDING WILLIAM ROGERS AS U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE, HENRY KISSINGER DELIVERED A SPEECH AT THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY. PUBLIC OPINION HERE HAD BEEN AWAITING THIS SPEECH, WHICH WAS MADE HALF A MONTH AFTER THE SUMMIT CONFERENCE OF NONALINED COUNTRIES AND ESPECIALLY AFTER THE VIOLENT REACTIONARY COUP BY THE CHILEAN MILITARIST DICTATORS. BUT PEOPLE WERE QUICKLY DISAPPOINTED BY THE FACT THAT THE NEW U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE MERELY MADE ONLY GENERAL STATEMENTS AND REITERATED WHAT HE HIMSELF AND PRESIDENT NIXON HAVE RECENTLY SAID REPEATEDLY. VOICE OF AMERICA ON 25 SEPTEMBER ADMITTED THAT THE NEW U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE SAID NOTHING NEW. KISSINGER USED A LOT OF FLOWERY WORDS TO EMBELLISH U.S. FOREIGN POLICY AND POINTED TO THE TASK OF ADVANCING THE WORLD FROM CONCORD TO COOPERATION AND FROM COEXISTENCE TO COMMUNITY. BUT CONSIDERING WHAT THE NIXON ADMINISTRATION HAS DONE THROUGHOUT THE WORLD, ONE REALIZES CLEARLY THAT THE U.S. FOREIGN POLICY HAS BEEN AND STILL IS AIMED AT OPPOSING NATIONAL INDEPENDENCE, FREEDOM AND SOVEREIGNTY.

DEALING WITH VIETNAM AND INDOCHINA, KISSINGER USED EVASIVE TERMS WHEN SPEAKING OF AN UNSTABLE PEACE IN INDOCHINA AND, OBVIOUSLY, SAID NOTHING ABOUT U.S. RESPONSIBILITY FOR PLAYING SUCH AN IMPORTANT ROLE IN CREATING THE TENSE SITUATION.

THOUGH THE U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE SPOKE LENGTHILY OF URGING ON THE ACTIVE FACTIONS AND TRENDS IN EUROPE AND FURTHER STRENGTHENING THE POLICY OF COOPERATION IN THE WESTERN HEMISPHERE, ONE REALIZES THAT THE UNITED STATES SILL MAINTAINS A LARGE MILITARY FORCE IN ASIA AND EUROPE, IS INCREASING MILITARY EXPENDITURES AND STEPPING UP THE ARMANTS RACE, AND STILL FOSTERS AND ABETS WARLIKE CLIQUES AND MILITARY DICTATORIAL REGIMES ON VARIOUS CONTINENTS.

IT WAS NOT BY CHANCE THAT IN HIS SPEECH AT THE UN GENERAL ASSEMBLY KISSINGER DEALT RATHER LENGTHILY WITH SUCH PROBLEMS AS (WORDS INDISTINCT) LIVELIHOOD AND FOOD FOR THE WORLD. HE INTENTIONALLY DWELT ON THESE TOPICS SO AS TO AVOID MENTIONING CRITICAL CURRENT EVENTS. MANY ARAB COUNTRIES WHICH ARE ATTENTIVELY WATCHING OVER THE WARLIKE ISRAELI SCHEMES HAVE DISPLAYED DOUBT ABOUT THE U.S. INTENTIONS CONCERNING THE EAST. ON 25 SEPTEMBER THE U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE INVITED THE DELEGATIONS OF 19 ARAB COUNTRIES TO THE UNITED NATIONS TO A BANQUET IN ORDER TO DISCUSS DEVELOPMENTS OF THE SITUATION IN THIS AREA, BUT HIS INVITATION WAS TURNED DOWN BY THE SYRIAN, ALGERIAN, LIBYAN AND SOUTHERN YEMEN DELEGATIONS, WHOSE ABSENCE FROM THE PARTY WAS QUITE SIGNIFICANT.

26 SEP 1116Z HWM/RG

FBIS 37 FOR OFFICIAL USE ONLY

AL-AHRAH CRITICAL OF STATES THAT BOYCOTT KISSINGER LUNCHEON

M261007 PARIS AFP IN ENGLISH 0354 GMT 26 SEP 73 M

(TEXT) CAIRO, SEPT, 26 (AFP)--THE INFLUENTIAL EGYPTIAN DAILY AL-AHRAH TODAY SAID NEW UNITED STATES SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY KISSINGER MIGHT HAVE SOMETHING NEW TO OFFER THE MIDDLE EAST AND ARAB GOVERNMENTS SHOULD GIVE HIM A CHANCE.

THE NEWSPAPER CRITICIZED FIVE ARAB COUNTRIES--LIBYA, SYRIA, ALGERIA, IRAQ AND SOUTH YEMEN--FOR REFUSING TO SEND REPRESENTATIVES TO A LUNCHEON MEETING ORGANIZED BY DR. KISSINGER YESTERDAY FOR ARAB MINISTERS AT THE UNITED NATIONS.

IT CHIDED THE FIVE GOVERNMENTS FOR TURNING THEIR BACKS ON DR. KISSINGER IN ADVANCE AND DESCRIBED THE LUNCHEON INVITATION AS A GESTURE WHICH MIGHT INDICATE SOMETHING NEW IS COMING IN AMERICAN POLICY ON THE MIDDLE EAST.

WHAT REASON DO ARABS HAVE TO REFUSE TO MEET DR KISSINGER? THE NEWSPAPER ASKED. IT WARNED AGAINST GIVING HIM AN OPPORTUNITY TO SAY THAT HE EXTENDED HIS HAND TO THE ARABS AND THEY REFUSED IT.

REPRESENTATIVES OF 13 OTHER ARAB COUNTRIES ATTENDED THE LUNCHEON, INCLUDING EGYPT. MINISTERS ATTENDED FROM BAHRAIN, LEBANON AND NORTH YEMEN ONLY.

26 SEP 1049Z AWM/RG

Kissinger: Congress Thwarts Detente

By Dennis Duggan

Newsday New York Bureau Chief

United Nations—Secretary of State Kissinger accused Congress yesterday of undermining U.S. foreign policy with “contradictory” legislation.

Kissinger, holding his first press conference since being confirmed as secretary of state, said attempts by the House to deny the Soviet Union most-favored trade status "would be a most significant setback."

The House Ways and Means Committee yesterday approved an amendment to the foreign trade bill now under consideration that would block favored trade consideration for the Soviet Union unless the President is assured that Jews and other citizens are allowed to emigrate freely.

Kissinger left no doubts that he considered that action—and an unsuccessful attempt in the Senate yesterday to force a 40 per cent cutback in U.S. land-based troops overseas—as unwelcome meddling in the delicate bilateral policies he is pursuing around the world.

The secretary's harsh words for Congress came just four days after he took the oath of office after lengthy grilling

by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. His comments reinforced the belief of many that Kissinger intends to run the nation's foreign policy with an iron hand.

Kissinger was plainly perturbed that efforts by Congress to deny the Soviet Union tariff cuts—in keeping with trade agreements tentatively reached between the USSR and the U.S.—would rupture the new detente between the superpowers, which Kissinger said was achieved after long and arduous negotiations. He said he would make a formal statement later on the subject of congressional attempts to force an end to heavy emigration fees being imposed on those who leave the Soviet Union.

But he made it clear that the Nixon administration would not intervene directly in Soviet internal policies. "As a government we will not take a formal position, but we will use our influence to the utmost limit of our capabilities because the U.S. has its own views, deeply held, about the human values at stake."

While Kissinger was holding his 40-minute press conference in the U.S. Mission building here, the Senate de-

feated an amendment to a military procurement bill that would have slashed U.S. troop strength overseas by 40 per cent. The amendment, sponsored by Senator Mike Mansfield (D.-Mont.), passed early in the day but was later reversed, reportedly after pressure from the Pentagon.

"The administration is strongly opposed to this," Kissinger said of the move to impose troop reductions: "It will be impossible to negotiate an agreement for the reduction of forces when the United States unilaterally accomplishes what the negotiations are supposed to bring about," he said. He caustically referred to such moves at home as "contradictory" and appeared concerned that Congress could reduce his flexibility in foreign affairs through such moves.

Kissinger was asked if Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko's stern warning to the UN Tuesday that it would not tolerate intervention in its internal affairs meant there had been an effect on efforts toward achieving detente between the U.S. and the Soviet Union. "There hasn't been any formal change" he answered, "but as most statesmen know, nothing is permanent."

He said he will meet with Gromyko tomorrow in Washington, and there were reports that he planned to reassure the Soviet foreign minister that the U.S. will not try to intervene in internal Soviet affairs.

Replying to another question, Kissinger denied reports that President Nixon might put off his European trip, whose date is already uncertain. "It will take place in the near future," he said, "but the exact date will be determined by the pace of negotiations now going on with the European countries."

Kissinger said he would go to London Oct. 15 and would meet foreign ministers from some of the nine European Common Market countries, which this week presented their ideas on a new Atlantic community in response to a proposal Kissinger made last April on the need for a new Atlantic Charter.

West German Chancellor Brandt addressed the General Assembly yesterday, emphasizing in his speech that, "where hunger prevails, there can be no peace... Morally, it makes no difference whether a man is killed in war or is condemned to starve to death by the indifference of others."

Brandt, who spoke in German, al-

though he speaks English fluently, referred several times to all Germans as "my people." "My people live in two states," he said, "but they have not ceased to regard themselves as one nation." He acknowledged, however, that the growing relationship between the two German states, both of which were admitted to full UN membership last week, was more important than the "national question" of German reunification.

Kissinger and Brandt chat in Brandt's hotel suite before Brandt's speech to the General Assembly, the first ever given in that forum by a German head of state.

AP Photo

Good Start for Kissinger

Many congressmen of both parties are suspicious of Henry Kissinger, even though he was confirmed handsomely by the Senate as the new U.S. secretary of State.

The suspicious congressmen and like-thinking American citizens remember that Kissinger went along with administration lies about the war in Cambodia. They also regard him as a power politics man, who really does not care about the underlying social and economic problems of the world. They are doubtful about him because of his participation in the wiretapping of his own assistants and the improper use of the CIA in domestic affairs — and being deceptive about his role in this nasty business.

We share some of these doubts and suspicions about Kissinger. So we are especially pleased that his speech to the United Nations the other day took a different line and tone from previous administration foreign policy and from what we expected.

Kissinger did not talk about balance of power and that sort of thing (of course, one wouldn't at the U.N.), but he went beyond mere courtesy and talked about the things the United Nations could do to work toward a peaceful world.

Inasmuch as this administration has rather ignored the U.N. and barged ahead with its own foreign policies all over the world, this marks a change in attitude, or at least in the words being used.

We liked a number of things Kissinger said:

"A world community must assure that all its people are fed. The growing threat to the world's food supply deserves the urgent attention of this assembly. We now face the prospect that—even with bumper crops—the

world may not rebuild its seriously depleted stocks in this decade.

"No one country can cope with this problem. The United States therefore proposes that a world food conference be organized under United Nations auspices in 1974 to discuss ways to maintain adequate food supplies and to harness the efforts of all nations to meet the hunger and malnutrition resulting from natural disasters."

That is a change from the international grain policies which have been adopted and carried out by Agriculture Secretary Earl Butz. It is encouraging to see Kissinger moving into an underlying world economic problem, not just military and political consequences of such a problem.

Kissinger also said:

"The United States will never be satisfied with a world of uneasy truces, of offsetting blocs, of accommodations of convenience. We strive for a peace whose stability rests not merely on a balance of forces but on shared aspirations."

And:

"In recent years, we have found ourselves locked in fruitless debates about the inauguration of peacekeeping operations. We should delay no longer. The time has come to agree on peacekeeping guidelines so that this organization can act swiftly, confidently and effectively in future crises."

If the Nixon administration really means that it will take leadership in seeking to solve the world food problem and establish workable international reserves; if it means to really support and advocate an international police force to handle peacekeeping; and if it seeks justice and not merely a balance of strength in the world, the U.S. has turned a corner in foreign policy.

One authority believes that the fact remains

FBIS 20

LONDON PAPER NOTES KISSINGER 'DILEMMA' ON NIXON TRIP
L261102 LONDON THE AILY TELEGRAPH IN ENGLISH 26 SEP 73 P 36 L
(DISPATCH BY VINCENT RYDER, DIPLOMATIC CORRESPONDENT)

(TEXT) NEW YORK (NO DATE GIVEN--FBIS)--THE NINE OF THE EUROPEAN COMMUNITY AGREED IN NEW YORK YESTERDAY AT THE URGING OF DR KISSINGER, SECRETARY OF STATE, TO SPEED PREPARATORY WORK FOR A VISIT BY PRESIDENT NIXON.

WHETHER ENOUGH PROGRESS WILL BE MADE FOR MR NIXON TO FEEL A TRIP THIS YEAR WOULD BE WORTH WHILE REMAINED IN DOUBT, BUT THERE ARE SIGNS OF WHITE HOUSE PRESSURE ON DR KISSINGER TO PRODUCE RESULTS.

HE CONFERRED FOR 90 MINUTES WITH MR ANDERSEN, DANISH FOREIGN MINISTER AND SPOKESMAN FOR THE NINE, WHO DESCRIBED THE MEETING AS "VERY OPEN, VERY FRANK, VERY FRIENDLY AND VERY CONSTRUCTIVE."

AS FOR ITS RESULTS, IT WAS "ONE MORE STEP FORWARD."

MR ANDERSEN REFUSED TO SAY WHETHER DR KISSINGER WAS DISAPPOINTED WITH THE DRAFT "DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES" ON TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS OFFERED BY THE NINE.

MANY OBSERVERS REGARD IT AS A COLLECTION OF PIOUS GENERALITIES, FAR REMOVED FROM THE AMBITIOUS REVISION OF THE ATLANTIC PARTNERSHIP FIRST MOOTED BY THE WHITE HOUSE.

BUT IT WAS AGREED THAT THE POLITICAL DIRECTORS OF THE NINE, THE SENIOR OFFICIALS WHO DO THE SPADEWORK IN CO-ORDINATING POLICY, WOULD MEET IN THE NEXT FEW DAYS WITH AN AMERICAN REPRESENTATIVE, STILL TO BE CHOSEN, TAKING PART.

DR KISSINGER HAS A SPEAKING ENGAGEMENT IN LONDON ON OCTOBER 15 AND, UNLESS A TENTATIVELY-PLANNED VISIT TO PEKING CHANGES HIS PLANS HE IS EXPECTED TO VISIT OTHER EUROPEAN CAPITALS.

APART FROM A BROAD DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES ON RELATIONS BETWEEN THE NINE AND AMERICA THERE IS MUCH WORK TO BE DONE ON A SEPARATE DECLARATION ON DEFENCE POLICY, TO BE WORKED OUT WITHIN NATO.

THE WHITE HOUSE WANTS JAPAN ASSOCIATED WITH THE POLITICAL DECLARATION OF PRINCIPLES BUT SO FAR THE NINE HAVE GIVEN THIS ONLY FLEETING CONSIDERATION.

DR KISSINGER'S DILEMMA IS THAT MR NIXON NEEDS A FAIRLY DRAMATIC RESULT FROM A EUROPEAN VISIT WHERE THE NINE FEEL THAT THE MODEST AGREEMENT THEY HAVE REACHED AMONG THEMSELVES ON TRANSATLANTIC RELATIONS IS A GOOD START TOWARDS A COMMON FOREIGN POLICY.

THEY DO NOT WANT TO STIR UP INTERNAL DISPUTES BY TRYING FOR ANYTHING MORE AMBITIOUS.

27 SEP 1973 HWM/TN

Kissinger Denies Any Role
In C.I.A. Study of Ellsberg

Secretary of State Kissinger denied yesterday that he had had anything to do with the 1971 request for a psychiatric profile of Dr. Daniel Ellsberg by the Central Intelligence Agency.

On Tuesday, the Senate Watergate committee made public an affidavit submitted by Dr. Bernard M. Malloy, a staff psychiatrist for the agency, who quoted David M. Young Jr., a former White House official who once served in Mr. Kissinger's office,

as having told him that the request for the profile came from Mr. Kissinger and John D. Ehrlichman, the former White House adviser on domestic affairs.

Mr. Kissinger, at a news conference at the United States Mission to the United Nations, said yesterday "I did not know of any request for a profile, I never saw this profile, and I never discussed the subject with David Young."

If Mr. Young used Mr. Kissinger's name, as reported by Dr. Malloy, "it was used without authority," the Secretary said.

Mr. Kissinger stressed that he did not, in fact, know if Mr. Young had made the request in the way cited by Dr. Malloy, asserting that he had only the affidavit to go on.

He repeated what he had told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on Sept. 7, during the confirmation hearings on his appointment as Secretary: "I did not know of the activities of David Young after he left my staff" except for a publicly stated assignment to aid in declassifying documents.

Dr. Malloy said that the request for the psychiatric profile of Dr. Ellsberg, who was

Continued on Page 31, Column 7

Kissinger Denies He Had a Role
In C.I.A. Assessment of Ellsberg

Continued From Page 1, Col. 6

responsible for making public
the Pentagon papers on the
Vietnam war, came on Aug. 12,
1971, during a meeting with
Mr. Young and others.

In his testimony before the
Foreign Relations Committee,
Mr. Kissinger said that in June,
97, Mr. Young transferred from
the National Security Council
staff, which Mr. Kissinger
headed, to the Domestic Council
staff headed by Mr. Ehrlichman.

"At that time I was told that David Young would work on a project for three months concerned with changing the declassification procedures of the Government," Mr. Kissinger said. "I had no contact with David Young either by telephone or in my office or in any other way after he left my staff, although I continued to have a high regard for him."

Mr. Young, while working
for Mr. Ehrlichman, became in-
volved in the so-called "plumb-
ers" group; set up to stem leaks
of Government information. The
group ultimately focused on
Dr. Ellsberg's past in an appar-
ent effort to discredit his anti-
war views.

Mr. Kissinger said on Sept.
7, "In short, I did not know
either from him [Mr. Young],
or anyone else about the ex-
istence of the 'plumbers, as I
said, by this or any other name,
or about his activities in con-
nection with internal security
matters."

"I think it was a deplorable
event," Mr. Kissinger said of
the break-in committed by
members of the "plumbers"
group into the office of Dr.
Ellsberg's former psychiatrist
during the Labor Day weekend
of 1971.

# Kissinger: Nixon to Europe Soon

By Marilyn Berger

Washington Post Staff Writer

UNITED NATIONS, Sept. 26—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger said today that the United States and Western Europe have made progress toward producing documents of “historic significance” redefining their relationship and making possible a trip to Europe by President Nixon in the “near future.”

While he sought to encourage current efforts to give new vitality to the Atlantic alliance, Kissinger warned that any congressional move to deny nondiscriminatory tariff treatment for the Soviet Union “would certainly be a significant setback in the policy [of detente] we are pursuing.”

Hours after Kissinger issued this warning the House Ways and Means Committee voted unanimously to deny most-favored-nation tariff treatment to countries restricting emigration in a resolution aimed directly at the Soviet Union.

Kissinger gave his first press conference as Secretary of State in a room at the U.S. Mission to the United Nations

See KISSINGER, A27, Col. 1

RADIO TV REPORTS, INC.

4435 WISCONSIN AVE. N.W., WASHINGTON, D. C. 20016, 244-3540

FOR COMMITTEE FOR THE RE-ELECTION OF THE PRESIDENT

PROGRAM Washington Week in Review

STATION WETA TV

DATE September 28, 1973 8:00 PM

CITY Washington, D.C.

## FULL TEXT

ANNOUNCER: A federal grand jury begins hearing evidence against the Vice President. One of the stories tonight on Washington Week in Review. Here is moderator Lincoln Furber.

LINCOLN FURBER: Good evening. This week was an especially bleak one for Vice President Spiro Agnew. His lawyers' negotiations with the Justice Department over the criminal charges against him broke down. Then, with Attorney General Richardson' go-ahead, government attorneys took the case to a grand jury in Baltimore. And on Capitol Hill, the House Speaker flatly turned down Agnew's request for a separate investigation of the allegations.

Elsewhere, Secretary of State Kissinger addressed the United Nations and then settled down to his new job at the State Department.

And here tonight to talk about these and other stories we have Darius Jhadvala (?), diplomatic correspondent for the Boston Globe; Ron Ostrow, Justice Department correspondent for the Los Angeles Times; Neil MacNeil, chief congressional correspondent for Time Magazine; and Peter Lisagor, Washington bureau chief for the Chicago Daily News.

Peter, can you summarize for us what Vice President Agnew did this week and why he did it?

PETER LISAGOR: Well, yes, Linc. There was a -- we're back to the smiling-through-clenched-teeth period at the White House and with the Vice President. He was putting on a bravura performance. He avoided the swearing-in of the new Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger, last Saturday, but then he began to move about town. He appeared at a luncheon on Wednesday with the so-called Wednesday Group, a group of moderate-to-liberal, or liberal-to-moderate Republican senators. About 14 of them belong to the group. Then he showed up on Thursday at a congressional Republican leadership meeting in the White House at which the President made a rather intense and emotional defense of his military request, spending request. Mr. Agnew said nothing at all about

8

and seeking his own future in this, as the Vice President's charged?

OSTROW: That's not the impression that I got.

MacNEIL: What kind of a court is it? Any possibility that this grand jury is different from other grand juries?

OSTROW: No, no. It seems to be quietly going about its business. And, of course, they just took up the Vice President on Thursday. And, of course, what bothers me about the charge against U.S. Attorney Beall is that he's the brother of the Republic senator from Maryland in a long-line Republican family.

MacNEIL: His father was a Republican senator, too.

LISAGOR: If I wasn't such a nosey person, Ron, I wouldn't have noticed that you have before you a piece that you wrote yourself for the Los Angeles Times with the headline "Rehnquist Memo May Be Relevant to Agnew." What Rehnquist memo is going to be relevant to Agnew?

OSTROW: Oh, this is one that dates back to when Justice Rehnquist was William Rehnquist, Assistant Attorney General in charge of the Office of Legal Counsel in 1969, and it was when -- you recall the ethics controversy that finally forced Justice Abe Fortas off the Supreme Court. As head of the Office of Legal Counsel, and in response to then-Attorney General Mitchell's request Rehnquist did a memo on the question of whether you could prosecute a sitting justice. And since -- without impeaching him. And he came down, incidentally, on the side that you could. That doesn't lock him in on this question, but they do seem to draw their constitutional immunity from the same provision -- their claim to constitutional immunity from the same provision of the Constitution.

MacNEIL: ...both President Nixon on the tapes and Vice President Agnew on the indictment that in their offices they are above the law, that they cannot be touched except by impeachment.

OSTROW: Well, but that isn't above the law. You mean above the criminal courts.

LISAGOR: The criminal proceedings. They're saying they're outside the reach of a criminal proceeding.

OSTROW: Certainly that's the thrust of the Vice President argument. And certainly that's the thrust of the President's argument in the tapes.

FURBER: Okay, let's change the subject and talk about something else in the remainder of our time. Henry Kissinger, at last, became Secretary of State in fact as well as in action this week. From his speech to the United Nations and from his

9

first day or two in the State Department, was anything revealed about the future of American foreign policy?

JHADVALA: No, I don't think that anything new was revealed about the future of American foreign policy. I think what he did, both at the United Nations and at his press conference on Wednesday, is that he underscored some of the points that the administration has been trying to get across for the remainder of the second term, and that is basically to consolidate, to institutionalize. Now, I'm not entirely clear as to what they mean by institutionalize, but that's the phrase that they use. The peace, the detente that has already been achieved. You know, the negotiations with the Soviet Union, the increasing contacts with China, creating some new framework for future relations with West Europe, increased trade with East Europe. What is very disturbing, at least to those of us who read the speech at the United Nations -- and also I've been talking to some of the delegates around -- is that not equal emphasis of intent was placed on problems of other countries in Africa, Latin America -- and the question that is asked most frequently at the United Nations is that, all right, it's all nice and fine to have detente with the Soviet Union and to have new contacts with China and to have a new declaration of principles with the West Europeans, but what about the real problems of our time -- hunger, disease, ignorance, death, and so on?

Dr. Kissinger, in his speech, did mention five points, five points whereby the United States and the world community could help redress some of the problems of man, but it seemed to be more of an afterthought rather than a prime purpose. Now, where these next three or four years will lead us to, nobody really knows. I presume that we are going to see -- I hope, at least, that we are going to see some better times in relations with countries that really matter, countries that are large, countries that need help, countries on whom we depend for resources.

LISAGOR: Are you saying, Darius, that you believe that Russia and China are not important countries in this world?

JHADVALA: Well, no. I'm not saying that they're not the important countries. They certainly are the important countries but they are not the only countries.

LISAGOR: Well, I wanted to ask you a specific problem, though, that the Secretary of State has. They made a commitment to the Russians to give them most-favored-nation treatment. Now that's hung up in the Senate on the Jackson Amendment until they began to relax their immigration rules. Does the detente go down the drain? Is most-favored-nation that important to the Russians?

JHADVALA: Well, Peter, it's a matter of prestige with the Russians. It is not a matter of economic with the Russians. Most-favored-nation status will not give them more trade -- well, marginally more. The Russians, you've got to realize, are and will continue to get credit. They need credit. They have been

10

getting credit. As long as that is assured, then I don't think
that the Russians, economically, will begin to hurt when it comes
to denial of MFN. It might hurt their prestige a bit.

MacNEIL: Well, Darius, how much trade is there between
the United States and Russia, now and potentially?

JHADVALA: Potentially, it's a great deal.

MacNEIL: It is a great deal?

JHADVALA: Yes.

MacNEIL: What will we be buying?

JHADVALA: Well, we can hopefully...

MacNEIL: They bought a lot of wheat from us. What
can we buy from them?

JHADVALA: Well, it's not what we can buy from them,
but in terms of selling our technology to them. This is what
the United States would gain. You could gain things like, eventually,
assuming that, for example, the oil squeeze is on from the Middle
East countries, there is that supply. There is natural gas.

LISAGOR: On Dr. Kissinger, if I may, a personal question
style. Here's a man who's been accustomed to conducting furtive
diplomacy, surreptitious diplomacy. He's thrown into the sieve
of the United Nations. How does he function? Everything's wide
open. It leaks -- the kind of leaks that he found in 1969 and
ordered the wiretaps for, up there in New York, you don't need
wiretaps.

JHADVALA: Yeah. Well, you can't wiretap the other
delegations. I don't know how he's going to adjust himself to
the reality that every Secretary of State has to face, namely,
you have 135-member body. You have to speak to them, all of them,
or certainly most of them. You have to convey your ideas, your
proposals, your thinking to them. If there is going to be any
leaks, I don't know how Dr. Kissinger...

MACNEIL: Another question about him. You say he's
trying to institutionalize detente. What about the institution
he's just gotten, the State Department? Is he going to have any
impact on that? And can he change that in any way if he would
want to change it?

[Confusion of voices]

JHADVALA: I think he can change it. I think the State
Department certainly could use a little more sharpening.

MacNEIL: I have the feeling he's going to carry the

11

State Department around in his back pocket.

JHADVALA: I'm not so sure. I would not sell some of the veterans, some of the experts in the State Department short. I certainly would not sell them short.

FURBER: I'm sorry, I'm going to sell you short. We're out of time.

02.4A

GROMYKO 9-28

DAY LD.

BY STEWART HENSLEY

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- IN OCTOBER, 1962, SOVIET FOREIGN MINISTER ANDREI GROMYKO MET WITH JOHN F. KENNEDY IN THE WHITE HOUSE WHILE THE RUSSIANS PUT MISSILES IN CUBA. TODAY, WITH U.S.-SOVIET RELATIONS MUCH BETTER THAN THOSE DARK DAYS, GROMYKO WAS BACK.

ONE OF THE SUBJECTS EXPECTED TO BE DISCUSSED BETWEEN PRESIDENT NIXON AND THE SOVIET DIPLOMAT AT A MEETING AT L.O. A.M. EDT TODAY WAS JUST HOW FAR THE TWO NUCLEAR POWERS HAVE COME IN LIQUIDATING THE REMNANTS OF THEIR "COLD WAR."

SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER, WHO MET WITH GROMYKO EARLIER THIS WEEK IN NEW YORK, WAS SCHEDULED TO SIT IN AND THEN TO LUNCH WITH GROMYKO AT THE SOVIET EMBASSY. GROMYKO HAS MADE ANNUAL VISITS HERE FOR MANY YEARS.

OFFICIALS PROVIDED NO SPECIFICS AS TO WHAT THE WHITE HOUSE MEETING WOULD DEAL WITH, BUT EXPECTATIONS WERE THAT IT WOULD CENTER MORE ON BILATERAL NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN WASHINGTON AND MOSCOW THAN ISSUES IN WHICH OTHER NATIONS HAVE A MAJOR INTEREST, SUCH AS THE MIDDLE EAST AND SOUTHEAST ASIA SITUATIONS.

KISSINGER, AT A TWO AND ONE HALF HOUR DINNER CONFERENCE WITH GROMYKO MONDAY, WAS UNDERSTOOD TO HAVE WARNED THAT RECENT HARSH TREATMENT BY RUSSIA OF SOME OF ITS INTELLECTUALS WAS HAMPERING THE NIXON ADMINISTRATION IN ITS EFFORTS TO WIN CONGRESSIONAL APPROVAL OF A NEW SOVIET-AMERICAN TRADE AGREEMENT.

KISSINGER WAS SAID TO HAVE POINTED OUT THAT THESE CASES, ALONG WITH RUSSIA'S RESTRICTIVE POLICY ON EMIGRATION OF JEWS, WERE PROVIDING ADDITIONAL AMMUNITION TO FOES OF THE PROPOSED TRADE AGREEMENT. THE AGREEMENT WOULD GRANT MOSCOW TARIFF STATUS EQUAL TO THIS COUNTRY'S "MOST FAVORED" TRADING PARTNER IN ANY GIVEN CASE AND BETTER ACCESS TO U.S. CREDITS.

KISSINGER SAID THE UNITED STATES COULD NOT TAKE A FORMAL POLICY POSITION ON MATTERS WHICH THE RUSSIANS CONSIDERED INTERNAL AFFAIRS AND WOULD DO BETTER TO WORK QUIETLY BEHIND THE SCENES.

UPI 09-23 02:41 AED

PR 18

CHICAGO SUN-TIMES, Thurs., Sept. 27, 1973

# Kissinger warning on Soviet dissident policy

By Thomas B. Ross

Sun-Times Correspondent

NEW YORK — Sec. of State Henry A. Kissinger warned Wednesday that “there’s a point beyond which we cannot press” the Soviet Union on its dissident intellectuals and Jews without risking a return to the cold war.

He also cautioned that defense cuts, such as the 40 per cent overseas troop reduction first approved, them rejected Wednesday by the Senate, would make it more difficult to extract concessions from the Soviets.

"It's somewhat contradictory," he declared, "to ask us to conduct a foreign policy to bring about the transformation of the Soviet system and cut forces for defense."

In his first press conference as secretary of state, Kissinger maintained that the Nixon administration had been "quite effective" in improving the lot of Soviet intellectuals and Jews through quiet diplomacy.

He warned that any effort to force the issue publicly, as demanded by many members of Congress, could backfire by

## Bus falls in dam; 15 die

SYDNEY, Australia (AP) — Fifteen members of a senior citizens' club on a vacation trip in the Snowy Mountains were killed Wednesday when their bus crashed into the Tumut Ponds dam 200 miles southwest of Sydney, a police spokesman reported. Another 24 persons were injured.

eroding the detente with Moscow and limiting U.S. leverage there.

"The choice we have to make," he said, "is between a public stance and the influence that our general relations gives us."

He cautioned against a tendency to assume that the gains achieved in improving relations with the Soviets are "permanent and can be drawn upon as if the capital is inexhaustible."

He said it would "certainly be a significant setback" if Congress failed to extend most favored nation status to the Soviet Union, a status that would allow it to trade with the United States on the same footing as Western Europe.

President Nixon agreed to the concession in his first summit meeting with Soviet Communist Party leader Leonid I. Brezhnev, but there is a move in Congress to make it dependent on public concessions by Moscow on the intellectuals and Jews.

If the move succeeds, Kissinger warned, the "most serious questions will be raised about (whether) the Soviet Union can rely on the performance of the United States on its commitments."

Kissinger responded to questions about several other issues during the half-hour press conference at the U.S. mission to the United Nations:

**EUROPE** — Mr. Nixon is still planning to make a trip to Western Europe, but the timing depends on how fast progress can be made in working out a joint U.S.-European dec-

laration on new economic and military relations. Kissinger insisted that the administration did not view Europe as an "adversary" but expected it to agree to a series of "historic documents" and not just a vague statement.

"We have a duty," he said, "for relations among friends to keep pace with relations among adversaries."

**CIA** — Kissinger challenged a Central Intelligence Agency document before the Senate Watergate committee contending he authorized the CIA to prepare a psychiatric profile of Daniel Ellsberg. If his name was used, Kissinger said, it was used without his consent.

**MIDDLE EAST**—Kissinger said it would be a mistake to assume he "can pull a rabbit

out of the hat" and produce a sudden settlement of the Arab-Israeli dispute. He repeated that the United States was prepared to help promote an accord, mainly by urging the two sides "toward a spirit of co-operation."

Winding up a three-day visit to the United Nations, Kissinger had lunch with Foreign Minister Michel Jobert of France and an evening conference with West German Chancellor Willy Brandt.

France has been the most skeptical of the allies about Kissinger's proposed new Atlantic relationship. The lunch-cone talk with Jobert sought to narrow their differences.

Brandt is a central figure in the search for a consensus. He will confer on Saturday with President Nixon.

Kissinger also devoted some attention to other areas of the world. He discussed Indochina with Deputy Foreign Minister Choonhavan Chatchai of Thailand, Latin America with Foreign Minister Mario Gibson Barboza of Brazil, and squeezed into a busy schedule a midday meeting with Ambassador Huang Hua, China's permanent UN representative.

Kissinger Sets His Goal 9.27.73

Secretary of State Kissinger's speech at the United Nations naturally was a graceful bow to that organization. But his maiden speech in his new, two day old position had a significance that reached beyond the UN. If Kissinger is capable of filling out the broad outlines laid down in his talk, his term at the helm of the State Department ought to be a constructive one.

Most significant of Kissinger's many phrases was his expressed desire for a "comprehensive, institutionalized peace." As the president's top foreign policy adviser during Nixon's first term, Kissinger was a one man band. Kissinger's brand of diplomacy was a highly personal and secretive one marked by grand surprises. Kissinger was continually hopping around the world, whether to Peking, Moscow or Hanoi, laying the groundwork for the structures of detente that have

begun to form between East and West.

Kissinger, however, has realized the limits of this kind of diplomatic activity. A general criticism of his earlier tactics was that successful diplomacy in the long run is based on mundane, day to day work, activity that can only be accomplished through institutions such as the State Department or the UN. Kissinger now has committed himself to that road.

There was also a refreshing ideological tone to the secretary of state's speech. Kissinger's forte has been the diplomacy of self-interest and balance of power, a legitimate approach to foreign affairs. But ideals propel men as well as self-interest does, in many cases with more power. Kissinger's tying of American ideals — universal truth, justice and human compassion — to his foreign policy goals was needed. His test will be to carry them out.

# Kissinger vote has interesting aspects

By DONALD R. MORRIS
Post News Analyst

There were several interesting aspects to the Senate vote confirming Henry Kissinger as secretary of state. The vote was indeed overwhelming — 78 to 7 — and it was as bipartisan as can reasonably be expected these days. Two Ins joined five Outs in voting against him, and the clutch of abstentions was as usual due to absences, some no doubt unavoidable and some no doubt deliberate.

Of the two Texas senators, the In voted for confirmation and the Out was previously committed to engagements at home. The two legislators disclosed, however, that between them they had received 618 letters about the confirmation — of which all but two were opposed.

At first glance this is startling. Congressmen rarely read every letter they receive in detail (their staffs respond to the bulk of them with an innocuous form letter), but they count them very carefully indeed. If the mail in one state was running better than 300 to 1 against confirmation — and on a national, and not even a regional issue — the mail for the country as a whole must have been similar, and one might well ask why the vote for confirmation was so heavy, or why there were not many more tactful abstentions.

The reason was that the overwhelming bulk of the mail came from a narrow segment of the constituencies — the extreme right fringe

— and was rightly written off as drummed-up special interest lobby mail.

Despite frequent exposure, the average citizen is still barely aware of the mental climate on the extreme right. He could find out from any one of several score "newsletters," "fact sheets" and other ephemera cranked out by those battening on their ilk, but when such material does come his way he rarely gives it a second glance (because it is so obviously paranoic and largely irrational), and he rarely has much to do socially with those who do read it avidly (and all too often read nothing else).

These sheets — "The Herald of Freedom," "Liberty Letter," "Task Force," "Fact Finder" — the list is endless — have much in common. They are stridently patriotic, strictly

> On Sunday, Gallup Poll shows why Nixon is falling in popularity

constitutionalist and implacably anti-communist (which they usually render "anti-Communist" and by which they mean anyone an inch to their left). Their idea of a foreign policy is an uncompromising isolationism, usually coupled with a superstrong military posture. (They were in some disarray over Vietnam, when a hawkish anti-communist collided with horror over the tax revenues being expended on behalf of a foreign nation.)

The sheets emanate from the beleaguered WASP heartland, where a virulent anti-Semism is never far from the surface. Such sentiments, of course, are most unfashionable these days — anti-Semitism still exists but is hardly a burning issue any more and very few Jews indeed regard themselves as members of a disadvantaged minority group. Anti-Semism on the extreme right disguises itself somewhat thinly by referring to itself as "anti-Zionism," and the Kissinger confirmation brought it out in full blossom. The sheets urged a mail campaign to stop the confirmation, on the blunt grounds that Kissinger was Jewish, or that he was naturalized rather than native-born.

Congressional motivations are frequently objective and discouraging, as emotional and partisan considerations make it all but impossible to give objective attention to the major issues of the times.

Which makes it all the more encouraging when the Senate can ignore such paranoic manifestations of our political spectrum.

# Kissinger Treads Quietly Into 1st Day on Job

KISSINGER, From A1

(D-Ark.). It was an immediate effort to make good on his pledge to draw Congress into the administration's foreign policy.

As the two men posed for photographs on the balcony overlooking the Lincoln Memorial, Kissinger observed: "These meetings are going to be so frequent it won't be news any more."

The department also announced, through Ambassador Robert J. McCloskey, who is serving temporarily as spokesman, that Kissinger has commissioned a series of interviews with congressmen.

These will be designed to "obtain an authentic expression of congressional expectations and needs" in connection with Kissinger's intention "to work very closely with the Congress on national security and foreign relations problems."

The interviews will be directed by David Abshire, former assistant secretary of state for congressional relations and currently chairman of the Georgetown University Center for Strategic and International Studies.

This drive for openness and sharing in foreign policy represents the "new Kissinger," with no precise indications of just how far it can go. The "old Kissinger" got his first taste of fishbowl diplomacy in the three days he spent earlier this week at the United Nations, light-years away from the world of clandestine trips and secret meetings, in faraway capitals.

Kissinger had won his stripes in foreign affairs, finding a delicate balance in big power diplomacy and dealing with crises. None of this prepared him for the multilateral juggling act required by the 135-member United Nations, where a message to one country is heard loud and clear by the others—and by Congress and the public.

Although he advocates "quiet diplomacy" to nudge the Soviet Union toward more liberal emigration and human rights policies, he had to let it be known that he discussed the problems Soviet restrictions were causing in Congress in re-

gard to trade concessions. Less than that would have infuriated Jewish groups in the United States and a good number of congressmen. More than that would have risked damaging the spirit of detente.

To the Arabs there was the message to expect no "miracles," no "rabbit out of the hat," and the Israelis breathed easier.

There were public words of praise for the Europeans for getting together and speaking for the first time with one voice, in response to his call for a redefinition of the Atlantic alliance.

But privately he was said to have been disturbed that the nine members of the

Common Market came up with their response with so little direct contact with Washington.

He met with Africans en masse and promised to visit their continent. He saw two Latin American foreign ministers.

And he was thrown a curve by one of the more than 200 reporters attending his press conference Wednesday. It was a question typical for the United Nations, but not the sort Kissinger is accustomed to getting.

"Mr. Secretary, now what are your relations with Nigeria?" he was asked.

Kissinger, the veteran of super-secret trips to Peking

and Moscow, the man preoccupied with avoiding nuclear holocaust, looked only slightly stunned. Then he responded evenly: "We consider Nigeria a very important, potentially decisive country in Africa." No doubt he made headlines in Lagos.

Kissinger used his U.N. press conference to reiterate his promise that foreign policy would become institutionalized.

"I do think it is important," he said, "that foreign policy in this phase not be identified with one individual or with virtuoso performances. When this administration came into office, we faced a series of

emergency situations that had to be dealt with by emergency measures. But if we are going to build truly, we have to construct a more permanent peace through more regular procedures and in a less personalized way."

In his meeting with senior staff members yesterday afternoon, Kissinger again spoke of his desires to make the department into a major institution in the framing and implementation of foreign policy, a spokesman reported. He pledged to strengthen affiliated foreign policy agencies like the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency and the U.S.

Information Agency, and asked all of the bureaus to prepare for him by Oct. 8 papers that outline the problems anticipated in their areas over the next year.

Apparently sounding a little like the professor he used to be, Kissinger said he would be looking for "excellence in the work that will be coming up to him from the various bureaus and offices."

He told them he gets to work at 8 a.m. Even though he will be over at the White House he left the impression that he'd expect them to be off and running at State.

# Kissinger Seeking Views of Congress

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Sept. 27—
Henry A. Kissinger entered the
State Department for the first
State and immediately took
steps intended to carry out his
pledge to consult regularly with
Congress.

Less than an hour after he
stepped from his bullet-proof
limousine into the diplomatic
entrance of the department, Mr.
Kissinger had a private lunch
on the top floor of the building
with Senator J. W. Fulbright,
chairman of the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee.

A spokesman said later that
Mr. Kissinger told Mr. Fulbright
that he was determined to im-
prove cooperation between the
Administration and Congress.

## Interviews Are Planned

Mr. Kissinger, a spokesman
said, also asked David M. Ab-
shire, a former State Depart-
ment official, to conduct inter-
views with "a broad and com-
prehensive cross section of Con-
gress" to get Congressional
views on how "a nonpartisan
atmosphere" in American for-
eign policy would be created.

Mr. Abshire, the director of
Georgetown University's Cen-
ter for Strategic and Interna-
tional Studies, served previ-
ously as Assistant Secretary of

State for Congressional Rela-
tions.

Mr. Kissinger, sworn in last
Saturday, worked in his White
House office over the weekend
on his speech to the United
Nations General Assembly,
which he gave in New York on
Monday.

He returned to Washington
last night and started his day
today at the White House,
meeting with President Nixon,
participating in a session with
Republican Congressional lead-
ers and conferring with Prime
Minister Norman E. Kirk of
New Zealand.

## Greeted by Applause

About noon, the Secretary
was driven to the State De-
partment, where he was offi-
cially greeted by Deputy Secre-
tary of State Kenneth Rush
and about 150 employes who
applauded as he entered and
rode up the elevator to his
suite, on the seventh floor.

Two of his White House
aides, Lawrence S. Eagleburger
and Richard Campbell, have
moved to the seventh floor with
Mr. Kissinger.

Mr. Kissinger this afternoon
met with about 35 senior offi-
cials o f the department and
ordered each bureau to prepare
a report by Oct. 8 on what

problems are expected and
what the bureau would like to
see done. Mr. Kissinger said
that he would begin visiting
each bureau next week to fa-
miliarize himself. Tomorrow,
he plans to address all depart-
ment employes and outline his
ideas on revitalizing the insti-
tution.

beginning before the end of his current term in 1976, or of running for re-election then.

There have been recurrent rumors in Paris that he is seriously ill.

His face was puffy today, as it was at his last news conference here in January, when, officials conceded, he was taking large doses of cortisone. Spokesmen said privately then that the medication was for his arthritis.

He presented his views vig-

and he said that President Nixon would be "received as befits a U.S. President" if he visits France, Mr. Pompidou repeated his resistance to a European-American summit meeting that Washington has been seeking.

On China, Mr. Pompidou said he had disagreed with Chinese leaders during his recent visit there on their opposition to East-West détente, which

interent habits, beliefs and life styles, there are conflicts."

"The only solution," he said, was a "real, and joint control of immigration."

At the beginning of the news conference in the Grand Hall of the Elysée, Mr. Pompidou said he would first take questions on foreign affairs, then French economic and social problems, and then domestic politics.

The change
we are

Friday, September 28, 1973

The Monitor's View

# U.S. troops in Europe

It was a fortunate thing that the new American Secretary of State, Dr. Henry Kissinger, was able to mobilize a rescue squad on Wednesday and get a quick reversal of that vote in the Senate to cut back American troops in Europe.

It was fortunate not because there is any magic in the precise number of U.S. troops in Europe.

A strong case can be made that the efficiency of American forces in Europe could be improved by cutting away a lot of surplus administrative units and concentrating on combat units. And substantial withdrawals at the right time and under the right circumstances would be entirely proper.

The right way to approach a reduction in American commitments and responsibilities in Europe (indeed, anywhere overseas) is down the road of orderly negotiation. A conference opens on Oct. 30 on "mutual and balanced force reductions." In theory this should lead to a fair and balanced cutback in both American and Russian forces bearing on Western Europe. If American forces are reduced by that method there would be no change in the balance of forces in Europe and no decline in the security of America's allies in Europe.

Also Secretary of State Kissinger has begun (high time, too) serious background talks with British, French, West Germans, etc., on shifting more of the military burden of NATO from American to west European shoulders.

Any American troop reduction made possible by either of the above devices is in order — and safe. The Europeans should do

more for themselves. Someday they must assume primary responsibility for their own defense. And the best way for the Russians to prove their sincerity about "detente" would be to agree on a fair withdrawal of some of their own troops from the European theater.

So there are right and proper ways to approach the matter of cutting down on the number of American soldiers stationed in Europe.

But a flash vote in the Senate is not the right way. That it was a near thing (49-46 turned into 51-44 the other way) was the inevitable result of neglect of American relations with its essential allies in Western Europe. It was also a warning of how vitally important it is for Dr. Kissinger to do what he is doing, at long last — a repair job on the relationship.

Over the last ten days his most important work was not his public speeches and appearances but a series of quiet talks with his colleagues from Western Europe. One result was to disclose the fact that President Nixon's "Year of Europe" is about a year behind schedule. It will have to be in 1974, not 1973. Next February is the expectable month for that Nixon trip which originally should have happened last spring. Repair work on the neglected alliance is just beginning.

When the alliance is repaired and reorganized and when we have a better reading than we do now on what "detente" really means to the Russians, it will be time to think about American troop reductions in Europe. Right now is certainly not the time.

Philadelphia Inquirer 9/28/75

# Kissinger gave good advice

Henry Kissinger, only two days after taking the oath as secretary of state, began his maiden address before the United Nations General Assembly by introducing himself as "the world's most junior foreign minister." It was the understatement of the year in international diplomacy.

New to the title but an old hand on the diplomatic stage, Mr. Kissinger made his U.N. debut not as a neophite but as a superstar. And his record in the arena of diplomacy — most notably in opening doors to detente with China and the Soviet Union and negotiating American withdrawal from the nightmare of Vietnam — has been characterized by bilateral talks outside the U.N. framework.

His first task, therefore, was to reassure the United Nations of America's dedicated support — in practice as well as principle. He did so forthrightly, but only after warning at the outset that "the American people, like many others, have sometimes been disappointed because this organization has not been more successful in translating the hopes for universal peace of its architects into concrete accomplishments."

He followed that commendable candor with what the U.N. delegates wanted to hear: "Despite our disappointments, my country remains committed to the goal of a world community. We will continue to work in this parliament of man to make it a reality."

Secretary Kissinger, always the prac-

tical diplomat, told the U.N. of the need to move "from detente among the big powers to cooperation among all nations, from coexistence to community." Underlying his careful phrasing was a message not spelled out but communicated in unmistakable terms: The United Nations should recognize its limitations as well as its opportunities. It has found little success in resolving big-power conflicts but it can do much for mankind that could mean more for peace in the long run.

He cited specific areas in which the U.N. ought to be more active — the needs for increased food production, development and conservation of energy resources, population control, harnessing science and technology for the benefit of man.

That, in itself, is quite an agenda. If the U.N. could achieve significant progress in all of those fields, or in any one of them, it would be an accomplishment of the first magnitude.

To start the ball rolling, Mr. Kissinger proposed a world food conference under U.N. auspices in 1974. It is a laudable proposal, confronting the catastrophe of starvation or chronic hunger and undernourishment that is the most urgent problem for millions of people in dozens of countries.

Henry Kissinger, never noted as a staunch champion of the United Nations, gave it sound advice. It should be implemented.

["World\nHome...\nDOW!", "Brighten\nyour home with\nColor/Luxury", "Rich-Lux", "WAL-SHIELD", "Finest Acrylic Latex Flat Wall Finish", "• Beautiful fade resistant colors", "• Excellent hiding • Dries in 1/2 hour", "• Quick soap and water cleanup", "GALLON", "729", "

Philadelphia Inquirer 9/28/73

# Kissinger gave good advice

THE ATLANTA CONSTITUTION, Fri., Sept. 28, 1973

3-P

IN CALIFORNIA

# Meat Prices Start Big Deer Hunt Trend

SACRAMENTO, Calif. (UPI) — The hamburger crisis has sent record numbers of Californians gunning for new sources of meat.

The latest trend in beating high retail beef prices is to switch from the butcher shop to the wildlands.

On the decline for two years, purchases of hunting li-

"We're taking some special precautions," Fullerton said.

"We're shifting manpower to take care of these workloads.

"We're prepared. We're deputizing many of our other employes to help us out, such as biologists in the field," he said.

Although the department is making new preparations, the

ZZ
RNR21
SADAT (SCHEDULED)

HAIC
SCOWCROFT
L.L.
SAUNDERS

-- SADAT REJECTS PEACE BASED ON PARTIAL ISRAELI WITHDRAWAL FROM THE SUEZ. SAYS THAT HAIK KNOWS EGYPT'S POSITION SINCE HAFEZ ISMAIL CONVEYED THEM PERSONALLY TO HIM.

BY BAHGAT BADIE

CAIRO, SEPT. 29, REUTER -- PRESIDENT ANWAR SADAT HAS VOWED TO MAINTAIN HIS HARDLINE MIDDLE EAST POLICY AND TOLD THE UNITED STATES THAT EGYPT REJECTED OUTRIGHT A PEACE BASED ON PARTIAL ISRAELI WITHDRAWAL FROM THE SUEZ CANAL.

HE MADE HIS PLEDGE LAST NIGHT TO A JOINT SESSION OF THE EGYPTIAN PARLIAMENT (PEOPLES ASSEMBLY) AND THE CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF THE ONLY POLITICAL PARTY IN EGYPT, THE ARAB SOCIALIST UNION (ASU).

HE SAID THE REOPENING OF THE SUEZ CANAL IN RETURN FOR A PARTIAL ISRAELI WITHDRAWAL WAS "A TRAP THAT COULD NOT BE MISSED EVEN BY A CHILD".

THE PRESIDENT DECLARED "THE TROUBLE IS THAT AMERICA IS UNDER ZIONIST PRESSURE AND IS WEARING ZIONIST SPECTACLES THAT CAN SEE ONLY WHAT ISRAEL WANTS...WE REJECT THIS".

THE LIBYAN LEADER, PRESIDENT MUAMMAR GADDAFI, WHO FLEW INTO CAIRO EARLIER, DID NOT ATTEND THE SESSION, ORGANIZED TO MARK THE THIRD ANNIVERSARY OF THE DEATH OF THE LATE PRESIDENT GAMAL ABDEL NASSER. SADAT SAID IN HIS SPEECH THAT THE LIBYAN LEADER HAD SUFFERED "A SUDDEN ILLNESS."

IT WAS NOT KNOWN WHETHER GADDAFI WOULD NOW GO TO ALEXANDRIA LATER TODAY TO MAKE A SCHEDULED ADDRESS TO A RALLY ORGANIZED BY LIBYAN STUDENTS IN EGYPT.

IN HIS SPEECH LAST NIGHT, PRESIDENT SADAT ORDERED AN AMNESTY FOR STUDENTS DETAINED FOR ANTIGOVERNMENT ACTIVITIES, AND THE REINSTATEMENT OF EGYPTIAN NEWSMEN WHO HAD BEEN "PURGED" FROM THEIR JOBS FOR ALLEGED DISSIDENT VIEWS.

A TRIAL BEGAN BEHIND CLOSED DOORS IN CAIRO 13 DAYS AGO OF ABOUT 50 STUDENTS ON CHARGES ARISING FROM ANTIGOVERNMENT DEMONSTRATIONS EARLIER THIS YEAR.

THE JOURNALISTS REINSTATEMENT COVERS ABOUT 100 NEWSMEN, MANY OF THEM MARXISTS AND LEFTWINGERS. THEY WERE "PURGED" FROM THEIR JOBS ON EGYPTIAN NEWSPAPERS AND MAGAZINES EARLIER THIS YEAR.

OBSERVERS HERE SAID THE AMNESTY AND REINSTATEMENT MOVES INDICATED THAT SADAT WAS IN FULL CONTROL OF THE SITUATION IN EGYPT DESPITE WHAT HE TERMED "ECONOMIC DIFFICULTIES" BECAUSE OF RISING WORLD PRICES.

ON THE INTERNATIONAL SCENE, SADAT REFERRED TO RECENT STATEMENTS BY SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY KISSINGER.

"HE (KISSINGER) SPOKE SWEET AND KIND WORDS," SADAT SAID." BUT I WANT TO STATE BEFORE YOU THAT KISSINGER IS WELL AWARE OF OUR POINTS OF VIEW. HE KNOWS THEM FULLY AND IN DETAIL."

THE EGYPTIAN LEADER SAID THAT HIS NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER, HAFEZ ISMAIL, HAD MET KISSINGER DURING A VISIT TO THE UNITED STATES AND CONVEYED EGYPTS VIEWS.

BUT SADAT SAID THE AMERICANS WERE STILL WEARING "ISRAELI SPECTACLES." WE DO NOT ACCEPT THAT. LET THEM REMOVE THESE GLASSES," HE SAID.

OBSERVERS FELT THAT THE EGYPTIAN LEADERS REMARKS MEANT THAT THE DOOR WAS STILL OPEN FOR A POSSIBLE DIALOGUE WITH THE AMERICANS ON THE MIDDLE EAST CRISIS.

SADAT DEALT ONLY BRIEFLY WITH EGYPTS RECENTLY RESUMED RELATIONS WITH JORDAN. HE SAID THIS WAS NECESSARY TO ACHIEVE EGYPTS MAIN GOAL AND AS PART OF JOINT ARAB ACTION.
REUTER PJS/JK0325

# Kissinger Gives Aides Pep Talk; Tells Them to Be 'Best in Town'

NVT 9/29/73

By DAVID BINDER

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Sept. 28 — Secretary of State Kissinger gave a pep talk to about 1,000 State Department employes this noon, telling them he wanted their work "to be the best in town."

Speaking in a faint drizzle in the department's large courtyard, he said the United States was no longer in a position to "overwhelm every problem with resources" or "substitute resources for thought."

"We no longer have overwhelming margins of safety and we no longer have overwhelming margins of resources, and therefore we have to be good and we have to be thoughtful," he said.

Mr. Kissinger said that it was not enough merely to report on foreign policy issues and that he expected "a clear-cut statement of choices" from the various bureaus. For a start he called for a report "by the end of next week" from every regional bureau on problems facing the United States in the coming year.

His air, he said, is "to try to restore the State Department to its traditional role of advising the President on foreign policy, to achieve preeminence."

"With this attitude we can do great things together with some joy, and some enthusiasm," he said, drawing applause.

As Mr. Kissinger spoke he faced a tall metal sculpture of a superhuman figure balancing two planets. The sculpture, by Marshall W. Frederick, symbolizes "the vitality, immensity and mystery of the universe."

The Secretary got a chuckle when he said the courtyard gathering was "the closest thing to a Nuremberg party rally that could be organized" and another when he suggested that it might be the first and last time most of the employes would ever see him.

## Trip to Europe Planned

WASHINGTON, Sept. 28 (Reuters)—Secretary of State Kissinger is expected to begin a visit to Europe in about two weeks, the State Department said today.

The department spokesman, Robert McCloskey, said Mr. Kissinger would meet the British Foreign Secretary, Sir Alec Douglas-Home, and also hopes to talk with the West German Foreign Minister, Walter Scheel, and the French Foreign Minister, Michel Jobert.

There have been reports, denied by Mr. Kissinger, that President Nixon is considering canceling his plans for a tour of European capitals this year.

uled, are to submit their reply
on Oct. 11, and final arguments
will be heard in Baltimore on
Oct. 12.

George Beall, the United
States Attorney here who has
headed the investigation of
Mr. Agnew and Maryland poli-
cians on charges of receiving
political kickbacks, said, "There
will be no change in the Gov-
ernment's course in this regard
as a result of the filing of the
suit."

The Justice Department's
immediate response to the
Agnew suit, an unsigned state-
ment released by its public
information office, declared
that it was "patently ridicu-
ous" to assert, as Mr. Agnew's
attorneys have, that the in-
vestigation was a plot to "drive
the Vice President from office."

August Date Noted

The statement noted that the
Agnew investigation was un-
known to the public before
Aug. 1, the day the Vice Presi-
dent was formally notified that
his activities in Maryland were
being looked into; but that the
investigation was under way
for a considerable period of
time" before that date.

After Mr. Agnew publicly
complained of leaks to the
press about his case, Attorney
general Elliot L. Richardson
authorized an inquiry to de-
termine whether any of his
employes had been the source
of such information.

But, the statement said, a
preliminary report to Mr. Rich-
ardson on Monday indicated
that all department employes
who had been interviewed had
worn that they had not been
the source of any of the pub-

Associated Press

Assistant Attorney Gen-
eral Henry E. Petersen ar-
riving for the conference.

sible for Mr. Agnew to get a
fair hearing on the merits of
the case before the grand jury
and that the only remedy was
to halt the investigation.

He added, "Conceivably the
prospectors will deny responsi-
bility for what the record re-
veals. If any such denial has an
element of creditibility, I re-
spectfully submit that the nec-
essary course is a full hearing
to determine the truth."

The historic challenge began
about 2 P.M. when Mr. Marten-
son walked into Mr. Shlitz's of-
fice and handed him the legal
document in the suit. He paid a
$15 filing fee and Mr. Schlitz
sought advice by telephone on
how to proceed.

The memorandum filed by
Mr. Agnew's attorney argues
that the office of Vice President
is not merely symbolic but car-
ries important duties vital to
the nation.

'Awesome Responsibility'

He presides over the Senate,
the paper says, and holds the

Kissinger at U.N.

9/29/73

Atlanta Journal

ONE OF Henry Kissinger's first official actions as the new U.S. secretary of State, quite appropriately, was a statement of principles on U.S. foreign policy before the United Nations.

It was Kissinger's first speech, delivered in a cautious manner while stressing the need of laying the foundation for building toward world peace.

Such an approach is basically sound and unassailable in diplomatic circles, at least at the beginning. In time, however, there will be increasing demand for specific proposals and evidence of specific commitments.

This is inevitable and it is good to see that the new secretary of State offered two very constructive suggestions to kick off the latest era of Kissinger diplomacy.

He called on all member nations of the world body to reach agreement on peacekeeping guidelines for swift and effective U.N. action in future crises. And he also called on the United Nations to organize a world food conference next year to harness the resources of all nations in meeting the problems of hunger and malnutrition resulting from natural disasters.

The degree to which the United Nations is successful in addressing both matters will depend upon how successfully Washington seizes the diplomatic initiative for seeking support and implementation in Congress and among the major powers.

Editorials

Practicing Our Preachment

"We shall honor our pledge," Secretary of State Henry Kissinger told the United Nations last Monday, "to promote self-determination, economic development and human dignity across the continent of Africa." If President Nixon stands behind that pledge, he and Kissinger should be lobbying furiously for a bill in Congress that would end this country's defiance of UN sanctions against Rhodesia.

It's not just that the Rhodesian government declared its independence illegally. After all, so did the United States in 1776. But Rhodesia denies fundamental political rights to the 95 per cent of its people who are black. The UN Security Council voted economic sanctions against Rhodesia in 1966 and broadened the ban on imports from Rhodesia in 1968. President Johnson issued executive orders implementing the sanctions.

But in 1971 Congress passed the Byrd amendment as a rider to a military procurement bill and President Nixon signed it, even though it abolished his power to keep Rhodesian chrome and other strategic materials out of the country. Never mind that the U.S. already had a surplus of chrome in its stockpiles, or that it had voted for the Security Council sanctions when it could have vetoed them. The U.S. joined racist South Africa and colonialist Portugal as the only UN members to violate the sanctions as a matter of official policy.

"We are convinced," said Kissinger in his UN speech, "that a structure which ignores human values will prove cold and empty and unfulfilling to most of mankind." The Rhodesian sanctions are a rare attempt to reinforce human values using economic leverage. Until the U.S. again supports those sanctions, Kissinger's rhetoric will have a hollow ring. He should lose no time in pressing Congress to repeal the Byrd amendment.

Newsdan 9.29.73

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