From THE HINU DATED JULY 4, 1959.

FUTURE OF LADAKH

FEAR OF CHINESE PENETRATION

By B. Shiva Rao

Ladakhis in Kashmir are apprehensive about the security of their region as a result of the Chinese occupation of Tibet. Ladakh, though a part of Kashmir, is at all times difficult of access from the rest of the State. Efforts have been made on an appreciable scale in recent years to improve communications. A jeepable road now connects Srinagar with Kargil, a distance of a little over 120 miles and about midway between Srinagar and Leh, Ladakh's chief town. In favourable weather, planes can fly over the 17,000 ft. high mountains in less than an hour between these two towns. But in the long and dreary months of winter, when snow piles up deep and insurmountable, the normal route is extremely hazardous and often impossible.

Ladakh's economy--such as it is--suffered a serious blow about 20 years ago when Yarkand, under Communist influence, severed her trade relations with this region. Yarkand had for generations been a centre of trade for carpets, namdahs (Kashmir rugs), horses and donkeys. Now, a fresh threat is developing, with Tibet under Chinese control, which may hit hard not only Ladakh but even Kashmir.

For centuries, Kashmir has been famed all over the world for her **Pashmina** shawls, the best ones being reputed to go through a ring. **Pashmina** was supplied to the Kashmiri industrialists by Ladakhi traders who imported it from Western Tibet. Trade in this region, for as long as man can look back, was by barter. The Ladakhi exchanged with Tibet cloth, medicines and foodgrains for **pashmina** and other kinds of wool salt hides and skins etc. The **pashmina** was brought into the Kashmir valley and sold to the shawl manufacturers.

It is too early perhaps to assess with any precision the results of China's aggression in Tibet. But evidence is trickling into Srinagar that the Chinese are opening shops of their own along the ancient trade route across between Ladakh and Western Tibet, and there is already noticeable a tendency to discourage trade with India. Should this be accentuated, the effect may well be crippling to Ladakh, and indirectly to one of Kashmir's main industries.

or even from United Nations intervention.

Chinese Government, though of that there is little tangible proof,
source or the other: it may be through Mr. Nehru's influence with the
would the world's a destiny. Help, it is felt, will come from some
Nevertheless, there is an element of faith in the influences that
conditions, much hope is not entertained of a satisfactory decision.
for a fair settlement on both sides. Under the present atmosphere

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## 50 YEARS OF BRITISH RULE

Before 1900 there was no such entity as Nigeria. It emerged under 50 years of the *Pax Britannica* during which all its diverse peoples were brought together, learning the elements of Western democracy and the advantages of peaceful economic growth. But 50 years may fill only a single page in the history of a people. Even the strong unifying force of nationalism was not, in Nigeria, powerful enough to break down the barriers between the Moslem north and the Christian and animist south, nor between the Yoruba people in the west and the Ibo in the east.

This became immediately apparent when, in 1947, the embryo of the future Federation was created. It rapidly grew, by 1954, into a fully developed federal form of democratically elected government. The creation of three separate states — Regions, as they are called — within the Federation (with, later, Lagos, the capital, as Federal territory) led, during the early 1950s, to a remarkable upsurge of Yoruba "nationalism" in the Western Region under its Premier, Chief Obafemi Awolowo, and to a similar movement among the Ibos in the Eastern Region, led by the veteran nationalist, Dr. Nnamdi Azikiwe.

The Sardauna of Sokoto, a powerful leader of the Moslem North (where more than half the people of Nigeria live), and the sultans and emirs looked on with massive disapproval at the impatient nationalism of the south and the growing rivalry between Yoruba and Ibo leaders.

It looked, at first, as though Nigeria might tear itself apart, and the threat of fragmentation was soon made worse by the clamour of various smaller groups and tribes to be given separate statehood in order to protect themselves from the giants of this new democracy. One of the basic troubles at this time was that, while the Eastern and Western Regions pressed for

immediate internal

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SPIRIT OF UNDERSTANDING

Later, Mr. Macmillan stated: "Before us stretches an
unknown future, but it is a future in which the peoples of the
world have got to learn to live together if they are to live
at all. We shall have many difficult problems to face and
many dilemmas to resolve, but the words that you have spoken,
sir, encourage me to feel that the spirit is there — the
spirit of friendliness; of understanding, which is more
important than anything else, the spirit of good faith, and
understanding of the sincerity of points of view strongly and
honourably held. Therefore I believe that, big as these
problems seem, how small perhaps they are compared to some of
those which our ancestors overcame".

Mr. Macmillan said the Commonwealth — bound broadly by
common beliefs and practices, linked by the seven seas, its
members free and independent — had a unique opportunity of
playing a vital role in world affairs.

Thanking Dr. Verwoerd for the "kind things" that had
been said, Mr. Macmillan stated: "You are a very generous
and hospitable people and a very kind people and a very tolerant
people; I shall never forget that kindness you have shown me
in the 10 days I have had under most happy conditions and
of pleasant travel in every part that I could get to in so
short a time".

5-2-60.

85, Lodi Estate,
New Delhi - 3

January 11, 1962

Dear Prof. Kissenger,

I am sorry I did not have sufficient time
last night at Mr. Isenberg's delightful dinner
party to discuss in sufficient detail some of
the topics to which we referred. You expressed
an interest in my writings on some of the
matters which came up in the course of the dis-
cussion. I am enclosing herewith a certain
number of articles which I wrote at different
times either for "The Hindu" of Madras, or
"Swarajya", a new weekly associated with Mr.
Rajagopalachari.

I do hope it may be possible for us to
get together again before you leave New Delhi.

With regards,

are and judge. There are three, namely, the Kshمير conspiracy the cases now being conducted in Jammu and Kshمير, since they If would not be right for me to discharge the merits of dom of citizens of the area.

The mentioned powers in dealing with the rights and the free-
sufficiently exploited that the Kshمير Act gives the Exec-
are identical with those in India. The fact has not been
avations of the Preventive Detention Act in Jammu and Kshمير
There is an impression in the country that the pro-
seem in the case on behalf of the defence.

in the state for the only reason that they were willing to
being examined by an independent board as is done in India.
periods of a few months to cover long years, without the evidence
trial in the Kshمير conspiracy case were in detention for
Measles, Pneumonia and several others who are now undergoing
Jammu and Kshمير, where no such safeguards prevail? Sheik
can one describe the Preventive Detention Act in the State of
pounds, lifting of evidence within a very limited period, how
detenna safeguards at least every stage - through machinery
It in spite of the provisions which seek to give
statute-book.

which were threatened so long as this measure remained on the
law made no substantial difference to the rights of a citizen
of the Act in recent years, while softening the rigours of the
was the fact that the safeguards introduced through amendments
critics described it in the debate. Among the points raised
definite prolongation of the life of this 'lawless law' as some
still parties (including the Congress) protested against the in-
s further period of three years. The critics who represented
the life of the Preventive Detention Act (in the Lok Samaj) for
keen opposition has been expressed to the renewal of

by B. Shiva Rao

CIA/PT TIBERTIES IN KASHMIR

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case, the Bomb case and the Hazratbal case. The maxim that justice delayed is justice denied, could not apply with greater force or cogency than to these cases. As Sheikh Abdullah pointed out in his defence statement, a summary of which appeared in a recent issue of *Swarajya*, he was in detention from August 1953 to January 1958. After enjoying freedom for a period of four months, the conspiracy case was instituted which was not in the first place against a large number of persons and his name was included a few months later. It is pertinent to note that since September 1958 preliminary investigations in regard to this case have been in progress. The end is not yet in sight; nor can any one predict how long the investigations will last and whether at the end there will be a committal to sessions for a regular trial. Already Sheikh Abdullah and his associates have been in detention (barring the four months of liberty in 1958), first as detenus and then as under-trial prisoners, for more than seven years. Ahead of them lie, even after the completion of the investigation proceedings, a regular trial in a sessions court and possibly an appeal by either party to the High Court.

It is not only in regard to Preventive Detention Act that there is disparity between Kashmir and the rest of India. More than two years ago the Criminal Procedure Code was amended with a view to giving accused persons greater facilities for defence. According to one amendment, an accused person can obtain documents relating to the first information report of the police before the commencement of the case; under another, he has the right to demand being examined on oath in the course of his trial. Both these amendments have been implemented in India; and, even in Kashmir, the assent of the Sadar-i-Riyasat was promptly obtained. Nevertheless, the State Government has, for reasons of its own, refused to give the accused in the conspiracy case the benefit of these amendments, one of the grounds urged being that it is a matter entirely at the option of the executive.

entirely at the option of the executive.
ments, one of the grounds raised being that it is a matter
the accused in the Conspiracy case the benefit of these amend-
ments. State Government has, for reasons of its own, refused to give
Saddat-Muhammad was promptly obtained. Nevertheless, the
implemented in India; and even in Kashmir the ascent of the
the course of his trial. Both these amendments have been
another, he has the right to demand being examined on each in
of the police before the commencement of the case; under
can contain documents referring to the first information report
for defence. According to one amendment, an accused person
ed with a view to giving accused persons greater facilities
More than two years ago the Criminal Procedure Code was amend-
that there is disparity between Kashmir and the rest of India.
It is not only in regard to preventive detention Act
High Court.

assessions court and benefits an abettor by either party to the
tion of the investigation proceedings, a regular trial in a
than seven years. Ahead of them lie, even after the complet-
trial as defence and then as under-trial prisoners, for more
in detention (parring the four months of liberty in 1988),
trial. Already Sheikh Appuishi and his associates have been
at the end there will be a commitment to sessions for regular
one predict how long the investigations will last and whether
been in progress. The end is not yet in sight; nor can any
1988 preliminary investigations in regard to this case have
few months later. It is pertinent to note that since September
against a large number of persons and his name was included a
a period of four months, the Conspiracy case was instituted
from August 1983 to January 1988. After enjoying freedom for
appointed in a recent case ofSWATISLAL he was in detention
pointed out in his defence statement, a summary of which
er force or cogency than to these cases. As Sheikh Appuishi
justice delayed his justice denied, could not apply with great-
case, the Bomb case and the Hazratpal case. The maxim that

- : S :-

-: 3 :-

In the same case petitions filed by the accused asking for copies of various relevant papers and for a list of the witnesses, whom the prosecution intends to summon in the course of the case have been ignored by the State Government. The other anomalous feature of the case has been the production of fresh evidence by the prosecution alleged to have been discovered after the filing of the original complaint which made no mention of any overt act by any of the accused.

The Preventive Detention Act is not the only measure which curtails the liberty of the citizen in Kashmir. There is the Enemy Agents' Ordinance, the Ingress Act and the Jammu and Kashmir Security Rules, all of which have been used freely by the executive in the three cases mentioned above.

The Enemy Agents' Ordinance (the provisions of which have been utilised for starting the Bomb case) defines an 'Enemy' in the following terms:

"Enemy means and includes any person, directly or indirectly participating or assisting in the campaign recently undertaken by the raiders from outside for subverting the Government established by law in this State and Enemy Agent means a person not operating as a member of enemy armed forces who is employed by or works for or acts on instructions received from the enemy."

The only class of enemy mentioned in the definition are the 'Raiders' the last of whom disappeared from Kashmir in 1949.

A number of lawyers in the State, who seemed willing at one stage to appear on behalf of the defence, were either detained under the Preventive Detention Act or were engaged by the prosecution. A noteworthy instance of the extent to which the State authorities are capable of utilising their powers under the Act is in regard to a prominent lawyer of the Patna bar whose name had been recommended in a private letter by Sir Sultan Ahmed to Sheikh Abdullah. The letter was opened by the jail authorities and before even Sheikh Abdullah could take a decision, the lawyer was approached by the State Government and engaged for the prosecution on a handsome fee. This, I believe, is not the only instance in which the State Government has

-: 4 :-

exercised its powers of censoring letters and using the inform-
ation contained in them to its own advantage.

There is also the question of the venue of these trials.
The Hazratbal case and the Bomb case are being tried in Srinagar,
while the investigations into the Conspiracy case are proceed-
ing at Jammu, causing a great deal of inconvenience to the
accused persons. It is relevant to add that the order fixing
the jail as venue for the conduct of the Conspiracy case was
taken by the State Government and not by the Judge.

No one has estimated the cost to the State Government of
conducting these trials. It is believed that only in regard to
the Conspiracy case, the daily expenditure on lawyers' fees
alone must be between Rs.15,000/- and 20,000/-. It is obviously
impossible for the accused persons to find or to engage competent
counsel for their defence and adequate funds for the purpose.

concern for their defence and adequate funds for the purpose.
impossible for the accused persons to find or to engage competent
alone must be between $12,000\%$ and $50,000\%$. It is obviously
the conspiracy case, the daily expenditure on lawyers' fees
conducting these trials. It is believed that only in regard to
No one has estimated the cost to the State Government of
taken by the State Government and not by the Judge.
the jail as a venue for the conduct of the conspiracy case was
accused persons. It is relevant to add that the order fixing
ing at Jammu, causing a great deal of inconvenience to the
while the investigations into the conspiracy case are proceeding.
The Haratpal case and the Bomb case are being tried in Calcutta.
There is also the question of the venue of these trials.
accusation contained in them to its own advantage.
exercised its powers of censoring letters and making the inform-

April 8, 1962.

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

Thank you very much for your note which I received
in Bangalore in South India. I spent four weeks there try-
ing to get back into the Upper House of Parliament. I stood
as an Independent candidate with no party affiliations, hop-
ing for support from various Groups who could not have their
own candidate. Until the end I had some(though not much)
hope of success; but last-minute influences deprived me of
the support that had previously been promised to me.

I have, therefore, returned to New Delhi. I am some-
what disappointed naturally; but I have enough writing work
to do to keep me more than fully occupied. The new elections
have of course given the Congress party another lease of
power at the Center and in most of the States. Beneath the
surface, however, there are factors at work which must make
the leaders of the Congress party uneasy, if not anxious,
about the future. For instance, for the Lower House of Par-
liament which is by direct election, the Congress party
secured only 45% of the total poll for 72% of the seats,
while all the Opposition Groups put together obtained for
their 55% of the votes and only 28% of the seats.

Secondly, this third general election in India has
proved even more than the first two that the success of the
Congress party is almost entirely due to the magnetic
personality and the colossal efforts of the Prime Minister.
Mr. Nehru is over 72 and cannot bear such strain indefinitely
or even for long. In fact, he is slowly recovering from an
illness which has caused a certain measure of anxiety to his
friends and supporters. Even during this period of his ill-
ness cross-currents within the Congress Parliamentary party
had come to the surface revealing the existence of a sharp
cleavage between the Right and the Left. No one can easily
replace Mr. Nehru, should anything untoward happen.

In several States where the Congress has won
majorities, group and faction rivalries have become so strong
as to threaten the stability of the party, if not the very
existence of the Ministries.

May 11, 1962

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

I have taken time to reply to your letter of April 20th. I was waiting for the debate on Kashmir in the Security Council. So far as the speeches are concerned, it seems to me, judging from this distance, that on the whole the speeches of both the Pakistani and Indian representatives were more restrained than on some occasions in the past. But the problem has been complicated at this end by two factors: Pakistan's negotiations with China for fixing the boundary between Azad Kashmir and China. This has created a great deal of resentment both in Parliament and outside. Advantage is being taken of this feeling to encourage purchase of Russian aircraft for the Indian Air Force; this would be justified in Parliament if the point should be raised on the plea that the U.S.A. has supplied Pakistan with equipment and therefore India must look elsewhere. Such an approach will prove acceptable to quite a number of people in the country and in Parliament.

The second factor is the recent riots in Malda which is in West Bengal (India) followed by similar occurrences at Dacca and Rajashahi, both in East Pakistan.

Moreover, Communist and pro-Communist elements in India have consistently linked up Pakistan's aggression in Azad Kashmir with China's aggression in Ladakh and in some of the Himalayan border areas. Their purpose is clear: they are anxious to represent Pakistan as India's main enemy with China only adopting the same tactics. From the point of view of the size of occupied territory, Pakistan's aggression covers over 40,000 sq. miles while in the case of China it is only about 12,000 sq. miles. India's resentment is thus divided between Pakistan and China with the former appearing to be the major culprit. That suits the Communist line admirably in India.

Another tactical advantage that the pro-Communist elements hope to secure is in regard to the possible lines of a settlement with Pakistan. Since Mr. Nehru is willing to accept the present cease-fire line as the permanent boundary between India and Pakistan, with of course minor adjustments which will not disturb the essential nature of the demarcation, the strategy of the Communists in India and their friends will be, in the first place, to oppose a solution which will amount to acquiescence in aggression. If, however, despite

which will amount to acquiescence in aggression. If, however, despite
and their friends will do, in the first place, to obviate a solution
nature of the demarcation, the strategy of the Communists in India
with of course minor adjustments which will not disturb the essential
cessing the line as the permanent pompany between India and Pakistan,
with Pakistan. Since Mr. Nehru is willing to accent the present
hope to secure it in regard to the possible lines of a settlement
Another tactical advantage that the pro-Communist elements

in India.

to be the major culprit. That unit the Communist line admirably
is thus divided between Pakistan and China with the former аббсентing
case of China it is only about 12,000 ad. miles while in the
Pakistans a segregation covers over 40,000 ad. miles while in the
tactica. From the point of view of the size of occupied territory,
Pakistan as India's main enemy with China only adopting the same
area. Their burials is clear: they are anxious to repressent
China's segregation in Lekh and in some of the Himalayan borders
consistently linked up Pakistan's segregation in Vazd Kashmir with
Moreover, Communist and pro-Communist elements in India have
in India.

Pakistani, both in East Pakistan.

The second factor is the recent riots in Muzaffarabad and
Meht Bungei (India) followed by similar occurrences at Patta and

where. Such an approach will prove acceptable to quite a number
aboltled Pakistan with equipment and therefore India must look elses-
ment if the point should be raised on the issue that the U. S. A. has
crashed for the Indian Air Force; this would be justified in Parlisa-
ping taken of this feeling to encourage purchases at Lusistan air-
depot of resentment both in Parliament and outside. Advantage is
pompany between Vazd Kashmir and China. This has created a great
two factors: Pakistan's negotiations with China for fixing the
in the bat. But the problem has been complicated at this end and by
Indian representatives were more restrained than on some occasions
distance, that on the whole the speeches of both the Pakistani and
as the speeches are concerned, it seems to me, judging from this
waiting for the debate on Kashmir in the Security Council. So far
I have taken time to reply to your letter of April 20th. I was

Dear Dr. Klaasen,

May 11, 1952

New Delhi - 3

85, Lodi Estate,

-: 2 :-

such opposition there should be a settlement on these lines - in-
conceivable in Pakistan's present mood - then the Indian Communists
can put forward a similar solution in regard to the problem of
China's aggression. In other words, it will mean the abandonment
of a large slice of Ladakh now in Chinese hands.

Personally, I do not think it will be possible for India, what-
ever may be said by the Government, to throw the Chinese out of
Ladakh. As I pointed out in an article, a copy of which I gave you,
on Ladakh's economy, the time factor is almost entirely on China's
side. The extinction of trade relations between Ladakh and the rest
of Kashmir which sooner or later will become inevitable will, I fear,
drive the Ladakhis into submission to China's authority.

I do not know if I told you that I am now working on two book
projects. One is about the work of the Indian Constituent Assembly
which I am doing under the sponsorship of the Indian Institute of
Public Administration, with the help of a team of young men who are
gathering the material. Our purpose broadly is to give a straight-
forward connected account of the work of the Constituent Assembly from
the first session to the last, indicating the forces that were at
work during the period - such as the attitude of the Muslim League
which resulted in the British Government deciding to split India into
two sovereign States of India and Pakistan. We will also give brief
sketches of the leading personalities who took part in the work of
the Constituent Assembly. I am writing an Introductory Survey on some
of the earlier attempts at framing a constitution for India and of the
forces which led up to the establishment of the Constituent Assembly
in 1946.

My second project is on what I shall probably call "The Twilight
of Freedom". I have a great deal of material with me, some of which
gathered from the State Department's papers for 1940-41 and 1942 on
the significant part played by President Roosevelt and his advisers
in their efforts to secure immediate freedom for India during the
critical phase of the second world war. At that time I was the New
Delhi Correspondent of the MANCHESTER GUARDIAN and the BALTIMORE SUN,
in addition to being on the staff of THE HINDU of Madras in a similar
capacity. I was in very close touch with President Roosevelt's
personal representatives in New Delhi, first Col. Louis Johnson and
then Mr. William Philip. Sir Stafford Cripps was a personal friend of
mine with whom I had intimate contacts. All my records of that time
and the private papers which could not be published, I am utilising
for the purpose of this project.

These two book projects, apart from occasional newspaper articles
which I do from time to time, keep me fully occupied.

-: 3 :-

There is one matter on which I would be grateful for your advice and if possible your assistance. Some of us have been thinking for the last two years of a research study on India's relations with her near neighbours; in particular, Pakistan, Nepal, Bhutan and Burma. We want to undertake a study of the possibilities of evolving joint arrangements in the sphere of trade and culture and also, if possible, defence. In regard to this last subject, there may be some difficulty because of Mr. Nehru's strong objection to any mutual defence pacts. I believe you have initiated at Harvard a similar study in regard to defence matters. It would help us considerably if we could have any literature bearing on the work that I believe has been attempted in Harvard.

With regards,

E

85 Lodi Estate,
New Delhi - 3

August 31, 1962

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

Somewhat unexpectedly I have been asked to be a member of a delegation sponsored by the Gandhi Peace Foundation to go out to Washington and New York, mainly in connection with a nuclear test ban. The delegation will consist of three, including myself. The other two will be, Mr. C. Rajagopalachari of whom you have doubtless heard, since he was one of the most important lieutenants of Mahatma Gandhi and held several important posts including that of Governor-General of India just before the transfer of power, and Mr. R.R. Diwaker, a former Minister of the Central Government and an ex-Governor of Bihar State and now the Chairman of the Gandhi Peace Trust.

The delegation will probably first go to Washington, if President Kennedy can find time to receive the delegation. It is likely to spend about a week in New York from about 23rd September. I do not know whether we shall have time and an opportunity to see you somewhere during the delegation's stay in the U.S.A. I need not say how happy I would be to renew my contact with you, if that is at all possible.

My address from about 18th September will be c/o The Indian Delegation to the U.N., No.3 East 64th Street, New York.

With kind regards,

85 Lodi Estate,
New Delhi - 3

June 4, 1963

Dear Prof. Kissinger,

Enclosed with this letter is an article which the "Hindu" of Madras published last week. The solution I have suggested is, in my personal view, the only sound and practical one for the problem of Kashmir. Obviously, it must be discussed with the representatives of Pakistan, India and Kashmir.

The appointment of a mediator will not advance matters any further than the series of talks between the Governments of India and Pakistan. Some positive proposal has to form the basis for the next stage of discussions. India cannot go further than an offer of independence to a unified Kashmir. It will be open to Pakistan and Kashmir to offer an alternative or a modification of this offer. It would be proper and fair for India to couple the offer with conditions necessitated by considerations of her own security, especially in view of China's aggression. There may have to be an interim arrangement until that threat has disappeared.

The proposal I have made is, I need hardly add, a personal view for which the responsibility is entirely mine.

85 Lodi Estate,
New Delhi - 3

October 16, 1964.

Jan Prof. Kissinger,

I have been thinking for some time of writing to you about developments in Kashmir. You are doubtless aware of Sheikh Abdullah's release and his subsequent activities. The position at the moment within Kashmir is fluid and uncertain. Bakshi Ghulam Mohamed who was the Prime Minister for ten years after the Sheikh was placed in detention in 1953 and later prosecuted in 1958, has now been detained; and a Commission, I understand, is likely to be appointed to enquire into the charges of corruption against him and some of his associates. The people in Kashmir, I am told, do not resent the use of the Defence of India Rules against Bakshi on the ground that after all he resorted to the same methods against Sheikh in 1953! He was corrupt from the start, but action is now being taken against him primarily because he and some of his followers in the Legislature were attempting to pass a vote of no confidence against the present Ministry headed by Sadiq. The precipitate manner in which Sadiq acted on the eve of the discussion of this motion leads me to conclude that he had good reasons to fear that the motion might be carried and bring about the downfall of his Ministry. Bakshi was arrested at 1 a.m. without previous warning to the Central Government, and in circumstances which deepen my suspicion that the primary motive was political.

Bakshi is an able but utterly unscrupulous individual who should have been thrown out many years ago. For the present Sadiq seems to have survived the crisis. He is expanding his Cabinet from 7 to 15 to find places, I presume, for those who would otherwise make trouble for him. Even so, I am not certain that he will be able to maintain himself in power for very long. In the present Kashmir Assembly of 75 members 70 were elected on Bakshi's ticket. Sadiq and his friends numbered about 18 at the time of his forming the Ministry.

-: 2 :-

A number of Bakshi's followers are probably still loyal to him; but with a harsh detention law in operation in Kashmir and the temptations of office or other prizes, one cannot say how many of Bakshi's followers will desert him. The fact that a number of financial grants were adopted without a vote in the last session of the Kashmir Assembly about a week ago suggests that Sadiq has managed to get into a position of comparative safety.

Nevertheless, Sadiq cannot overlook one major factor: he has never commanded large support among the people of Kashmir. He was formerly Sheikh's lieutenant and later Bakshi's. He has a reputation of being, on the whole, a man of integrity. He had pro-communist sympathies, if not affiliations. I have heard reports, however, that in the last few months he has had serious differences with Krishna Menon and members of his group. Whether these are of a personal nature or have affected his ideological affinities, I cannot say.

Sheikh Abdullah has now realised that impatience will not bring him any satisfactory results. I have been urging him ever since his release that he should go slow for several reasons. Public opinion, both in India and in Pakistan, is today unfavourable for an enduring and satisfactory solution of the Kashmir problem. The formula that Sheikh evolved soon after Nehru's death, namely that the solution of Kashmir's future should be such as to be acceptable to the people of Kashmir and those of India and Pakistan is sound from every point of view. After his interview with Ayub (about the time of Nehru's death) he seems to have formed the impression that Ayub would not be willing to part with Azad Kashmir. Sheikh has also realised that unless public opinion in India is converted to an acceptance of his formula, a solution on such a basis would be inconceivable.

After my recent trip to West Pakistan early in September, I am convinced more than ever before that an immediate solution is not possible. Ayub, with a contest for the Presidentship in front of him and a candidate like Miss Jinnah as his opponent, will not be in a position to make any commitment on Kashmir without exposing himself to the charge of having sacrificed Pakistan's interests to India's intransigence. During the next few months he will be compelled to use strong language and adopt a minatory posture. Until the spring of next year, therefore, the

-: 3 :-

details of a solution cannot be discussed.

Nevertheless, there are features in the present situation which seem to me to be favourable, provided one makes good use of the opportunities they offer. East Pakistan is bitterly critical of West Pakistan. Charges are made at every session of the National Assembly of neglect of her economic, social and cultural interests by West Pakistan. Primarily I think for that reason, Ayub has made a suggestion in public of a joint Flood Control Board. Such a Board, once it starts functioning, can do much to protect East Pakistan from disastrous floods. It is a project which is attractive from every point of view: and most of all from my standpoint, because it will emphasise the inter-dependence of East Pakistan and West Bengal. Since floods can be an annual occurrence, the Flood Control Board will be a constant reminder to the people of East Pakistan that they are dependent on the goodwill and co-operation of West Bengal.

The riots which took place some months ago in East Pakistan, with tragic repercussions in West Bengal and Bihar, have created a problem which is serious at the moment. There have been complaints by India of large-scale infiltration by Pakistani Muslims and similar complaints by Pakistan of evictions from the Indian side. This problem is not incapable of solution provided an acceptable procedure is adopted by the Home Ministers of the two countries.

What struck me above everything else during my brief visit to West Pakistan was the real and earnest desire of large numbers of the common people for friendly relations with India. Unfortunately, because of restrictions on the movement of correspondents, newspapers in both countries carry only one-sided reports, creating the impression that it is always the other country which is aggressive. For example, in Pakistan one read only about violations of the cease-fire line in Kashmir by Indian troops; on my return to New Delhi, I found similar reports in our papers of Pakistani violations! I have raised this particular matter with the Ministry of Information and Broadcasting with the suggestion that the present restriction on Pakistani correspondents in India should be withdrawn, even if for the moment Pakistan should decline to take similar and reciprocal action.

-: 4 :-

In many spheres I can see possibilities of
action which will bring about a change in the atmosphere:
I can mention, as examples, improving the volume of trade
between the two countries; an exchange of professors and
students; cultural and goodwill missions; withdrawal of
restrictions on travel and grant of visas; joint measures
for the eradication of malaria; locut and flood control.
In fact, one can think of a number of other topics, all
non-controversial, but capable of yielding fruitful
results through joint action. A sense of interdependence
thus fostered would make a great deal of difference in
tackling a controversial issue like Kashmir.

Jaya Prakash Narayan's visit to East Pakistan
has been postponed until the last week of November. The
reason for postponement is fairly obvious. Miss Jinnah
is visiting that region in the second half of October and
it would have embarrassed Jaya Prakash Narayan to be there
at the same time. Secondly, the election of 80,000 basic
democrats who will form the electoral college for the
election of the President next March is due early in
November.

Finally, the recent informal discussion between
Ayub and India's Prime Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri at
Karachi airport seems to have gone well. The joint com-
munique issued after a five hours' talk I consider to be
promising in its implications.

Phone : 611845

85, LODI ESTATE
NEW DELHI 3.

October 21, 1965

Dear Prof. Kissinger,

I am giving this note of introduction to Mr. S.C. Kashyap who is going to Washington for an year on a Congressional Fellowship. He is expected to make a thorough study of the working of the Congress and its various Committees. Any assistance that you can give him to make his stay in the U.S.A. more profitable will be greatly appreciated.

I have known Mr. Kashyap for the last three or four years as a research worker on the work of India's Constituent Assembly. He has shown a remarkable aptitude for research and will, I am sure, prove worthy of any opportunities that he may have during his stay in the U.S.A.

With warm regards,

Biographical Data regarding Subhash C. Kashyap
from India - who is at present in the United
States (Washington, D.C.) for the Congressional
Fellowship 1965-66

Full Name : SUBHASH CHANDRA KASHYAP

Date of Birth : 10th May 1929 - U.P., India.

Academic Qualifications : M.A. - First Class : 1950; University of Allahabad

LL.B. - First Class, both in prev. and final : 1949 & 1951; University of Allahabad.

LL.M. course of study completed with
Constitutional Law and Public Interna-
tional Law as special subjects: 1951-52.

D.Phil. dissertation on the political
and social Philosophy of Nietzsche and
its influence on contemporary thought
and practice; publication expected
shortly. (mimeographed copies already
available)

Professional and Research Experience :

Completed advocate's training at the
High Court: represented the U.P.
Government in the court of the competent
officer;

As a member of the teaching staff, took
degree and post-graduate classes at the
University of Allahabad.

Awarded Indo-West German Govt. fellowship for doctoral studies tenable at the University of Cologne, 1953.

Research papers, articles, short stories
etc. published in important Indian and
foreign journals from time to time: some
features also broadcast from A.I.R.

Apart from experience as a freelance
journalist, worked as the editor of some
English and Hindi periodicals.

P.T.O.

-: 2 :-

During 1953-1963 although worked as an officer on the research side of the Parliament Secretariat; carried on and supervised research in various fields, more particularly in constitutional law, administrative law and international affairs. Detailed studies undertaken included Constitutional History of India (1600 onwards), History of Constitution-making, Constitution of India at Work (1950-1960), Union State Relations, Administrative Tribunals, Ombudsman, Foreign Policy of India, UNESCO, Suez Canal, Juridical Digest (1950-1960), etc.

During February 1963-March 1965 engaged on a project on the Framing of India's Constitution (a five-volume study). The volumes are expected to be out soon (2 volumes already under print).

**Extra-curricular**
**Activities at**
**College and**
**University Stage**
: AS a student, participated in debates and elocution contests; won several prizes; presided over international Elocution Contests; acted as a judge in Inter-University Debates.

Elected President of the Allahabad University Union (1949-'50), Member of the Judicial Committee of the Union, Chief Editor of the Union magazine etc.; presided over several huge gatherings addressed by top Indian and foreign dignitaries including leaders like Pt. Nehru, Mrs. Roosevelt, Jaya Prakash Narain, C. Rajagopalachari, Pt. Pant and others; Member of the Executives of NUS and WUS; Executive Chairman, University Students Organisation; convened an Asian University Students' Conference.

Toured extensively in Indian villages (in U.P.) often with national leaders; active member of the Social Service League; a senior rover associated with adult education centres etc.

.....3/-

-: 3 :-

**Present and**
**Previous**
**Appointments**

Lecturer (Asstt. Professor), University of Allahabad;

Assistant Custodian (Legal), U.P.
Government;

Chief Research Officer, Parliament
Secretariat, in charge of the Research
and Reference Service; later also
incharge of the Parliament Library;

Chief Research Officer, Indian
Institute of Public Administration -
in charge of the research project on
the Framing of India's Constitution;

Officer-in-Charge of the Library,
Research and Reference Service and
Parliamentary Fellowship Scheme,
Institute of Constitutional and
Parliamentary Studies;

Selected as a Congressional Fellow
from India for the 1965-66 term,
placed in the First position.

**Main Fields of**
**Interest**

(1) Constitutional Law

(2) Administrative Law

(3) International Law

(4) Political and Social Thought

(5) Legislative processes

Phone : 611845

85, LODI ESTATE
NEW DELHI 3.

March 4, 1966

Dear Prof. Kissinger,

About two weeks ago When Vice-
President Humphrey and Mr. Harriman were in New
Delhi to see our new Prime Minister, Mrs.
Gandhi, I drew up a note on Kashmir, reviewing
the latest position from my own point of view.
The note was intended primarily to clarify my
own thoughts; but I ventured to send a copy to
Mr. Harriman whom I have known for some years.
I had a very satisfactory response from him,
though because of his short stay in New Delhi,
I was unable to see him in person.

I thought you might be interested in
my views on Kashmir. Is there any prospect of
your coming out to India in the near future?

I have been wondering whether I can
sometimes commend to your notice some young
and middle-aged men in India who would greatly
benefit by a brief period at Harvard. I have
particularly in my mind a man who is just about
forty and is now in business. He is an except-
ionally intelligent person with a deserved
reputation for high integrity and I have often
felt that a few weeks at Harvard would help him
a great deal if arrangements could be made.

With warm regards,

Yours ever,

With warm regards,

a great deal of arrangements could be made.
It would be a few weeks at Harvard would help him
reputation for high integrity and I have often
intended to see him in person. He is an except-
tially in my mind a man who is that about
benefit by a brief period at Harvard. I have
and middle-aged men in India who would greatly
sometimes commend to your notice some young

your coming out to India in the near future?
my views on Kaumir. Is there any prospect of
I thought you might be interested in

I was unable to see him in person.
though because of his short stay in New Delhi,
I had a very satisfactory response from him.
Mr. Harriman whom I have known for some years.
I was intended primarily to clarify my
the latest position from my own point of view.
Gandhi, I drew up a note on Kaumir, reviewing
Delhi to see our new Prime Minister, Mr.
President Humphrey and Mr. Harriman were in New
About two weeks ago when Vice-

Dear Prof. Klaasen,

March 4, 1966

NEW DELHI 3.
82' RODI ESTATE

Phone : 811842

March 30, 1966

Mr. B. Rao
85 Lodi Estate
New Delhi 3
India

My dear Mr. Rao:

Thank you for your letter of
March 4th with your very interesting
note about Kashmir. It is always
a pleasure to hear from you.

I would be happy at any time
to have your suggestions of people
who might profit from a brief visit
at Harvard. Your recommendation
would always weigh very heavily.

With kind regards.

Henry V. Klaander

Sincerely yours,

With kind regards.

would always weigh very heavily.
at Harvard. Your recommendation
who might profit from a brief visit
to have your suggestions of people
I would be happy at any time

a pleasure to hear from you.

note about Kasmir. It is always
March 4th with your very interesting
Thank you for your letter of

My dear Mr. Rao:

Indis
New Delhi 3
82 LoDI Estate
Mr. B. Rao

March 30, 1966

Phone : 611845

85, LODI ESTATE
NEW DELHI 3.

September 23, 1966

SEP 27 1966

Dear Prof. Kissinger,

About six months ago you were kind enough to tell me that if there was any bright young person who would benefit from a stay at Harvard, I may pass on the name to you.

Enclosed herewith are the details concerning Mr. Ashok J. Kenkare. He has had an excellent record throughout his career and is now working in the I.B.M. He thinks that if he could get eight or ten weeks at Harvard to do Business Administration with particular reference to operational research it would help him a great deal. I am writing to you early, so that you may have more time for placing him. I hope it will not be going too much out of your way, since Kenkare's field of interest is very different from yours. He comes from an extremely poor family and I have been greatly impressed by his quality, personality and achievements.

I do not know if you get the monthly publication of Chatham House in London entitled *The World Today*. In its August issue I wrote an article on "Political Trends in India", in which I have made some reference to Kashmir. I venture to think that the article may be of interest to you.

Our general elections are due in the middle of February and political parties are getting ready for the contest. The Congress party with serious dissensions within its ranks and lack of a clear-cut policy in many fields will certainly find the next elections far more formidable than the last three ones.

Is there any prospect of your coming out to India? I will be delighted to see you and have a talk.

With warm personal regards,

R E S U M E

I. PERSONAL

NAME: Ashok J. Kenkare
DATE OF BIRTH: September 6 1940
AGE: 26 years
NATIONALITY: INDIAN
MARTIAL STATUS: Single
FOREIGN LANG. KNOWN: English, French, Portuguese

II EDUCATIONAL QUALIFICATIONS:

Academic:

B. Com. 1961 I class Uni. 1st Statistics & Economics
M. Com. 1963 I Class Univ. 1st Statistics, Economics and OR

Training:

IBM Basic Machines Course, India

IBM 1401 & 1620 Programming Course, India

IBM Business Applications Course, India

IBM Advanced Methods Course India

IBM Programming Systems Training Tokyo

Experience:

Lecturer in Commerce Chinai College Bombay University

Duties: Teaching commerce, Commercial Arithmetic etc. for 1 semester

System Engineer, IBM World Trade Corporation, Bombay for 2 years

Instructor, IBM Education Centre, New Delhi for one year.

Academic Honours:

Merit Scholar Bombay University for 2 years

Post graduate Fellow, Sydenham College of Commerce & Economics, Bombay

Winner of several Scholarships & prizes

**********