09/07 '99 FRI 16:49 FAX 49 2283392219

US EMB PROTOCOL

001

AMERICAN EMBASSY BONN/BERLIN

OFFICE OF THE AMBASSADOR

Deichmannsaue 29
53179 Bonn, Germany

Tel: 0228-339-2922

Fax: 0228-339-2219

Neustädtische Kirchstr. 4-5
10117 Berlin, Germany

Tel: 030-238-

Fax: 030-238-

JUL 09 1999

To: Henry Kissinger
Fax #: 212-753-7248

From: Christine Elder, Special Advisor to the Ambassador
Date: July 9, 1999

Re: Publication of the Embassy Festschrift
Total Pages: 1

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I am delighted to report that the Embassy Festschrift was completed in time for the President's visit to Germany last month and has recently been unveiled at the Haus der Geschichte Museum in Bonn. It was an honor for me to work with you on this project and we are proud that you are a permanent part of our history. Ambassador Komblum has written you a letter and signed one of the ten books you will receive via pouch. The transit time for pouched mail is variable during the summer, so I just wanted you to know that the fruits of your labor are en route. Starting at the end of August, I will be taking on the additional responsibilities of the Cultural Attaché and Director of the Amerika Haus in Berlin. If your travels take you to Germany, please do not hesitate to contact me.

New phone number in Berlin as of August 15: (030) 201-1153 (49) (80) 31107407

JUL-12-1999 12:50

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.03

EMBASSY OF THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
BONN

THE AMBASSADOR

February 1, 1999

The Honorable Henry Kissinger
Kissinger Associates, Inc.
350 Park Avenue, 26th Floor
New York, NY 10022

Dear Henry:

As we begin to count down the months in Bonn, it is important that the historical role of the U.S. Embassy not be lost to the future. Together with Bertelsmann Verlag, we have decided to produce a *Festschrift*, or diplomatic scrapbook, covering the role of the United States and this Embassy in the growth of the Federal Republic and in the Rhineland community over the past fifty years. We wish to handle the historical parts with brief accounts by a few prominent American and German leaders recalling critical periods in our relationship. The book will play a central role in our departure ceremonies this summer.

You have played an important role throughout the development of the relationship, from your early days of government service through your continued involvement with the American Academy. I think the dinner speech you gave last March at the Trilateral Commission does an excellent job of describing how 50 years of German-American partnership have given rise to the Atlantic Community we have today.

With your permission, I would like to include your speech in our book. I understand Gary Smith would like to see this in as well, and I will make sure Klaus Mangold approves the reprinting of the text. As is always the case with producing books, we are under some time pressure, so I would be most grateful for a quick response. I hope you can join us in this project, as it is something I have given a great deal of thought to over the years, and hope will be an appropriate tribute to those who played a critical role in the fulfillment the American dream of a united, democratic Germany.

TOTAL P.03

MAY-12-1998 15:32

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.02

Henry Kissinger

American/Trilateral Commission Dinner

Berlin

March 20, 1998

Let me first of all say that the fact that there is an American Academy is due to one man: Richard Holbrooke. His diplomacy is based on the principle that it is more painful to get rid of him than to do what he wants. So I would urge all the people who will be approached by him over the next weeks and months: Give to him gracefully. It is too nerve-wracking to have a grown man crying at your door all the time. But the Academy is a tribute to his inspiration, to his dedication and my only contribution has been that I did something which people in this room will know I never do - for I absolutely refuse to raise money for anybody. But since it was more painful to get rid of Holbrooke, I have supported his efforts and also because this means a lot to me personally.

Now I may have caused a number of misconceptions. When American intellectuals write about me they create the impression that in my youth in Germany I read Bismarck by candlelight. Therefore they always speak of my Prussian proclivities and I cannot really seem to explain to them that my father - a devout Bavarian - never crossed the Main river in his life. Yesterday when I arrived, some journalists asked me what it means to me to see my old capital so revitalized. I was a little tactless and said: My old capital was Munich, not Berlin. Then, this evening, another journalist asked me whether I feel more German or more American. My education and upbringing were basically in America and I feel American, but the Germany I remember best, the Germany that shaped me and my attachment to the country and its people is not the Germany where I was brought up, but the Germany I saw from the end of the war on. And in this room there are many friends and comrades of that particular struggle.

MAY-12-1998 15:32

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.03

I was in Berlin in January 1946. At that time nobody would have believed that you could clear away the rubble in 50 years. And the vision that you could ever have a building like this in Berlin would have been considered a sign of madness. That a unified Germany would emerge as a central factor in European and world politics would have been considered a dream. I have always admired the courage and moral strength it took to start again in Germany after the debacle of the war. And in those days to go from one Landkreis to the other, to communicate from one Landkreis to the other, was an adventure.

When I was a child, I thought that people of my current age group were somehow intrinsically different and that they had been put in the world as 70 year-olds and would remain that way while I would always repeat being 20. But by now I have known every German chancellor and most of the political leaders of Germany since the end of the war. And I think the ties that have been built between America and the United States are due to the dedication, to the democratic spirit and to the act of faith that their efforts represented.

When I was a young professor, I once called on President Truman and asked him of which of his achievements was he most proud. And he said: "I am most proud that we totally defeated all enemies. And then we brought them back to the community of nations as equals and created a community of democratic nations." And then he said, perhaps a little chauvinistically, "I'd like to think that only Americans could have done that." And actually there is something to that. It took a certain naivete to believe that this was possible. But it couldn't have worked if the Germany of the late Forties had not had the faith to rebuild their country and to do so on the side of the democracies. The decision of the German leaders was that they would rather be divided but with the West rather than enter again the complex national policy of a country with more borders than any other, more neighbors than any other. Without that act of renunciation, Germany's recovery and eventual unification could not have happened.

MAY-12-1998 15:32

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.04

3

Having mentioned an experience with Truman, let me say a few words about my experiences with two German Chancellors, experiences which embody the spirit of the German-American partnership.

In 1962, President Kennedy sent me to brief Chancellor Adenauer about American nuclear strategy in some detail. At the time, this was an unusual demonstration of confidence extended to no other ally except Great Britain. I was accompanied by our Ambassador, Adenauer by an interpreter, for my German was far better for football than for nuclear issues. Adenauer gave me his word not to share this information with anyone. A decade and a half later, I received a letter from the interpreter which moved me deeply. The interpreter revealed that he had made a summary of my remarks - which interpreters do automatically - and handed them to Adenauer. The Chancellor said he had given his word not to share this information and he could not guarantee it if a written record existed. Therefore, he asked the interpreter to destroy the transcript.

In the late Seventies I met Chancellor Schmidt shortly after the rescue of the hostages at Mogadishu. Usually somewhat reserved and Hanseatic, Schmidt told me through what agonies he had gone in the hours before he knew the rescue had succeeded. How much worse will be the decision for nuclear war. And yet, a few years later, he was the driving force behind placing nuclear missiles on German soil - a decision which cost him his Chancellorship but arguably was one of the major factors in winning the Cold War.

We have worked together for over 50 years now and what resulted from this was an Atlantic Community. It was not done by Germany alone, but Germany was the absolutely indispensable element on the European side of that construction. We

MAY-12-1998 15:33

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.05

4

created an Atlantic structure and then a European Community but now we live in a
totally new world for both of us. American foreign policy has usually been dealing
with some overwhelming danger that could be described as absolutely evil. That
doesn't exist anymore. Our foreign policy has been to solve a problem and then to
present it to the public as if the problem were gone and now we go on to another
problem.

But now we do not have a clear cut enemy or an ideologically identifiable and
overwhelming challenge. Now we have to create structures and systems over an
indefinite period of time and when Germany does it as a united country it runs the
risk of raising some of the old fears. Therefore we have to create a new sense of
the Atlantic Community and to give the existing structures a new content.

When our troops withdrew from Berlin, Berlin had been the symbol of standing up to totalitarian danger. Berlin in the 1960s really broke everybody's heart when the wall was built. So now the question is, can Berlin still fulfill this unifying role? And it was, I must say, Richard Holbrooke's idea, which a few of us supported, to say: Let us put something of the transcended cold-war period here that organically ties our two countries together. And that is really the spirit we are trying to represent. But it's only a symbol, an important symbol, but still a symbol. What is really crucial is that our two countries, and Europe and America together, remember that it is in the nature of the emergence of a new international system that a whole host of problems will keep arising. Modern politics and modern media and maybe modern education drive one to dealing with them on a daily basis - and to address the urgent but not often the important. Thus in addition to what the American Academy does - what our two countries and beyond our two countries what Europe and America must do - we must identify the long-range problems and see what our ultimate focus should be.

MAY-12-1998 15:33

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.06

5

In this sense, when people ask me what does Germany mean to me, it isn't that I was born here. That I was born here enables me to speak the language which, given my Franconian accent, Berliners may claim is not their own. But to be able to speak the German language has enabled me to communicate. What ties me to Germany is what Germany has done in partnership with us for democracy, for freedom, and for the Western community since the war. And that is what we should not only preserve but also extend. To this, the American Academy has tried to make a contribution. Thank you very much.

TOTAL P.06

MAY-12-1998 13:43

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.02

Henry Kissinger

Berlin

March 20, 1998

MAY-12-1998 13:43

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.03

2

MAY-12-1998 13:44

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.04

3
there are many friends and comrades of that particular struggle.

MAY-12-1998 13:44

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.05

4
known every German chancellor and most of the political leaders of Germany

MAY-12-1998 13:44

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.06

German leaders that they would rather be divided but with the West rather than enter again the complex national policy of a country with more borders than any other, more neighbors than any other. Without that act of renunciation, Germany's recovery and eventual unification could not have happened.

MAY-12-1998 13:44

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.07

MAY-12-1998 13:44

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.08

7

We have worked together for over 50 years now and what resulted from this was
an Atlantic Community. It was not done by Germany alone, but Germany was the
absolutely indispensable element on the European side of that construction. We
created an Atlantic structure and then a European Community but now we live in a
totally new world for both of us. American foreign policy has usually been dealing
with some overwhelming danger that could be described as absolutely evil. That
doesn't exist anymore. Our foreign policy has been to solve a problem and then to
present it to the public as if the problem were gone and now we go on to another
problem.

MAY-12-1998 13:45

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.09

MAY-12-1998 13:45

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.10

9

MAY-12-1998 13:45

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.11

10

TOTAL P.11

Henry Kissinger

Berlin

March 20, 1998

2

3

We have worked together for over 50 years now and what resulted from this was an Atlantic Community. It was not done by Germany alone, but Germany was the absolutely indispensable element on the European side of that construction. We created an Atlantic structure and then a European Community but now we live in a totally new world for both of us. American foreign policy has usually been dealing with some overwhelming danger that could be described as absolutely evil. That doesn't exist anymore. Our foreign policy has been to solve a problem and then to

4

Henry Kissinger

Berlin

March 20, 1998

2

When I was a young professor, I once called on President Truman and asked him of which of his achievements was he most proud. And he said: "I am most proud that we totally defeated all enemies. And then we brought them back to the community of nations as equals and created a community of democratic nations." And then he said, perhaps a little chauvinistically, "I'd like to think that only Americans could have done that." And actually there is something to that. It took a certain naiveté to believe that this was possible. But it couldn't have worked if the Germany of the late Forties had not had the faith to rebuild their country and to do so on the side of the democracies. The decision of the German leaders was that they would rather be divided but with the West rather than enter again the complex national policy of a country with more borders than any other, more neighbors than any other. Without that act of renunciation, Germany's recovery and eventual unification could not have happened.

8

3

5

TOTAL P.06

MAY-07-1998 19:20

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.01

Henry Kissinger

Berlin

March 20, 1998

I once gave a speech in a room that had a big dome like this and one result was
that nobody at one end of the room could hear what was being said at the other.

That was a dinner for the French Foreign Minister in Washington and the next day
the Washington Post said it was a fascinating dinner. Henry Kissinger had
declared war on France and the French Foreign Minister thanked him for his
brilliant and thoughtful speech. Nobody could hear what the other was saying. I
must also point out that when I was invited to come here I was told that I should
extend a few greetings but now this has been upgraded to remarks to a group that
has heard all kinds of speeches today, and to another group that will hear all
kinds of speeches tomorrow. So I will be merciful and not give one of my standard

MAY-07-1998 19:20

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.02

2
assured speeches. [So don't get too, too relaxed about it.]

Let me first of all say that the fact that there is an American Academy is due to
one man: Richard Holbrooke. His diplomacy is based on the principle that it is
more painful to get rid of him than to do what he wants. So I would urge all the
people who will be approached by him over the next weeks and months: Give to
him *gratefully*: It is too nerve-wracking to have a grown man crying at your door all
the time. But *really*: it is a tribute to his inspiration, to his dedication and my only
contribution has been that I did something which people in this room will know I
never do - for I absolutely refuse to raise money for anybody. But since it was
more painful to get rid of Holbrooke, I have supported his efforts and also
because this means a lot to me personally.

MAY-07-1998 19:20

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.03

3
intellectuals write about me they create the impression that in my youth in

refused to cross the Main river. Yesterday when I arrived, some journalists asked

and said: My old capital was Munich, Then, this evening, another journalist asked

the Germany that shaped me and the Germany that shaped my attachment to

the country + its people

Germany is not the Germany where I was brought up, but the Germany I saw from

that particular struggle.

MAY-07-1998 19:20

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.04

4

could clear away the rubble in 50 years. And the idea that you could ever have a
building like this in Berlin would have been considered a sign of madness. Or the
idea that a unified Germany would emerge as a central factor in European and
world politics would have been considered a dream. I have always admired the
courage and moral strength it took to start again in Germany after the debacle of
the war. And in those days to go from one Landkreis to the other, to communicate
from one Landkreis to the other, was an adventure. When I was a child, I thought
that people of my current age group were somehow intrinsically different and that
they had been put in the world as 70 year-olds and would remain that way while I
would always repeat being 20.

MAY-07-1998 19:20

KAI DC

212 753 7248

5

what it was that he had done, of which he was most proud. And he said: "Of what am I most proud?" that we totally defeated all enemies. And then we brought them back to the community of nations as equals and created a community of democratic nations." And then he said, perhaps a little chauvinistically, "I'd like to think that only Americans could have done that." And actually there is something to that. That is, it took a people of a certain naïveté to believe that this was possible.

But it couldn't have worked, as I said this afternoon in introducing Chancellor

Kohl, if the Germany of the Forties had not had the faith to prefer division to an uncertain return to national politics, and the decision of the German leaders that they would rather be divided from the West than enter again the complex national

MAY-07-1998 19:20

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.06

6

MAY-07-1998 19:21

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.07

7
to share this information with anyone. A decade and a half later, I received a
letter from the interpreter which moved me deeply. The interpreter revealed that
he had made a summary of my remarks - which interpreters do automatically - and
handed them to Adenauer. The Chancellor said he had given his word not to
share this information and he could not guarantee it if a written record existed.
Therefore, he asked the interpreter to destroy the transcript.

MAY-07-1998 19:21

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.08

8
of the major factors in winning the Cold War.

We have worked together for over 50 years now and what resulted from this was an Atlantic Community. It wasn't done by Germany alone, but Germany was the absolutely indispensable element on the European side of that construction. We created an Atlantic structure and then a European Community but now we live in a totally new world for both of us. American foreign policy has usually been dealing with some overwhelming danger that could be described as absolutely evil. That doesn't exist anymore. Our foreign policy has been to solve a problem and then to present it to the public as if the problem were gone and now we go on to another problem.

For Germany in the post-war period that provided a nice framework. But now we don't have a clear cut enemy or an ideologically identifiable and overwhelming

MAY-07-1998 19:21

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.09

9

to the danger, Berlin in the 1960s really broke everybody's heart when the wall

Let us put something of the [illegible] cold-war period here that organically ties our
two countries together. And that is really the spirit we are trying to represent. But

MAY-07-1998 19:21

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.10

10

education drive one to dealing with them on a daily basis - and so to deal with the

urgent but not often to get to the important. Thus in addition to what the American

MAY-07-1998 19:21

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.11

11

TOTAL P.11

## Insert

In the late Seventies I met Chancellor Schmidt shortly after the rescue of the hostages at Mogadishu. Usually somewhat reserved and Hanseatic, Schmidt told me through what agonies he had gone in the hours before he knew the rescue had succeeded. How much worse will be the decision for nuclear war. And yet a few years later he was the driving force behind placing nuclear missiles on German soil - a decision which cost him his Chancellorship but arguably was one of the major factors in winning the Cold War.

⊗

MAY-07-1998 13:42

KAI DC

212 753 7248

Henry Kissinger

Berlin

March 20, 1998

I once gave a speech in a room that had a big dome like this and one result was that nobody at one end of the room could hear what was being said at the other. That was a dinner for the French Foreign Minister in Washington and the next day the Washington Post said it was a fascinating dinner: Henry Kissinger had declared war on France and the French Foreign Minister thanked him for his brilliant and thoughtful speech. Nobody could hear what the other was saying. I must also point out that when I was invited to come here I was told that I should extend a few greetings but now this has been upgraded to remarks to a group that has heard all kinds of speeches today; and to another group that will hear all kinds of speeches tomorrow. So I will be merciful and not give one of my standard assured speeches. [So don't get too, too relaxed about it.]

MAY-07-1998 13:42

KAI DC

212 753 7248

2

more painful to get rid of him than to do what he wants. So I would urge all the people that will be approached by him over the next weeks and months: Give him gratefully. It is too nerve-wracking to have a grown man crying at your door all the time. But really it is a tribute to his inspiration, to his dedication and my only contribution has been that I did something which people in this room will know I never do - for I absolutely refuse to raise money for anybody. But since it was more painful to get rid of Holbrooke, I have supported his efforts and also because this means a lot to me personally.

Now I may have caused a number of misconceptions. When American intellectuals write about me they create the impression that in my youth in Germany I read Bismarck by candlelight. Therefore they always speak of my Prussian proclivities and I cannot really seem to explain to them that my father refused to cross the Main river. Yesterday when I arrived, some journalists asked me what it means to me to see my old capital so revitalized. I was a little tactless and said: My old capital was Munich. Then, this evening, another journalist asked

MAY-07-1998 13:42

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.04

3

me whether I feel more German or more American. My education and upbringing
were basically in America and I feel American, but the Germany I remember best,
the Germany that shaped me and the Germany that shaped my attachment to
Germany is not the Germany where I was brought up, but the Germany I saw from
the end of the war on. And in this room there are many friends and comrades of
that particular struggle.

I was in Berlin in January 1946. At that time nobody would have believed that you
could clear away the rubble in 50 years. And the idea that you could ever have a
building like this in Berlin would have been considered a sign of madness. Or the
idea that a unified Germany would emerge as a central factor in European and
world politics would have been considered a dream. I have always admired the
courage and moral strength it took to start again in Germany after the debacle of
the war. And in those days to go from one Landkreis to the other, to communicate
from one Landkreis to the other was an adventure. When I was a child, I thought
that people of my current age group were somehow intrinsically different and that

MAY-07-1998 13:43

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.05

4

When I was a young professor, I once called on President Truman and I asked
him what it was that he had done of which he was most proud. And he said: "Of
what I'm most proud is that we totally defeated all enemies. And then we brought
them back to the community of nations as equals and created a community of
democratic nations." And then he said, perhaps a little chauvinistically, "I'd like to
think that only Americans could have done that." And actually there is something
to that. That it took a people of a certain naiveté to believe that this was possible.

But it couldn't have worked if, as I said this afternoon in introducing Chancellor
Kohl, the Germany of the Forties had not had the faith to prefer division to an

MAY-07-1998 13:43

KAI DC

212 753 7248

5

uncertain return to national politics; and the decision of the German leaders that they would rather be divided from the West than enter again the complex national policy of a country with more borders than any other, more neighbors than any other. Without that act of renunciation, Germany's recovery and eventual unification could not have happened.

MAY-07-1998 13:43

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.07

6

In the late Seventies I met Chancellor Schmidt shortly after the rescue of the hostages at Mogadishu. Usually somewhat reserved and Hanseatic, Schmidt told me through what agonies he had gone in the hours before he knew the rescue had succeeded. How much worse will be the decision for nuclear war. And yet a few years later, he was the driving force behind placing nuclear missiles on German soil - a decision which cost him his Chancellorship but arguably was one of the major factors in winning the Cold War.

MAY-07-1998 13:43

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.08

7

For Germany in the post-war period that provided a nice framework. But now we
don't have a clear cut enemy or an ideologically identifiable and overwhelming
challenge. Now we have to create structures and systems over an indefinite
period of time and when Germany does it as a united country it runs the risk of
raising some of the old fears. Therefore we have to create a new sense of the
Atlantic Community and to give the existing structures a new content.

When our troops withdrew from Berlin, Berlin had been the symbol of standing up
to the danger, Berlin in the 1960s really broke everybody's heart when the wall

MAY-07-1998 13:43

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.09

8

was built. So now the question is, can Berlin still fulfill this unifying role? And it
was, I must say, Richard Holbrooke's idea, which a few of us supported, to say:
Let us put something of the deposed cold-war period here that organically ties our
two countries together. And that is really the spirit we are trying to represent. But
it's only a symbol, an important symbol, but still a symbol. What is really crucial is
that our two countries, and Europe and America together, remember that it is in
the nature of the emergence of a new international system that a whole host of
problems will keep arising. Modern politics and modern media and maybe modern
education drive one to eating with them on a daily basis. And so to deal with the
urgent but not often to get to the important. Thus in addition to what the American
Academy does - what our two countries and beyond our two countries what
Europe and America must do - we must identify the long-range problems and see
what our ultimate focus should be.

MAY-07-1998 13:44

KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.10

9

TOTAL P.10

14-APR-98 16:17 FROM: USIS BERLIN

ID: +493031107418

Henry Kissinger

I held a speech in a room that had a big dome like this and one result was that nobody at one end of the room could hear what was said at the other. That was a dinner for the French Foreign Minister in Washington and the next day the Washington Post said it was a fascinating dinner. Henry Kissinger declared war on France and the French Foreign Minister thanked him for his brilliant thoughtful speech and nobody could hear what the other one was saying. I must also point out that when I was invited to come here I was told that I should extend a few greetings and now this has been upgraded to remarks to a group that has heard all kinds of speeches today. And to another group that will hear all kinds of speeches tomorrow, so I will be merciful. And give not one of my standards assured speeches, so don't get too, too relaxed about it.

But let me first of all say the fact that there is an American Academy at all due to one man, Richard Holbrook. His diplomacy is based on the principle that it is more painful to get rid of him than to do what he wants. So I would urge all the people that will be approached by him over the next weeks and months: Give him gratefully. It is too nerve-wracking to have a grown man crying at your door all the time. But it really is a tribute to his inspiration, to his dedication and my only contribution has been that I did something that, people in this room will know, I never do, I absolutely refuse to raise money for anybody. But it was more painful to get rid of Holbrook, so I have supported his efforts and also because this means personally a lot to me.

Now I may have caused a number of misconceptions. American intellectuals when they write about me create the impression that in my youth in Germany I red Bismarck by candlelight. And so they always speak of my Prussian proclivities and I cannot really explain to them, that my father refused to cross the Main river. Yesterday when I arrived, some journalists asked me what it means to me to be in my old capital seeing it so revitalized. I was a little tactless and said: My old capital was Munich. Then this evening another journalist asked me whether I feel more

ID: +493031107410

German or more American. And I, my education, my upbringing were basically in America and I feel American, but the Germany I remember best, the Germany that shaped me and the Germany that shaped my attachment to Germany is not the Germany where I was brought up, but the Germany I saw from the end of the war on. And in this room there are many friends and comrades of that particular struggle.

I was in Berlin in January 1946. At that time nobody would have believed that you could clear away the rubble in 50 years. And the idea that you could ever have a building like this in Berlin would have been considered a sign of madness. Or the idea that a unified Germany would emerge as a central factor in European and world politics would have been a dream. I have always admired the courage and moral strength it took to start again in Germany after the debacle of the war. And in those days to go from one Landkreis to the other, to communicate from one Landkreis to the other was an adventure. I am getting told now that I always thought that people of my current age were different when I was a child. I thought they were put in the world as 70 year olds and they'd remain that way and I would always repeat 20.

When I was a young professor I once called on President Truman and I asked him what it was that he had done, of which he was most proud. And he said: "Of what I'm most proud is that we totally defeated all enemies. And then we brought them back to the community of nations as equals and created a community of democratic nations." And then he said perhaps a little chauvinistically: "I'd like to think that only Americans could have done that." And actually there is something to that. That it took a people of a certain naivety to believe that this was possible. But it couldn't have worked if, as I said this afternoon in introducing Chancellor

ID: +493031107418

Kohl, if the Germany of the forties had not had the faith to prefer division to an uncertain return to national politics. And the decision of the German leaders to say that they would rather be divided with the West than to enter again the complex national policy of a country with more borders than any other, more neighbors than any other. Without that it could not have happened.

So we have worked together now for over 50 years and what resulted from this was an Atlantic Community, it wasn't done by Germany alone, but Germany was the absolutely indispensable element in the European side of that construction. We created an Atlantic structure and then a European Community and now we live in a totally new world for both of us. For America foreign policy has usually been dealing with an overwhelming danger that could be described as absolutely evil. That doesn't exist. Our foreign policy has been to solve a problem and then to present it to a public that this problem is gone, now we go to another problem. For Germany in the post-war period that provided a nice framework. But now we don't have a clear cut enemy. Nor an ideological identifiable overwhelming challenge. Now we have to create structures and systems over an indefinite period of time. In which - when Germany does it as a united country - It has the high potential or some potential of raising old fears. So that now we have the need to create a new sense of the Atlantic Community - and to give the existing structures a new content. When our troops withdrew from Berlin, Berlin had been the symbol of standing up to the danger, Berlin in the 1960's really broke everybody's heart when the wall was built. So now the question was, can Berlin still fulfill this unifying role? And it was, I must say, Richard Holbrook's idea, which a few of us supported, to say: Let us put something of the deposed cold-war period here that organically ties our two countries together. And that was really this spirit that we try to represent. But it's only a symbol, an important symbol but still a symbol. What is really crucial is that our two countries and that Europe and America together remember that in the nature of the emergence of a new international system a whole host of problems keep arising. Modern politics and modern media and maybe modern education drive one to deal with them on a daily basis. And so to deal with the urgent and not often to get to the important. So in addition to what

14-APR-98 16:18 FROM: USIS BERLIN

ID:+493031107418

the American Academy does, what our two countries and beyond our two countries what Europe and America must do, is to identify the long-range problems and to see what our ultimate focus is.

So in this sense when people ask me what does Germany mean to me, it isn't that I was born here. That I was born here enables me to speak the language which Berlin has (what I even deny) given my franconian accent. But to speak the German language has enabled me to communicate. What ties me is what Germany has done for democracy, for freedom, for the Western community since the war in partnership with us and that is what we should not only preserve but do extend. To this the American Academy has tried to make a contribution. Thank you very much.

DAIMLERBENZ

AKTIENGESELLSCHAFT

Dr. Klaus Mangold

Member of the Board of Management

April 3, 1998 /so

MAY 0 8 1998

Mr. Henry A. Kissinger
Kissinger Assoc.
350 Park Avenue
New York NY 10022
USA

Fax-no. 001-212-759-0042

Dear Henry,

In the name of all my colleagues of the Board of Management, I would
like to express my very special gratitude and thanks for your remarks at
our recent American/Trilateral Commission dinner in Berlin. Your
unrehearsed, spontaneous words were not only important and
impressive but they touched us deeply. We had the distinct impression
that they came from the heart and were therefore all the more
significant. What you said so well about your own feelings and sense of
national identity has deep meaning for Americans and Germans alike.

Many of those who heard you have asked us for the text of your
remarks. I know it was not planned that way, but would you be willing to
allow us to publish what you said in a small brochure especially
prepared for that purpose? I am enclosing a copy of your remarks as
we recorded them, and it would be entirely acceptable - and indeed
most welcome - if you would not only edit them but also make whatever
elaborations or additions you think appropriate.

... /2

Daimler-Benz AG
D-70546 Stuttgart
Federal Republic of Germany
Phone +49-711-17-943 60
Telefax +49-711-17-943 62

Henry Kissinger

I held a speech in a room that had a big dome like this and one result was that nobody at one end of the room could hear what was said at the other. That was a dinner for the French Foreign Minister in Washington and the next day the Washington Post said it was a fascinating dinner, Henry Kissinger declared war on France and the French Foreign Minister thanked him for his brilliant thoughtful speech and nobody could hear what the other one was saying. I must also point out that when I was invited to come here I was told that I should extend a few greetings and now this has been upgraded to remarks to a group that has heard all kinds of speeches today. And to another group that will hear all kinds of speeches tomorrow, so I will be merciful. And give not one of my standards assured speeches, so don't get too, too relaxed about it.

But let me first of all say the fact that there is an American Academy is due to one man, Richard Holbrook. His diplomacy is based on the principle that it is more painful to get rid of him than to do what he wants. So I would urge all the people that will be approached by him over the next weeks and months: Give him gratefully. It is too nerve-wracking to have a grown man crying at your door all the time. So, but it really is a tribute to his inspiration, to his dedication and my only contribution has been that I did something that, people in this room will know, I never do, I absolutely refuse to raise money for anybody. But it was more painful to get rid of Holbrook, so I have supported his efforts and also because this means personally a lot to me.

Kohl, if the Germany of the fourties had not had the faith to prefer division to an
uncertain return to national politics. And the decision of the German leaders to say
that they would rather be divided with the West than to enter again the complex
national policy of a country with more borders than any other, more neighbors
than any other. Without that it could not have happened.

So we have worked together now for over 50 years and what resulted from this
was an Atlantic Community, it wasn't done by Germany alone, but Germany was
the absolutely indispensable element in the European side of that construction.
We created an Atlantic structure and then a European Community and now we
live in a totally new world for both of us. For America foreign policy has usually
been dealing with an overwhelming danger that could be described as absolutely
evil. That doesn't exist. Our foreign policy has been to solve a problem and then to
present it to a public that this problem is gone, now we go to another problem. For
Germany in the post-war period that provided a nice framework. But now we don't
have a clear cut enemy. Nor an ideological identifiable overwhelming challenge.
Now we have to create structures and systems over an indefinite period of time. In
which - when Germany does it as a united country - it has the high potential or
some potential of raising old fears. So that now we have the need to create a new
sense of the Atlantic Community - and to give the existing structures a new
content. When our troops withdrew from Berlin, Berlin had been the symbol of
standing up to the danger, Berlin in the 1960ies really broke everybody's heart
when the wall was built. So now the question was, can Berlin still fulfill this unifying
role? And it was, I must say, Richard Holbrooks idea, which a few of us supported,
to say: Let us put something of the deposed cold-war period here that organically
ties our two countries together. And that was really this spirit that we try to
represent. But it's only a symbol, an important symbol but still a symbol. What is
really crucial is that our two countries and that Europe and America together
remember that in the nature of the emergence of a new international system a
whole host of problems keep arising. Modern politics and modern media and
maybe modern education drive one to deal with them on a daily basis. And so to
deal with the urgent and not often to get to the important. So in addition to what