JUN 2 1 2001

LINDA AND JIM ROBINSON
ARE DELIGHTED TO ANNOUNCE
THE BIRTH OF THEIR DAUGHTER
OLIVIA FREEMAN ROBINSON

JUNE 12, 2001

6 POUNDS, 10 1/2 OUNCES

DEVELOPMENT

# Former French prime minister reveals loophole in NATO

► By LUCY KOMISAR
© Earth Times News Service

DEAUVILLE, France--Former French Prime Minister Michel Rocard has revealed for the first time a secret clause in the 1947 treaty that created NATO which permitted the British government to take a military response outside the NATO umbrella.

He said the French learned of the clause only 15 years later. He said this was the reason for the French decision in 1966 to withdraw from the military command of NATO and to establish its own nuclear force.

Rocard spoke April 1 in Deauville at Forum-21, the inaugural meeting of an annual conference on international affairs organized by two Americans, lawyer Paul Weinstein and journalist Abby Quinn Hirsch, and attend by 250 people from the worlds of business, science, culture and foreign policy, ranging from Louise Arbour, former judge of the international Rwanda-Yugoslavia genocide trials, to former astronaut Rusty Schweickart. Most were Americans or French.

Rocard said the decision to build French nuclear arms and the years of irritations between France and its Allies had roots in the origins of NATO when Washington would not accord France the same deal it had made with the British. He explained, "After 15 years, we learned of a secret clause that would permit Britain on a phone call from the prime minister to the US president to say, 'The vital interests of Britain are threatened. You don't consider it this way. I shall shoot'."

He said, "There was no problem for Americans to give the British military secrets needed to carry out this independent military action. France thought it should have the same possibility." But, he said, "France was infested with a terrifically important Communist party [that was] Stalinist."

He said the U.S. attempt to forbid France from getting these secrets succeeded in creating France as a nuclear power. He explained, "De Gaulle, through the lack of a secret clause, was pushed to make a decision to be able to shoot with no military control of NATO. The strategy was the same. We can't reply exclusively and automatically on an American response."

Rocard said, "When DeGaulle took the decision to withdraw all French troops from the peacetime military command of the Allies, it was a

fantastic shout. In the rest of Europe, it was considered treason." He said that during those years of parliamentary debate in Europe, the doctrine was "Let's cultivate the American friendship and denounce the French dissidents." He noted, "Our British friends spent 40 years denouncing this undisciplined threat." Rocard said this hurt the confidence and the solidarity of alliance, which was the real protection of Europe.

The Americans later had second thoughts about what they had done. Rocard said, "Henry Kissinger told me one day, six months after I ceased to be prime minister, 'I think we Americans made a great mistake. De Gaulle was right. No American president would shoot nuclear weapons to defend anything else but the population of his own territory. The fact you had to get out of it was understandable.' "

Kissinger told him that if the Americans had understood that situation, they would have developed structures inside NATO that diminished the misunderstanding and would have organized a more confident alliance.

The results continue to this day, Rocard said. "When the cold war was finished, after the Soviet empire imploded, we asked for a reorganization in NATO," he said. "President Chirac said we want the southern command of NATO for a European admiral. It would be an Italian. The Italian government was furious at being compromised."

He said the reason harked back to the old sense that Americans would not want to get involved automatically in European conflicts. He said, "That was neither silly nor illegitimate nor unexplainable."

The mistake, he said, was that "the admiral who commands the southern sector of NATO commands the Sixth Fleet in the nuclear chain of command. So it was an enormous mistake to do that. It created a terrible mess. All the other governments including the British, the Portuguese, the Italians, said 'You can't do anything with those French; they don't understand the need for our good relations with America.' France was accused of wanting to get rid of the American guarantee."

France did not return to participation in NATO's military wing until 1995, when it agreed to join peace-keeping operations in Bosnia. It is still the only NATO member that does not belong to the Nuclear Planning Group.

Rocard declared, "In the last half century, France created a situation where national security is a thing you can't talk about with other Europeans. The condition for creating a foreign policy in Europe is to get over those misunderstandings."

*Comments about this story.*

TOTAL P.04

JUL-13-2001 14:42

KISSINGER ASSOCIATES

212 759 0042

P.01/02

EMINENT
PERSONS
GROUP

JUL 13 2001

CONFIDENTIAL

July 6, 2001

The Eminent Persons Group will convene at UNHQ as guests of UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan, July 18-20.

On behalf of HE Mr. Alpha Oumar Konare, the President of Mali, and myself I have the high honor and distinct privilege to invite you to attend the Convocation to discuss EPG's role and function in follow-on to the UN Conference on the Illicit Trade in Small Arms and Light Weapons in All Its Aspects, July 9-20. May we suggest either luncheon on July 19 or 20? Kindly advise.

At the Paris meeting with industry and States, June 26, industry committed to concrete measures on marking and tracing; brokering and norms for transfer under international law. These measures conform to the call contained in the Chair's Report of the Meeting with NGOs and States, which EPG and Amnesty International co-hosted in London, June 18.

It is anticipated that industry's preparedness to move well beyond the draft Programme of Action will help lend momentum to Conference deliberations on goal-oriented action to emanate from the Conference. With definitions recognized a conference breaker, as a result of which little progress can be achieved on marking and tracing within the PoA, it is felt that the EPG/Industry initiative may provide a welcome albeit feasible venue. Independent of the Conference, while integrated into Conference follow-on.

The Secretary-General supports this approach and is circulating the Paris Chairs Report. The Report will also be forwarded to the Conference for circulation as a Conference document. Various delegations have expressed their preparedness to make favorable comments upon the Report.

3206 Que Street, NW Washington DC 20007
tel. 202-965-0563 fax 202-333-1394 email: albrechtmuth@hotmail.com

Co-chairs

Michel Rocard
Alpha Oumar Konare

Celso Amorim
Lloyd Axworthy
Jonathan Dean
Mitsuro Donowaki*
Rolf Ekeus
William Eteld
Nabil Fahmy
Dianne Feinstein
Thomas Graham
Amadou Kebe
Imran Khan
Andrey Kozyrev
Peggy Mason**
Robert S. McNamara
Sola Ogunbanwo**
David Owen
P. V. Narasimha Rao
Mohamed Salimou
Salim Ahmed Salim
Eduard Shevardnadze
Michael Weston

Donald Duran Davis
Administrative Director

Albrecht Gero Muth
Executive Director

*on inactive status while
serving in official capacity
**members of Secretariat

Washington convocation
May 2nd-4th, 2000

Host:
School of Int'l. Service
American University

Bamako convocation
December 18th-19th, 2000

Host:
HE Alpha Oumar Konare
President,
Republic of Mali

JUL-13-2001 14:42

KISSINGER ASSOCIATES

212 759 0042

P.02/02

Yesterday, the Secretary-General and I spoke by telephone. Mr. Annan concurs that the course of action set forth in the Paris Report might prove the best (if not only) way to move on marking and tracing, given the divergence of views on definitions.

The Secretary-General stands ready to meet the representatives of industry
the week of July 23 to discuss Conference follow-on.

Accept, dear renewed assurances of my continued highest
consideration. This comes with my best personal wishes. I am yours
sincerely,

Michel ROCARD

Chairman,
Employment and Social Affairs Committee,
European Parliament,
Former Prime Minister of France

PS. July 8-21, the EPG Secretariat can be reached at the Waldorf Astoria
Hotel, New York, tel. 212.355.3000. Communication can best be sent to
email at: albrechtmuth@hotmail.com

Rm. 1908

TOTAL P.02

Hans Merkle

Eulogy by Henry A. Kissinger

October 4, 2001

Berlin

It is a great honor to be asked to deliver a speech in memory of one of
the most remarkable men I have known. It is a daunting task as well.
For those in this room who knew Hans Merkle, nothing I can say will be
able to reflect his complexity and inspirational quality. For those who did
not have the opportunity to encounter his extraordinary combination of
dedication and authority, any description of him will, in this age of
standardized norms, seem out of scale.

Hans Merkle was a man of seeming paradoxes. He was my friend, yet he
rarely spoke a personal word to me. One knew one could always rely on
him, yet he would have considered statements to that effect as an
elaboration of the self-evident or a derogation from the nature of
friendship. Merkle was an inspiring leader who moved people by his aura
without having to insist on the prerogatives of hierarchy. Even while
achieving enormous success in business (it is no exaggeration to describe
him as the most influential German businessman for two decades), he
spent much of his free time reading and developing an astonishing
erudition in philosophy, history, even poetry – all without a university
degree. He displayed this staggering knowledge only rarely in
conversations; Hans Merkle would have considered that as so much
unworthy ostentation. “One must never say all one knows,” he noted in
his speech, “Service and Leadership” (Dienen und Führen).

The range of Merkle's interests is reflected in the titles of his speeches and essays: "The Art of Prediction;" "Man, Machines, and Technology;" "Rights and Duties in the Republic;" "Service and Leadership;" "Elites and How to Encourage Them;" "Profession as Experience;" "A Critique of Technology;" "Virtue and Trust," among many others. How many modern managers would have thought of writing an essay on the meaning of Caesar going to the Capitol on the day he was assassinated even though he had received many warnings? Did it reflect the virtue of trust in republican institutions or the sin of arrogant self-confidence challenging republican norms?

2

Merkle's essentially philosophical essays did not deal with the issues directly related to his company. But they do explain its extraordinary success under his leadership, growing from sales of DM 2 billion in 1964 when he took over the reins, to DM 21.2 billion in 1985, and to DM 60 billion in the year 2000. And the smoothness of the transition after he stepped down as chairman shows that Merkle achieved his highest aim of raising management beyond the personal and imparting to his successors the standard of meticulous attention to detail, insistence on a striving for perfection and, above all, on an ethic of decency and a selection based on character, which I consider the hallmark of Bosch.

I met Hans Merkle 24 years ago at a dinner of Chase Manhattan Bank's International Advisory Board, which took place in a New York museum. Sigmund Warburg had urged Merkle to introduce himself to me. That, however, proved easier said than done. Merkle did not want to impose himself, while I waited for him to approach me. Finally I introduced myself. And Merkle's first words to me were: "You should know that I worked in a responsible position in a military ministry in Berlin. I did not like the Nazis, but I served my country during the war. If that bothers you, you should have nothing to do with me."

That night at the museum laid the basis for permanent respect. For it was clear that Merkle wanted nothing less than to obscure the past. He once said that people who deny their history also reject their future. But the appropriate lessons had to evolve in the realm of conscience of the individual and of his society and not in comments to foreigners. Merkle took many actions to make clear where he stood, including the activities of the Bosch Foundation in Israel. But, true to his signature style, he never publicized them.

Hans Merkle was infinitely solicitous of his friends but became embarrassed when one acknowledged his concern as if that would destroy its moral significance as an act of grace. On the occasion of my being made honorary citizen of Fürth, the town in which I was born, Merkle appeared, having driven over two hours to get there. Only later did I learn that it had been the first day of radiation treatment for the illness that ultimately claimed his life and that he had come straight from this exhausting procedure to a formal ceremony and a boisterous lunch.

3

So when one writes or speaks about Hans Merkle, one deals with the incarnation of intangibles. To him, the central quality of a society or of any organization was trust (Zuversicht). Confidence results less from deliberate policy than from the intuitive acceptance of personalities who inspire by example rather than articulateness. He quoted with approval a line from Alfred Tennyson: "And trust me not at all or all in all." The ultimate requirement of leadership was, as Merkle would quote Peter Drucker, to earn trust: "Trust is the conviction that the leader means what he says."

Merkle always meant what he said. In his view, leadership was service; it avoids self-satisfaction during periods of success and provides inner strength to persist in times of adversity. It consists in equal parts of delegating credit for achievement while assuming responsibility for failure. The chief executive must not only outline a direction but inspire its execution. And he must never rest on what has been achieved. Thus Merkle ended his speech at Bosch's centenary celebration summing up the achievements of the past 100 years with a warning against complacency: "We at Bosch know our worth. But this consciousness does not entitle us to lean back in our chairs in self-satisfaction. We see our challenge not in reaping what we have sown but in sowing what will be reaped tomorrow."

In his style of leadership, Merkle confronted the root dilemma of modern society: how, in a period of rapid change, to bridge the gap between a society's experience and its possibilities, between the preservation of what is valuable and the space needed for the emergence of the new? Societies grow attached to the familiar, but leaders must point toward what does not yet exist. Even if ideas or concepts originate with one or a few individuals, they must be internalized by those who execute them and become, as it were, their own convictions. The role of leadership is, in a sense, lonely, but the execution cannot be solitary; it must reflect a consensus. Democracy is therefore a mandate of modernity. The vitality of a society depends crucially on the interplay between the inspiration of the individual and the translation of it into the commonplace of the society or of the enterprise.

4

A democracy whose leaders rely only on exploiting the mood of the moment will soon drift without direction and end in dictatorship. But, equally, leadership conceived as the expression of the arbitrary of an individual will turn power into a demonic enterprise. For that reason, a well-conceived concept of national interest is less an assertion of power than a limitation of it.

Hans Merkle feared an unprecedented form of tyranny as potentially inherent in the modern technological world. Permit me to quote from his essay, "The Demonism of Power:" "It is conceivable - and perhaps we have an obligation to face it - that the demonism of power in the future cannot be related to the individual any longer. Power becomes increasingly anonymous but no less dangerous for the free evolution of humanity. Falsification of concepts is the first step toward the development of concentrations of power of a new kind - impersonal, intangible, almost ghostly; one is reminded of Kafka. And because society so emasculated will not be able to deal with social processes without some mechanism, social tasks will be assigned to organs of a new kind. The despotism of tyrants will be replaced by the despotism of the apparatus."

Therefore, the individual's fulfillment must not be subordinated to the demands of politics, and politics must not be defined as the sole, or even the principal, purpose of social life. The ultimate goal of political life should not be imposition of a ubiquitous, interchangeable norm but to promote independence in enterprises and for individuals. Wherever it is forgotten that political duties are, in the end, based on political rights and that these rights must be revitalized in each period, politics turns into manipulation.

Real conservatives - among whom Merkle counted himself - are not opposed to progress; on the contrary, they create the condition for progress by preserving the foundations on which to build and by warning of those steps urged in the name of progress that lead into an abyss.

The executive is tested above all when adversity strikes. A prescient quote from Merkle from 1975 may be appropriate: "Too extended periods of unrestrained growth spoil both managers and workers, distort a sense of proportion, erase distinctions, and weaken the sense for the

5

essential, for the necessary, for the possible. They obscure the peril that
threatens every society and every economy which prevails too easily
without having to prove itself. If the wind changes and storms threaten,
the hour of ultimate testing has come; then we will learn who can read
the weather map and who is able to navigate against the wind."

This is why for Merkle - as already for Robert Bosch - the fostering of
talent was a primary preoccupation. The founder of the company had laid
down in the guidelines of the Bosch Foundation, to which he had refused
to give his name in keeping with the Bosch tradition of anonymity (it was
so named only after his death by Merkle), that one of its principal goals
was to prepare society for the adaptation of thought processes and
procedures to the changes subtly latent in all societies. Foremost among
these was the free and unhindered development of the human
personality.

These fragmentary summaries of the thoughts of a remarkable man
explain what I would describe as the "Bosch style:" total reliability, an
unflagging sense of service, a dedication always to function at the
frontiers of knowledge, a notion of profit based on energetic enterprise
and insistent competitiveness with the proceeds always available to the
common good. "To belong to the elite," wrote Merkle, "brings with it
duties rather than rights. To be sure, the performance demanded of
leaders should not and does not remain unrewarded. But the goal of the
effort must never be material reward. Elites should not define
themselves by ruling but by serving - or better, they rule best by serving.
Those who belong to the real elite do not insist on being called elites.
Those who do insist on it do not belong."

This explains the seemingly anonymous, almost impersonal, and yet, in
its ultimate sense, deeply individual style of Hans Merkle. For his work to
be meaningful, it could not be the expression of a personal preference;
this would undermine its moral significance. It had to be a reflection of a
higher obligation which evoked the sense of duty. Merkle would quote
from Max Planck: "The ultimate good of which no power in the world can
deprive us is a pure way of thinking (reine Gesinnung) which finds its
expression in a conscientious carrying out of one's duties." To which
Merkle added: "No more can be expected of us but also no less."

6

In this spirit, I want to say a few words about the contribution that Hans Merkle and some members of his generation – at least one of whom is here tonight – have made to the rebirth of Germany and its relationship to the international community in the aftermath of the Second World War.

Biographers make much of my German birth. And it is, of course, true that one's environment shapes one's attitudes even in difficult times (which is why I still take an active weekly interest in the four Bavarian football clubs in the *Bundesliga* – although Fürth is regrettably in the second *Bundesliga*). But my real connection with Germany stems from the end of the war. I arrived here with the army of occupation in 1945 after a seven-year absence. Few of you present will remember the devastation, desolation, and spiritual despair of those months; it belongs to the formative experiences of your fathers and grandfathers. There is no time now, and this is not the occasion, to review the political evolution of more than half a century – though it seems like only yesterday to me.

I want to pay tribute to those who had the moral courage to start again, to rebuild their country, and to bring it back to the community of nations by the very qualities I have called the Bosch attributes: reliability, steadiness, enterprise, and an abiding commitment to democratic values. Governments of both major parties established a steady policy tied to the democratic West. In the process, America and Germany together went through two Berlin crises, the building of the Wall, and finally reunification. Occasional disagreements in tactics have never undermined the underlying unity of purpose.

And just when, on both sides of the Atlantic, the end of the Cold War had evoked a seemingly endless debate about the continuing validity of the democratic partnership, the terrorist attack on New York and Washington has returned the democracies to fundamentals. Too many of us had been seduced by the siren song of the end of history, of the reduction of politics to psychiatry and social work, and of the predominance of narrow national concerns. We have learned that there are incompatible values rampant in the world around us and that there are those so eager to destroy our civilization that they will sacrifice their lives to do so and will not recoil before the murder of innocent civilians. It has obliged the West to relearn what it had nearly forgotten: that in its unity and solidarity resides its ultimate strength. So I want to take this opportunity to thank

7

our German friends here for the many expressions of support and
compassion that reached us from all over Germany and for the highly
appreciated demonstrations of solidarity from the German government.

None of this would have surprised Hans Merkle. He was born in what was
then Baden, now Baden-Württemberg, but he incarnated some of the
best values of the Prussian ethos. One of these is, "Always be more than
you seem to be" (mehr sein als scheinen). Applied to Merkle and
adapting it to one of the quotes I mentioned earlier, I would rephrase his
own basic maxim this way: "Always say less than you know and always
do more than you say."

For all I have said, Merkle's posture of aloofness did not reflect a lack of
deep feeling. On the contrary, it was wrested from a deeply passionate
nature. He obscured this aspect of his personality because he did not
wish to impose his sentiments even on his friends. Like one of the heroes
of classical drama, Merkle took on himself the battles to which he thought
destiny had called him. Those of us whom he honored with his friendship
therefore felt as if we had been admitted into a chivalrous order.

The emotions from which Merkle's aristocratic conduct had been wrung
can be seen in a letter he wrote in November 1944, when his hometown
of Pforzheim had been destroyed in the war: "Fate would not pass this
town by. But for me this place is not of brick and mortar; it is founded on
quite a different kind of building block that cannot be reduced to rubble
so long as the heart does not allow it. And the heart will not acquiesce.
It clings to old scenes, to hills and trees, and to the memory of many
days which were gifts of God and of youthful dreams. For, in the end,
ideas are stronger than men and more long-lasting."

A few months after his death, Merkle's daughter Monika and Dr. Scholl
did me the honor of accompanying me to Hans Merkle's grave on a still,
verdant hillside, shaded by trees overlooking the city of Pforzheim which
had risen from the ashes, rebuilt by men and women whose dreams
overcame their reality.

After that occasion, Monika graciously let me see the letter I have just
read to you. I thought then how lonely a life this caring man imposed on
himself, how much of the travail of others he took on himself, and I

8

wondered whether some of us might have broken through this solitude by
an act of grace.

But then I reflected that Hans Merkle lived just as he wanted. Duty was
his companion, honor his imperative. He expressed this best in his essay,
"Virtue and Trust:" "Confidence in the future - that virtue of the soul, as
the French put it - must be fought for every day. It involves permanent
exertion, a coming-and-going; yet, as we travel a path so strewn with
stones, a God occasionally consoles us with a smile."

Hans Merkle inspired many of us in traveling these stony paths and
thereby vouchsafed this world an occasional smile from a God.

15/01 TUE 14:38 FAX 202 887 5222

NIXON CENTER

MAY 15 2001

THE WHITE HOUSE

Office of the Press Secretary

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

May 14, 2001

President George W. Bush today announced his intention to nominate three individuals to serve in his administration.

The President intends to nominate R. Barrie Walkley to be Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of the United States of America to the Republic of Guinea. A career member of the Senior Foreign Service, he has held the post of Deputy Chief of Mission in Kinshasa, Congo, since 1998. He has served as the Public Affairs Officer in Islamabad, Pakistan, and was based in Washington, D.C. as a Policy Officer in the Near Eastern Affairs Bureau of the United States Information Agency. From 1992 to 1994, he was the Public Affairs Advisor for the Department of State's Bureau of African Affairs. He has held several other posts abroad including U.N.

spokesperson in Mogadishu, Somalia. Walkley is a graduate of the University of California at Santa Barbara, received a Master's degree in African Studies from UCLA and a Master's degree and Ph.D. in English from the University of Southern California.

The President intends to nominate Peter W. Rodman to be Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs. He is presently the Director of National Security Programs at the Nixon Center. Additionally, he has been a scholar at both the Center for Strategic and International Studies and the Johns Hopkins Foreign Policy Institute. From 1987 to 1990 he served Presidents Reagan and Bush as Special Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs and NSC Counselor and was Deputy Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs under President Reagan from 1986 to 1987. Rodman served at the Department of State from 1984 to 1986 as Director of the State Department Policy Planning Staff. He is a graduate of Harvard University, received a Master's from Oxford University and a J.D. from Harvard Law School.

The President intends to nominate Lynn Catherine Leibovitz to be an Associate Judge of the Superior Court of the District of Columbia. She is currently Assistant U.S. Attorney for the District of Columbia where she is the Deputy Chief of the Homicide Section. Additionally, she serves as an Adjunct Professor of Trial Practice at the Georgetown University Law Center. From 1986 to 1990, Leibovitz was a Staff Attorney with the Enforcement Division of the United States Securities and Exchange Commission. She is a graduate of Brown University and received her J.D. from Georgetown.

###

15/01 TUE 14:39 FAX 202 887 5222

NIXON CENTER

For Immediate Release

May 14, 2001

NOMINATIONS SENT TO THE SENATE:

Paul Vincent Kelly, of Virginia, to be an Assistant Secretary of State (Legislative Affairs), vice Barbara Mills Larkin.
Lynn Leibovitz, of the District of Columbia, to be an Associate Judge of the

Superior Court of the District of Columbia for the term of fifteen years, vice Stephen G. Milliken, retired.
George Tracy Mehan, III, of Michigan, to be an Assistant Administrator of

the Environmental Protection Agency, vice J. Charles Fox, resigned.
John D. Negroponte, of the District of Columbia, to be the Representative of

the United States of America to the United Nations, with the rank and status of Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary, and the Representative of the United States of America in the Security Council of the United Nations, vice Richard Holbrooke.
John D. Negroponte, of the District of Columbia, to be Representative of the

United States of America to the Sessions of the General Assembly of the United Nations during his tenure of service as Representative of the United States of America to the United Nations.
Peter W. Rodman, of the District of Columbia, to be an Assistant Secretary

of Defense, vice Edward L. Warner, III.
Brian Carlton Roseboro, of New Jersey, to be an Assistant Secretary of the Treasury, vice Lewis Andrew Sachs, resigned.
Allan Rutter, of Texas, to be Administrator of the Federal Railroad Administration, vice Jolene Mortiz Molitoris, resigned.
Patricia Lynn Scarlett, of California, to be an Assistant Secretary of the Interior, vice M. John Berry.

###

WERNER P. ROELL · CH-8268 SALENSTEIN TG · HERDERHAUS · TEL. 071/664 21 73 · FAX 071/664 27 81

homepage: http://ourworld.cs.com/wproell

e-mail: wproell@cs.com

9. Oktober 2001

OCT 15 2001

Sehr geehrter Herr Dr. Kissinger,

die von uns hochverehrte Madeleine Ruoff-Dupont schrieb Ihnen 1951, Sie sollten einen „Wanderer zwischen zwei Welten“, Werner P. Roell mit Namen, zum Essen einladen. Der sei gerade in New York, wo er, als erster Deutscher nach dem 2. Weltkrieg, ein Flugzeug für die chilenische Salpeterkompagnie kaufen sollte, um es allein nach Chile zu überführen.

So kam ich mit Ihnen an einen Tisch und erzählte Ihnen von dem Problem der deutschen Frontsoldaten, die in Deutschland vergessen seien. Für mich war das ein Erlebnis, und ich schrieb darüber in meinem Buch „Flug in die Erinnerung“ auf Seite 144/145 den Aufsatz „Henry A. Kissinger“.

Vielleicht macht es Ihnen Spass, das zu lesen, was ich über die Begegnung vor 50 Jahren schrieb.

Ich möchte Ihnen dieses Buch dedizieren, verbunden mit einem Aufsatz in der NEUEN ZÜRCHER ZEITUNG: „Braucht Amerika eine Aussenpolitik?“

Ich wohne seit 25 Jahren in der Schweiz, am Bodensee, im Schlosshof Salenstein, und ich freue mich, wenn ich ein Wort von Ihnen höre.

Mit freundlichen Grüssen

Der ehemalige Fliegermajor und Stu-
kapilot Werner P. Roell erhielt als
erster deutscher Flugzeugführer nach
dem Kriege die Ausnahmegenehmig-
gung allein einen Überführungsflug
über das Territorium der USA durch-
zuführen. Mit einem kleinen Sport-
flugzeug startet er in New York seine
12 000 km lange Luftreise nach San-
tiago de Chile. Durch elf Länder Amer-
ikas fliegt er: um den Golf von Mexi-
ko herum, durch Guatemala, San Sal-
vador, Nikaragua, Costa Rica, Panama,
Kolumbien, Ekuador, Peru bis Chile.
25 Zwischenlandungen sind nötig - er
„springt" von Flughafen zu Flughafen
wie ein Känguruh: große Sprünge mit
leerem Beutel.

Dieser abenteuerliche Flug von New
York nach Santiago de Chile bildet
den faszinierenden Rahmen seiner
Erinnerungen. Im Kampf mit den
Widrigkeiten dieses Fluges kehren
seine Gedanken in die unmittelbare
Vergangenheit zurück: in seine Zeit
als Stukaflieger. Im Nacherleben fliegt
er sich das Kriegserlebnis von der
Seele und erschließt dem Leser einen
Problemkreis, mit dem sich alle Flie-
ger, ja fast alle Soldaten auseinander-
setzen müssen.

Gerhard-Hess-Verlag
Ulm/Donau

Roell steht zu seiner Vergangenheit,
zieht aber Lehren aus dem Erlebten
und findet sich in der für ihn verän-
derten Welt zurecht. Dabei hilft ihm
sein Optimismus. Das Buch zeigt
viele Gesichter der Neuen Welt. Von
Problemen in der großen Stadt und
im Urwald, von Negern und Indios
wird berichtet. Von Begegnungen mit
Franz Lehár und Henry A. Kissinger
ist die Rede. Die Geister von Cortés
und Pizarro werden beschworen. Im
doppelten Sinne zeigt das Buch auf,
wie ein „Mensch von gestern" zu
neuen Ufern aufbricht, mit unerwar-
teten Situationen fertig wird, ohne
sich selbst untreu zu werden.

Gerhard-Hess-Verlag
Ulm/Donau

OCT-17-2001 17:40

KISSINGER ASSOCIATES

212 759 0042 P.01/01

144

solle die Ersatzprothesen einfliegen und da und da abwer-
fen. Unsere Flak würde schweigen.

Wir Romantiker malten uns aus, wie das so abliefe: Plötz-
lich würden hüben und drüben die Waffen für kurze Zeit
schweigen. Pause. Der Krieg wird unterbrochen.

Ein Transporter mit der Kokarde fliegt über die Front,
wackelt. Alles schaut. Es ist uns warm ums Herz. Vom
Himmel kommt am Fallschirm eine Kiste mit den künstli-
chen Ersatzbeinen dieses Teufelskerls. Der Kriegsgott
zeigt eine menschliche Regung.

Leider war das nur ein Traum.

Es ist nicht so gekommen. Die Engländer haben auf das
Angebot verzichtet. Zwar haben sie die Prothesen
Baders abgeworfen, das aber geschah in Zusammenhang
mit einem Flug mit Waffeneinsatz. Das war sicher recht
schneidig.

Was aber waren die Beweggründe für ein solches Handeln?
Hat man drüben Sorge gehabt, sich eine Blöße zu geben?
War man zu stolz, sich etwas »schenken« zu lassen? Mars
hat die Zähne gezeigt. Der totale Krieg kennt keine Idylle.

Die Diffamierung der deutschen Soldaten, sagte ich, sei al-
len zukünftigen gemeinsamen Aufgaben im Wege. Sollten
wir nicht zueinander Brücken schlagen, um einer besseren
Zukunft willen?

Presseleute meinten es gut mit mir: »Our late enemy made
a good ambassador of goodwill.«

»Sie müssen Henry kennenlernen«, hieß es in einem Klub,
in dem ich sprach. Man vermittelte, und so kam es, daß
mich Henry A. Kissinger zu einem Lunch einlud. Er war
damals Harvard-Professor und Berater des State Depart-
ment.

Eine Stunde saßen wir zusammen. Die angeregte Unter-
haltung lief in deutsch. Ich suchte Verbindung zu ameri-

TOTAL P.01

145

kanischen Frontsoldaten, sagte ich, denn die hätten gleiche
verbindende Erlebnisse, aber ich hätte nicht viel erreicht
bisher. Ich wäre in einen Veteranen-Club der American
Legion geraten, da sei es ausgelassen zugegangen. Haupt-
thema sei die Durchsetzung besserer Versorgungsbezüge
gewesen. Man hätte mich zwar kameradschaftlich aufge-
nommen, viel herausgekommen wäre aber nicht.

Dafür hätte ich einen Umzug mit Trara und viel Alkohol
miterlebt, bei dem eine ausgelassene Gruppe von ehentali-
gen Frontsoldaten ihren Spaß gehabt hätte. Es wäre bei der
Parade darum gegangen, hübsche Mädchen am Straßen-
rand mit Wasserpistolen zu »beschießen«.

Dagegen hätte ich an sich nichts, sagte ich, nur wäre mein
missionarischer Eifer dabei mit naß geworden.

Dr. Kissinger schmunzelte, dann holte er weit aus: »Unsere Öffentlichkeit ist ganz allgemein auf solche Verständigungs-Gedanken noch nicht vorbereitet. Die Amerikaner sind alles andere als kriegslüstern. Es mußten ihnen erst die Augen geöffnet werden dafür, daß auch ihre Freiheit auf dem Spiele stand. Nur so war diese Nation dazu zu bringen, überhaupt in den Krieg zu gehen. Das wirkt natürlich noch nach.

Aber seien Sie beruhigt, in Washington liegen Pläne in der
Schublade, die das beinhalten, was Sie wohl wollen, nämlich die Versöhnung. Wir werden mit Deutschland paktieren. Aber es dauert noch gut zwei Jahre, bis die träge öffentliche Meinung diese Kursänderung mitmacht.«

Kissinger führte mich im State Department ein. Dort wurde ich an einen Beamten geringerer geistiger Kragenweite verwiesen, der mir höflich zuhörte und mich dann nach meiner Legitimation fragte. Die einzige Legitimation, die ich hatte, waren meine Erlebnisse. Aber die zählten in seinen Augen nicht.

Adele Rogers
Dies; Medal
Winner, Wife
Of Statesman

Adele Langston Rogers, 89, a director of the National School Volunteer Program who was the widow of William P. Rogers, secretary of state under President Richard M. Nixon, died May 27 at her home in Bethesda. She had dementia.

Mrs. Rogers played an active role in official functions while accompanying her husband to 75 countries during his four years as secretary of state. She also volunteered at inner-city schools in Washington and in New York, where her husband practiced law.

In 1973, she became the first woman to receive the Presidential Citizens Medal.

Mrs. Rogers was born in Haddon Heights, N.J. She graduated from Cornell University, attended law school at Stanford University and received a law degree from Cornell, where she met her future husband. They were married in 1936. He died Jan. 2.

Mrs. Rogers received her law degree during a period when many law firms were unenthusiastic about hiring women. So she decided to concentrate on raising her children and supporting her husband's career.

The Rogerses moved to Washington initially after World War II, when he took a position as counsel to a Senate committee. They moved to New York in 1950 when he joined the law firm that later became Rogers & Wells, but they lived in Washington during his stints of government service. He was deputy attorney general and attorney general during the Eisenhower administration, and he led the investigation of the 1986 Challenger space shuttle disaster.

In addition to her work on the school volunteers board, Mrs. Rogers was president of the PTA at Sidwell Friends School and the Southeast branch of Boys Clubs of America. She was a member of the advisory board of the Hospitality and Information Service in Washington, which serves the diplomatic corps. She was a trustee of Cornell University, the Gannett Newspaper Foundation and the Meridian House International Foundation.

Survivors include four children, Dale Marshall of Norton, Mass., Anthony, of Boston, Jeffrey, of Portland, Ore., and Douglas, of Columbus, Ohio; 11 grandchildren; and four great-grandchildren.

Carlos Romo Toriello

Henry Kissinger
Twenty-Six Floor
350 Park Avenue
New York, N.Y. 10022

APR 26 2001

April/25/2001

Dear Mr.Kissinger:

It was an honor and a great pleasure to see you the other day.

If you recall we were walking on the street in front of St.Patricks Cathedral, and one of
your assistants was very kind to give me your business card.

As I was mentioning to you that day, we strongly recall your remarkable and enriching
exposure in Mexico at the Generation Empresarial conference in Mexico.

Mexico today is in its embryonic stage of a democracy structure, it is beginning to diversify its commercial treaties to other countries with better negotiations and terms, and is improving its social programs in order to ameliorate the quality of life of all Mexicans.

As the reconfiguration of global institutions prevails, and the convergence of forces between protectionists and neoliberals remains. New and more innovative programs and policies will be developing. Not only among the develop nations, but for the underdevelop ones as well.

In this ambivalence a more fair, just and equitable agenda for world issues will be demanded. And more productive and efficient institutions will be needed. Not only for the changing global corporations. But for the more technical, skilled and prepare workers

In this sense, I send you my deepest regards. It was great to see you, and feel free to contact me anytime.

Bosques de Robles #19
Bosques de la Lomas Mexico D.F. 11700

Fax (525) 373-0827
Personal

10:30 a.m.-10:45 a.m. Break

10:45 a.m.-12:45 p.m. WTO - Dead or Alive?

The WTO is having difficulty making decisions on cutting-edge trade issues in a time frame relevant to the pace of change in global markets. The tradition of agenda-setting by the U.S., EU, Canada and Japan (the "Quad") and decision making by "consensus" is no longer acceptable to the 120 developing country members of the WTO, soon to be joined by China. Now that tariffs and other border barriers to trade have been largely eliminated, the WTO system is struggling to deal with politically sensitive domestic regulatory policies and business practices that influence trade. In this context, how should the WTO system be strengthened to make it more responsive and relevant to current global trade issues?

William Brock, Former U.S. Trade Representative (Invited)

Charlene Barshefsky, Former U.S. Trade Representative (Invited)

1:00 p.m.-2:30 p.m. Lunch

Dennis Ross, Former Special Middle East Coordinator (Invited)

2:30 p.m.- 4:00 p.m. Prospects for the Post-Bubble Economy

Has the period of economic retrenchment for the U.S. economy come to an end? Have we entered a period of post-dot-com-bubble recovery marked by more rational exuberance? Or have we settled into a protracted period of volatility and uncertainty? What is the verdict of the markets? These answers have enormous implications for the capacity—and the willingness—of the United States to engage the rest of the world as well as on economies large and small.

Abby Joseph Cohen, Managing Director and Chair, Investment Policy Committee, The Goldman Sachs Group (Invited)

Andrew S. Grove, Chairman, Intel Corporation (Invited)

7:00 p.m -7:30 p.m. Reception

7:30 p.m. Dinner

Condoleezza Rice, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs (Invited)

ADJOURN

Center for Strategic & International Studies

Washington, DC

INTERNATIONAL COUNCILLORS

Henry A. Kissinger, Chairman

September 2001

David M. Abshire, President and CEO, Center for the Study of the Presidency

George L. Argyros, Chairman and CEO, Arnel & Affiliates

Anne Armstrong, Former U.S. Ambassador to Great Britain

Othman Benjelloun, Chairman and CEO, The Benjelloun Group

William E. Brock, Chairman, Bridges LearningSystems, Inc.

Carlos A. Bulgheroni, Chairman, Bridas Corporation

James E. Copeland, Jr., Chief Executive Officer, Deloitte Touche Tohmatsu

Carlo De Benedetti, Executive Chairman, CIR S.p.A.

Amalia Lacroze de Fortabat, President and CEO, Group Fortabat

Aatos Erkko, Executive Director, SanomaWSOY Corporation

Salman Bin Hethlain, Chairman and CEO, Hazar Group

Kazuo Inamori, Founder and Chairman Emeritus, Kyocera Corporation

K. K. Jajodia, Group Deputy Chairman, Duncan Macneill Group (India)

Nemir Kirdar, President and CEO, INVESTCORP

Jeffrey L. Koo, Chairman and CEO, Chinatrust Commerical Bank

Richard Li, Chairman and CEO, Pacific Century Group

Jose Llado, Chairman and CEO, Tecnicas Reunidas, S.A.

David F. Marvin, Chairman, Marvin and Palmer Associates, Inc.

Hisham M. Nazer, Chairman, The Nazer Group

Sam Nunn, Senior Partner, King & Spalding

Thomas Patrick, Executive Vice President and Chief Financial Officer, Merrill Lynch

William A. Schreyer, Chairman Emeritus, Merrill Lynch & Co., Inc.

Siddharth Shriram, Chairman & Managing Director, Siel Ltd.

Winthrop H. Smith, Chairman, Merrill Lynch International

C.C. Tung, Chairman and CEO, Orient Overseas International Ltd.

Gustavo J. Vollmer, Director, Banco Mercantil

Peter Wallenberg, Chairman Emeritus, Investor AB

Frederick B. Whittemore, Advisory Director, Morgan Stanley & Co., Inc.

Peter K.C. Woo, Honorary Chairman, Wheelock & Company Limited

1800 K Street Northwest • Washington, DC 20006 • Telephone 202/887-0200 • FAX 202/775-3199 • WEB: http://www.csis.org/

HALCYON

6613 Hopkins Neck Road
Easton, Maryland

Directions from Washington, D.C. (approximately 90 minutes):

Take New York Avenue until it becomes a highway and bear right onto Route 50 East. The highway will fork shortly after leaving Washington, stay on the right and follow signs to Annapolis. You will go across the Bay Bridge ($2.50 toll). A few miles after the bridge Route 50 forks right towards Ocean City. Take this fork and stay on Route 50 until you see the Easton Airport on your right. The road then will fork right to Route 322. (Look for signs to Oxford / St. Michaels). Shortly afterwards take a right onto Route 33 / St. Michaels Road. Follow the road until you see a CITGO gas station on your left. Immediately afterwards you will see signs to Route 329. Take a left onto Route 329 and continue until the road forks (about 1 mile). You will take the left fork onto Hopkins Neck Road and continue for one mile until you see a red brick entrance on the left with the sign Halcyon.

Directions from New York City (approximately 4 hours):

Take the New Jersey Turnpike to Interstate 95. Past Wilmington, take Route 896 South then Route 301 South towards Annapolis (Bay Bridge). After about 45-50 miles on Route 301 turn onto Route 213 South (sign reads "213 Centerville & Wye Mills") towards Easton-Cambridge. Route 213 runs into Route 50 East to Easton, (NOTE: Route 50 East actually runs southbound in this area). At Easton, follow instructions above.

Halcyon is the home of Arturo Brillembourg and Hilda Ochoa-
Brillembourg, to whom we are deeply grateful for their generosity,
hospitality, and warmth.

DATE SEP 05 2001

CORR. FILE Roussel et, Jean +valone

ACTION: JSR ARB DG SSM

FG TC JI RAJ

SUBJ. FILE

CROSS REF.

COMMENTS:

DC/OFFICE:

Jody / Christie / Jennifer

INFO COPY TO:

ROUTE CC COPY TO:

NMK

TO BE FILED ✓

INSTITUTE FOR
INTERNATIONAL
ECONOMICS

11 Dupont Circle, N.W., Washington, DC 20036-1207

Phone: (202) 328-9000 Fax: (202) 328-5432

http://www.iie.com

June 13, 2001

MEMO TO PARTICIPANTS IN G-8 PREPARATORY CONFERENCE

FROM: C. Fred Bergsten

SUBJECT: Ruggiero Appointed as Foreign Minister of Italy

As you know, our colleague and active participant Renato Ruggiero has been named Minister of Foreign Affairs of Italy. This will presumably be extremely helpful in injecting our thoughts into the summit process for Genoa. Both our Italian colleagues and I have conveyed our congratulations to Renato and asked him, as soon as his time permits, to try to set up meetings for us with both himself and other key members of the new government, hopefully including the Prime Minister, in Rome on July 3 or shortly thereafter.

In the meanwhile, Renato has asked that, in light of his new position and particularly in light of Italy's role as host of this year's summit, we delete the references to his participation in this year's report. It is of course impossible to reprint the report at this stage or to delete the references mechanically. Hence I would ask you to simply "black out" the references to Renato at three places: the two references on page 2 (to his being "active in seven different summits" in the carryover paragraph at the top and as author of the first of the background papers cited after the first full paragraph) and in the list of "signatories" to the report on page 14.

Renato has no problem with any of our substance but simply feels that, in a formal sense and especially with Italy as this year's host country, it would be inappropriate for him to be cited as participating in our private group. Both he and I apologize for the inconvenience but would ask that you comply faithfully with the request.

Our Italian hosts and/or I will let you know as soon as we hear further, from Renato and others in the new government, about the plans for a meeting. In the meanwhile, I look forward to seeing you in Genoa on July 1-2. I would greatly welcome any comments on my memo of June 8 as we complete our plans for the session there.

HENRY A. KISSINGER

June 20, 2001

Dear Don:

In the unlikely event that you have time to read
books, I am sending you the enclosed inscribed
copy.

The Honorable
Donald H. Rumsfeld
Secretary of Defense
Department of Defense
The Pentagon
Washington, DC 20301

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR · 350 PARK AVENUE · NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 · (212) 759-7919
FACSIMILE (212) 759-0042

JUN 2 2 2001

THE SECRETARY OF DEFENSE
WASHINGTON

JUN 19 2001

Dr. Henry Kissinger
350 Park Avenue
New York, New York 10022

Dear Henry,

It is getting closer to August, and it is now
clear to me that Joyce and I are not going to be able
to make it up to Connecticut.

I simply have too many big issues we are
wrestling with here that it would be highly unlikely
I could get away.

Joyce and I do thank you for thinking of us
and hope you have a terrific weekend. Maybe we
can do it some other time.

P.S. Do call if you have thoughts or suggestions.