November 8, 1955

Mr. Nelson Rockefeller
Special Assistant to the President
The White House
Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. Rockefeller:

Now that the report of our panel is about ready for
the printer, I would like to take the opportunity to thank you for
inviting me to participate. I have long been convinced that one
of the major policy problems we are facing is eminently moral, in
the sense that in all our considerations of future developments
we seem paralysed by the consciousness of our risks, while our
enemy looking at the same situation seems conscious only of his
opportunities. It was for this reason a special gratification to
be permitted to serve with a group of such undoubted moral courage
and surprising agreement about the nature of our difficulties. I
hope I may be permitted to add that whatever success our effort
may have will be due to a large extent to your interest and parti-
cipation. All of us appreciated the fact that you interrupted
your heavy schedule for so long to sit in on our discussions, and
also, that your suggestions were never on the side of what was
administratively easy, but always on the side of what was substan-
tively important.

A special word should also be said about the attitude
which animated all members of your staff. The work would never
have been carried forward without the dedication and good humor of
General Parker and Colonel Kintner. No night session was too long,
no task too menial for them to lend a hand. The same goes for
your secretarial staff who worked all hours with great ability and
constant readiness to be helpful. I do not enumerate them specifi-
cally, simply because I do not wish to omit anyone.

Alltogether, my service with the panel has been one of
the most satisfying, if exhausting, experiences that I have had
over the last few years. I need not add that my best wishes will
accompany your efforts.

August 10, 1957

Dear Nelson:

My dinner with Mr. Luce last night turned into a long and
rather fascinating session. He continues to be very excited about
the Special Studies and in reflecting on his recent trip to Europe,
pointed out that one of the basic differences between our situation
and that of Europe is that a project such as this would be unthink-
able there.

In connection with publication, Mr. Luce did not see any
particular virtue in having one publisher handle the whole thing and
saw no problem at all in splitting the publication between a commer-
cial publisher for the Overall and a university press for the specialized
material. In his opinion the Overall volume is definitely a commercial
proposition and will probably hit the Best Seller list.

I raised the question of an editorial committee for the Overall
volume and he liked the idea and enthusiastically agreed to work on
it. He also had some excellent suggestions on clearing the report
through the Overall Panel and I'll pass these on to you later. On the
proposed subpanel volumes containing the papers and transcripts he
suggested we get some expert readers to be sure that we were not
publishing things that were already very well covered elsewhere.
Mr. Keezer also made this point to Nancy.

Another suggestion which struck me as being very interesting
was that we should consider getting a literary agent. He feels that
with proper handling all our subpanel reports will be picked up by mass
circulation magazines in full. He feels that if, for example, both Life
and the Saturday Evening Post were interested in the Overall Report, we
could then use the agent to negotiate either for money or more space.
(In addition, this would solve our problem of giving "exclusives".)

- 2 -

He indicated very strongly that his own publications would be interested
in the reports of Subpanels II, IV and V as well as the Overall.

It would seem to me that we might have a meeting of the Planning
Committee as soon as it can be arranged to get clear about our posture
with respect to these publication problems else the pressures will
multiply.

The rest of the Subpanel II chapters are enclosed. Jim McCormack
and I will be redrafting on Wednesday in Cambridge and then I hope to
put the finishing touches on it Thursday here. Your comments would be
tremendously helpful.

I talked to Bob Heilbroner last night and asked him to include
the relevance of our national purpose to the international situation in
the Subpanel VII report. We talked about it at some length and the
revisions should be ready in a week or so. He will also finish Sub-
panel IV within two weeks.

The Harvard Seminar is ending on the nineteenth and as I
mentioned to you yesterday, I plan to be down here full time between
then and the end of September. I am tremendously grateful for the
opportunity to go to Tarrytown in August as it will give me a quiet
interval to work on the Overall report. Even more important, its beauty
will be an inspiration!

Warm regards.

Mr. Nelson A. Rockefeller
Seal Harbor, Maine

February 7, 1958

Mr. Nelson A. Rockefeller, President
Rockefeller Brothers Fund
30 Rockefeller Plaza
New York 20, New York

Dear Nelson:

I've just read the draft report of Subpanel IV on U.S. Economic and Social Objectives and Policy, with deep interest but considerable perplexity. It is clear that a great deal of talent, experience, judgment, knowledge and hard work are reflected in this draft. At the same time, it left me with a number of puzzling questions, and a concern lest the report may perhaps be unmanageable in its present size and form.

In a sense, isn't it possible that in this report we may be falling between two stools, i.e., between the value of a higher level of generality and the value of a really detailed and fully documented effort? If we were to undertake to handle the elements of the report on a broader plane of generality, this would raise a question whether the report should not be absorbed into the Overall Report. The alternative can be stated in theoretical terms, but the bare statement would show its impracticality: to develop the many complex and vital topics embodied in the report with a degree of detail merited by their inherent importance. This would involve writing something comparable to the Encyclopedia of Social Sciences.

May I try to illustrate this by four examples, selected more or less at random from the present draft?

(a) On page 22, paragraph 2, the draft states that there is need for simplification of the tax structure; and on page 23 in paragraph 3, the report states that the tax scope of the Federal Government needs to be brought into better relationship with that of state and local governments. In a document like the Overall Report, statements of this generality could appropriately be made. In a report on the domestic economy, it seems to me highly

In a report on the domestic economy, it seems to me highly
statements of this generality could appropriately be made.
local governments. In a document like the Overall Report,
proposed into better relationship with that of state and
the tax scope of the Federal Government needs to be
and on page S3 in paragraph 3, the report states that
there is need for simplification of the tax structure;
(a) On page SS, paragraph S, the draft states that
ted more or less at random from the present draft?

May I try to illustrate this draft examples, also some-
thing comparable to the Encyclopedia of Social Sciences,
their inherent importance. This would involve writing
emphasized in the report with a degree of detail merited by
purity, to develop the many complex and vital copies
therein, put the same statement would show its impractic-
ability. The alternative can be stated in the following
whenever the report should not be apportioned into the Over-
proceeds of generality, this would raise a question
to underwrite to handle the elements of the report on a
reality detailed and fully documented effort? It we were
sufficient of a higher level of generality and the same of a
we may be tending between two copies, i.e., between the
In a sense, isn't it possible that in this report
in its present size and form.

and a concern for the report may benums pe mmunagpeple
same time, it felt me with a number of brusking questions,
edge and hard work are reflected in this draft. At the
that a great deal of talent, experience, judgment, know-
ledge, interest put considerable benediction. If it is clear
U.S. Economic and Social Objectives and Policies, with
I've read the draft report of Subplane IV on

Dear Nelson:

New York 50, New York
30 Rocketteffer Plaza
Rocketteffer Brothers Fund
Mr. Nelson V. Rocketteffer, President

February 3, 1928

[1c]

-2-

questionable whether we can make a statement of this sort
and leave it at that. The reader expects us to go further,
and explain when and where and how. An effort to do so,
however, would virtually involve writing a separate report
on these subjects.

(b) On page 56, the draft report, in two brief paragraphs, comes out for the "group practice prepayment approach" in medicine, and for public insurance administered by the several states for catastrophic illness. These might well be wise courses of action, but it is difficult to take such positions with no more to support them than a page or two of double spaced typing. Moreover, this is the kind of recommendation which could attract the attention of the mass media to a degree out of proportion to the relative importance of the particular recommendations within the broad context of the whole report. It could tend to distract the attention of the public from the main thrust of the document. Lest I be misunderstood, let me emphasize that I am not suggesting that we should avoid controversial positions. I am merely suggesting that we should try to make the kind of impact which the Panel really has in mind.*

(c) Similar problems arise, for example, in the second paragraph on page 42 which continues over onto page 43. In this paragraph, the Report passes from a question of slum clearance and public housing to a recommendation for a "vigorous program of racial integration, using every social means at our disposal: the training of police officers ... education programs for prospective employers ... Every community facility -- churches, schools, labor unions, recreational groups, governments -- can and should be enlisted in this essential effort". Here again, it would be possible to lift this to a higher level of generalization, and reaffirm the importance of a fresh vindication of our basic national commitment to the dignity of human personality and to personal freedom, with all the implications for equal protection and nondiscrimination. However, when we go beyond this basic affirmation to propositions of the kind embodied in the quoted material, I do not see how it

*The revised material on this subject came in after I had dictated this letter. While it appears to be a distinct improvement, it seems to me that the basic difficulty remains.

mine.

Improvement, it seems to me that the phase of difficulty re-
classified this latter. While it appears to be a distinct
*The revised material on this subject came in after I had

king employed in the dotted material, I do not see how it
we go beyond this phase of attestation to propositions of the
tor edict protection and nondiscrimination. However, when
suffice and to benefit freedom, with all the implications
phase national commitment to the quality of human person-
and result the importance of a then indication of om-
board to fit this to a higher level of Generalization,
fated in this essential effort." Here again, it would be
recognition of Groome, Governments -- can and should be en-
community facility -- communities, schools, families,
equality programs for prospective employees ... Every
means at our disposal: the training of police officers ...
"Affordable program of relief integration" using every social
clearance and hydrauliconing to a recommendation for a
this paragraph, the Report bases from a definition of aim
paragraph on page 15 which continues over onto page 13. In
(c) similar propofe niaise, for example, in the second

reality pass in mind.*

enough to make the kind of impact which the penel

controversial propositions. I am merely angesting that we
emphasize that I am not angesting that we should avoid
turn to the document. Let us do something about it, let me
tend to distinguish the attention of the hydraulic from the main
within the broad context of the whole report. It confers
the relative importance of the barriojar recommendations
on the mass media to a degree out of proportion to
the kind of recommendation which confers attraction the atten-
sion of page or two of complete abecedary. Moreover, this is
to take away propositions with no more to absorb them than
might well be worse consequences of action, put it is sufficient
by the several states for catastrophic illness. These
broads in medicine, and for hydraulic insurance equated
Graubach, comes out for the "Grand bracice bresbyment ab-
(p) On page 2c, the draft report, in two prior bar-

on these aspects.

Moreover, would actually involve writing a separate report
and explain when and where and how. An effort to do so,
and leave it at that. The reader expects me to go further,
directions, whether we can make a statement of this sort

-5-

[n]

is possible to support such propositions without far more
extended treatment than occurs in the present draft or
than would be possible within the confines of any kind of
report within our contemplation.

With this in mind, may I lay two alternative sug-
gestions before you for your consideration:

(i) Concentrate on Chapter VII of the present
Report which deals with the problem of national priorities,
and perhaps Chapters I and II. Chapter VII could have an
impact which would be pronounced, and would help set an
appropriate perspective for the consideration of many of
the major problems of domestic, economic and social policy.
Chapters I and II would help also to supply perspective.
The substance of these chapters could well be incorporated
into the Overall Panel Report. Indeed, this might well be
the best way to handle them.

(ii) If it should be thought important to allow
the full content of the present draft -- or some revision
of the present draft -- to reach the public, perhaps we
could let it be published along with the research papers
which have been commissioned by the Overall Panel and
other staff work, as work-papers of which the Overall Panel
has had the benefit in the course of its work. The Over-
all Panel would be taking no position on these work-papers
or commissioned reports, but would merely express the view
that they were of sufficient interest to be made available
for the consideration of others concerned about these prob-
lems.

I hope these suggestions won't make your already ex-
ceedingly difficult task of leadership in this fine effort
even more complicated. I make them in the hope that they
may be helpful.

With best wishes,

MK/ms

Copy to:
Dr. Kissinger

30 Rockefeller Plaza

New York 20, N. Y.

Room 5600

July 2, 1958

Dear Henry:

Thank you so much for your wonderfully thoughtful letter of June sixteenth. It meant a great deal to me, as has the association of the past two years.

Even though we still have three subpanel reports and the overall report to go, I'm more convinced than ever that the four we did get out have set a new standard and even, as John Dickey might say, established new dimensions for work of this kind. There is no question in my mind but that this would not have been possible had it not been for your willingness to assume the Directorship of the program despite the already heavy commitments which you had. The way in which you went about the organization of this study program was unique, as was your concept for the individual panel studies in relation to the whole.

I feel that sometime we must finish the series and come out with the book, and that in so doing we will give a forward perspective similar to that which so many historians have given to the road that we have already traversed. This seems to me to be the most essential contribution any group can make to the thinking in our country today, particularly when cast in the conceptual framework which has been so importantly your contribution. The opportunity of the association with you in this work has been an inspiration and a source of deep personal satisfaction to me. Frankly, this whole program has been the most exciting and intellectually stimulating experience that I have ever had.

As soon as the III report was out of the way I moved into the political scene, with the result which you may have seen in Tuesday's press. Now that I have come out as a candidate, life is considerably simpler, and I am confident that this is going to be an exciting opportunity. I do hope that during the course of the summer we can get together on two or three short key speeches. The

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
104 Fletcher Road
Belmont, Massachusetts

Mr. J. Burke Knapp
Mr. Henry Klausinger
copies to: Mr. Stacy May

MK:qal

Milton Katz

Sincerely yours,

With best wishes,

all members of the Council Panel and Panel III.
Jetter concerning the Bank's sources of capital¹ to
funds and dividends the bank's graphs in Mr. Knapp's
I am writing to Nancy Banks to ask per to qub-

Bank's sources of financial resources.

I'll correction of data concerning the International
Standards in the Western Hemisphere! and to find her-
pe especially interested in the reference to his ex-
International Bank² which will interest you. You will
receive them J. Burke Knapp³ Vice President of the
I enclose a copy of a letter which I have just

Dear Nelson:

52 july 1928

August 26, 1958

Mr. Nelson Rockefeller
30 Rockefeller Plaza, Room 5600
New York, New York

Dear Nelson:

This is just a note to tell you how delighted
all your admirers are by your nomination. In this time
of crisis, nothing is more urgently needed than new purposes
and a new sense of direction. There is no one in the country
who is better able to supply this. Despite all the arguments
that this is a Democratic year, I am convinced that it is a
year above all for new ideas, and that the reaction we are
witnessing is not so much a pro-Democratic one as against
men of limited horizon and little goals. The sort of cam-
paign which you will conduct will I am sure make clear that
your opponent belongs in that category. All my best wishes
are with you on this great adventure.

Kind regards.

September 19, 1958

Mr. Nelson A. Rockefeller
30 Rockefeller Plaza, Room 5600
New York, New York

Dear Nelson:

It was - as always - very good and very inspiring to see you. I have great hopes for your campaign. The fact that you received the nomination as well as the reception you have had up to now do a great deal to strengthen one's faith in the democratic process.

You asked me to suggest some approaches about the tone of your campaign with special reference to foreign policy. I am of course not an expert on campaigns. It would seem to me however that a straight foreign policy discussion would probably be unwise. Harriman's record on specific foreign policy issues has on the whole been good. If you raise the foreign policy issue, you will quickly be maneuvered into a position of having to defend policies with which I know you do not agree, and about which the people at large are becoming increasingly uneasy. A conventional foreign policy discussion would probably lead into your opponent's strength.

On the other hand, I do believe that you have essentially two problems in this campaign. One, to win and therefore to obtain a platform for the kind of service which is essential if this country is to avoid catastrophe. Two, to conduct the campaign in such a manner that you will be in a position to perform this service regardless of the outcome of the campaign. If you win, the second problem is not so crucial, though even then it will be of considerable significance. I know you will not consider it flattery if I tell you that I consider your moral capital for our society. It seems to me the whole free world is heading for its own version of Algeria. What makes Algeria so intractable to the French is not so much the military problem but the fact that none of the traditional concepts on which France has been operating either domestically or internationally seem to fit the situation. Similarly the whole free world seems to suffer from moral lassitude which expresses itself in a timidity and pettiness which has transformed us into bystanders and perhaps soon victims of the enormous revolution sweeping the world. When societies face such an impasse, it requires someone to play the role of Churchill in Britain in 1940: to lift it above itself, to show new horizons and to restore moral dynamism.

to lift it up itself, to show new horizons and to reawake most chivalrous
it requires someone to break the role of Cynicull in Britain in 1840:
revolution awaking the world. When societies see an end to imbrue,
transformed into phenomena and besides soon achieve the enormous
heights which expresses itself in a timidity and bettiness which has
arisen which expresses itself in a timidity and bettiness which has
arisen which expresses itself in a timidity and bettiness which has
operating either domestically or internationally seem to lift the
that none of the traditional concepts on which France has been
influenced to the trend is not so much the military problem but the
is leading for its own analogy of Affairs. What makes Affairs so
your most essential for our society. It seems to us the whole tree world
I know you will not consider it flatter than I felt you that I consider
ourself, though even then it will be of considerable significance.
the outcome of the ambivalence. It you win, the second problem is not so
that you will be in a position to belong to this service regardless of
to avoid catastrophe. Two, to conduct the ambivalence in such a manner
platform for the kind of service which is essential if this country is
two problems in this ambivalence. One, to win and therefore to obtain
On the other hand, I do believe that you have essentially
obvious, an attraction.

A conventional foreign policy guidance would properly lead into your
and apart which the people at large are becoming increasingly meaty.
position of having to defend bufferies with which I know you do not agree,
rate the foreign policyasse, you will quickly be unemphasized into a
on specific foreign policy issues pass on the whole penultimate. It is
foreign policy guidance would properly lead in some
Harriman's record
not an expert on ambivalence. It would seem to me however that a straight
your ambivalence with special reference to foreign policy. I am not course
you asked me to attack some abscissa apart the tone of
that to strengthen one's faith in the democratic process.
nomination as well as the reception you have had as to now do a great
I have great hope for your ambivalence. The fact that you received the
If was - as always - very good and very interesting to see your.

Dear Nelson:

New York, New York

30 Rocketteffer Plaza, Room 2000

Mr. Nelson V. Rocketteffer

September 13, 1928

Mr. Nelson A. Rockefeller

2.

September 19, 1958

It would therefore seem to me that while a discussion of specific foreign policy issues would be unwise, it would be important for you to establish the image which will enable you in the years to come to fulfil the vital role of making our society live up to the best within it. I have the impression moreover that the country is eminently ready for it. A great deal of uneasiness exists less about specific policies than about the general direction of American policy. The people are unhappy about our defensiveness and they are confused by a policy which is more aware of things to avoid than goals to achieve. If one looks at American history however one finds that the great periods have always been those when our energies and dedication were focussed on some ideal. With your feeling for art, you will agree that style is inseparable from content, that a sense of proportion can be achieved only through an overall view. It is this inspiration which you can supply better than anyone in public life and which is one of your most powerful appeals.

You might therefore consider giving two rather full-dress speeches toward the second half of October on the subject of the citizen, the state, the nation and the world. In these speeches it would be appropriate to talk of the fact that what America needs above all at the moment is a new sense of purpose and a greater sense of direction. In a society like ours this depends on one level on making the life of the individual as meaningful as possible and this in turn requires new goals and new dedication. I would say that for too long we have been inspired by our fears rather than our hopes, that for too many years we have been drawing on the ideas of previous decades without making the effort to find the meaning appropriate for this period. We have developed the attitude of spectators to such an extent that even when we speak of our role in the world we have a tendency to say that we must do certain things like fulfilling the opportunities of our citizens - because the world will watch us and judge us by our domestic performance. It would seem to me however that we must act out of our own inward dynamism and not because we are putting on a play for the rest of the world. The frontier of America which in retrospect seems so romantic was after all a spiritual more than a physical adventure. It would have been meaningless without people who recognised in the wilderness a challenge rather than a hindrance. The task before America now is to develop the conviction to find new frontiers, to be more aware of our opportunities than of our dangers. For example, when we advance programs for the rest of the world we should do so not in the name of beating communism but by saying: "This we want to do because of the things in which we believe."

You could then point out that is why the vitality of our democracy at all levels is of crucial importance. We will convince others to the degree that we are convincing to ourselves, and you would dedicate your administration to restoring the sense of conviction and to giving new outlets for the hopes and ideals of our times. You might well say something about the cult of easiness of our period and point out that

Mr. Nelson A. Rockefeller

3. September 19, 1958

in a democracy no one will hand us the answer to our problems but
that we live in tremendous times which provided we are equal to them
can make pale even the adventure and achievement of our earlier
history.

It would seem to me that one or two speeches on this theme
would pull the many specific issues into sharper focus. In my judgment,
your greatest appeal to the voters is not the fact that you are a typical
political leader. If this was what was wanted, Mr. Hall would have been
a much safer nomination. Your greatest contribution and I suspect your
greatest attraction is the fact that in a period of petty motivations,
you can represent the possibility of great conceptions, and that out of
the confusion of small decisions you may be able to focus a profounder
purpose. This at least is what you represent to all your admirers and
what will best reflect your national style. I may simply be projecting
my own desires. But I would be amazed if something like this repeated
maybe once or twice and after you have done the basic political work
would not have a profound impact.

With all good wishes and warm regards.

Henry V. Kieflinger

Sincerely yours,

would not have a broom or mabot.
make once or twice and after you have done the past broom work
my own degree. But I would be assured it something like this reposed
what will beat reflect your national style. I may simply be projecting
burboee. This at least is what I now represent to all your affiliates
you can represent the beautifity of great conventions, and that out of
greatest attraction is the fact that in a period of better motivations,
a man after nomination. Your greatest contribution and I submit your
brochural leader. It this was what was wanted, Mr. Hell would have been
your greatest abbot so the others is not the fact that you are a fabioy
would bill the past specific taxes into smaller ones. In my judgment,

If would seem to me that one or twoPECES on this theme
wretork.

can make better even the adventure and satisfaction of our earlier
that we live in tremendous times which provided we are equal to them
in a democracy no one will find me the answer to our problems but

Mr. Nelson V. Rocketteffer

3.

September 18, 1928

[A]

October 6, 1958

Mr. Nelson A. Rockefeller
New York Republican State Committee
45 East 45th Street
New York 17, New York

Dear Nelson:

I have been laid up for a few days with a very heavy cold and therefore did not finish the speech until this morning. It will require a fair amount of polishing and the beginning in particular needs a lot of tightening up.

I thought it might be helpful to you to know what I tried to accomplish. I have a strong impression of considerable uneasiness about our situation in the world and surfeit with the usual slogans to deal with it. I have a feeling that the first person who offers a different approach and who lifts the discussion above that of pure tactics will establish himself very deeply in the public mind. This will certainly be true among intellectuals and middle-class people in general. And you will always be able to appeal to the remainder by the usual political campaign tactics. I think we have been ashamed for too long to say certain things. One of your great contributions to those who know you is that you can focus our moral concerns. I know you can do that also for the state and the country at large, and it has never been more necessary.

The manuscript can almost certainly be out, but if you find it still too long you might consider making it the subject of two talks.

All good wishes and warm regards.

30 Rockefeller Plaza

New York 20, N.Y.

Room 5600

December 17, 1958

Dear Henry:

What a wonderfully thoughtful note! I am only sorry to be so late in thanking you, but as you can well imagine, life has been a bit hectic lately!

I strongly feel that the association with you during the past two years has been a major factor in my understanding of the breadth and interrelation of so many of the forces which not only affect the future of our lives, but which create a current of deep concern to the people of our country. I am convinced that being able to transmit at least a degree of awareness of these forces was a factor in getting the support that I did. Now the great challenge lies ahead. In meeting it I am counting importantly on your counsel and help.

May I say again how much the association and friendship with you means to me. I do hope that I'll see you soon when the worst of the initial period of organization is over.

With very best wishes to you and your wife for a Merry Christmas,

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Harvard University
Center for International Affairs
6 Divinity Avenue
Cambridge 38, Massachusetts

A card of admission will be
sent upon receipt of your acceptance

164 State Street
Albany, N.Y.

Carmine G. De Sapio
Secretary of State

February 9, 1959

The Honorable Nelson A. Rockefeller
Governor of the State of New York
Albany, New York

Dear Nelson:

It was good as always to see you. Your kindness and
hospitality meant a great deal to me. You can count on my friendship
and on any support that it is within my power to give.

I am convinced that we are heading for a desperate
situation not dissimilar to that of Britain after Dunkirk, and that
everything depends on being in a position to rally the country and
the free world if the worst should come to pass. This it seems to
me is one of the great tasks before you in which you can count on
whatever help I may be able to give. I would like however to separate
for the moment the question of working on Panel I from working with
you on foreign policy problems. The latter I shall do enthusiastically.
The problem of Panel I is something which I would like to consider for
a little while longer.

I am enclosing the concluding section of a very long
speech I gave in Germany and a letter from a German student whom
I never met in response to it. This letter seems to me to show the
fatuousness of all the talk in Washington and in the press about
elasticity and flexibility, slogans which usually involve some
American concessions and which consist of stale ideas that were
not good five years ago and have not improved with age. Until we
have begun to give an answer to the questions of that student, we
will not be in a very strong moral position.

Once more many thanks. I am looking forward to
seeing you soon.

With kind regards.

Henry H.

Sincerely yours,

With kind regards.

seeing you soon.

will not be in a very strong mental position.
I have begun to give an answer to the questions of that student, we
not so good these years ago and have not improved with age. Until we
American conversations and which consist of state ideas that were
elementary and flexibility, a lot of which naturally involve some
classroom work of all the talk in Washington and in the class upon
I never met in response to it. This letter seems to me so clear the
assess I have in Germany and a letter from a German student whom
I am enclosing the corresponding section of a very long

a little while longer.

The problem of Panel I is something which I would like to consider for
you on foreign policy problems. The latter I shall do enigmatically.

For the moment the question of working on Panel I from working with
whatever help I may be able to give. I would like however to补正
me in one of the great tasks before you in which you can count on
the tree world if the worst should come to pass. This it seems to
enjoy living debuts on being in a position to really do the country and
attitude not dissimilar to that of Britain after Dunkirk, and that
I am convinced that we are heading for a desperate

and on any subject that it is within my power to give.

Dear Nelson:

Vipnau, New York
Governor of the State of New York
The Honorspie Nelson V. Rockefeller

February 3, 1938

STATE OF NEW YORK
EXECUTIVE CHAMBER
ALBANY

NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER
GOVERNOR

February 12, 1959

Dear Henry:

Thank you for your note with the enclosed
excerpt from your speech, which I enjoyed tremendously.

I too enjoyed our discussion regarding (1) basic principles and objectives for the United States in the world scene today, and, (2) means and methods of achieving them. Any outline of thoughts which you may have on these two subjects before our next discussion tremendously helpful to me. If I get a chance I will try and do the same.

I am not too worried about the subpanel I report at this time because until these basic factors are determined it seems to me it would be very hard to write such a report. Therefore let's concentrate on the fundamental questions. I want to get together with you again as soon as our tax problems are out of the way. I heard that the Governor of Massachusetts is having his problems too!

With best wishes,

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
6 Divinity Avenue
Cambridge, Massachusetts

May 7, 1959

Mr. Nelson A. Rockefeller
Apartado 140
Valencia, Venezuela

Dear Nelson:

I had hoped to have a chance to see you before you left for Venezuela to explain to you personally the reasons for my recent decision. I am sure you understood, but I wanted to assure you that it was one of the most difficult decisions of my life. You can rely on my friendship and dedication, even if I had to disappoint you this year. The greatest tasks seem to me still ahead, and if you should believe that I could contribute to them, I will be ready to drop everything here at an appropriate moment. But for this precise reason it is essential that I use the interim to establish myself at Harvard.

Enclosed is the draft of a proposed talk for the reception of the Queen. I was given instructions by your office to keep it to below 500 words, which does not leave very much room. I have therefore kept it on a philosophical level. You might prefer to comment on the present situation or you might wish to make a specific proposal about some kind of regional arrangement between us and the Atlantic Community in the political and economic field -- an arrangement I believe is going to become increasingly necessary. If so, it would be easy to change the text. My own view would be that specific proposals might better wait for another occasion.

I hope you will get a good rest.

With warm regards.

May 8, 1959

Miss Eileen Slater
Office of the Governor of New York
Albany, New York

Dear Eileen:

Enclosed is a copy of the proposed
talk for the opening of the St. Lawrence Seaway.
A copy has been sent with Oscar to Venezuela.
If the Governor wants to talk to me about it,
it might be helpful if he did it before May
31st since in all likelihood I will go to
Europe for several weeks at that time.

Come and see how the lower classes
live sometime.

All good wishes.

Copy

May 19, 1959

The Hon. Nelson A. Rockefeller
Governor of New York
Governor's Mansion
Albany, New York

Dear Governor Rockefeller:

I have the honor to invite you to be a member of the Ameri-
can delegation at an unofficial, off-the-record conference in
Bad Godesberg, to be held October 1 through 4, 1959.

The two delegations to the Conference will be composed of
leading members of the Bundestag, the House and Senate, as well
as leading private citizens from the two countries. No govern-
ment officials will participate. It will be modeled on the
British-German conferences which have been held annually with
distinguished attendance on both sides at Koenigswinter, as well
as similar Franco-German meetings.

The Conference has been initiated by the Atlantik-Bruecke,
a German organisation which includes some of the most important
educators, industrialists and journalists in Germany. It has
the blessing of the German Government and of the American Am-
bassador in Bonn. We have received a grant from the Ford Foun-
dation to cover some of the expenses of the American delegation.

The Berlin crisis with all its repercussions greatly en-
hances the importance of the Conference, for though some progress
may have been made by then the problem will certainly not have
been solved. For this reason it is more important than ever to
have an American delegation of the greatest possible distinction
to match the German; and to include as many delegates as possible
whose names are known in Germany. You, of course, are well known
there, not only because of your magnificent victory last November
but also through the fine Rockefeller reports which have con-
tributed so much to alerting the American people and government
to our defense neglects and to the need for greater effort and
sacrifice. I am sure that you would make an important contribu-
tion to this Conference.

A list of those who have already joined the American dele-
gation is attached. They include former High Commissioner John J.
McCloy; former Ambassador James B. Conant; Senator Stuart Syming-
ton; Senator John Sherman Cooper; Dr. Henry A. Kissinger; Gover-
nor Robert Meyner; General James B. Gavin; Dr. George N. Shuster,
President of Hunter College; and Shepard Stone of the Ford Foun-

May 19, 1959

dation. Dean Acheson is almost positive he can attend.

We hope to have two more Democratic senators, as well as Representative Wayne Hays who has already accepted, and either three Republican senators or two senators and one member of the House. All expenses in Bad Godesberg will be taken care of by our German hosts.

I enclose here a copy of a report on activities of the American Council on Germany over the last year to give you some background on the work of our organization; also one or two reprints of our publicity.

With kindest regards, and with high hopes that you can attend,

CE:mb
Encs. (Activities Report of the American Council on Germany)
(List of acceptances to Conference)
(Reprints)

P.S. Since I will be in Europe when you receive this letter, I have asked Mrs. Ruth Berenson, Executive Secretary of the American Council on Germany to call Mr. Jamieson of your staff next week.

Council on Germany to call Mr. Jameson of your staff next week.
sated Mr. Ruth Bereson, Executive Secretary of the American
P.C. Since I will be in Europe when you receive this letter, I pass

(Reprint)

Enc. (Text of acceptance to Conference)

CE:mp

(quoted but not read)

Christophor Emenet

Rejoicefully home,

work of our organization; also one or two reprints of our bulletins.
Council on Germany over the last year to give you some background on the
I enclose here a copy of a report on activities of the American

Bad Gesetzen will be taken care of by our German papers.
sentons or two semesters and one semester of the House. VII thanks in
futuris Wayne Hels who has freely accepted, and either three Republiken
We hope to have two more Democratic Senators, as well as Republiken-
dation. Dean Vehron is almost positive he can attend.

The Hon. Mr. E. A. Rockefeller

May 19, 1929

Page 5.

STATE OF NEW YORK
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT
EXECUTIVE CHAMBER
ALBANY

COPY

June 1, 1959

Dear Mr. Emmet:

Governor Rockefeller has asked me to
thank you for your letter of May nineteenth
in which you extend an invitation for him to
be a member of the American delegation at a
conference in Bad Godesberg in October.

Unfortunately, the Governor will not be
able to accept your invitation. The pressure
of official business during this first busy
year of his term is making it necessary for him
to devote himself wholly to the affairs of New
York State, and he must therefore forego partici-
pating in many worthwhile occasions in which he
is interested. He very much appreciates your
thoughtfulness in asking him to come to Bad
Godesberg for this important gathering and he is
sorry that he will not be able to be there.

Please convey to your associates in the
American Council on Germany the Governor's best
wishes for the memorable occasion this program
promises.

Mr. Christopher Emmet
Executive Vice President
American Council on Germany,
Incorporated

Suite 1901
8 West 40th Street
New York 18, New York

cc: Mrs. Ruth Berenson
Dr. Henry A. Kissinger ✓
Henry Wheatley

4-3-58-10M (7B-500)

HW:EW

July 3, 1959

The Honorable Nelson A. Rockefeller
Governor of New York
Albany, New York

Dear Nelson:

It was very courteous of you to write to me about
your decision with respect to the invitation from the American
Council on Germany. Since my relationship to you is very important
to me and so much dependent on intangibles, I thought it might be
useful if I told you the policy I have followed heretofore with
respect to requests to intercede with you. I invariably urge that
the request be transmitted to you directly. At the same time, in
order to prevent a letter being sent to you "at my suggestion,"
I always send a brief note to the member of your staff who I think
is responsible, telling him what I know of the request. This is
not intended, however, as an endorsement, and except in cases which
seem to me overridingly urgent -- there have not been any so far --
I will not express an opinion. I know you understood this, but I thought
it might be helpful if I made my views absolutely clear.

I have thought a great deal about our recent conversation
and look forward to seeing you.

Kind regards.

May 14, 1959

Mr. Francis Jamieson
The Governor's Office
Albany, New York

Dear Frankie:

I understand that Nelson is going to be invited by the American Council on Germany to attend a German-American Conference in Bad Godesberg October 1 - 4. I do not know whether Nelson is accepting any such invitations, but I wanted to let you know whatever information I have on this meeting. It is patterned on similar meetings between high level British and German delegations which have been an annual feature. I understand that Sherman Cooper, Governor Meynor, James Conant and John McCloy are among those who have already accepted invitations, as well as many eminent Germans.

If you ever come through this part of the country, I hope you will look me up.

Kind regards.

May 14, 1959

Dear Frankie:

I understand that Nelson is going to be invited by the American Council on Germany to attend a German-American Conference in Bad Godesberg October 1 - 4. I do not know whether Nelson is accepting any such invitations, but I wanted you to know that I feel it to be a worthwhile effort at this critical stage of our relations with Europe. It is patterned on similar meetings between high level British and German delegations which have been an annual feature. I understand that Sherman Cooper, Governor Meynor, James Conant and John McCloy are among those who have already accepted invitations, and I too plan to be a member of the American group.

Kind regards.

July 27, 1959

Hon. Nelson A. Rockefeller
Governor of the State of New York
22 West 55th Street
New York, New York

Dear Nelson:

I am enclosing a rather rough draft of the proposed speech to the Governor's conference (typing errors and all). I thought it was more important to let you see what I have and to rewrite it, if necessary during the week. Rewriting is usually fairly easy, if you agree with the basic approach. I shall go over the text at least once more before we meet.

The paragraphs about the Soviet threat are fairly sharp because it seems to me essential to counteract the current euphoria. Also I think that our dispute with Communism derives from deeper issues than the relative abilities to produce consumer goods.

I have a reservation to come to New York both Wednesday and Friday. I will not come on Wednesday, however, unless you think it worthwhile. Perhaps you could let me know on Tuesday afternoon or evening. I may be reached at:

Tuesday afternoon till 5 p.m. University 8-7600, extension 2124, 2125.
from 5-6 p.m. IVahoe 4-9567, Belmont, Mass.
from 7-10:30 p.m. Walker 2-5142, Beverly, Mass., c/o Kenneth Murdock.

On Wednesday I would have to leave in the afternoon but I can stay over Friday night if this should prove helpful.

Looking forward to seeing you.

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COMMITTEE MEETING GREAT SUCCESS AGAIN THANKS=
NELSON.

September 3, 1959

Hon. Nelson A. Rockefeller
Governor of the State of New York
Albany, New York

Dear Nelson:

I am enclosing a proposed statement for the press
after your meeting with Mr. Khrushchev. I thought it might be
useful if I discussed briefly the philosophy behind it.

I seems to me that during Khrushchev's visit you
face two apparently conflicting considerations: a) to demon-
strate a willingness to deal with the Soviets or at least to
forestall the charge that you are completely closed on this
subject. b) to stay aloof from a course which will soon appear
misguided, if not worse.

Actually, the two requirements are not so inconsis-
tent. To the extent that the visit fails to relieve tensions,
those who have sought to deal with the Russians by present meth-
ods will be discredited. Then those who stayed aloof will, by
this very act, have proved the correctness of their methods for
dealing with the Soviets. It would seem to me, therefore, that
it is both wise and necessary not to seek to capitalize on exist-
ing trends, whose fatuousness will be exposed very shortly.

For the visit will not change matters. I cannot
conceive what form a success would take or the manner in which
tensions are likely to be relaxed. And I can imagine very many
possibilities of failure.

The exchange of visits is very likely to weaken
Allied ties over the long pull. The principle of separate
dealings having been established, we may well be the victims
of the next phase of Soviet policy when they appeal to our
allies against us. I am not impressed by the ovations for the
President. The same was true after Munich. And in any case,
once the President embarked on his present course the only
means our allies had of influencing him was to protest their
confidence in him.

Hon. Nelson A. Rockefeller

-2-

September 3, 1959

It will not help us to say we are not negotiating. The Soviets will have their own version, designed to create the maximum of doubt. Only last week Khrushchev wrote to Adenauer: "We (Eisenhower and Khrushchev) naturally cannot limit our talk to questions of corn and cucumbers. We shall discuss political questions, state affairs and unsolved problems." (I have an article in this week's New York Times Magazine which states my view more fully.)

Moreover, I am convinced that by this time next year we will be in the middle of a major crisis on Berlin (unless we sign an interim agreement on Berlin. In that case we will face the issue under even worse circumstances at the end of the interim period which will then coincide with the advent of a new administration.) At some point, perhaps after a summit conference, Mr. Khrushchev will announce that since negotiations have failed he will have no choice but to sign a peace treaty with East Germany. Again let me quote from Khrushchev's note to Adenauer of August 26, 1959: "After all means of convincing our partners, all means of negotiation have been tried, we shall conclude a peace treaty with the GDR (the East German regime) and call upon all countires who fought Nazi Germany to follow our example."

When the bankruptcy of our present course is apparent those individuals who have maintained their moral capital will be desperately required by the country. By the same token, those who now are so much trying to capitalize on immediate trends will cut no better figure than the leaders of France and Britain in 1940.

With friendship.

P.S. I am writing a separate letter on your conversation with Khrushchev.

September 3, 1959

Dear Nelson:

Hon. Nelson A. Rockefeller

-2-

September 3, 1959

It will not help us to say we are not negotiating. The Soviets will have their own version, designed to create the maximum of doubt. Only last week Khrushchev wrote to Adenauer: "We (Eisenhower and Khrushchev) Naturally cannot limit our talk to questions of corn and cucumbers. We shall discuss political questions, state affairs and unsolved problems." (I have an article in this week's New York Times Magazine which states my view more fully.)

With friendship.

DRAFT

9/3/59

Statement after meeting with Mr. Khrushchev

As Governor of the State of New York I welcomed the Prime
Minister and expressed the hope that his stay in New York would be
pleasant and would advance the cause of peace. I told Mr. Khrushchev
that he would not fail to notice the unity and confidence of the American
people and our material achievements. We are proud, of course, of our
productive capacity. But I added the hope that Mr. Khrushchev would
also note something more intangible but even more significant for an
understanding of America: the values in which we believe affirming the
freedom and dignity of the individual and his opportunity to develop his
capacities, spiritual and material, to the utmost. Because we consider
each human being as unique, we judge all other activities by their contri-
bution to helping man to fulfill himself. Productive capacity and the
state are only means to an end: the development of the human personality
in all its aspects. We are convinced that these values reflect the deepest
aspirations of all mankind. This is why Americans welcome the peaceful
competition of which they have heard the Prime Minister speak. For they deeply
desire peace and have no doubt about the outcome of a competition in freedom.

September 4, 1959

Dear Nelson:

I am leaving for a long-delayed holiday next week. I am therefore taking the liberty now of putting before you my thoughts about your conversation with Khrushchev.

I have talked with friends in Washington who have seen him in action. They tell me he is a formidable figure with great vitality and conviction and an elemental strength: Even so tough a person as Chancellor Adenauer was shaken when dealing with him. He is said to have two standard approaches: one in which he overwhelms his opposite number with a torrent of accusations. Another, mellower one, where he is relaxed and dignified though still quite tough. In your case it is likely that he will adopt the first technique.

The importance to Khrushchev of a meeting with you should not be underrated. For an *arriviste* and a Bolshevik like Khrushchev to meet with a Rockefeller has a significance similar to that which made Napoleon so eager to be accepted by the established sovereigns. Besides this point of vanity, an understanding of you is obviously important to him for the conduct of his future policy. You may be President some day; you do represent great influence to-day.

The question then is: What is it that you should convey to him? I would suggest that it is not particularly important to make known your views on current topics or to seek to convince him of a particular policy. It is vital that he learn of your sense of purpose and your toughness. If in addition he considers you unfathomable or enigmatic I would think it a net gain because it will inspire him with caution if he must deal with you later.

Hon. Nelson A. Rockefeller

-2-

September 4, 1959

I would therefore think it important that the meet-
ing be short - no more than an hour - both to avoid polemic and
to prevent Khrushchev from giving the impression that you and he
have had a meeting of minds. To achieve this, you cannot rely
on Khrushchev's schedule. He has been known to cancel all appoint-
ments to continue a conversation that seemed important to him.
And in his talks with you the stakes are high. I would recommend
that you arrange your schedule in such a way that you have an
unbreakable appointment following you visit with Mr. Khrushchev
(e.g. some function with Princess Beatrix).

I would not think it useful to engage in a polemic.
Our constant effort to persuade Mr. Khrushchev that we are sincere
is itself a sign of insecurity. Khrushchev will no doubt attack
you for your failure to visit the Soviet exhibition. You might
consider replying that you were prevented by pressing state
business. If Khrushchev raises Berlin I would evade the specifics
of the various proposals. I would simply say that the key issue
is the right of 215 million people to determine their own fate
in safety, that Soviet proposals up to now did not assure this
and that America would never surrender the freedom of these
people. If Khrushchev discusses the desirability of peace, you
might reply that peace to be meaningful to us had to be consis-
tent with our values and those of our friends. At this point,
I would make the point that we welcome peaceful competition not
only because we desire peace but also because we are confident
of winning such a competition. We are convinced our values
represent universal aspirations (along the lines of the state-
ment I sent you).

Beyond this I would not go. If Mr. Khrushchev
leaves you with the feeling that he was dealing with an American
political figure who did not feel compelled to prove he was
a "regular fellow," who stayed well with himself and was deter-
mined to move at his own pace, a great deal will have been
achieved.

All the best.

Henry V. Knaufner

Sincerely yours,

VII the post.

mined to move at his own pace, a great deal will have been
a "regular fellow," who served well with himself and was defer-
blicit in nature who did not feel combatted to the best he was
leaves you with the feeling that he was dealing with an American
behind this I would not do. It Mr. Knaufnerov

ment I see you.

representative abettors (among the lines of the staff -
or winning one a competition). We are convinced our airness
outify because we desire peace put into peace we are confident
I would make the point that we welcome beneficial competition not
sent with our airness and phone of our friends. At this point,
might rehash that peace to be meaningful to me had to be con-
plete. It Knaufnerov grants us the great advantage of peace, your
and that America would never surrender the freedom of those
in arms, that Soviet broadege is not same this
is the right of SIR million people to determine their own lives
of the air force broadege. I would study such that the key issue
premises. It Knaufnerov states Berlin I would advise the abettors
consider relying that you were prevented by breathing false
you for your failure to act if the Soviet expiration. You might
be itself a sin of unreality. Knaufnerov will no doubt attack
our constant effort so because Mr. Knaufnerov that we are sincere
I would not think it useful to engage in a debate.

unpresageable abovement following your action with Mr. Knaufnerov
that you arrange your schedule in such a way that you have an
and in his life time takes with you the stakes are high. I would recommend
me to continue a conversation that seemed important to him.
on Knaufnerov's schedule. He has been known to cancel all sbout-
ime and a meeting of mind. To achieve this, you cannot rely
to prevent Knaufnerov from giving the impression that you and he
will be apart - no more than an hour - apart to avoid bohemia and
I would therefore think it important that the meet-

How. Nelson V. Rockefeller.

-3-

September 4, 1933