SECRETARY'S SCHEDULE OF EVENTS - FRIDAY, APRIL 23, 1976

<table><tr><td>8:30 a.m.</td><td>Wheels up from Andrews AFB for London</td></tr><tr><td>10:10</td><td>Informal chat with Press (10:40)</td></tr><tr><td>8:15 p.m.</td><td>Met with Press on Plane (London time) (8:45)</td></tr><tr><td>9:15 p.m.</td><td>Arrived London Heathrow Airport</td></tr><tr><td>10:00</td><td>Arrived Claridges Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>10:30</td><td>Met with Commonwealth Sec. Gen. Ramphal, Schaufele, Horan (notetaker) (11:13)</td></tr><tr><td>11:15</td><td>Met with Amb. Dean Brown, Funseth (11:40), Saunders, Peter Rodman (12:00); (Ricardo Thomas-photographer)</td></tr><tr><td>11:30</td><td>Called Gen. Scowcroft</td></tr><tr><td>12:00</td><td>Meeting with Press with Dean Brown (Hotel Lobby) (12:10)</td></tr><tr><td>12:15</td><td>Called Larry Eagleburger</td></tr><tr><td>12:25</td><td>Saw Jock Covey</td></tr><tr><td>12:30</td><td>Called John Oakes (NY Times) (inc.)</td></tr><tr><td>12:40</td><td>Saw Hal Saunders</td></tr><tr><td>12:50</td><td>Called Larry Eagleburger</td></tr><tr><td>1:15</td><td>Called Mrs. Kissinger (inc.)</td></tr><tr><td>1:20</td><td>Retired</td></tr></table>

SECRETARY'S ENGAGEMENTS

April 24, 1976

(LONDON-NAIROBI)

6:45 am Secretary wake-up
6:50 Called Mrs. Kissinger
7:40 Departed Claridges Hotel
8:20 Arrived Heathrow Airport
8:30 Wheels up

Accompanied on aircraft from London to Waddington by Amb. Armstrong, Sir Anthony Duff, Sir Michael Palliser and UK notetaker

Met with Sir Michael Palliser alone

9:00 Arrived at Waddington

Working Breakfast with Foreign Minister Crosland, et al at Waddington RAF Base

11:10 Arrived planeside
11:14 Wheels up
11:20 Informal chat with press -- aboard aircraft
5:15 Briefed Press

Also later had informal chat with press in back of plane
9:15 p.m. Wheels down Nairobi

10:36 Arrived Hotel Nairobi Intercontinental Hotel
10:45 Amb. Schaufele, Winston Lord, Charlie Hill, Peter Rodman
10:46 Called Gen. Scowcroft
10:47 Amb. Robinson joined
10:55 Robert Funseth joined (10:57)
11:38 Amb. Schaufele, Mr. Robinson, Winston Lord, Peter Rodman, Charlie Hill departed
11:58 Mrs. Kissinger called
12:55 Secretary retired

[u]

CALENDAR OF EVENTS - April 25, 1976

<table><tr><td>7:30</td><td>Secretary awakened</td></tr><tr><td>7:45</td><td>Breakfast</td></tr><tr><td>7:55</td><td>Saw Winston Lord</td></tr><tr><td>8:15</td><td>Called Mrs. Kissinger</td></tr><tr><td>8:45</td><td>Saw Jock Covey</td></tr><tr><td>8:50</td><td>Departed Hotel for Wilson Airport</td></tr><tr><td>9:55</td><td>Departed Nakaru Airport for State House</td></tr><tr><td>10:00(?)</td><td>Met with President Kenyatta and Government Ministers</td></tr><tr><td>3:45</td><td>Arrive Nakaru Airport -- Q's and A's with the press</td></tr><tr><td>4:10</td><td>Wheels up for Dar es Salaam</td></tr><tr><td>5:00</td><td>Press briefing on plane (10 minutes)</td></tr><tr><td>5:50</td><td>Arrive Hotel Kilimanjaro</td></tr><tr><td>5:55</td><td>Depart suite with Amb. Spain for Arrival Statement</td></tr><tr><td>6:10</td><td>Return to suite</td></tr><tr><td>6:18</td><td>Saw Winston Lord and Charlie Hill (6:25)</td></tr><tr><td>6:38</td><td>Depart suite for courtesy call on Foreign Minister Kaduma</td></tr><tr><td>6:38</td><td>Saw Charlie Hill</td></tr><tr><td>8:34</td><td>Arrived suite</td></tr><tr><td>8:45</td><td>Saw Mr. Funseth</td></tr><tr><td>8:50</td><td>Departed for dinner in hotel</td></tr><tr><td>9:00</td><td>Dinner hosted by Foreign Minister Kaduma -- Hotel Kilimanjaro</td></tr></table>

DEPARTMENT OF STATE
BRIEFING PAPER

DAR ES SALAAM

Sunday, April 25

<table><tr><td>4:00 pm</td><td>Depart Nairobi<br>(1:20 hours air time)</td></tr><tr><td>5:20 pm</td><td>Arrive Dar Es Salaam</td></tr><tr><td>5:55 pm</td><td>Arrival Statement at Hotel Kilimanjaro<br>(30 minutes from airport)</td></tr><tr><td>6:00 pm</td><td>40 minutes Personal Time</td></tr><tr><td>6:45 pm</td><td>Courtesy Call on Foreign Minister Kaduma</td></tr><tr><td>7:00 pm</td><td>Meeting with President Nyerere at<br>State House</td></tr><tr><td>9:00 pm</td><td>Dinner by Foreign Minister at Hotel</td></tr></table>

Monday, April 26

<table><tr><td>9:00 am</td><td>Greet Embassy Staff at Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>9:20 am</td><td>Depart with Kaduma for National Stadium</td></tr><tr><td>9:40 am</td><td>Arrive Stadium and proceed to President's Box</td></tr><tr><td>10:00 am</td><td>Review Parade with President Nyerere commemorating 1964 Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar</td></tr><tr><td>11:00 am</td><td>Depart Stadium</td></tr><tr><td>11:30 am</td><td>Meeting with President Nyerere and Tanzanian Government and Party at State House</td></tr><tr><td>12:30 pm</td><td>Tete-a-tete with Nyerere, plus notetakers</td></tr><tr><td>1:00 pm</td><td>Lunch by Nyerere</td></tr><tr><td>2:15 pm</td><td>Personal time at hotel</td></tr><tr><td>3:15 pm</td><td>Departure Statement and Q&A at Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>3:30 pm</td><td>Depart Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>4:00 pm</td><td>Depart Dar Es Salaam for Lusaka<br>(2:20 hours air time minus 1 hour time change)</td></tr></table>

SECRETARY'S CALENDAR OF EVENTS - Monday, April 26, 1976

<table><tr><td>7:50</td><td>Secretary awakened</td></tr><tr><td>8:05</td><td>Breakfast</td></tr><tr><td>8:06</td><td>Called Mrs. Kissinger</td></tr><tr><td>8:13</td><td>Saw Mr. Funseth (8:21)</td></tr><tr><td>8:58</td><td>Saw Winston Lord re speech (9:02)</td></tr><tr><td>9:05</td><td>Departed with Ambassador Spain, Mr. Robinson, Ambassador Schaufele, et al to greet Embassy staff at Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>10:10</td><td>Arrived back in suite</td></tr><tr><td>10:25</td><td>Saw Jock Covey</td></tr><tr><td>11:30</td><td>Departed for meeting with President Nyerere and Tanzanian Government and Party at the State House</td></tr><tr><td>12:30</td><td>Tete-a-tete with President Nyerere</td></tr><tr><td>1:00</td><td>Luncheon hosted by President Nyerere</td></tr><tr><td>2:30</td><td>Returned to Hotel Kilimanjaro</td></tr><tr><td>2:40</td><td>Met with Ambassadors Spain and Schaufele</td></tr><tr><td>3:14</td><td>Saw Mr. Funseth (3:19)</td></tr><tr><td>3:19</td><td>Saw Minister Tammur from Papua New Guinea in the holding room with Ambassador Schaufele</td></tr><tr><td>3:21</td><td>Question and Answer session</td></tr><tr><td>4:00</td><td>Arrived Airport Dar es Salaam</td></tr><tr><td>4:14</td><td>Wheels up for Lusaka</td></tr></table>

Secretary's Calendar of Events - (continued), April 26, 1976

4:15 Brief meeting with travelling press (4:25) for photographs

6:00 Press briefing (travelling press)

Zambian time

5:25 Arrived Zambia - Arrival statement at airport

5:34 Departed airport for Lusaka

6:00 Arrived Intercontinental Hotel - Lusaka

6:15 Saw Winston Lord (6:25)

6:25 Saw Mr. Funseth (6:30)

6:31 Saw Jock Covey

6:47 Saw Ambassador Schaufele (6:55)

7:27 Saw Ambassador Wilcowski - escorted by Ambassador to reception by Foreign Minister Banda

7:30 Reception hosted by Foreign Minister Banda

8:15 Returned to suite with Foreign Minister Banda, Mrs. Banda, Banda's Mother-in-law, the Minister of State, and Ambassador Wilcowski

8:17 Group departed suite

9:00 Dinner alone in suite

9:20 Called Mrs. Kissinger

9:50 Called Larry Eagleburger

9:58 Saw Winston Lord

Monday, April 26, 1976

AFRICAN SCHEDULE

Monday, April 26

<table><tr><td>9:00 am</td><td>Greet Embassy Staff at Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>9:20 am</td><td>Depart Hotel for National Stadium</td></tr><tr><td>9:40 am</td><td>Brief Meetings in President's Box with Prime Minister & other GOT officials</td></tr><tr><td>10:00 am</td><td>Review Parade with President Nyerere commemorating 1964 Union between Tanganyika and Zanzibar</td></tr><tr><td>11:00 am</td><td>Depart Stadium</td></tr><tr><td>11:30 am</td><td>Meeting with President Nyerere and Tanzanian Government and Party at State House</td></tr><tr><td>12:30 pm</td><td>Tete-a-tete with Nyerere, plus Notetakers</td></tr><tr><td>1:00 pm</td><td>Lunch by Nyerere</td></tr><tr><td>2:15 pm</td><td>Personal Time one hour</td></tr><tr><td>3:15 pm</td><td>Departure Statement and Q&A at Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>3:30 pm</td><td>Depart for Airport</td></tr><tr><td>4:00 pm</td><td>Depart Dar es Salaam (2:20 hours air time minus 1 hour time change)</td></tr><tr><td>5:20 pm</td><td>Arrive Lusaka</td></tr><tr><td>5:55 pm</td><td>Arrive Hotel Intercontinental (90 minutes personal time)</td></tr><tr><td>7:30 pm</td><td>Reception by Foreign Minister Banda at Hotel (toasts)</td></tr><tr><td>8:30 pm</td><td>Evening Free<br>Private dinner in your suite Yes ____ No ____<br>How Many ____</td></tr></table>

Tuesday, April 27, 1976

LUSAKA

<table><tr><td>7:00 am</td><td>Secretary awakened</td></tr><tr><td>7:14</td><td>Breakfast served</td></tr><tr><td>8:00</td><td>Briefed travelling press</td></tr><tr><td>8:16</td><td>Mrs. Kissinger called</td></tr><tr><td>8:30</td><td>Saw Amb. Wilkowski and Foreign Minister</td></tr><tr><td>8:50</td><td>Departed Hotel for State House</td></tr><tr><td>9:00</td><td>Meeting with President Kuanda</td></tr><tr><td>10:00</td><td>Expanded Meeting with Government and Party Officials</td></tr><tr><td>10:50</td><td>Depart State House</td></tr><tr><td>10:55</td><td>Arrived Suite with Amb. Wilkowski and Amb. Schaufele</td></tr><tr><td>11:00</td><td>Met with Nkomo</td></tr><tr><td>11:25</td><td>Briefed travelling press</td></tr><tr><td>11:31</td><td>Departed for State House Lunch by Pres. Kuanda</td></tr><tr><td>12:00 noon</td><td>Lunch by President Kaunda</td></tr><tr><td>1:20</td><td>Secretary's speech</td></tr><tr><td>2:25</td><td>Depart for Embassy</td></tr><tr><td>2:30</td><td>Greet Embassy Staff at Chancery</td></tr><tr><td>2:45</td><td>Depart Embassy for Airport</td></tr><tr><td>3:15</td><td>Depart Lusaka for Livingstone in Zambian 737 accompanied by Banda and other GOZ officials</td></tr></table>

SECRETARY'S CALENDAR OF EVENTS - Wednesday, April 28, 1976

<table><tr><td>7:00</td><td>Wake up call</td></tr><tr><td>7:50</td><td>Saw Jock Covey</td></tr><tr><td>7:55</td><td>Saw Messrs. Hill, Lord and Rodman</td></tr><tr><td>8:10</td><td>Working breakfast with Nguza at Guest House (8:45)</td></tr><tr><td>9:55</td><td>Depart with meeting with Mobutu</td></tr><tr><td>10:00</td><td>Met with President Mobutu</td></tr><tr><td>11:40</td><td>Departed Presidential office</td></tr><tr><td>11:55</td><td>Arrive at launching dock</td></tr><tr><td>12:07</td><td>Cruise, lunch and talks on Mobutu's yacht</td></tr><tr><td>4:00</td><td>Depart dock for Marble Palace</td></tr><tr><td>4:15</td><td>Arrived Marble Palace</td></tr><tr><td>5:15</td><td>Wake up call</td></tr><tr><td>5:45</td><td>Departed Marble Palace for Ambassador's Residence to greet Embassy staff</td></tr><tr><td>6:12</td><td>Arrived Foreign Ministry for communique signing and press conference</td></tr><tr><td>7:25</td><td>Nguza reception at OAU Restaurant</td></tr><tr><td>7:50</td><td>Nguza dinner</td></tr><tr><td>9:56</td><td>Attended dance exposition at Presidential Gardens</td></tr><tr><td>11:50</td><td>Departed theater for Marble Palace</td></tr><tr><td>12:04</td><td>Arrived Marble Palace</td></tr></table>

KINSHASA

Tuesday, April 27

8:45 pm Arrive Kinshasa
10:00 pm Arrive Marble House Guest House
Evening Free

Wednesday, April 28

8:00 am Working breakfast with Nguza at Guest House
10:00 am Meeting with Mobutu open ended - he left to Yacht when finished
12:00 noon Cruise, lunch, talks on Mobutu's yacht
2:30 pm Personal time (2 hours 50 minutes)
5:45 pm Greet Embassy Staff at Residence
6:00 pm Communique Signing and Press Conference at Foreign Ministry
7:25 pm Nguza Reception at OAU Restaurant
7:50 pm Nguza Dinner
9:30 pm Dance Exposition at Presidential Gardens
11:00 pm Arrive Guest House

Thursday, April 29

7:45 am Depart Guest House
7:55 am Call on Mobutu OBE
8:35 am Helicopter to Airport
9:00 am Depart Kinshasa for Accra (3:05 hours air time minus 1 hour time change)

SECRETARY'S SCHEDULE

Friday, April 30, 1976

Kinshasa

<table><tr><td>6:30 am</td><td>Wake up call</td></tr><tr><td>7:30</td><td>Depart Marble Palace</td></tr><tr><td>7:38</td><td>Arrive President Mobutu's residence for working breakfast</td></tr><tr><td>8:30</td><td>Depart President's residence</td></tr><tr><td>8:39</td><td>Arrive airport</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Brought Foreign Minister aboard aircraft for tour</td></tr><tr><td>8:52</td><td>Wheels up from Kinshasa</td></tr><tr><td>10:02</td><td>Met with press informally - on aircraft (10:21)</td></tr><tr><td>11:00</td><td>Ted Koppel (11:05)</td></tr><tr><td>11:15</td><td>Press Briefing (11:47)</td></tr><tr><td>12:00 Noon</td><td>Interview with Dick Valerani and Ted Koppel - on aircraft</td></tr><tr><td>12:10</td><td>Saw Bernard Kalb</td></tr></table>

Monrovia

<table><tr><td>11:55 am</td><td>Arrive Monrovia (local time)</td></tr><tr><td>12:55</td><td>Arrive Guest House</td></tr><tr><td>1:00</td><td>Meeting with Ambs. Carter, Black, et al (some Liberians)</td></tr><tr><td>1:15</td><td>Met with Amb. Black</td></tr><tr><td>1:40</td><td>Saw Jock Covey</td></tr><tr><td>2:00</td><td>Departed with Amb. Carter</td></tr></table>

Friday, April 30, 1976 (cont'd)

2

<table><tr><td>2:08 pm</td><td>Arrived Foreign Ministry</td></tr><tr><td>2:20</td><td>Departure from Foreign Ministry</td></tr><tr><td>2:26</td><td>Arrived Executive Mansion</td></tr><tr><td>4:30</td><td>Depart Mansion for Roye Building and Cultural Performance</td></tr><tr><td>5:28</td><td>Left Roye building enroute to Embassy</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Greet Embassy Staff</td></tr><tr><td>6:31</td><td>Departed Embassy for Guest House</td></tr><tr><td>6:40</td><td>Arrived Guest House</td></tr><tr><td>6:45</td><td>Saw Jock Covey</td></tr><tr><td>7:16</td><td>Called Mrs. Kissinger</td></tr><tr><td>7:25</td><td>Saw Jock Covey (7:26)</td></tr><tr><td>7:25</td><td>Win Lord (7:30)</td></tr><tr><td>7:50</td><td>Saw Jock Covey</td></tr><tr><td>7:55</td><td>Depart for Mansion</td></tr><tr><td>7:57</td><td>Arrive Mansion for dinner hosted by President Tolbert</td></tr><tr><td>11:25</td><td>Arrived back at Guest House -- Ret'd with Amb. Beverly Carter and Amb. Shirley Temple Black</td></tr><tr><td>11:38</td><td>Saw Dr. Wolfe (11:41)</td></tr><tr><td>11:48</td><td>Amb. Black and Amb. Carter departed</td></tr><tr><td>12:15</td><td>Called Mrs. Kissinger</td></tr><tr><td>12:40</td><td>Called Larry Eagleburger</td></tr></table>

App. 1:00 am Retired

MONROVIA SCHEDULE

Friday, April 20,

<table><tr><td>7:30 am</td><td>Depart Marble Halace</td></tr><tr><td>8:30 am</td><td>Depart Kinshasa<br>(Flight time 4:30 hours minus one hour time change)</td></tr><tr><td>12:00 Noon</td><td>Arrive Monrovia<br>Foreign Minister Dennis accompanies<br>Arrive Guest House (40 minutes)</td></tr><tr><td>1:00 pm</td><td>Guest House<br>(50 minutes personal time)</td></tr><tr><td>1:50 pm</td><td>Depart Guest House</td></tr><tr><td>2:00 pm</td><td>Drop by Businessmen's lunch (15 minutes)</td></tr><tr><td>2:30 pm</td><td>Courtesy call on Dennis (10 minutes)</td></tr><tr><td>3:00 pm</td><td>Meeting with Tolbert (75 minutes)<br>Restricted session prior to broad meeting<br>(9 Liberian Ministers)</td></tr><tr><td>4:30 pm</td><td>Performance by National Cultural Troup<br>(90 minutes)<br>GOL proposes this instead of visit to Providence Island</td></tr><tr><td>5:15 pm</td><td>Greet Embassy Staff at Residence</td></tr><tr><td>6:40 pm</td><td>Personal time at Guest House (65 minutes)</td></tr><tr><td>8:00 pm</td><td>Tolbert Dinner<br>Followed by Speech</td></tr></table>

followed by 2 speech

8:00 pm Tolpert Dinner

6:40 pm Personal time at Great House (12 minutes)

8:12 pm Greet Embassy Staff at Residence

GOT proposes this instead of visit to Providence Island

(60 minutes) Performance by National Cultural Trust

(9 Piperian Ministers) Restricted session prior to closed meeting

3:00 pm Meeting with Tolpert (12 minutes)

3:30 pm Courtesy call on Dennis (10 minutes)

3:00 pm Drop by Businessmen's lunch (12 minutes)

1:20 pm Depart Great House

1:00 pm (20 minutes personal time) Great House

Arrive Great House (40 minutes)

Foreign Minister Dennis accompanies

13:00 Noon Arrive Monrovia

8:30 am Depart Kinapaas

7:30 am Depart Marple Palace

Friday, April 30,

MONROAIV SCHEDULE

Saturday, May 1

8:05 am Depart Guest House
8:45 am Arrive Airport
9:00 am Depart for Dakar
10:50 am Arrive Dakar - Yoff Airport
11:25 am Arrive Les Almadies Hotel
(35 minutes personal time)
12:00 Noon Meeting with Foreign Minister Seck at Hotel
1:00 pm Stag Luncheon by Foreign Minister Seck at Local Restaurant
2:30 pm Return to Hotel
(Personal time)
3:15 pm Depart Hotel for Embassy Residence
3:35 pm Greet Embassy Staff
4:00 pm Meeting with Senghor
5:00 pm Visit to Museum of African Art
(45 minutes)
6:05 pm Arrive Hotel
6:30 pm Press Conference at Hotel
7:00 pm Personal Time
7:50 pm Depart Hotel
8:15 pm Stag Dinner for 12 total by Senghor at Presidential Palace
10:30 pm Return to Hotel

SECRETARY'S CALENDAR OF EVENTS - Saturday, May 1, 1976

<table><tr><td>7:00</td><td>Wake up call</td></tr><tr><td>7:30</td><td>Saw Jock Covey</td></tr><tr><td>7:45</td><td>Saw Jock Covey</td></tr><tr><td>7:55</td><td>Departed Presidential Guest House</td></tr><tr><td>8:30</td><td>Arrived Monrovia Airport</td></tr><tr><td>8:31</td><td>Press Conference</td></tr><tr><td>8:55</td><td>Informal shot with press</td></tr><tr><td>9:00</td><td>Departed Monrovia</td></tr><tr><td>10:50</td><td>Wheels down Dakar, Senegal</td></tr><tr><td>11:15</td><td>Arrived Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>11:50</td><td>Saw Ambassador Aggrey</td></tr><tr><td>12:12</td><td>Departed suite for meeting with Foreign Minister Seck</td></tr><tr><td>1:05</td><td>Returned to suite</td></tr><tr><td>1:21</td><td>Departed suite for Foreign Minister's lunch in Dara Restaurant at Hotel des Almadies (3:45)</td></tr><tr><td>3:55</td><td>Departed for Palace</td></tr><tr><td>4:00</td><td>Met with President Senghor</td></tr><tr><td>5:05</td><td>Visit to IFAN Museum of African Art</td></tr><tr><td>6:23</td><td>Departed Museum for Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>6:32</td><td>Arrived Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>6:40</td><td>Saw Jock Covey and Mr. Funseth</td></tr></table>

PRESS SCHEDULE FOR DAKAR

Saturday, May 1

10:50 am
Arrive Yoff Airport
Arrival Statement

Full press coverage

11:20 am
Arrive Hotel des Almadies

12:00 noon
Meeting with Foreign Minister
Seck at Hotel.

Press photo opportunity

1:00 pm
Foreign Minister hosts lunch in
Dara Restaurant of Hotel.

Ted Koppel, ABC, and Barry Schweid,
AP, are luncheon guests

Full press coverage of exchange
of toasts. Pool reporters will
be drawn by lot at 12:30 pm.

3:35 pm
Secretary greets Embassy staff
at Ambassador's Residence

4:00 pm
Meeting with President Senghor

Press photo opportunity at
beginning of meeting

Additional photo opportunity at
end of meeting. Senghor may make
short statement or take one or
two questions.

5:05 pm (or on con-
clusion of Senghor
meeting)
Visit to IFAN Museum of African
Art

Photo opportunities during
museum tour

7:15 am Press conference at Hotel (time to be confirmed)

8:15 pm Dinner hosted by President Senghor at Presidential Palace

No press coverage anticipated

Sunday, May 2

7:00 am Press ferry for Goree Island

8:00 am Secretary departs for Goree Island visit by ferry. Twenty press representatives can be accommodated on board. Short photo opportunities during crossing.

9:50 am Motorcade from port to airport

10:10 am Arrive airport
Departure statement in VIP lounge

10:30 am Depart Dakar for Nairobi (8:30 hours flight plus 3 hours time change)

SECRETARY'S SCHEDULE

Tuesday, May 4, 1976

<table><tr><td>6:15 am</td><td>Wake up call and Tea served</td></tr><tr><td>6:45</td><td>Depart Lodge with Senator Javits, Senator and Mrs. Ribicoff, Mr. and Mrs. Robinson to Safari on Game Run - Masai Mara Game Park</td></tr><tr><td>9:00</td><td>Return to Keeokorok Lodge</td></tr><tr><td></td><td>Breakfast at Lodge</td></tr><tr><td>10:10</td><td>Wheels up from Keekorok landing strip</td></tr></table>

NAIROBI UNCTAD

TUESDAY, MAY 4

<table><tr><td>12:30 p.m.</td><td>Courtesy Call on Corea at Conference Center</td></tr><tr><td>1:00 p.m.</td><td>Greet Embassy Staff</td></tr><tr><td>1:30 p.m.</td><td>Host stag lunch for LDC's, Intercontinental Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>3:00 p.m.</td><td>Personal time (1 hour)</td></tr><tr><td>4:00 p.m.</td><td>Australia Bilateral - Peacock - (to be confirmed)</td></tr><tr><td>5:00 p.m.</td><td>Mozambique Bilateral-Dos Santos or Chissano (to be confirmed)</td></tr><tr><td>6:00 p.m.</td><td>Botswana Bilateral - Chiepe (to be confirmed)</td></tr><tr><td>8:00 p.m.</td><td>Host stag DC/LDC Dinner at Intercontinental Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>10:00 p.m.</td><td>Return to suite</td></tr></table>

SECRETARY'S SCHEDULE

Wednesday, May 5, 1976

7:15 am Wake up call

8:00 Working Breakfast with Japanese:
* Chief Delegate Toshio Kimura
* Bunroker Yoshino, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs
* Mr. Nanao, Interpreter
* Plus two Japanese aides
* Mr. Charles Robinson
* Peter Rodman

8:00 Press In

8:04 Press out

8:05 Met privately with Mr. Kimura in the holding room (8:15)

8:15 Joined group in dining room - Breakfast served

9:05 Secretary escorted Japanese to elevator
(Peter Rodman remained in Suite)

9:07 Ret'd to Suite with Mr. Robinson and Senator Javits

9:25 Peter Rodman out

9:30 Senator Ribicoff, Mr. Robinson and Mr. Boeker

9:36 Departed with Senator Ribicoff, Mr. Robinson, and
Mr. Boeker

9:50 Arrived Belgian Embassy for call on Thorn and Cheysson

10:35 Depart Belgian Embassy

10:40 Arrive Conference Hall

11:34 Depart Conference Hall

11:40 Arrive Intercontinental Hotel - Return to Suite
with Peacock (Australian)

11:43 Jock Covey joined as notetaker

-2-

Wednesday, May 5, 1976 (cont'd)

<table><tr><td>11:52</td><td>Coffee and Tea served</td></tr><tr><td>12:00</td><td>John Riddler, Special Assistant to Peacock joined mtg</td></tr><tr><td>12:22</td><td>Depart Suite</td></tr><tr><td>12:31</td><td>Arrive New Stanley Hotel - accompanied by Senator Javits and Senator Ribicoff - for meeting with Waldheim</td></tr><tr><td>2:52</td><td>Return to Suite - Intercontinental Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>3:00</td><td>Saw Mr. Funseth</td></tr><tr><td>3:05</td><td>Saw Mr. Boeker, Mr. Robinson and Mr. Lord</td></tr><tr><td>3:35</td><td>Bilateral: Venezuela - Perez-Guerrero<br/>Mr. Robinson, William Rogers, Bob Hormats (notetaker)<br/>(4:00)</td></tr><tr><td>3:40</td><td>Called Secretary Simon</td></tr><tr><td>4:00</td><td>Saw Messrs. Robinson and Boeker</td></tr><tr><td>4:15</td><td>Saw Winston Lord</td></tr><tr><td>4:16</td><td>Depart for meeting with President Marcos</td></tr><tr><td>4:30</td><td>Meeting with Marcos - Serena Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>5:15</td><td>Return to Intercontinental Hotel</td></tr><tr><td>5:16</td><td>Saw Winston Lord</td></tr><tr><td>5:30</td><td>Called Mrs. Kissinger</td></tr><tr><td>5:40</td><td>Saw Winston Lord, Bob Hormats, Jock Covey</td></tr><tr><td>5:41</td><td>Called Larry Eagleburger</td></tr><tr><td>5:50</td><td>Called General Scowcroft</td></tr><tr><td>6:25</td><td>Called General Scowcroft</td></tr></table>

-3-

<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>6:30</td>
      <td>Winston Lord (6:35)</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>6:35</td>
      <td>Press Briefing on UNCTAD Speech in Holding Room</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>6:57</td>
      <td>Departed with Senators Javits and Ribicoff to drop by Kenyan reception for UNCTAD - Parliament Bldg.</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>7:24</td>
      <td>Return to Suite - Intercontinental Hotel</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>7:41</td>
      <td>Mr. Saunders (7:46)</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>7:46</td>
      <td>African officials<br/>Peter Siyovelwa, Tanzanian Minister of State<br/>Foreign Minister Banda, Zambia<br/>Botswana, Minister of Commerce and Industry,<br/>Chiepe<br/>Foreign Minister Chissano, Mozambique<br/>Plus aides<br/>Peter Rodman (notetaker)</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>7:46</td>
      <td>Press In</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>7:49</td>
      <td>Press Out</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>8:36</td>
      <td>Escorted African officials to elevator</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>8:56</td>
      <td>Departed for dinner hosted for US Delegation at<br/>Embassy Residence</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>11:13</td>
      <td>Return to Suite - Intercontinental Hotel</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>11:30</td>
      <td>Called Mrs. Kissinger</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>11:45</td>
      <td>Called Larry Eagleburger</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>11:52</td>
      <td>Winston Lord with Jock Covey (12:02)</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>12:30 am</td>
      <td>Called Larry Eagleburger</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>App. 1:00 am</td>
      <td>Retired</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

WEDNESDAY, MAY 5

8:00 a.m. Working breakfast with Kimura (to be confirmed)

10:00 a.m. Call on Thorn and Cheysson at Belgian Embassy (time to be confirmed)

11:00 a.m. Kenyatta's speech at Conference Center

12:00 Noon Personal time at hotel

1:00 p.m. Host stag OECD lunch at New Stanley Hotel

2:30 p.m. Personal time at hotel

3:30 p.m. Venezuela bilateral - Perez-Guerrero -

4:30 p.m. Call on Marcos (to be confirmed)

5:30 p.m. Courtesy call on Waldheim, New Stanley Hotel

6:00 p.m. Personal time at hotel

7:00 p.m. GOK Reception

8:00 p.m. Host dinner for US delegation

10:45 p.m. Return hotel

SECRETARY'S ENGAGEMENTS

Thursday, May 6, 1976

7:00 am Wake up call

8:00
Working Breakfast with MacEachen {Canada}

Participants:
Michel du Puy, Assistant Under Secretary
for External Affairs
Geoff Bruce, Head of Canadian Delegation
to UNCTAD IV
Glen Shorliffe {notetaker}
Deputy Secretary Charles Robinson
Mr. Boeker
Peter Rodman {notetaker}

8:50 Depart for Conference Hall
Attend Marcos Speech
Thorn's Speech

App. 10:45 Secretary's Speech - UNCTAD IV

12:00 Return to Intercontinental Hotel

12:10 Saw Mr. Saunders

12:11 Saw Jock Covey

12:20 Saw Winston Lord and William Rogers

12:30 Saw Mr. Robinson

1:02 Called Mr. Eagleburger

1:30 Depart Intercontinental Hotel

2:07 Wheels up from Nairobi

5:55 Met with Press {6:22}

7:15 Arrive Souda Bay, Crete {refueling stop}

8:02 Wheels up from Souda Bay, Crete

10:10 Arrive Paris {Local Time - Minus one hour}

SECRETARY'S SCHEDULE - Friday, May 7, 1976

PARIS

7:30 Wake-up call
7:40 Saw Jock Covey
8:15 Met with Mr. Sulzburger
8:50 Departed Suite for Meeting with Giscard d'Estaing, Elysee Palace

8:56 Arrive Elysee Palace
10:35 Returned to Residence
Met with Amb. Rush (10:45)

10:55 Saw Jock Covey

11:20 Dep for Meeting with Pres. Houphouët-Boigny (12:30)

12:45 Arrive Orly Airport

1:03 Wheels-up

2:45 Press Briefing (3:58)

3:59 Interview -- on-the-record -- Ethel Payne, and Charles Sanders

and Mrs.

1:15 Lunch with Sen./Ribicoff (aboard plane --"local" time)
?
Met with Ted Koppel, Valeriani, B. Kalb

3:10 Arrive Andrews
Arrival Statement

BACKGROUND STATEMENT ON THE
SECRETARY'S UNCTAD SPEECH

This Conference marks a new stage in the intensive dialogue between north and south which we began at the Seventh Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly and continued at Paris in the Conference on International Economic Cooperation. The issues we address will not be solved by any one conference; they will require sustained effort by all parties in many forums including UNCTAD, the Conference on International Economic Cooperation, the multi-lateral trade negotiations, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

The Major New Elements in Secretary Kissinger's Speech

In his address to the Conference, the Secretary of State proposes a far-reaching approach to the full range of North-South issues:

A comprehensive plan addressing the major *commodity* issues, including:

A proposal for an International Resources Bank to facilitate sound resource projects in developing countries on terms acceptable to developing nations and investors.

Proposal of a definite timetable for the study of specific commodity problems of developing countries; the initiation of concerted consideration in producer-consumer forums this year of measures to improve the stability, growth and efficiency of markets for all key developing country commodities; and suggestions for possible sources to finance agreed buffer stocks.

A commitment to give special attention to the needs of the developing nations in the Geneva multilateral trade negotiations.

A proposal for considering an international code on export controls to reduce uncertainty for exporters and consumers.

2

A full range or measures to facilitate technology transfer, and improve application of technology to the needs of the developing countries, including:

A proposal to strengthen global research and development programs, and foster greater cooperation in satellite technology, water resources and deep seabed technology.

Support for the proposed UNCTAD Advisory Service to enable developing countries better to acquire technology appropriate to their requirements as part of an effort to improve the amount and quality of technological information available to developing countries.

A proposal for a new Technology Corps to make available skilled personnel to work with and train manpower in specific development projects as part of an effort to develop new generations of technology managers.

A proposal for development of voluntary guidelines to set forth the conditions and standards which aid the transfer of technology.

Announcement of a nationwide conference in the U.S. to bring together the best talent from American institutions, foundations and private enterprise to help prepare for the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development proposed for 1979.

A determined effort to help developing countries faced with balance of payments and debt problems, including reciprocal aid untying, and an examination of the problem of acute financing and debt service difficulties of specific developing countries.

A collective international program to deal with the problems of the poorest countries including agreement by donor countries to provide all development assistance on a grant basis to the relatively least developed countries on the UNCTAD list.

## The Seventh Special Session and its Aftermath

At the Seventh Special Session last fall, the U.S. made a comprehensive set of specific proposals to deal in a practical way with the variety of development problems facing the

3

international community. Our goal was, and is, to help build
an international system of cooperation based on respect,
confidence, and mutual benefit between the nations of north
and south. This will hasten the economic advance of the
developing countries while providing a cooperative inter-
national climate which will serve the continued growth,
stability, and progress of all nations.

A number of significant steps have already been taken to
implement the proposals we announced last September:

In January, the Interim Committee of the International Monetary Fund agreed on three major proposals which will provide substantial benefits to the developing countries. It expanded its Compensatory Financing Facility as we had proposed, to make available several billion dollars to stabilize export earnings; it has already lent roughly $800 million in the first four months of this year to countries experiencing export shortfalls. It established a Trust Fund which will channel the profits on the sale of one-sixth of the IMF's gold to the poorest developing countries. And it agreed on a substantial increase of IMF quotas, also to the benefit of the developing world.

We agreed on the importance of increasing the capital and technological resources available to developing countries. We are now in the process of negotiations to increase the World Bank capital by $8 billion. Negotiations are either in progress or have been completed on substantial replenishments of the regional development banks. A four-fold increase of the resources of the International Finance Corporation designed to mobilize substantial amounts of private capital for the benefit of developing countries is moving toward conclusion.

We have advanced proposals for international institutes
in energy and industrialization to help disseminate technology
skills.

We have also instituted our system of generalized tariff preferences; at the Multilateral Trade Negotiations in Geneva, negotiations for tariff reductions on tropical products are in progress; also in Geneva we have tabled a forthcoming tariff cutting plan to liberalize international trade.

4

--- Concerning the problems of commodities, we have recently signed two international commodity agreements on tin and coffee. We will contribute to the UN Revolving Fund for Mineral Exploration.

--- Negotiations are well advanced toward the establishment of an International Fund for Agricultural Development designed to deal with the urgent problems of food, especially in the poorest countries. And the United States has pledged 60% of the 10 million ton World Food Conference target for food aid.

## The United States and UNCTAD IV

The Nairobi UNCTAD Conference is an extremely important opportunity to maintain this momentum. This is why Secretary Kissinger is attending the Conference -- the first U.S. Secretary of State to attend an UNCTAD Session. His major speech embodies a comprehensive and far reaching approach by the United States to the full range of North-South issues:

--- If the world economy is to flourish it must be based on a firm foundation of security, fairness, and opportunity to all -- rich and poor, north and south, consumer and producer.

--- Progress on North-South issues is an imperative of a global economic system which is efficient and just; the orderly evolution of the international economic system depends on mutual respect, broadly shared benefits, and the willingness of all countries to accept their share of responsibility.

--- The advancement of the developing world is a continuous process. It will not end with any one conference; it will require sustained effort in many forums.

--- Broadly generalized formulations will not solve the complex issues before us. For over one hundred developing countries in differing economic stages, with different requirements and capacities, we must concentrate on specific problems and practical solutions.

--- We must be especially aware of the needs of the poorest countries.

M

5

--- Those developing countries which have recently acquired new wealth have a special responsibility to contribute new resources to the global development effort.

--- Combined with effective international institutions and government policies providing a favorable environment, private enterprise can make an essential contribution to economic development.

The United States presentation to UNCTAD builds upon these themes. It represents the next major step in United States policy toward the developing nations. It reflects many of the constructive ideas set forth by nations of both north and south in recent months in the Manila Declaration and other forums, including the Conference on International Economic Cooperation in Paris.

Our approach furthers the progress begun at the Seventh Special Session in four key areas:

--- First, we offer a comprehensive plan on addressing the major *commodity issues*, including the problems of resource investment and trade. Commodities are a vital element for the world economy as a whole and particularly important for many developing countries.

--- Second, we propose a far-reaching long-term program to accelerate *technology transfer* and the effective application of technology to developing country economies. Without improved technology transfer, many developing countries have little hope of breaking out of the cycle of poverty and despair.

--- Third, we propose measures which address the serious *balance of payments and debt problems* of a number of developing countries. The combination of higher oil prices and recession in the industrialized countries has made this a critical problem for several countries.

--- Fourth, we propose measures to alleviate the plight of the *poorest countries* which require continual attention and special treatment from the international community.

6

Commodities

In commodities, the United States proposes a comprehensive approach aimed at:

- Providing adequate financing for sound resource development projects;

- Improvement in the conditions of trade and investment in individual commodities;

- Stabilization of overall export earnings of developing countries, and

- Market and supply access for resources and processed goods.

At the heart of our proposal to improve resource development financing is a significant new initiative: the International Resources Bank. This new institution would facilitate sound resource projects in developing countries; it would provide protection to host nations and investors against failure to perform in accordance with previously agreed conditions; and it would give developing countries increasing opportunities to participate in the management, production, and technology of resource projects. The IRB would help assure the essential flow of capital, management and technology into resource development and developing economies. We consider the IRB to be an innovative and significant response to the basic needs of the developing countries and the international community. It will be a major new element in an international framework for a sharing of benefits and responsibilities between industrialized and less developed countries.

To improve the conditions of trade and investment in commodity markets, the United States urges a range of techniques, including long-term contractual arrangements, better exchange of market information, improved distribution, more efficient production methods and better storage and transportation facilities.

In addition, we believe that buffer stocks can be a useful technique for stabilizing prices of some commodities,

7

helping to avoid sharp price swings and assuring adequate supplies at reasonable prices when markets are tight. Agreed buffer stocks can be financed from a combination of sources, and we are convinced that adequate international financing for each such stock can be assured.

Further, we urge agreement on a definite timetable to deal with specific commodity problems of interest to developing countries. The United States is prepared to initiate concerted consideration in producer-consumer forums this year of means to improve the stability, growth and efficiency of markets for all key developing country commodities.

The problem of overall export earnings stabilization remains highly significant, especially for low-income countries whose export revenues depend on one or two commodities. Our proposal for expansion of the IMF Compensatory Finance Facility has been adopted, and it is possible that the facility will lend more this year than it has over the previous twelve years combined. We have also proposed that the new IMF Trust Fund provide financing on concessional terms to the poorest countries to stabilize earnings from key commodities. If the Trust Fund's resources prove inadequate in the future for this task, the United States will join in a review of the Trust Fund's resources.

Improving market and supply access requires a number of measures from both developed and developing countries to expand trade. The United States will join in a renewal of the OECD Trade Pledge to avoid new import restrictions. We are examining the possibility of including additional products in our scheme of generalized tariff preferences. And we intend to implement negotiated tariff reductions on tropical products as soon as possible after a package is agreed upon in the MTN. To increase supply reliability, the United States proposes consideration of an international code on export controls to reduce uncertainty for both exporters and consumers.

## Technology

On technology, the Secretary's presentation addresses a full range of measures designed to make the application of technology to developing countries' economies more effective.

8

First, the United States proposes new research and development programs and greater intergovernmental co-operation in satellite technology, water resources and deep seabed technology. Our purpose is to make technology more appropriate to the special needs of developing countries. This involves the strengthening of research capacity in developing countries, the encouragement of increased inter-governmental cooperation in transferring appropriate technology, and the development of new technologies.

Second, the United States supports the efforts of the United Nations International Center for Exchange of Technology Information to compile comprehensive information on the capabilities and facilities of national and regional information services and creation of the UNCTAD Advisory Service to strengthen the ability of developing countries to effectively identify, select and negotiate for appropriate technology.

Third, the United States proposes increased training of technology specialists and managers. This will be crucial if developing countries are to be able to manage effectively the technology they receive. To this end the United States Government will encourage the formation of a private non-profit Technology Corps to make available skilled personnel to work with and help train local manpower in specific developed projects.

Fourth, the United States supports development of voluntary guidelines for technology transfer designed to encourage, facilitate and maximize the transfer process. Our proposal for an International Resources Bank will facilitate technology transfer. And we propose discussions on concrete problems in the technology transfer process to ensure that it is effective and equitable to both host governments and the private sector.

Fifth, the United States urges an accelerated effort to prepare for the United Nations Conference on Science and Technology for Development, now proposed for 1979. We seek to ensure that all elements of our proposed program for technology will be in place by that time. To this end the United States will call a national conference of experts from our institutions, foundations and private enterprise.

9

Balance of Payments

While the problem of commodities and technology are of
a long term nature, the balance of payments problems of some
countries are immediate. To deal with them, the United States
proposes that the industrial and oil-producing countries in-
crease the flow and quality of resources to the non-oil
producing developing countries and give renewed attention
to countries facing critical debt problems.

In addition, we urge the OECD Development Assistance
Committee to consider reciprocal untying of development
assistance. This will help augment the contribution of
public flows to development.

On the crucial question of private flows, we strongly
support the work of the IBRD/IMF Development Committee on
Capital Market Access. At the same time, consideration of
United States' proposals for a replenishment of the Inter-
national Finance Corporation and the establishment of an
International Investment Trust are well under way.

Further, we are proposing that an appropriate forum be
agreed on to examine problems of acute financing and debt
service difficulties of developing countries. It should
make recommendations this year.

The Poorest Countries

The special requirements of the poorest countries demand
renewed efforts. The United States proposes that aid be in-
creased and improved in quality through these steps: multi-
lateral initiatives such as IFAD and the Sahel Fund, both of
which we are supporting, should be rapidly implemented; the
Industrial Development Association should be substantially
replenished; and the United Nations Development Program
grants should be broadened.

As an additional step, the United States proposes that
all donor countries agree to provide development assistance
to the relatively least developed countries on a grant basis;
and we will now seek Congressional authority to do this.

THE SECRETARY OF STATE
WASHINGTON

Dear Mr. President:

I would like to express my sincere appreciation
for the warm hospitality which you and the Tanzanian
people showed me during my visit to Tanzania.

I greatly enjoyed my stay in Dar es Salaam,
and especially valued the opportunity to meet with you,
an opportunity I had been looking forward to for many
years. I also appreciated meeting your leading advisors
and discussing with them the issues of importance to
both our countries. I am prepared to hope that we may
have made some progress toward an understanding of
the changing circumstances in southern Africa.

Please convey my gratitude to all your
colleagues who worked to make the visit so successful.

His Excellency
Mwalimu Julius K. Nyerere,
President of the United Republic of Tanzania,
Dar es Salaam.

For State & Systematic Review 4 May 2000
By [REDACTED] L.C. Date

GARRISON MARY LEE
76 STATE 121640

LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

LIMITED OFFICIAL USE
PAGE 01 STATE 121640

20
ORIGIN AF-08
INFO OCT-01 ISO-00 SS-15 SSO-00 NSC-05 NSCE-00 CPR-01
PRS-01 /031 R

DRAFTED BY AF/W:DPR&HFUSS
APPROVED BY AF:TWSEELYE
AF/W:TWMSMITH
S/S-O:JHOGANSON
S:D PASSAGE

059112

0 180317Z MAY 76
FM SECSTATE WASHDC
TO AMEMBASSY DAKAR IMMEDIATE
LIMITED OFFICIAL USE STATE 121640

E.O. 11652: N/A
TAGS: PFOR, SG, US, OVIP (KISSINGER, HENRY A.)
SUBJECT: LETTERS TO SENGHOR AND FOREIGN MINISTER SECK
1. PLEASE DELIVER FOLLOWING LETTERS TO ADDRESSEES ASAP.
SIGNED ORIGINALS BEING POUCHED SEPARATELY.
2. QUOTE: DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: REFLECTING ON MY RECENT
AFRICAN TRIP, ONE OF THE HIGH POINTS WAS OUR DISCUSSION IN
DAKAR. I APPRECIATE THE TIME YOU SET ASIDE FOR THIS PURPOSE
AS WELL AS THE ALTERATIONS YOU MADE TO YOUR OWN TRAVEL
PLANS SO THAT WE COULD MEET.
3. QUOTE: DAKAR IS A DELIGHTFUL CITY WHICH I HOPE TO HAVE
THE OPPORTUNITY TO VISIT SOON AGAIN. THE COLLECTION OF
YOUR POEMS WILL BE A TREASURED REMEMBRANCE OF OUR MEETING
AND OF MY VISIT TO SENEGAL. PLEASE ACCEPT MY THANKS FOR
YOUR WARM AND GRACIOUS HOSPITALITY. BEST REGARDS, HENRY A.
KISSINGER. HIS EXCELLENCY LEOPOLD SEDAR SENGHOR, PRESIDENT
LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

LIMITED OFFICIAL USE
PAGE 02 STATE 121640

OF THE REPUBLIC OF SENEGAL, DAKAR. UNQUOTE.
4. QUOTE: DEAR MR. MINISTER: I WOULD LIKE TO EXPRESS TO
YOU MY HEARTFELT APPRECIATION FOR THE WARM RECEPTION I WAS
ACCORDED DURING MY VISIT TO DAKAR. THE EXCHANGE OF VIEWS
I HAD WITH PRESIDENT SENGHOR AND YOURSELF HAVE, I FEEL,
MADE EVEN STRONGER THE BONDS OF FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN OUR TWO
COUNTRIES.

5. QUOTE: ON A MORE PERSONAL NOTE, I WOULD LIKE TO THANK
YOU FOR THE TWO HANDSOME VASES YOU GAVE ME, WHICH WILL BE
TREASURED MEMENTOS OF A MOST ENJOYABLE VISIT. BEST
REGARDS, HENRY A. KISSINGER. HIS EXCELLENCY, ASSANE SECK,
MINISTER OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS, REPUBLIC OF SENEGAL,
DAKAR. UNQUOTE. KISSINGER
LIMITED OFFICIAL USE

AMEMBASSY· NAIROBI
TELEGRAM

10521

RECD:

UNCLASSIFIED

P 021054Z MAY 76
FM SECSTATE WASHDC
TO ALL EUROPEAN DIPLOMATIC POSTS PRIORITY
ALL AFRICAN DIPLOMATIC POSTS
BT
UNCLAS
STATE 106845

RECEIVED

INFORM CONSULS

1976 MAY 2

15:00

FOLLOWING TEL SENT ACTION SECSTATE, USINFO, NAIROBI FROM USDEL SECRETARY IN DAKAR MAY 02:

QUOTE UNCLAS SECTO 11252

FOR S/PRS= DEPARTMANT PASS NSC FOR MR. SCROWCROFT AND
WHITE HOUSE FOR MR. NESSEN= NAIROBI FOR SECRETARY'S PARTY=
IOP, IAA, IPS/PA, IBS/PA.

E.O. 11652: N/A
TAGS: OVIP (KISSINGER, HENRY A.)
SUBJECT: LUNCHEON TOAST IN DAKAR

REF: SECTO 11243

REFTEL WAS TEXT AS PREPARED FOR DELIVERY. ACTUAL REMARKS FOLLOW:

PRIME MINISTER, DISTINGUISHED GUESTS AND FRIENDS, ON BEHALF OF ALL OF MY COLLEAGUES I WOULD LIKE TO THANK YOU FOR THE EXTRAORDINARILY CORDIAL RECEPTION WE HAVE HAD HERE WHICH HAVE ADDED A HKMAN DIMENSION TO THE ALREADY CLOSE POLITICAL RELATIONSHIP THAT WE HAVE WITH YOUR COUNTRY.

I HAVE COME HERE, MR. MINISTER, WITH THE PURPOSE OF STRENGTHENING THE FRIENDLY TIES THAT HAVE EXISTED FOR SO LONG BETWEEN OUR TWO NATIONS AND I AM HERE TO CONTINUE THE DISCUSSIONS ON ISSUES OF CONCERN WHICH TOOK PLACE LAST YEAR BETWEEN PRESIDENT SENGHOR AND PRESIDENT FORD. WHEN YOU, MR. MINISTER AND PRESIDENT SENGHOR VISITED THE UNITED STATES. I AM DELIGHTED TO BE IN THIS VIBRANT COUNTRY. THE CULTURES, THE RELIGIONS, THE RACES THAT MEET HERE IN DAKAR ARE A LIVING DEMONSTRATION THAT DISTINCTIVE CULTURAL IDENTITIES CAN THRIVE EVEN AS THEY CONTRIBUTE TO THE BEST ASPIRATIONS OF OUR COMMON HUMANITY IN AN ERA OF INTER-DEPENDENCE. THEY ARE ASPIRATIONS WHICH OUR TWO COUNTRIES SHARE-- OUR HOPES FOR PEACE, FOR JUSTICE, AND FOR THE WELL-BEING OF OUR PEOPLE'S. TODAY I WANT TO TOUCH ON EACH OF THESE THREE OBJECTIVES-- PARTICULARLY THE QUESTION OF ECONOMIC WELL-BEING, WHICH IS OF PARTICULAR IMPORTANCE TO THE NATIONS OF THE SAHEL.

SINCE OUR TWO PRESIDENTS TALKED IN WASHINGTON, MR. MINISTER, WE HAVE SEEN SIGNIFICANT CHANGES IN AFRICA WITH EVENTS THAT COMPEL OUR CONCERN, AS WELL AS DEVELOPMENTS THAT GIVE US GREATER CAUSE FOR HOPE. ADDITIONAL AFRICAN COUNTRIES HAVE WON THEIR INDEPENDENCE

UNCLASSIFIED

15

CHRON

UNCLASSIFIED

CN: 10521

2--

BUT IN ANGOLA THERE HAS COME A NEW EXTRACONTINENTAL INTERVENTION A PROFOUNDLY DISTURBING AND UNACCEPTABLE DEVELOPMENT. AT THE SAME TIME THE CAUSE OF SELF-DETERMINATION AND MAJORITY RULE IN SOUTHECN AFRICA HAS AROUSED WIDE CONCERN IN AFRICA AND AROUND THE WORLD, BRINGING NEW CLAIMS FOR HUMAN DIGNITY AND RACIAL JUSTICE.

THE PROSPERITY OF AFRICA HAS FELT ANEW THE IMPACT OF TROUBLING FORCES. THE WRATH OF NATURE AND THE INSTABILITIES OF THE GLOBAL ECONOMY HAVE BROUGHT SUFFERING AND A SENSE OF INSECURITY TO PARTS OF AFRICA AND TO MANY OTHER AREAS OF THE DEVELOPING WORLD. BUT THESE DEVELOPMENTS HAVE LED TO A NEW RECOGNITION BY THE WORLD COMMUNITY OF A NEED FOR RESPONSIBLE AND COMMON ACTION. THEY HAVE BROUGHT A VIGOROUS RESPONSE FROM MY COUNTRY AND OTHERS WHO SEEK TO SEIZE THE OPPORTUNITIES BEFORE US TO HELP CONSTRUCT A NEW ERA OF INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC COOPERATION.

IN THE COURSE OF MY TRIP TO THIS CONTINENT, I HAVE SOUGHT TO CONVEY AND TO DEVELOP THE UNITED STATES' POSITION ON THESE THREE ASPECTS OF OUR MUTUAL CONCERN.

PEACE IS OUR COMMON GOAL. BUT TRUE PEACE MUST SERVE POSITIVE PURPOSES. IT MUST, TO BE MEANINGFUL, PERMIT NATIONS TO DETERMINE THEIR OWN DESTINY FREE FROM OUTSIDE PRESSURE OR THREAT= IT MUST ENHANCE THE UNITY OF PEOPLE'S, NOT FRAGMENT THEM. THE UNITED STATES HAS ALWAYS = SINCE THE COLONIAL ERA = OPPOSED OUTSIDE INTERVENTION IN AFRICA. WE LENT FFIRM SUPPORT TO THE PROCESS OF DECOLONIZATION AND EVER SINCE HAVE RESOLUTELY OPPOSED THE RETURN OF GREAT POWER RIVALRY TO AFRICA. AS ADLAI STEVENSON SAID TO THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY IN 1961, "AFRICA FOR AFRICANS MEANS AFRICA FOR AFRICANS, AND NOT AFRICA AS A HUNTING GROUND FOR ALIEN AMBITIONS."

IF EXTRACONTINENTAL POWERS ARE FREE TO PICK AND CHOOSE BETWEEN AFRICAN FACTIONS= IF THEY CAN PROCEED TO CREATE BLOCS OF CLIENT NATIONS, THE RESULT CAN ONLY BE DETRIMENTAL = TO THE FREEDOM OF AFRICAN STATES, AND TO AFRICA'S CONTINENTAL SOLIDARITY.

THE UNITED STATES IS PREPARED TO DEAL WITH ANY AFRICAN FACTION OR GOVERNMENT. WE DO NOT LOOK TO THEIR IDEOLOGY BUT TO WHETHER THEY ARE THE RESULT OF AFRICAN DECISIONS AND REPRESENT AFRICAN ASPIRATIONS. WE HAVE MOST RECENTLY DEMONSTRATED THIS POLICY IN OUR DEALINGS WITH THE GOVERNMENT OF MOZAMBIQUE. WE TAKE A SIMILAR STAND TOWARD ANGOLA. WE ARE READY TO OPEN DISCUSSIONS WITH THE ANGOLAN AUTHORITIES REGARDING NORMALIZING RELATIONS, INCLUDING EVENTUAL ECONOMIC COOPERATION. BUT OUR COMMITMENT TO AFRICAN SELF-DETERMINATION AND UNITY COMPELS US FIRST TO DETERMINE THE INTENTIONS OF THE ANGOLAN AUTHORITIES TOWARD THE MASSIVE PRESENCE OF NON-AFRICAN TROOPS ON THEIR SOIL LONG AFTER ALL OTHER NON-ANGOLAN FORCES HAVE BEEN WITHDRAWN. HOW CAN A GOVERNMENT BE CONSIDERED AFRICAN THAT REQUIRES 15 THOUSAND CUBAN TROOPS?

THE CAUSE OF JUSTICE IN AFRICA IS A COMPELLING CONCERN OF ALL WHO CARE FOR HUMAN DIGNITY. I HAVE, IN THE COURSE OF MY TRIP, GIVEN AMERICA'S FIRM COMMITMENT TO THE CAUSE OF MAJORITY RULE AND RACIAL

UNCLASSIFIED

UNCLASSIFIED

CN:10521

JUSTICE IN SOUTHERN AFRICA, AND I APPRECIATE YOUR KIND WORDS IN THIS REGARD, MR. FOREIGN MINISTER. ON BEHALF OF PRESIDENT FORD I PUT FORWARD IN LUSAKA A CONCRETE 10-POINT PROGRAM ON THE URGENT QUESTION OF RHODESIA. IN CARRYING OUT THIS PROGRAM WE WILL WORK CLOSELY WITH THE PRESIDENTS OF BOTSWANA, MOZAMBIQUE, TANZANIA, AND ZAMBIA AND WITH ALL OTHER AFRICAN GOVERNMENTS, AND I UNDICATED THE SUPPORT OF THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT FOR SELF-DETERMINATION IN NAMIBIA AND THE END OF APARTHEID IN SOUTH AFRICA. THERE IS NO NEED FOR US TO CONTINUE THE DEBATE BETWEEN THOSE COMMITTED TO A PEACEFUL SOLUTION AND THOSE WHO SEE NO ALTERNATIVE TO ARMED STRUGGLE. FOR ONE FACT IS CLEAR: CHANGE WILL COME, AND IT CAN ONLY BE PERMANENTLY RATIFIED BY NEGOTIATED SETTLEMENT. THE UNITED STATES URGES ALL THE PARTIES INVOLVED URGENTLY TO BEND THEIR EFFORTS TO NEGOTIATIONS LEADING RAPIDLY TO MAJORITY RULE AND SELF-DETERMINATION. IN OUR VIEW THIS IS THE ONLY WAY TO AVOID A NEEDLES AND TRAGIC BLOODBATH= THE ONLY WAY TO CREATA ANHARMONIOUS FUTURE FOR BLACKS AND WHITES FREE FROM BITTERNESS AND REPRISALS.

LET ME TURN TO DISCUSS NOW IN GREATER DETAIL THE THIRD MAJOR ASPIRATION WHICH OUR TWO COUNTRIES SHARE AND WHICH THE FOREIGN MINISTER HAS MENTIONED — THE URGENT QUESTION OF ECONOMIC WELL-BEING.

THE UNITED STATES HAS TAKEN A LEADING ROLE IN DEVELOPING THE INITIATIVES NEEDED IF NATIONS ARE TO BUILD TOGETHER A NEW INTERNATIONAL STRUCTURE OF ECONOMIC COOPERATION. LAST SEPTEMBEC AT THE SEVENTH SPECIAL SESSION OF THE UNITED NATIONS GENERAL ASSEMBLY I SET FORTH A COMPREHENSIVE SET OF PROPOSALS AIMED AT ACHIEVING PROGRESS ON THE CENTRAL ISSUES OF TRADE, COMMODITIES, ENERGY, FINANCE, AND THE PROBLEMS OF THE POOREST NATIONS. I WILL CONTINUE THIS EFFORT NEXT WEEK IN NAIROBI, AT THE UNITED NATIONS CONFERENCE ON TRADE AND DEVELOPMENT. ALL THESE ARE URGENT ISSUES WHICH THE NATIONS OF NORTH AND SOUTH MUST COOPERATIVELY ADDRESS IF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IS TO COME SWIFTLY AND UNDER CONDITIONS FAIR TO ALL. ONE OF THE PRIMARY TOPICS I SHALL ADDRESS AT NAIROBI WILL BE COMMODITIES, AND THE BURDEN WHICH EXCESSIVE SWINGS IN THE WORLD MARKET IMPOSES UPON NATIONS WHICH, LIKE SENEGAL, RELY HEAVCLY UPON A SINGLE COMMODITY FOR THE PROSPERITY OF THEIR ECONOMIES.

BUT LONG-TERM DEVELOPMENT MUST BE BASED UPON SUSTAINED EFFORT. NO PLAN FOR THE FUTURE CAN BE UECURE IF THEY ARE CARRIED OUT UNDER THE CONSTANT THREAT OF ECONOMIC CRISIS OR NATURAL DISASTER. SENEGAL, A NATION OF THE SAHEL, KNOW THIS AS WELL AS ANY NATION. THE TRAGIC CYCLE OF RECURRENT DROUGHT AND FAMINE WHICH AFFLICT THIS AREA HAS DRAMATIZED TO THE WORLD THAT ALL OUR EFFORTS AT ECONOMIC PROGRESS DEPEND UPON OUR SUCCESS IN MASTERING THE FORCES OF NATURE AND HARNESSING THEM TO THE SERVICE OF MANKIND.

SENEGAL, ALONG WITH OTHER COUNTRIES OF THE SAHEL, HAS BEEN DEEPLY AFFECTED BY THE DETERIORATING ECOLOGICAL CONDITION OF THIS REGION. THE RECURRENT DROUGHT OF THE PAST FEW YEARS HAS MADE CLEAR THAT THE DESERT IS ENGROACHING ON A LARGE SCALE. AND

UNCLASSIFIED

UNCLASSIFIED

CN 10521

THAT FOOD PRODUCTION CAPACITY IN WESTERN AFRICA IS SERIOUSLY
THREATENED. IF PRESENT TRENDS CONTINUE, IN TEN YEARS THE SAHEL
WILL NEED TO IMPORT ONE MILLION TONS OF GRAIN IN A NORMAL YEAR,
AN AMOUNT EQUAL TO THE LARGEST IMPORTS AT THE HEIGHT OF THE
DROUGHT. IN RESPONSE TO THIS CRISIS THE UNITED STATES HAS,
SINCE THE LATE 1960'S, MORE THAN QUADRUPLED OUR AID TO THE
SAHEL NATIONS. AND WE ARE GRATIFIED THAT WE HAVE BEEN ABLE TO
PROVIDE AMERGENCY FOOD ASSISTANCE WHICH HAS DONE SO MUCH TO SAVE
HUMAN LIFE. BUT TRADITIONAL AID LEVELS AND METHODS WILL NOT BE
ENOUGH. NOR CAN ANY ONE COUNTRY OR ANY SINGLE DONOR PROVIDE THE
RESOURCES NECESSARY TO MEET THE CRITICAL, LONG-TERM NEEDS OF THE
SAHEL. WHAT IT NOW NEEDS IS A COMPREHENSIVE INTERNATIONAL
PROGRAM THAT RATHER THAN EASE THE EFFECTS OF THE DROUGHT WILL
HELP ROLL BACK THE DESERT, INSTEAD OF RELIEF MEASURES DEVELOP
ADDITIONAL WATER RESOURCES, INCREASE CROP ACREAGE, AND BUILD FOOD
STORAGE FACILITIES IN ORDER TO ENSURE THAT HARD-WON PROGRESS IN
ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT WILL NOT CONTINUE TO BE WIPED OUT BY RECURRENT
NATURAL DISASTER.

TO MEET THIS CHALLENGE, THE COMMUNITY OF CONCERNED NATIONS SHOULD
ORGANIZE AN INTERNATIONAL CONSORTIUM TO UNDERTAKE A SYSTEMATIC
AND COMPREHENSIVE ATTACK ON THE SAHEL'S DEVELOPMENT PROBLEMS TO
ELIMINATE THE PROBLEM OF THE DROUGHT RATHER THAN TO EASE IT. IN
THE LONG TERM THIS COULD COST FAR LESS THAN THE ENDLESS ANNUAL
RELIEF EFFORTS. THIS WILL REQUIRE MOBILCZ NG FOREIGN AND
LOCAL INVESTMENT ON A MAJOR SCALE OVER THE NEXT DECADE, ESPECIALLY
THROUGH MULTILATERAL INSTITUTIONS.

TO THIS END, THE UNITED STATES IS PREPARED TO BEGIN DISCUSSIONS
WITH CONCERNED NATIONS AIMED AT THE CREATION OF AN INTERNATIONAL
DEVELOPMENT INVESTMENT PROGRAM TO BE INTEGRATED AND DEDICATED
TO THE GOAL OF EVENTUAL SELF-SUFFICIENCY FOR THE SAHEL. THIS
WILL MEAN- INITIATING THE J DEVELOPMENT OF MAJOR RIVER BASINS--
THE SENEGAL, GAMBIA, NIGER AND VOLTA, AS WELL AS THE LAKE CHAD
BASIN -- TO REDUCE DEPENDENCE ON ANNUAL RAINFALL AND PROMOTE
FOOD PRODUCTION- DEVELOPING BROADER AND MORE COMPREHENSIVE
PROGRAMS FOR UTILIZATION AND CONSERVATION OF GROUND WATER-
UNJERTAKING A MAJOR BROAD-SCALE EFFORT TO IMPROVE THE USE OF DRY
LAND AREAS FOR CROP AND LIVESTOCK, PARTICULARLY UNTIL COMPRE-
HENSIVE WATER RESOURCES DEVELOPMENT CAN HAVE AN EFFECT= DEVELOP-
ING DISTRIBUTION SYSTEMS COMMENSURATE WITH IMPROVEMENTS IN
AGRICULTURE= UNDERTAKING MAJOR REFORESTATION PROGRAMS= DEVELOP-
ING BASIC TRANSPORTATION AND COMMUNICATIONS NETWORKS= AND
MOUNTING A CONCERTED, MASSIVE ATTACK ON THE PROBLEMS OF
DISEASE AND INADEQUATELY TRAINED LOCAL MANPOWER.

SUCH A PROGRAM WOULD DEAL WITH THE CHALLENGER OF J DEVELOPMENT
IN A METHODICAL AND COMPREHENSIVE STRATEGY. EACH ELEMENT WOULD
BE PLANNED TO CONTRIBUTE TO THE PRIMARY GOAL -- SELF-SUFFICIENCY
AND SELF-SUSTAINING GROWTH FOR THE SAHEL. THUS, ITS ORGANIZATION
MUST= PROVIDE MECHANISMS FOR DONORS AND AFRICANS TO SET AGREED
PROGRAM PRIORITIES AND SELECT THE APPROPRIATE TECHNOLOGIES THEY
WILL REQUIRE= ALLOW AFRICAN STATES TO PARTICIPATE EITHER ON A
NATIONAL BASIS OR THROUGH STRENGTHENED REGIONAL INSTITUTIONS=
PROVIDE THE MEANS TO CONCERT THE EFFORTS OF DONORS, EVEN THOUGH
MANY OF THEIR CONTRIBUTIONS MAY IN FACT BE MADE BILATERALLY= AND
UTILIZE THE PLANNING, ORGANIZING AND COORDINATIVE CAPACITY OF
EXISTING MULTILATERAL INSTITUTIONS.

UNCLASSIFIED

UNCLASSIFIED

CN:10521

5

THE MAGNITUDE OF THIS TASK MAKES INTERNATIONAL COOPERATION IN-
DISPENSABLE. FORTUNATELY, A FORUM ALREADY EXISTS IN WHICH A
COMPREHENSIVE INTERNATIONAL STRATEGY CAN NOW BE ELABORATED.
AFRICAN NATIONS HAVE WELCOMED THE FORMATION OF ANEW INTER-
NATIONAL COORDINATIVE MECHANISM — THE CLUB DES AMIS DU SAHEL.
THE UNITED STATES HAS BEEN ENCOURAGED BY THE SUCCESS OF THE KIRST
MEETING OF THE CLUB HERE IN DAKAR IN MARCH. MUCH OF THE CREDIT
IS DUE TO PRESIDENT SENGHOR FOR HIS LEADERSHIP AND PERUONAL
ATTENTION TO THE ORGANIZATION AND CONDUCT OF THAT MEETING.

TO ADVANCE THIS EFFORT, THE UNITED STATES IS PREPARED TO PARTICIPATE
IN AN EXAMINATION OF A MAJOR REGIONAL DEVELOPMENT PROGRAM UNDER
THE AUSPICES OF THE CLUB. THE POTENTIAL OF THE SAHEL AND THE
RESPONSIBILITY WHICH THE INTERNATIONAL COMMUNITY BEARS FOR BRINGING
A NEW, BRIGHTER, FUTURE TO THIS REGION COMPELS OUR ATTENTION. ALL
NATIONS AND INTERNATIONAL INSTITUTIONS, INDUSTRIAL NATIONS, THE
OIL-RICH NATIONS INCLUDING SOME AFRICAN STATES SHOULD PARTICIPATE
TOGETHER WITH MULTILATERAL INSTITUTIONS.

MR. MINISTER, THERE IS MUCH WORK TO BE DONE TO CONSTRUCT THE KIND
OF PEACEFUL AND COOPERATIVE WORLD FOR WHICH WE ALL YEARN.
SENEGAL AND THE UNITED NATIONS HAVE IMPORTANT WORK TO DO.
TOGETHER AND IN CONCERT WITH OTHER RESPONSIBLE NATIONS OF THE
WORLD.

SENEGAL HAS EXERCISED UN INFLUENTIAL ROLE BOTH ON THE AFRICAN
CONTINENT AND IN THE DEVELOPING WORLD. YOU ARE AN EXAMPLE OF
HOW A SMALL NATION, WITH CREATIVE AND FAR-SEEING LEADERSHIP, CAN
PLAY A PART ON THE WORLD STAGE FAR EXCEEDING ITS SIZE OR POWER.
THE UNITED STATES RESPECTS AND ACCEPTS SENEGAL'S NON-ALIGNMENT-
WE VALUE SENEGAL'S RESPONSIBLE VOICE FOR FAIR AND PRAGMATIC
SOLKTIONS TO GLOBAL PROBLEMS= WE HOLD A GREAT ADMIRATION FOR
SENEGAL'S DEDICATION TO RECONCILIATION BETWEEN BLACK AND WHITE,
BETWEEN NORTH AND SOUTH -- AND ITS WILLINGNESS TO EXPLORE
THE CREATIVE POTENTIAL OF A WORLD OF DIVERSITY AND INTERDEPENDENCE.

THE EXEMPLAR OF THIS IS OF COURSE YOUR WON PRESIDENT SENGHOR --
ONE OF THE LEGITIMATELY GREAT MEN OF OUR TIME. HE HAS GIVEN US
ALL A PRICELESS AWARENESS OF THE MEANING AND THE POSSIBILITIES
OF THE MODERN PREDICAMENT. AS A RENOWED STATESMAN AND POET HE
HAS PROBED THE FAR REACHES OF THE HUMAN CONDITION AND THE HEIGHTS
OF LYRICAL EXPRESSION. HE HAS GIVEN US HOPE THAT THE TRAUMA OF
MODERNIZATION NEED NOT -- INDEED, MUST NOT -- LET THE ROOTS OF
OUR TRADITIONAL CULTURE ATROPY. HE HAS SHOWN US THAT THE
MULTITUDE OF THE WORLD'S DISTINCTIVE CULTURES CAND MUST
PROVIDE THE INTERLOCKING STRUCTURE OF THAT WIDER GLOBAL COMMUNITY
OF MAN WHICH IS THE ULTIMATE GOAL OF US ALL.

EXCELLENCIES, I ASK YOU TO JOIN ME IN A TOAST TO PRESIDENT
SENGHOR, TO THE SUCCESS OF YOUR NATION, AND TO THE COOPERATION
AND FRIENDSHIP BETWEEN SENEGAL AND THE UNITED STATES. KISSINGER
UNQUOTE SISCO

BT

UNCLASSIFIED

AMERICA AND AFRICA

Monrovia, April 30, 1976

Midway through my African visit, I want to share with you some of what I have learned, and the convictions we bring to the relationship between Africa and the United States.

President Ford has sent me to this continent to witness first-hand the aspirations of the peoples of Africa for national dignity, racial justice and economic advance. I bring friendship and the strong conviction that the United States and Africa have much to do together in building peace and progress in the world.

I am greatly encouraged by my discussions with African leaders. I believe that my journey is laying the foundations of a new American policy toward this continent. We will not be deflected by attempts to interfere with what is being achieved. The promise of this effort is too important to the United States and to Africa. The challenges ahead of us are arduous and long. They will require a mutual effort of understanding to overcome the legacies of the past. We are prepared to make this effort to bring into being, together with you, the dreams of our nations for a better and more secure life.

America's own moral values summon us to this policy. Two hundred years ago the United States won its independence. Having thrown off the burdens of colonialism, Americans determined never to fall under the yoke of despotism again. In this we have succeeded. More recently we have resolved to build for peace, equality and progress in the world.

It is fitting that I speak of these values and concerns here in this city named for President James Monroe, who consolidated America's independence, and here in Liberia whose people proudly proclaim, "The love of liberty brought us here." Though separated by an ocean, the

-2-

tides of history again draw us together. Americans and Liberians remain what our ancestors were -- proud and free peoples.

For almost a century and a half since Commodore Perry's ship brought the first pioneers of freedom to these shores the American people have enjoyed a relationship with Liberians unique in our association with Africa. Those who left America to found Liberia did so to implement a principle vital to our nations today, the love of liberty.

The United States for decades has been proud to cooperate in the national independence and economic development of Liberia. We are committed to continue to do so.

Thus our nations are bound by history, by shared values, and by a commitment to the principle that two nations can work together closely with mutual respect for the imperatives of sovereignty and national dignity.

These principles have impelled the United States to play a vigorous and possibly decisive role in promoting the process of decolonization. We have consistently defended the basic moral imperatives of racial justice and human rights. We launched the great international effort of development assistance for new nations; and we took the lead in building the multilateral institutions of cooperation that hold so much promise for supporting African efforts. We have done so in many international forums and will continue this effort in the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development in a few days time.

Today, these same issues demand our attention. We have to deal both with immediate challenges and long-range needs. It is time for the nations of Africa and the United States to commit themselves to advancing our common goals: self-determination, racial justice and economic progress. Apart, or in contention, we will dissipate our efforts. Together we can be true to our values and the aspirations of our peoples.

## Africa's Greatness and America's Policy

The strengthening of relations between the United

-3-

States and Africa will henceforth be a key element of our foreign policy. A stable, just and prosperous international order can be constructed only through the cooperation of the world's most powerful nation and the nations of the great African continent.

The visitor to Africa is awed by its immensity; by the sweep of its great plains; by the magnificence of its great rivers; and by the knowledge that here is where man had his origins. The colonial stereotype of black Africa as a place devoid of history is dispelled by an awareness that modern Africa is building on the rich traditions of ancient African states: of Ghana, Mali, Kanem-Bornu, Songhay, Benin, the Zimbabwe culture, Ethiopia and others. Before and during the colonial era, most of the rest of the world was unaware of the true nature of Africa, which to outsiders remained a land of mystery well into the twentieth century. But as was so dramatically made clear within fifteen years of the Second World War, Africa's colonial period was only a brief episode in the onward movement of the peoples of this continent.

In 1880, the eminent Liberian educator Edward Blyden said: "Africa is no vast island separated by an immense ocean from other portions of the globe, and cut off throughout the ages from the men who have made and influenced the destinies of mankind. She has been closely connected, both as source and nourisher, with some of the most potent influences which have affected for good the history of the world."

Blyden's perceptive observation applies today even more than it did a century ago. At no time in history have we been more aware of the interdependence of all nations. Africa and the United States are linked by real interests and common concerns.

Politically, we share a dedication to peace, national dignity and racial justice.

America's historic identification with African aspirations is deeply rooted in the cultural heritage of

-4-

twenty-three million black Americans -- and in the moral
sympathy of 200 million Americans. The assertion of black
nationhood in Africa has coincided with a new affirmation
of equality of opportunity and racial justice in the
United States. These developments have reinforced each
other, and have added a profound moral strength to the
bonds between us.

Economically, we each have a stake in each other's
success and development, for our interdependence can be
a vehicle for common progress. Our mutual trade is growing
rapidly; your exports are reaching the American market at
a rate approaching some six billion dollars annually.
Africa's importance to the United States as a producer of
energy and commodities is obvious. And American investment
in black Africa since its new era of independence has more
than quadrupled, to over one and a half billion dollars.
We are both aware that the prosperity of our peoples
cannot be sustained unless the global economy is equitable,
efficient and expanding.

Against this background of common interests, let me
take up with you now some of the principles of United
States policy toward Africa.

First, the United States unambiguously supports
Africa's struggle to perfect its independence. Africa did
not fight its long battle for liberation from colonial
rule only to surrender it again to external domination
that may take decades more to overcome. The United States
seeks no bloc to follow our lead, nor paramount influence
in this continent. We believe that no other country
should do so. Africans must determine their own destiny.
The new Africa must be free of great power rivalry.

African unity is therefore essential. Those who
would divide Africa -- either between governments or
between factions -- would diminish its promise, dissipate
its energies in contention, and open the way for the return
of external intervention. The end result is bound to be
domination by one outside power or division of the continent
into competing blocs. It is deeply in our common interest
that neither take place. The United States calls on all
nations to affirm the principle of African unity. It will

-5-

not import great power conflict into Africa. It will oppose
those who seek to do so.

Second, the United States is prepared for friendly
relations with all independent African nations. We, as any
country, have our preferences among political, social, and
economic systems. But we are prepared for cooperative
relations with any government of Africa which represents
African principles or aspirations. Our concern arises only
when an African movement is exploited by outside powers for
their own ends.

In this context, let me mention Angola. The United
States holds no enmity toward any African faction or govern-
ment. Their ideology or social system is not paramount
concern to us; it is for each country to choose for itself.
We did not oppose the coming to power of FRELIMO, a Marxist
movement, in Mozambique because we considered it an essen-
tially indigenous evolution. We recognized the government
of Mozambique immediately upon independence, and we bring
no sense of acrimony to our bilateral dealings.

In the case of Angola, the United States accepted all
three Angolan nationalist groups as legitimate African
liberation movements. We regret that they were unable to
resolve their differences peacefully and without outside
military intervention. We could work with the MPLA in
Angola in the same spirit as with FRELIMO in Mozambique.
What concerns us is the presence in Angola of large foreign
forces from outside the continent. This is bound to raise
questions about that government's acceptance of non-alignment
and the principle of African self-determination. What can be
the purpose of 15,000 troupes of an external expeditionary
force now that all other foreign forces have withdrawn from
Angola? How can a government be considered African if it has
stationed on its soil a large force from Cuba?

The United States has no interest in seeing Angola remain
a focus of contention. We have no quarrel with that country.
We can deal with it in a cooperative spirit. We are willing
in principle to open discussions with the Angolan authorities
with a view toward normalizing our relations and seeking means
of cooperating -- including on economic development. We wish
Angola well as a unified and independent state. But before we
can go far down that road, we want to know Angola's intentions
with respect to the presence of foreign forces on its soil.

-6-

Third, the United States pledges itself unambiguously on the side of majority rule, racial justice and human dignity in Southern Africa. A few days ago, in Lusaka, on behalf of President Ford, I announced a new American commitment to these goals. As part of an international effort, I put forward a concrete ten-point program. In carrying out this program, we shall work closely with the Presidents of Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania and Zambia -- and with the British Government. We have also called on the South African Government to demonstrate its commitment to African purposes by working with us in bringing majority rule to Rhodesia.

Fourth, the United States will help African nations develop and strengthen their economies. Africa's development goals are widening opportunity, social progress, self-reliance. The American people have always viewed these goals with the greatest sympathy. We have demonstrated our support in bilateral programs and in our efforts to build a new era of global economic cooperation between the developed and developing nations.

Let me discuss in further detail our approach to the crucial economic challenge -- a challenge which will remain with us for the long term.

## The Economic Dimension

Africa has broken the shackles of the past and is determined to remain free. Africa is deeply engaged in the struggle to achieve racial justice. But the achievements of the past must be consolidated by the building of a prosperous tomorrow which raises the standard of living and the horizons of life for all the continent's peoples.

The task ahead is formidable -- in some parts of Africa, staggering. But Africa brings to the task great resources, vast potential and the prospect that in the future African energies will be freer to concentrate on positive goals.

Our policy toward African economic development is guided by these principles:

- **First**, Africa's development must rest on a foundation of economic security. No nation can plan its future effectively or mobilize its effort if its income is buffeted continually by external economic forces over which it has little or no influence. This is especially true in Africa, where the export earnings of many national economies depend upon global market

-7-

conditions for a single commodity and where higher energy prices or inflation abroad can raise the price of imports to prohibitive levels.

- **Second**, Africa must have an equitable voice and role in international economic institutions and in the negotiations that shape the global economy. All nations must have a stake in the global economic system if they are to assume responsibilities for its orderly evolution. The United States strongly believes that the world economy cannot be the exclusive preserve of the richer nations. An interdependent world demands a new era of economic cooperation.

- **Third**, the world community must devote special attention to the plight of the world's poorest nations -- many of which are in Africa. In many countries the economic issue is simple human survival. And it is those very countries that have been most devastated by the massive and abrupt rise in oil prices. This has made it difficult, even impossible, to obtain modern fertilizers for expanding agricultural production, and to afford sufficient fuel for mechanization. Special account must be taken of the needs of the poorest.

Last September at the Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly on economic development, the United States presented a comprehensive series of proposals for the world community to respond to the needs of developing countries on a cooperative basis. Many of these proposals have been implemented and others are moving ahead. These measures will have a direct impact on Africa. Specifically:

First, to ensure economic security, Africa can look forward to more stable export earnings as a result of our proposal to enlarge the Compensatory Finance Facility of the International Monetary Fund, to which developing countries will now have greater access. To stabilize market conditions for key raw materials, the United States has signed and submitted for Congressional approval international commodity agreements on tin and coffee. We stand ready to discuss others. And we have proposed producer-consumer forums to discuss measures to improve conditions for all key commodities.

Second, to enhance Africa's participation in the global economic system, we have reduced the barriers to African exports into the United States market by instituting a

-8-

generalized system of tariff preferences for developing countries. We have tabled offers to reduce tariffs for tropical products which are of special interest to Africa and we are prepared to pay special attention to the interests of developing countries in the Multilateral Trade Negotiations now underway in Geneva. To foster industrialization, we intend to make an initial contribution of $15 million to the African Development Fund; and we will be working with others to set up an International Energy Institute to help developing nations devise effective energy programs of their own.

Third, to promote economic justice, American development assistance programs emphasize the poorest countries and the rural poor. We plan to contribute $200 million to the International Fund for Agricultural Development. We will provide 60% of the 10 million ton food aid target established by the World Food Conference. In addition, the IMF has approved our proposal for a Trust Fund for balance of payments assistance for poor countries.

The record is promising. But the needs of the developing world are enormous, and much work remains before us:

- We need to address the problem of the crushing international debt burden which many African countries suffer as a result of high oil prices and drastic swings in global commodity markets.

- We need satisfactory arrangements to foster the investment necessary for Africa's growth - arrangements that both respect national sovereignty and assure predictability and fair treatment for foreign investors.

- We must stimulate the flow of modern technology to Africa, to promote growth and diversify national economies.

- We need to mitigate the destructive effects of fluctuating prices for the key raw materials on which so many African economies rely.

- We must enhance the world community's capacity to respond effectively to natural disasters, like the Sahel drought, which can wreak vast tragedy on a scale of millions of people.

- And, we need to continue effective follow-up to the World Food Conference, especially to realize Africa's great potential for expanded food production.

In a few days, at the UNCTAD Conference in Nairobi, I will present a package of American proposals which will address many of these issues. We are dedicated to continuing the cooperative spirit which was forged at the Seventh Special Session. We expect others to meet us in this same spirit -- without confrontation or unrealistic demands. In this way the momentum that has been achieved in recent months can be maintained and accelerated.

I have set forth, on the soil of Africa, concrete policies of the United States on the range of aspirations that Africa and we share -- political, moral and economic. I shall advance others before I return to America.

Our cooperation is offered freely in our common interest. On my trip, I have heard the voices of Africa, forcefully and eloquently expressed. The United States respects those voices and will respond in the spirit of the responsible and positive relationship that we seek. Africa's primary concern is for national dignity and development. The United States shares these goals but beyond them has an overriding concern for a just peace and economic progress in the world. If we are to work together, we must understand that our aims are congruent, and encourage each other through mutual respect and understanding. The American people will respond to the aspirations of friends; but they will resist pressure or continual rhetorical attacks.

If African nations describe America as inherently hostile; if the dignity and respect which should mark the dealings between mature peoples is lacking; if non-alignment comes to be defined as automatically opposing all U.S. policies, there cannot be the necessary strong public support in America for a new and mutually beneficial era of relations.

This does not mean that the United States and Africa will always agree. There will always be differences, even among the best of friends. But when we disagree, let us do so without rancor, and with an understanding of the importance of maintaining our friendship. Let us always consult early on issues which could divide us, to ensure our mutual understanding and to reflect our mutual respect. Let us make our common aims the basis for practical achievement.

My country's responsibility to maintain the global balance of stability is consistent with, and reinforces, the achievement of African independence and African unity; the external intervention, which is our concern, can only diminish African self-determination and undermine the

integrity of the continent. Similarly, Africa's drive for
development accords with our own interest in a new era of
global economic cooperation; we seek in our own interest to
promote the interests of all nations -- producers and
consumers, developed and developing, large and small.

And so, I will return to America to convey my fresh
and deep impressions of this continent's needs and this
continent's potential and with a heightened sense of the
importance of strengthened ties between the United States
and Africa.

With respect for each other's ideals and motives, with
determination to meet the challenges of our time, we can
make African-American cooperation a model for cooperation
and progress in the world.

In the decades to come, a great drama will play itself
out on the African continent. The new Africa will take its
destiny firmly into its own hands, and will make its funda-
mental contribution to the world community.

The United States is ready to join with you as this his-
torical process unfolds. The stakes are high, the task is
immense, but success will come if we seek it together in the
service of humanity.

As we contemplate our future endeavors we can look to
our relations with Liberia as an outstanding example of
cooperation. My country is especially pleased to be
associated with President Tolbert -- a statesman and the
driving force behind the modernization and integration of
Liberian society.

Today it has been my privilege to convey to President
Tolbert President Ford's personal invitation to make a State
visit during this Bicentennial Year. His visit will further
underline the importance of our relations which have special
historic meaning for Americans.

But the truest meaning of our Bicentennial is to cele-
brate not merely our past but our future. The highest aim
of foreign policy must be to shape the course of history
according to our hopes and moral ends. The relationship
between the United States and Africa can now enter one of
its most fruitful and successful periods. It is up to us,
the peoples of Africa and America. There is so much to be
achieved.

-11-

In this spirit of hope, I raise my glass, ladies and
gentlemen, and offer a toast:

-- to the health of President Tolbert,

-- to the historic friendship between the United
States and Liberia,

-- and to the triumphs that lie ahead of us in the
great collaboration between Africa and the United
States.

Introduction

President Ford has sent me here with a message of commitment and cooperation.

I have come to Africa because in so many ways, the challenges of Africa are the challenges of the modern era. Morally and politically, the drama of national independence in Africa over the last generation has transformed international affairs. More than any other region of the world, Africa symbolizes that the previous era of world affairs -- the colonial era -- is a thing of the past. The great tasks you face -- in nation-building, in keeping the peace and integrity of this continent, in economic development, in gaining an equitable role in world councils, in achieving racial justice -- these reflect the challenges of building a humane and progressive world order.

I have come to Africa with an open mind and an open heart to demonstrate my country's desire to work with you on these great tasks. My journey is intended to give fresh impetus to our cooperation and to usher in a new era in American policy.

The United States was one of the prime movers of the process of decolonization. The American people welcomed the new nations into the world community and for two decades have given aid and encouragement to economic and social progress in Africa. And America's responsibilities as a global power give us a strong interest today in the independence, peace and well-being of this vast continent comprising a fifth of the world's land surface. For without peace, racial justice and growing prosperity in Africa, we cannot speak of a just international order.

There is nothing to be gained in a debate about whether in the past America has neglected Africa or been insufficiently committed to African goals. The United States has many responsibilities in the world. Given the burden it has carried in the postwar period, it could not do everything simultaneously. African nations too have their own priorities and concerns, which have not always accorded with our own. No good can come of mutual recrimination. Our differing perspectives converge in a common purpose to build a secure and just future for Africa. In active collaboration there is much we can do: in contention or apart we will miss great opportunities. President Ford, the American Government and people are prepared to work with you with energy and goodwill if met in the same spirit.

So it is time to put aside slogans and to seek practical solutions.
It is time to find our common ground and act boldly for
common ends.

Africa is a continent of hope -- a modern frontier. The United
States from the beginning has been a country of the frontier, built
by men and women of hope. The American people know from their
history the meaning of the struggle for independence, for racial
equality, for economic progress, for human dignity.

I am not here to give American prescriptions for Africa's problems.
Your program must be African. The basic decisions and goals must be
African. But we are prepared to help.

Nor am I here to set African against African, either among your
governments or among factions of liberation movements. African
problems cannot be solved and your destiny cannot be fulfilled ex-
cept by a united Africa. America supports African unity. We urge
all other countries to do the same.

Here in Africa the range of mankind's challenges and potential can
be seen in all its complexity and enormous promise. The massive
power and grandeur of nature is before us in all its aspects -- as
the harsh master and as a bountiful servant of mankind. Here we can
feel the rich and living cultures which have changed and invigorated
art, music and thought around the world. And here, on this
continent, we are tested, all of us, to see whether our future will
be determined for us or by us, whether humanity will be the victim
or the architect of its destiny.

## The Problem of Southern Africa

Of all the challenges before us, of all the purposes we have in
common, racial justice is one of the most basic. This is a dominant
issue of our age, within nations and among nations. We know from our
own experience that the goal of racial justice is both compelling
and achievable. Our support for this principle in Southern Africa
is not simply a matter of foreign policy, but an imperative of our own
moral heritage.

The people of Zambia do not need to be reminded of the importance of
realizing this goal. By geography and economic necessity, Zambia
is affected directly and grievously by strife in Southern Africa.
Political stability in this region means more to Zambia than to
many others. Yet Zambia

-3-

has chosen to stand by her principles by closing her border with Rhodesia and enduring the economic consequences. This is a testimony to the determination of the people of this country and to the statesmanship of its great leader, President Kaunda.

And it was in this city seven years ago that leaders of East and Central African states proclaimed their manifesto on Southern Africa.

One is struck by the similarity of philosophy in the American Declaration of Independence and in the Lusaka Manifesto. Two hundred years ago, Thomas Jefferson wrote:

"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their creator with certain unalienable rights, that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed."

And seven years ago, the leaders of East and Central Africa declared here in Lusaka that:

"By this Manifesto we wish to make clear, beyond all shadow of doubt, our acceptance of the belief that all men are equal, and have equal rights to human dignity and respect, regardless of color, race, religion, or sex. We believe that all men have the right and duty to participate, as equal members of society, in their own government."

There can be no doubt that the United States remains committed to the principles of its own Declaration of Independence. It follows that we also adhere to the convictions of the Lusaka Manifesto.

Therefore, here in Lusaka, I reaffirm the unequivocal commitment of the United States to human rights, as expressed in the principles of the United Nations Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. We support self-determination, majority rule, equal rights and human dignity for all the peoples of Southern Africa -- in the name of moral principle, international law and world peace.

On this occasion I would like to set forth more fully American policy on some of the immediate issues we face -- in Rhodesia, Namibia and South Africa -- and then to sketch our vision of Southern Africa's hopeful future.

## The United States Position on Rhodesia

The United States position on Rhodesia is clear and unmistakable. As President Ford has said, "The United States is totally dedicated to seeing to it that the majority becomes

-4-

the ruling power in Rhodesia." We do not recognize the Rhodesian minority regime. The United States voted for, and is committed to the UN Security Council Resolutions of 1966 and 1968 that imposed mandatory economic sanctions against the illegal Rhodesian regime. Earlier this year we co-sponsored a Security Council resolution, which was passed unanimously, expanding mandatory sanctions. And in March of this year, we joined with others to commend Mozambique for its decision to enforce these sanctions even at great economic cost to itself.

It is the responsibility of all who seek a negotiated solution to make clear to the Rhodesian minority that the world community is united in its insistence on rapid change. It is the responsibility of those in Rhodesia who believe in peace to take the steps necessary to avert a great tragedy.

United States policy for a just and durable Rhodesian solution will therefore rest on ten elements:

**First**, the United States declares its support in the strongest terms for the proposals made by British Prime Minister Callaghan on March 22 of this year: that independence must be preceded by majority rule which, in turn, must be achieved no later than two years following the expeditious conclusion of negotiations. We consider these proposals a basis for a settlement fair to all the people of Rhodesia. We urge that they be accepted.

**Secondly**, the Salisbury regime must understand that it cannot expect United States support either in diplomacy or in material help at any stage in its conflict with African states or African liberation movements. On the contrary, it will face our unrelenting opposition until a negotiated settlement is achieved.

**Third**, the United States will take steps to fulfill completely its obligation under international law to mandatory economic sanctions against Rhodesia. We will urge the Congress this year to repeal the Byrd Amendment, which authorizes Rhodesian chrome imports to the United States an act inconsistent with United Nations sanctions. In parallel with this effort, we will approach other industrial nations to ensure the strictest and broadest international compliance with sanctions.

**Fourth**, to ensure that there are no misperceptions on the part of the leaders of the minority in Rhodesia, the United States, on the conclusion of my consultations in black Africa, will communicate clearly and directly to the Salisbury regime our view of the urgency of a rapid negotiated settlement leading to majority rule.

**Fifth**, the United States Government will carry out its responsibility to inform American citizens that we have no

-5-

official representation in Rhodesia nor any means of
providing them with assistance or protection. American
travellers will be advised against entering Rhodesia-
Americans resident there will be urged to leave.

**Sixth**, as in the case of Zambia a few years ago,
steps should be taken -- in accordance with the recent UN
Security Council resolution -- to assist Mozambique, whose
closing of its borders with Rhodesia to enforce sanctions
has imposed upon it a great additional economic hardship.
In accordance with this UN Resolution, the United States is
willing to provide $12.5 million of assistance.

**Seventh**, the United States -- together with other
members of the United Nations -- is ready to help alleviate
economic hardship for any countries neighboring Rhodesia
which decide to enforce sanctions by closing their frontiers.

**Eighth**, humanitarian provision must be made for the
thousands of refugees who have fled in distress from
Rhodesia into neighboring countries. The United States will
consider sympathetically requests for assistance for these
refugees by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees or other
appropriate international organizations.

**Ninth**, the world community should give its support to
the people of Rhodesia as they make the peaceful transition
to majority rule and independence, and should aid a newly
independent Zimbabwe. To this end, we are ready to join
with other interested nations in a program of economic,
technical, and educational assistance, to enable an
independent Zimbabwe to achieve the progress and the place
in the community of nations to which its resources and the
talents of all its people entitle it.

**Finally**, we state our conviction that whites as well
as blacks should have a secure future and civil rights in
a Zimbabwe that has achieved racial justice. A constitutional
structure should protect minority rights together with
establishing majority rule. We are prepared to devote some
of our assistance programs to this objective.

In carrying out this program we shall consult closely with
the Presidents of Botswana, Mozambique, Tanzania and
Zambia.

We believe these are important measures. We are open
minded with respect to additional actions that can help
speed a resolution. The United States will consult closely
with African leaders, especially the four Presidents, and

- 6 -

with other friends on the Rhodesian problem. For the
central fact that I have come here to stress is this:
the United States is wholly committed to help bring about
a rapid, just and African solution to the issue of
Rhodesia.

Namibia

Rhodesia is the most urgent but by no means the only
critical problem in Southern Africa. The status of Namibia
has been a source of contention between the world community
and South Africa for over three decades.

The territory of South-West Africa turned into a source of serious international discord following World War II.
When the United Nations refused to accede to South Africa's proposal for annexation of the territory, South Africa declined to enter into a trusteeship agreement, and since then has refused to recognize the United Nations as the legal sovereign. In 1966, the General Assembly terminated South Africa's mandate over the territory. In 1971, the International Court of Justice concluded that South Africa's occupation of Namibia was illegal and that it should withdraw.

The United States voted for the 1966 General Assembly
resolution. We were the only major power to argue
before the International Court that South African
occupation was illegal. And in January 1976 the United
States voted in favor of the UN resolution condemning
the occupation of Namibia and calling for South Africa
to take specific steps toward Namibia's self-determination
and independence.

We are encouraged by the South African Government's
evident decision to move Namibia toward independence.
We are convinced that a solution can be found which will
embody equal rights for the entire population and at the
same time protect the interests of all who live and work
there. But we are concerned that South Africa has failed
to announce a definite timetable for the achievement of
self-determination; that all the people and all political
groupings of Namibia have not been allowed to take part
in determining the form of government they shall one day
have; and that South Africa continues to deny the United
Nations its proper role in establishing a free and
independent Namibia.

Therefore the United States position is as follows:

-- We reiterate our call upon the South African
Government to permit all the people and groups

-7-

--of Namibia to express their views freely, under UN
supervision, on the political future and constitu-
tional structure of their country.

--We urge the South African Government to announce a
definite timetable acceptable to the world
community for the achievement of self-determination.

--The United States is prepared to work with the
international community, and especially with African
leaders, to determine what further steps would improve
prospects for a rapid and acceptable transition to
Namibian independence. We are convinced that the
need for progress is urgent.

--Once concrete movement toward self-determination is
underway, the United States will ease its restrictions
on trade and investment in Namibia. We stand ready to
provide economic and technical assistance to help
Namibia take its rightful place among the independent
nations of the world.

South Africa

Apartheid in South Africa remains an issue of great
concern to those committed to racial justice and human
dignity.

No country, no people can claim perfection in the realm
of human rights. We in America are aware of our own
imperfections. But because we are a free society, our
problems and our shortcomings are fully aired and made
known to the world. And we have reason to take pride
in our progress in the quest for justice for all in
our country.

The world community's concern with South Africa is not
merely that racial discrimination exists there. What
is unique is the extent to which racial discrimination
has been institutionalized, enshrined in law and made
all-pervasive.

No one -- including the leaders of black Africa --
challenges the right of white South Africans to live in

-8-

their country. They are not colonialists; historically, they are
an African people. But white South Africans must recognize as
well that the world will continue to insist that the institutionalized
separation of the races must end. The United States appeals to
South Africa to heed the warning signals of the past two years:
there is still time to bring about a reconciliation of South Africa's
peoples for the benefit of all. But there is a limit to that time --
a limit of far shorter duration than was generally perceived even
a few years ago.

A peaceful end to institutionalized inequality is in the interest
of all South Africans. The United States will continue to
encourage and work for peaceful change. Our policy toward South
Africa is based upon the premise that within a reasonable time we
shall see a clear evolution toward equality of opportunity and basic
human rights for all South Africans. The United States will
exercise all its efforts in that direction. We urge the government
of South Africa to make that premise a reality.

In the immediate future, the Republic of South Africa can show its
dedication to Africa -- and its potential contribution to Africa --
by using its influence in Salisbury to promote a rapid negotiated
settlement for majority rule in Rhodesia. This, we are sure, would
be viewed positively by the community of nations as well as by the
rest of Africa.

## A Vision of the Future

Southern Africa has all the prerequisites for an exciting future.
Richly endowed with minerals, agricultural and hydroelectric
potential, a favorable climate, and, most important, great human
resources it needs only to overcome the human failure of racial
strife to achieve bright prospects for all its peoples.

Let us all strive to speed the day when this vision becomes a
reality.

The United States stands ready to work with the nations of
Southern Africa to help them achieve the economic progress which
will give meaning to their political independence and dignity
to their struggle for equality.

As you know, Deputy Secretary Robinson, an expert
in economic development is accompanying me on this visit.

-9-

This is the first time that an American Secretary of State and Deputy Secretary together have come on such a mission reflecting the importance we attach to the economic development of Southern Africa. Mr. Robinson and I are discussing development needs with African officials in the various capitals and we shall continue these consultations at the UNCTAD meeting in Nairobi next week. After my return to Washington, based on what we have learned, we will urgently study a new aid program for this continent.

Africa and its friends face a dual challenge -- immediate and long-term growth. In the short term, economic emergencies can arise from natural disasters or sharp swings in global economic conditions over which developing nations have little control. These economic shocks must be dealt with if the nations of the region are to maintain their hard-won progress toward development. For example, the sharp drop in world copper prices has had a devastating impact on the economies of Zambia and Zaire. The United States will deal with this problem in its bilateral assistance programs for these countries, and in our programs for multilateral action -- to be proposed at UNCTAD next week -- for resource development, buffer stocks, and earnings stabilization.

But our basic concern must go beyond responding to emergencies. We need to develop urgently programs to lay the foundations for sustained growth to enable the developing nations of Southern Africa to deal effectively with global economic shocks and trends.

Let me mention four that are especially relevant to Southern Africa: trained local manpower, rural development, advanced technology, and modern transportation.

- For Namibia and Zimbabwe, training programs should be intensified now so that needed manpower will be ready when majority rule is attained. Existing programs to train Namibian and Zimbabwean refugees as administrators and technicians should be expanded as rapidly as possible. We have requested additional funds from Congress for this purpose. We urge other donors and international organizations to do more.

- Development for all of Southern Africa involves a process of transforming rural life. We are