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THE WHITE HOUSE
Washington

August 6, 1973

WHITE HOUSE STAFF MESS REGULATIONS

The White House Staff Mess provides meal service as a convenience for designated key personnel whose duties require that they be available in the vicinity of the White House offices.

Limitations of space and the size and makeup of the membership make it necessary to divide the membership list into three groups: Group I, Group II and Honorary, and to make specific regulations for each group. The group to which you belong is indicated on your membership notice.

The meal hours for the Mess, Monday through Saturday, are as follows:

Breakfast - 7:00 to 9:00 a.m. for members of all groups

Lunch - 
Group I: 11:30 a.m. to 1:00 p.m.
Group II and Honorary: 1:00 p.m. to 2:30 p.m.

The Mess is normally closed on Sundays and holidays.

Billing

During the first week of each month, a bill will be sent to your office for the previous month's charges. Payment should be by personal check, payable to the *White House Staff Mess*, and forwarded to the White House Staff Mess. PLEASE DO NOT SEND CASH.

An audit will be made on the 15th of each month, to identify any bills still outstanding. Any member who is behind two months in his payments, including the bill just rendered, will be sent a written reminder. Any member who is three months overdue, including the bill just rendered, will have his Mess privileges revoked. Members having lost their privileges through non-payment of bills may have those privileges restored by paying their account in full, plus a twenty-five dollar ($25.00) re-instatement fee. The membership will be restored on the first of the month following the date payment is received.

## Group I Members

Group I members are requested to arrive for luncheon not later than 12:30 p. m. to ensure completion of the meal prior to 1:00 p. m. It is essential that the Group I time limit be observed. Continued disregard of this limitation will result in loss of Mess privileges.

## Group II and Honorary Members

The period from 1:00 to 2:30 p. m. is reserved for Group II and Honorary members. While Group II and Honorary members without guests may eat at any time that the Mess is open, they are strongly encouraged to eat during their reserved period. Group II members may invite Group I members to eat with them during the period from 1:00 to 2:30 p. m.

## Guest Privileges

Mess members may bring guests to the Mess if prior reservations have been made. Reservations may be made by calling the Staff Mess through either the Signal or Administrative boards. If there are no tables available at the time requested, and if your schedule permits, the Dining Room Chief Steward will take your name on a stand-by basis and call you when a table is available. It will be extremely helpful to fellow Mess members, and assure maximum use of Staff Mess facilities, if members call and cancel reservations promptly when meal plans have changed or a table reservation is no longer required. Members may make reservations for up to two (2) guests. Exceptions to this limitation must be approved by the Office of the Military Assistant. Members may not bring as guests a person on the White House Staff who is not a member of the Mess.

One of the purposes of the Mess is to provide a pleasant atmosphere in which working conversations can take place. Since guests may be in a position to overhear conversations which should not be public knowledge, members are urged to use discretion in inviting guests to the Mess. For this reason, members of the press may not be brought to the Staff Mess.

## Miscellaneous

Parties will be given separate tables whenever possible; but, at times when there are many members and guests, it may be necessary to ask parties of 2 to share a table for 4. The large round table and the first two small tables are reserved for members without guests; but, when

these tables are full, members may sit at any unreserved table.
Members with guests should not sit at the Staff tables. The reserved
tables are for those members who have requested guest reservations.

There may be occasions when personnel of the Mess are needed to
perform functions elsewhere. In such cases, service in the Mess must
be curtailed and it may not be possible to accommodate guests. Should
this happen, those having reservations for guests will be so advised, in
order that they may seek service elsewhere. Service to members will
be available, but may not be as rapid during a period of reduced staffing.

The Mess does not have sufficient personnel to provide room service, other than for those so designated by separate memorandum. Exceptions to this rule can only be made on an individual basis by the Office of the Military Assistant.

Coffee is normally available for pickup in the Mess between the hours of 7:00 a.m. and 9:00 a.m. Charges for coffee will be included in your monthly Mess bill.

With your cooperation, we hope to provide members of the White House
Staff Mess with excellent food and fine service, in a pleasant atmosphere
and convenient location. Any suggestions which will help us improve the
service are sincerely welcomed.

RICHARD L. LAWSON
Brigadier General, United States Air Force
Military Assistant to the President

1840 CARLA RIDGE BEVERLY HILLS

24 October 1973

Dear Henry:

In the midst of all this turmoil, it might seem almost an intrusion to congratulate you on winning the Nobel Peace Prize. However, I would feel remiss if I didn't tell you how pleased I was for you.

Mary joins me in sending you our best wishes, and we look forward to seeing you when you come to California, or when we get to New York and Washington during December.

THE PLAIN DEALER

OHIO'S LARGEST MORNING AND SUNDAY NEWSPAPER

WASHINGTON BUREAU

521 NATIONAL PRESS BUILDING
WASHINGTON, D. C. 20004
METROPOLITAN 8-1366

OFFICE OF
JOHN P. LEACACOS
WASHINGTON BUREAU CHIEF

PUBLISHED BY
THE
FOREST CITY
PUBLISHING COMPANY
CLEVELAND, OHIO 44114

October 12, 1971

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Assistant to the President
for National Security Affairs
The White House
Washington, D. C. 20500

Dear Henry:

For your private information, the opus on the NSC is due
for publication in the December issue of *Foreign Policy*.

Because it was so long, they are going to cut some of the
middle pages on yourself, which I will have to look at
first, of course. I thought I would let you know.

I hope I can have your backing to persuade your friend,
Ron Ziegler, to include me in the China trip so I can see
how Your Highness operates in the flesh.

All the best, and thanks very much for your cooperation in
getting the opus finished.

BALTIMORE SUN 7 DECEMBER 1972 (8)

Nick Thimmesch

Tired team pulls peace cart home

Washington.

It's hoped that after a fair amount of thrashing around in some of Washington's quilliter sanctums, that Henry A. Kissinger will reach that long-waited-for "peace with honor" settlement in Paris this week.

"There is evidence that Dr. Kissinger, who spent 30 days negotiating in Paris and Saigon since May 2, was a bit generous to the North Vietnamese in announcing the terms of the "peace is at hand" settlement last October 26th.

Dr. Kissinger was not running a political errand before the presidential election with the October 26 statement because it was Hanoi which forced the timing. But that statement had holes in it which could have betrayed the South Vietnamese and also given credence to an eventual cry of "sellout" by the right in America.

The Saigon government, and indeed the American people, have the right to demand that the settlement ensure: a demilitarized zone respected by Hanoi; the understanding that the U.S. can provide further military assistance to South Vietnam to match any increases in Soviet supplies to North Vietnam: clarification on how Hanoi will withdraw its troops from the South, and how the withdrawal will be inspected; a cease-fire in Laos and Cambodia as well as in Vietnam: release of all American prisoners from Indochina not just from North Vietnam: removal of all forces (North Vietnamese, American and Thai) from Laos and Cambodia.

"All this has been impressed on Dr. Kissinger in the past few weeks, as the "peace at hand" settlement became shopworn in the public mind. South Vietnam got its say-so when Nguyen Phu Duc, President Thieu's sp

eial emissary, met with President Nixon. Gen. Alexander Haig, Dr. Kissinger's deputy, who has individual access to the President, reinforced the argument that South Vietnam needed further military guarantees.

Fears were raised here, and justifiably because of the secrecy involved in Dr. Kissinger's dealings, that he had gone soft on Hanoi, had become too friendly with Le Duc Tho, the Communist negotiator.

Anxious as we are for peace, it must be remembered that Hanoi's worst hasn't been so hot in the past, particularly on cease-fires, "arrangements" and "understandings" on bombing and other military actions.

Dr. Kissinger has labored hard for a peace settlement. In the past seven months, he has made 12 trips to Paris and Saigon, spent countless hours trying to sleep in those relatively comfortable Air Force jets. He works from 12

to 16 hours a day when he's in Washington, and takes many phone calls in the middle of the night. He is weary and needs rest.

His partner, General Haig, is a workhorse whose hours even exceed Dr. Kissinger's. Associates say General Haig looks better when he's tired, which is most of the time these days. He, too, takes calls at home, more than Dr. Kissinger, because General Haig's number is still listed. General Haig has been to Saigon alone four times since mid-April, and makes Paris trips as well.

His only relaxation is his celebrated social life, and that can become a bother. Dr. Kissinger makes more mistakes outside his work than inside, like being too generous to pundits who voted for McGovern or to female Italian journalists out to knife him.

Dr. Kissinger and General Haig, dissimilar in many ways, have given much in the past four years, and it's sometimes good for all of us to remember that men in such high positions are humans like the rest of us.

9-F

How to Be
Black and
A General

FT. CARSON, Colo. (AP).
—"If anybody should be an
example of the fact that an
individual can prosper on
merit in our nation, I am,"
says Maj. Gen. James F.
Hamlet

Hamlet, who is black, com-
mands the post here and the
4th Infantry Division Mecha-
nized. There are 24,000 sol-
diers and civilians working at
the post, and 15 percent are
black, Army officials said.
Hamlet assumed command

Aug. 25.

Pointing to himself as an
example of success the 50 -
year-old general said:

"THE MERE FACT that I
can call the top commanders
in here and give them guid-
ance on how things should be
done is proof."

Hamlet's appointment
marked the first time a black
had been given responsibility
for a major Army installation,
for dealing with a largely
white neighboring community,
and, at the same time, for
presiding over the lives of
thousands of white soldiers.

"The subject of a black man as installation commander is vastly overrated," Hamlet said. "I have the same problems as anyone else would. I'm actually the mana-

ger of a small city with all
the problems of city manage-
ment." Other officers and
men disagreed somewhat.

"IT'S TOUGH for a black,"
said a warrant officer with
more than 20 years expe-
rience. "If he's strict, some
people, especially the blacks,
will say he's an authoritarian.

"But if he's lenient, he'll get
it from the other side."

A high-ranking officer said: "In the beginning, everyone wants to see the black CG (Commanding General). After they've seen him, though, they just think of him as the CG, not as a black."

Hamlet said the Army and
the nation have made great
strides toward racial progress
since he enlisted in the Army
in 1942.

"IT'S TRUE that progres-
sive methods in treatment of
minorities were tried first in
the military—before business,
for example," Hamlet said.
"The things we've been doing
have been a pace-setter in the
area of minority relations."

The Army still has "a long
way to go to achieve racial
harmony," he said, adding,
"We can't afford to discrimi-
nate against brains in any
form. The reason we've been
so far ahead of the rest of so-
ciety is because what we've
been doing is right. Only sec-
ondarily is it managerially
sound."

Hamlet, a short man with
closely cropped hair, origi-
nally intended to be a school-
teacher, but said he found
more opportunity in the Army
than in civilian life.

WALL STREET JOURNAL **8 DECEMBER 1972**

EUROPEAN SUMMIT — with Nixon—may
come next year. Aim: to mend allied relations.

West Europe's leaders worry that Soviet-American deals could injure their interests. Some fear a U.S. payoff to Moscow for help on Vietnam peace negotiations. Dangers foreseen: unilateral U.S. troop withdrawals from Europe,

mutual Russian-American withdrawals on
terms upsetting to Europeans, arms-control ac-
cords risking European security.

So Washington talks of a spring meeting in
Brussels between Nixon and European leaders
—before Brezhnev comes to the U.S. The Presi-
dent would reassure the doubters of American

concern, seek broad understandings on protect-
ing Western interests in talks with the Rus-
sians. Nixon already plans a European jaunt
early next year.

Will the Europeans want to convene at Nix-
on's behest? They might prefer separate presi-
dential visits to their capitals. A group get-to-
gether could spotlight Europe's differences,

10-F

SIDLEY & AUSTIN

ONE FIRST NATIONAL PLAZA
CHICAGO, ILLINOIS 60670

TELEPHONES 312: 329-5400
329-7700

CABLE: NORWIL-TELEX 25-4364

Founded in 1866 as
Williams & Thompson

WASHINGTON OFFICES
1625 I STREET, N.W.
TELEPHONE 202: 638-5400
TELEX 89-463
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TELEPHONE 202: 833-8606

ASSOCIATED EUROPEAN OFFICE
27 AVENUE DE TERVUEREN
1040 BRUSSELS, BELGIUM
TELEX 846-24192

December 7, 1972

PERSONAL & CONFIDENTIAL

Mr. Allan J. Hruska
Cravath, Swaine & Moore
1 Chase Manhattan Plaza
New York, New York 10005

Dear Allan:

I am enclosing a whole series of clippings
and articles from around the country that may be of
interest to you and our friends. Do you want me to
continue to pick up articles of this type?

Warmest personal regards.

MIL/dm
Enclosures

cc: Mr. Henry Kissinger
General Alexander Haig

MM

Chicago, Illinois 60670.
One First National Plaza,
Measles. Sidley & Austin,
Morris I. Leipman, Esq.,

Sincerely,

With best wishes of the season,

unnecessarily for such materials to do through me in the first

I have forwarded the clippings (for which I thank

days in hearings on an antitrust case.

December 7, but I've been tied up during the last several

please forgive my delay in responding to yours of

Dear Morris:

December 13, 1975

CRAVATH, SWAINE & MOORE
FELLERHEAD OF

9 NOV 1974

Dear Mr. President:

Mrs. Kissinger and I want to thank you
once again for the warmth and cordiality
with which you and Mrs. Leone received us
during our recent visit to your beautiful
capital. It was most kind of you and we
are both deeply appreciative.

We are grateful for your gift and it
will give us great pleasure to have the
books in our library.

His Excellency
Giovanni Leone,
President of the
Italian Republic,
Rome.

Home.
Italian Republic.
President of the
Giovanni Reone.
His Excellence

Henry V. Klaasen

Warm regards,

pokes in our lipkary.
will give us great pleasure to have the
We are grateful for your gift and it

are very deeply appreciative.
capital. It was most kind of you and we
giving our recent visit to your beautiful
with which you and Mrs. Reone received us
once again for the warmth and cordiality
Mrs. Klaasen and I want to thank you

Dear Mr. President:

9 NOV 1974

Editorial Cartoonist
THE CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR
One Norway St., Boston 02115

June 21, 1972

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
The White House
Washington

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I returned from Washington to find your
letter. The cartoon is being processed
out of files and you should be getting
it shortly ... or when you get back from
China.

All the best,

Guernsey Le Pelley

NEW YORK POST, WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 2, 1972

Max Lerner

KISSINGER AS PRO

The impressive fact that has emerged from the whole business about the secret American peace proposals is the bulky, brilliant, omniscient, omnipresent, and very professional fact of Henry Kissinger. Subtract him from the Nixon equation in the White House and you subtract the China policy, the Vietnam withdrawal and Vietnamization policy, the element of strategic secrecy and surprise, the intellectual scrutiny that has been brought to bear on the total diplomatic package.

There have been Brain Trust advisers to Presidents, like Harry Hopkins, and technician-theorists like Admiral Mahan, and shadowy behind-the-scenes figures like Colonel House. The Kissinger mixture is like nothing before him. As a public figure he combines all the disabilities—intellectual, Harvard, divorced, a German-born Jew, photo-prone with pretty girls, a confidante of the President. What more fatal combination could one ask for?

Yet there is something else, which carries all this off. It is Kissinger's clear and cool ability, the grasp of problems, the mastery of material, the historical perspective, the sheer professionalism. For a moment the Anderson Papers struck a blow at this image, showing Kissinger in his most dubious role as he rode herd on the bureaucracy to carry out Nixon's wilful and ill-fated Pakistan policy.

One version in Washington is that the leaks to Anderson may have been aimed at exactly that intention, to

topple Kissinger from his dizzying height—an event that might please some foreign governments and perhaps Americans engaged in the cobra-like struggle at the Capitol. If so it didn't succeed.

If we needed anything to confirm Kissinger's professionalism a reading of his press conference remarks and answers about his Paris secret meetings would do it. They are precise, subtle, and responsible, without being stuffy.

The combination of President Nixon's speech, with its lawyer-like brief for the defense, along with Kissinger's dialogue with reporters gives us a tolerably clear view of what still prevents peace. It is not the Administration's stubborn insistence on a military solution, nor any refusal to discuss a political solution.

It is quite simply the reluctance in Hanoi to accept a political solution short of their own, which is the overthrow—direct or indirect—of the Thieu regime in Saigon. "We are not prepared," said Kissinger, "to end this war by turning over the government of South Vietnam as part of a political deal."

That is a good rock to stand on. It is healthy to have the crucial question of the nature of a political—not a military—settlement finally clear enough for debate. I don't believe it has been clear to most Americans up to now.

American liberal opinion about the Saigon government has passed through interesting phases. First, that it was

no government, nothing, a vacuum, a cipher, incapable of holding an army in the field or retrieving the villages—that Vietnamization was hopeless. Then, that it was corrupt and dictatorial and not worth saving, even if it were possible,

Finally, now that it has shown itself fairly viable, that whatever its character or strength we have no obligation to it which would interfere with a political settlement on Hanoi's terms.

Quite conceivably the coming Tet offensive, mounted from Hanoi and bound to be massive, may topple the Saigon army and regime. Quite conceivably American air power may prove inadequate to keep it alive, which would confront Nixon with the sharpest crisis of the war—whether to escalate American military involvement again or accept Le Duc Tho's political settlement and abandon the Thieu regime.

Le Duc Tho may be gambling on this. Nixon and Kissinger may be gambling that Saigon can survive the next Tet, and that Le Duc Tho will then be more amenable to the 8-point peace plan.

More or less affectionate political nicknames are endemic to the American scene. Roosevelt had his "Sammy the Rose" and his "Tommy the Cork." Now Nixon has his "Henry the K." Despite his secret agent mystique he is very much out in the open now, which is all to the good.

I wish I knew whom Muskie, Humphrey, Lindsay, McCarthy, McGovern, Jackson, Chisholm or Yorty has who would do what Kissinger is doing. In fact, if I were a Democratic candidate now I should announce that the one man I would carry over from Nixon would be Henry the K.

Bangles...and Beads

Post Photo by Jerry Engel

And Grair just watches.

to the basement, ignoring
the signs that say 'Keep
Out,' you will find narrow,
twenty-foot-high aisles, over-
flowing from floor to ceiling
with beads of every descrip-
tion, through which you may
browse. Since this is a
wholesale house, be prepared
to buy a lot of beads. Prices
here are the lowest."

Prices do change, or rather

Specials until she became
editor of Charlie, a slick rock
culture magazine that folded
two years ago. "I free lanced
book and record reviews, then
the baby came, and I guess
I was in my hippy period
when crafts became appeal-
ing," she said, flipping the
Brandenburg concerto on the
stereo. "I'm a big rock and
roll fan, but lately I've been

Go to extremes -

button a long skirt over a
short bodysuit. Navy apples
on white bodysuit and
vice versa for the skirt
or orange strawberries
on white skirted in
the reverse. Arnel®
triacetate jersey,
5 to 15, 32.00
Second Floor
Junior Dress Shop
Lord & Taylor,
all stores

64 WALL STREET
NEW YORK, N.Y. 10005

February 2, 1972

Professor Henry A. Kissinger,
Special Assistant to President
The White House
Washington, D. C.

Dear Professor Kissinger:

I thought you would like to know that a good many of us who were with the Harvard Defense Studies Program, went to the Memorial Service for Professor W. Barton Leach last week, and that the April issue of the Harvard Law School Alumni Magazine probably will be devoted to Professor Leach.

I thought it might be a nice idea if you wrote a letter to the Alumni Magazine.

With my best wishes,

LWL:td

CHIEF PARIS CORRESPONDENT
FLORA FLEMING

The New York Times
37 RUE SORBE (9)
BUREAU DE PARIS

The New York Times

Apr 11 1967 10:57

pa korn pabpinea.

marrise. Msd korn tronptes pe amalt and qwarted

you m& congratulations and aerd peat wishes ou korn,

a white, which is why I qiput write sooner to send

which kept me from attending to anything else for quite

I have been involved in a family accident

With warm regards,

Mrs. Franklin A. Lindsay

TODD POND ROAD - LINCOLN, MASSACHUSETTS 01773

February 11, 1969

Dear Henry:

We seem to be keeping up with your daily life
rather well via the newspapers, so we don't miss you
too much yet. For instance, I gather you had a meet-
ing with a group that included my brother. As you
are so incredibly different in your approaches, I
doubt you found him easy. He does, however, believe
it or not, represent the moderate element among the
anti-Vietnam factions, and as such, I'm glad you both
had a chance to see and hear. I gather the (other)
Paris talks, which he did not attend, were not pro-
ductive because of the calibre involved. Incident-
ally, he did not attend because he found out that
the others were not the proper calibre.

So much for family matters. My primary concern
in this letter is the World Affairs Council's upcoming
20th anniversary, which occurs this year. I don't need
to fill you in on WAC history or hopes. We would like
to have a luncheon series this spring and fall, which
would include at least one high level foreign dignitary.
Do you think there would be anyone connected with the
upcoming NATO meetings in Washington in April who might
be interested in such a platform? We could assure a
good audience, providing the individual were well known.
You know the kind of group the Boston area can produce.
We would be most grateful for whatever leads you could
throw our way.

One last thought on family-related matters. Bill
has been talking broad-based citizen involvements with
regard to military expenditures, the ABM and others.
It occurs to me that there may come a time when citizen
groups could play a useful role for your purposes in some
direction, and perhaps I could be useful if the need
arises.

Nancy Huntington (currently leading the choreography
of City Hall Inaugural Week) and I are concerned that the
newspaper's latest vignette on your owkring hours didn't
seem promising for the reports we are awaiting. Hopefully
your life will improve.

Until it does, we'll end our love. We're also very
glad you're there.

HOW TO GET TO 3415 RAYMOND STREET, CHEVY CHASE

(TEL: 301 - OL4 -7332)

a. <u>From the District</u>

1. From Chevy Chase Circle (where Connecticut Avenue crosses the District-Maryland line), go east on Western Avenue.

2. Take first left (about 300 yards from the Circle). That is Brookville Road, passing Bradley Lane.

3. Go 3/4 mile on Brookville Road, passing Bradley Lane.

4. Turn right on Raymond Street, the first turn after Bradley.

5. Go c. 400 yards down Raymond Street, which is a <u>cul-de-sac</u>. Pass Melville Place, which goes off to the right from Raymond.

6. 20 yards beyond Melville, just over the brow of the hill, on the left is the entrance to 3415. The brick house with black shutters is set back about 30 yards from the street.

7. The entrance driveway is quite narrow and difficult to get into. Perhaps it is better to leave your car in Raymond Street.

b. <u>From the Beltway</u>

1. Go down Connecticut Avenue (the Beltway exit) to Bradley Lane, where there is a traffic light.

2. Turn left on Bradley.

3. Go to Brookville Road, about 1/4 mile.

4. Turn left on Brookville.

5. First right is Raymond.

6. See 5-7 above.

GINA LOLLOBRIGIDA

February 11, 1974

Mr. George Vest
Special Assistant to Secretary of
State Kissinger
State Department
Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. Vest:

Richard Valeriani very graciously made a call to your office and also suggested I follow-up with a note. I am doing a photographic piece for Ladies Home Journal on "The Most Interesting Men in the World." Needless to say, it would be impossible not to include Henry Kissinger.

Although my image never included that of a "paparazzi," I take my work very seriously, and after the publication of my book, "Italia Mia," I think the public realizes that I am very good. I am sending a copy of my book to you to forward to Mr. Kissinger, so he'll not worry about my photographing him. This week I am photographing Neil Armstrong, who has not allowed his picture to be taken since he left NASA.

I realize Mr. Kissinger's schedule is impossible, all I would need is a couple of hours. Of course, if I could get him away from his desk and relaxed, I can show a Kissinger the public has never seen.

I will make myself available. I can go anywhere he is. My schedule is as follows:

February 15-18 Moscow
March 6-18 4.18 Australia
April 27-30-May 13 Japan

The rest of the time I will be at my home in Rome. I would like to do this as soon as possible for a June or July publication date.

Kathie Berlin who handles my schedule is in New York and will co-ordinate this with you. She knows where I am and can reach me all the time. Her address is Rogers, Cowan & Brenner, 598 Madison Avenue, New York, New York 10022, phone # (212) 759-6272.

Thank you for your help. Let me assure Mr. Kissinger he will be in very good company. (The rejects are rather impressive.)

The Sterling Lord Agency, Inc. claire s. degener sterling lord

660 MADISON AVENUE • NEW YORK, N. Y. 10021 • PLAZA I-2533 • CABLE ADDRESS: "LORDACE"

September 20, 1974

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
Department of State
Washington, D. C.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I understand Robert McCloskey has spoken to you about me-- specifically about the possibility of my representing you as your literary agent. I would be extremely interested in working with you if you intend to write a book or books.

In the 23 years I have been in business, I have represented public figures, professors and many fine journalists. Among my clients are James Gavin, Pierre Salinger, Arthur Koestler, Ben Bradlee, Justin Kaplan, Anthony Sampson, Harvey Cox, and historians Louis Morton and Herbert Gutman.

I have also turned down a president of the United States (not Mr. Nixon) and a former vice president.

I believe my knowledge of publishing, particularly the field of non-fiction writing for major publishing companies and for magazines, would be extremely helpful to you.

Any of my clients, or for that matter anyone who has been in publishing for any length of time, can tell you, I'm sure, of my reputation for integrity and discretion as well as for making strong, intelligent deals.

When you are prepared to consider this matter, I would be delighted to come to Washington to discuss your writing plans and the matter of how a public figure of your stature can benefit from the services of a literary agent.

I have admired your work enormously and would look forward to meeting you.

314 21st Street
Union City, New Jersey

February 10, 1972

Mr. Henry A. Kissinger
Presidential Advisor on Nat'l Security
Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. Kissinger:

I am in the very beginnings of starting a new cur-
riculum for a proposed private school.

My intention is to compile a corpus of knowledge
which is absolutely essential to an understanding
of the nature and possibility of man.

I am writing to many men of distinction and asking
them to help by listing those books or readings
which they feel are general and essential to that
pursuit, as well as those particular books which
have especially influenced you in a personal way
in your own field of endeavor.

I would appreciate any thoughts you would consider
sharing.

COLLEGE OF
ARTS AND SCIENCES

STATE UNIVERSITY OF NEW YORK
AT STONY BROOK
STONY BROOK, LONG ISLAND, NEW YORK
Zip Code 11790

DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH

May 3, 1972

CONFIDENTIAL AND PERSONAL

Dr. Henry Kissinger
The White House
Washington, D. C.

Dear Henry:

This is the latest in our ongoing battle to keep Artur from going
back to Poland. As I am sure you are aware, the window dressing
of the past few months is no guarantee that Artur's experience
would be less difficult now than it was in 1968.

I was hoping to catch you in Ottawa last month and take you off
to one of the great Canadian restaurants for a catch-up on all
that has befallen. I hope it won't be too long before we can meet
quietly. I was in Boston a month or so back and wanted to see
Stephanie. Is she or is she not in the Boston area?

If you have any new notions of ways Artur and his family can be
helped, I would be most delighted to hear about them. He is to
leave Iowa City in five or six weeks and is extremely nervous about
the inconclusive results of negotiations with us and with the Univer-
sity of Chicago this far. As you know, this is the lousiest budget
year in the history of post-War universities and we are in as bad
shape as most private institutions.

Let's keep in touch. I do wish you the best of luck in all your
serious undertakings.

JL:cg

COLLEGE OF
ARTS AND SCIENCES

Zip Code 11790

DEPARTMENT OF ENGLISH

May 3, 1972

Dr. Sidney Gelber
Academic Vice-President
Campus

Dear Dr. Gelber:

I have been trying to reach you by phone for some time now to in-
dicate how urgent the redefinition of Professor Jan Kott's role at
this institution is, and, even more urgently at the moment, how
important it is for us to do something significant to insure the
presence of Professor Artur Miedzyrcecki. I don't know whether
Professor Kott, in his post-memorandum visit with you, made it clear
that one Polish foundation at least, and perhaps more, is willing
to underwrite Mr. Miedzyrcecki's stay at a university, once there
is institutional sanction.

If you like I can get the interested individuals to contact you
and tell you exactly what commitment the foundation is prepared
to make. What this all means, of course, is that Stony Brook's
ability to come up with $8,000 would be all that Stony Brook would
have to do for the entire academic year.

Again may I press on you the extreme urgency of Mr. Miedzyrcecki's
situation here. I, for one, would hate to see all the labor of
bringing this distinguished man and his equally distinguished wife--
and their teen-age daughter--out of a severely hostile environment
in Poland only to see that we lack the imagination and the slight
financial commitment to keep him going.

JL:cg

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Memorandum for Henry A. Kissinger

From: Laurence E. Lynn, Jr.

You have asked me on several occasions for my evaluation of the
NSC staff set-up. Here is my attempt at a critique.

This memorandum discusses certain problems. I do not want this
emphasis on problems to obscure the facts that

-- basically, I am an enthusiastic supporter of the NSC system as
it is evolving; it is unquestionably the right -- in fact the necessary --
arrangement for this Administration;

-- I, and I am certain my staff, derived enormous professional and
personal benefits from the opportunities you made possible; I feel you
created an excellent operation in the Program Analysis staff;

-- in my judgment, your staff is fundamentally obligated to do things
your way, not the other way around;

-- at such high levels in government there will inevitably be within
any sizeable staff untidiness, problems of communications, bureaucratic
rivalries and jealousies, and a fairly high casualty rate for pride and
ego; though such difficulties can be minimized, they cannot be eliminated.

The problems that exist seem to me to fall into two categories

-- those having to do with the way the staff functions, its organization
and performance;

-- those arising from personality conflicts or personal incompetence.

This memorandum is basically concerned with problems in the first
category. To evaluate them, one must have in mind some criteria by which
to make judgments.

In only a limited sense can the tasks of the NSC staff be precisely
defined; it is not a line organization with a clear-cut job to do. Its
main function is to produce a high quality product -- information, analysis,
alternatives, advice -- to your and the President's order; the assurance of
an excellent result is the main justification for its existence in its
present form and its detailed involvement in the affairs of the bureaucracy.

Several different activities go on in support of this function:

-- direct support for you by a personal staff,

-- close monitoring of day-to-day developments by "operators" assigned
this task,

-- general supervision and monitoring of the NSC system,

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-- intellectual labor in the policy vinyard; the production, direction, and supervision of a wide variety of policy analyses;

-- administration of the NSC staff.

There are a number of problems with the way this set-up works:

-- Virtually all these activities overlap, some to a significant degree, for several reasons:

  -- problems usually cannot be neatly defined so that they fall wholly within one baliwick; people from all over the organization frequently must get involved in a problem; yet there is no one whose job is understood and accepted as pulling it all together but you.

  -- there is considerable ambiguity as to what is involved in each activity; staff members collide with one another in trying to do their jobs; alternatively, significant gaps in problem coverage develop as issues fall through cracks;

  -- when one part of the organization fails or is overworked, responsibilities get shifted, often only temporarily, to another part, often compounding the problem of knowing who is responsible for what.

  -- The competence of the people in these activities varies widely; some are absolutely first rate, others are quite mediocre;

  -- You have had far too little time to build the necessary cohesion and personal loyalty into this rather complex system; no one else has had the authority or clout to do it for you.

This set-up has created a number of problems that I believe interfere with the production of an excellent and widely respected product;

  -- There is too much bureaucracy on the NSC staff, and it works with marked inefficiency. There are too many people to contend with, not all of whom have a significant contribution to make. I can mention some specific examples:

    -- Your personal staff has mushroomed and taken on increasing substantive responsibilities; some of this is inevitable and desirable, but too frequently some of them get underemployed and restless, and thus look for things to do, others simply overreach and take on too much, which is easy because your personal staff is the nerve center of the organization.

    -- Southeast Asian problems, ranging all the way from collecting and analyzing facts to developing and evaluating policy alternatives, are still handled in what seems to me an *ad hoc* manner, and virtually every part of the organization is involved in one way or another. I think the excellence of the work suffers as a result.

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-3-

-- The division of labor between "planners," "operators," and "program analysts" is poorly defined, so there are built-in conflicts. "Planning" has never seemed to me to be a well-defined function, which may be why it doesn't get done. It occurs to me that "planning" is what ought to take place at staff meetings.

Moreover, by telling operators they are also planners and analysts when in fact they are not has led to numerous internal disputes. In my judgment, operators should be just that and no more, their seniority level should be lowered somewhat, and they should be supervised by a senior deputy.

-- A kind of Gresham's law can operate on the staff: bad people drive good ones off a problem (or out) if the latter don't want to put up with the former and have other things to do. This can leave gaps in what gets done.

--It can be exceedingly difficult to get a clear focus on a problem if it is no one's job to get a problem in focus and if to do so means a lot of internal wrangling. NATO is a good example of this.

-- Attempts to correct deficiencies in performance by bringing on more people have probably made the staff too large. There can be weakness in numbers; if expanding the size of an operation means diluting its overall quality or creating energy-sapping bureaucratic conflicts, total effectiveness can decline. People who have ill-defined responsibilities, or responsibilities they don't understand, and who aren't productively occupied can be serious problems, particularly if they get restless and are even minimally ambitious. You will be pressured to do things to keep them happy, and the price in terms of staff efficiency may turn out to be high.

There are some other more or less random points I would like to mention:

-- Some of the younger staff members, who do the great bulk of the work on many problems, have little or no opportunity to benefit from substantive contacts with you. A personal conversation once in a while would greatly help their morale and productivity.

-- There is not enough care and feeding of wives. Though the Administration claims to be bringing record numbers of people into the White House to enjoy the variety of special activities, my wife was never honored by an invitation to a special event (except for the occasional mass hot dog feeds on the South Lawn, which are nightmares). A little timely attention to such matters could go a long way to alleviate the strains on those who work such long hours.

-- Everyone understands the necessity to maintain an extremely close hold on the sensitive business you and the President engage in. Sometimes a word of explanation from you as to the necessity for this in particular cases would be helpful. Moreover, inevitably information leaks out or gets known, frequently because senior staff members in other agencies get debriefed. People who find things out clandestinely are not obligated to keep it to themselves, and information can get highly distorted. Sometimes carefully controlled dissemination might provide for better security in the long run.

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## Conclusions

It would probably be helpful to do something like the following:

- Create a deputy for operations, limit the primary responsibilities of the operators under him to operations (though of course they could be included as appropriate in any activity where they would clearly contribute), and reduce their seniority somewhat.

- Create a deputy for policy evaluation and analysis, placing the non-operational substantive functions, including the supervision of the NSC process, under him.

These deputies should be absolutely first rate, substantively and in their ability to deal with people, so that they can command the respect of colleagues and subordinates. They should be expected to be absolutely loyal to you. They should be strong administrators.

- Have the individual responsible for administrative matters relating to the NSC staff report directly to you.

- Your personal staff should be separate from these divisions, and the individual in charge of it should not be expected to supervise and monitor staff operations and perform extensive substantive chores.

Individuals holding the four top jobs I've mentioned would be your principal lieutenants and advisers. This arrangement would eliminate a lot of the critical distinctions among responsibilities that now exist on the staff and would relieve a lot of the pressure on you that comes from having to worry about the organization, whether everybody is happy, and whether problems are being appropriately dealt with. You would have a workable number of people to call on, and you could hold them responsible for performance.

In future recruiting, the emphasis should be on excellence. Those that don't measure up should be let go.

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RAIGHTENING THE RECORD ON HENRY'S
- RY: Washington Eye has learned Henry Kissinger pays for those personal lunches and dinners (Eye, May 13) out of his own pocket and he doesn't charge them off to the Government. The Presidential foreign policy aide also apparently doesn't entertain quite as often as indicated in the original story. It seems the headwaiters of several Washington restaurants somewhat exaggerated the frequency of his custom.