The Herald
of Freedom

For God
And Country

BOX 3 ZAREPHATH, N.J. 08890

OCTOBER 1, 1971

VOLUME XX NO. 5

HENRY A. KISSINGER --- REVISITED

Well-informed Washington sources, including some members of Congress, consider Presidential Adviser Henry A. Kissinger to be the second most important individual in the U.S. Government and have referred to it as the Kissinger-Nixon Administration.

Henry Alfred Kissinger, born at Fuerth, Germany May 27, 1923, has come a long way fast since his immigration to this country at the age of fifteen. The West German magazine DER SPIEGEL carried an article entitled "This German in the White House" in which it is stated that Kissinger's birth is recorded in the town hall at Fuerth as Alfred Heinz Kissinger, son of Paula Kissinger (nee Stern) and Louis Kissinger, address was Mathilden Strasse 23, Fuerth (which is in middle Franconia). At the time of Kissinger's appointment by President Nixon, French newspapers reported that his father had been a rabbi in Germany. DER SPIEGEL states that Louis Kissinger was principal of a state school for girls of the upper class. The Kissingers came to the U.S. in 1938 as Jewish refugees from the Nazis, Kissinger's father, although over 80 years old, now lives in Washington Heights, N.Y. and has been working as a bookkeeper. His mother has helped support the family by working incognito in Jewish households for bar mitzvahs and parties.

Kissinger was 15 years old when his family came to the U.S. After graduating from George Washington High School in Manhattan, he obtained an AB from Harvard in 1950, an MA in 1952 and Ph.D. in 1954. On February 6, 1949, he married Ann Fleischer and they had two children. The marriage ended in a divorce in 1964. Noel E. Parmentel, Jr., writing in the Village VOICE, March 18, 1971, stated: "When he (Kissinger) was married to Ann, who was a genuine human being, he couldn't stand it. After she literally slaved to send him through graduate school he almost turned her into a zombie with all that screaming and shouting. Just like the Gestapo. He was ashamed of her New York accent and always told her how she embarrassed him in front of 'important people.' It got so bad she was scared to even open her mouth. That house in Belmont was like 'Gaslight.'" Little wonder his wife divorced him.

Kissinger became a U.S. citizen in 1943 through service in the U.S. Army. In view of the fact that German had been Kissinger's native tongue, he became an interrogator in counter-intelligence. Later, although only a sergeant, he was put in charge of administering a German town. By 1946, because of his capabilities or connections, he was made a civilian employee at a salary of $10,000 a year. While working for his Master's Degree at Harvard, Kissinger was made executive director of the Harvard International Seminar, a CIA-financed center which sponsors student exchange programs. By the time he received his Doctorate Degree in 1954, he was already serving as a consultant to a number of government agencies and teaching at Harvard. In 1955 Kissinger was appointed director of Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy Studies for the Council on Foreign Relations, and also became a member of that organization. The following year he became director of special study projects for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, Inc. (having been appointed by Nelson Rockefeller) and served in that position for two years. Thereafter he continued teaching at Harvard but took time out during the 1961-62 period to be a consultant for the National Security Council and the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. He also served intermittently as a consultant to the State Department and worked closely with Walt W. Rostow in Washington.

One of Kissinger's students at the CIA-financed Harvard International Seminar was Uzi Narkiss who was a senior officer in the Israeli Army at the time and who visited Kissinger at the White House in 1969. Narkiss was the commanding general of the Israeli troops that took Jerusalem in 1967. According to LIFE magazine (September 5, 1969), Narkiss advised Kissinger that Israel will hold the Arab territories as long as it likes.

Confidential sources reported that Kissinger was considered a security risk but obtained his security clearance through President Nixon. Kissinger actually received his appointment as Presidential Adviser for National Security Affairs through the recommendation of Nelson Rockefeller and key people in the

C.F.R. Professor Henry Paolucci, of St. John's University, wrote a study about Kissinger which appeared in the Congressional Record of August 4, 1971, a portion of which states: "Henry Kissinger, too, expressed as recently as 1965 the conviction that the time was at hand for a surrender of nationhood because 'institutions based on present concepts of national sovereignty are not enough.' The ultimate goal of a supranationalist world community, he wrote, 'will not come quickly; many intermediate stages must be traversed before it can be reached. It is not too early, however, to prepare ourselves for this step beyond the nation-state.'"

After Kissinger's appointment, he increased the staff of his assistants, consultants, and advisers until today he has 110 people working directly for him, including a number of individuals with dubious backgrounds. One of them is Helmut Sonnenfeldt who is very close to Kissinger and was formerly Chief of Soviet and Eastern Europe matters in the State Department's Bureau of Intelligence and Research. During the Eisenhower Administration Sonnenfeldt had been the subject of an intensive FBI investigation regarding the giving of secret information to agents of a foreign power. Although it was reported that the FBI had an iron-clad case, William P. Rogers, who was the Attorney General, refused to prosecute Sonnenfeldt on the grounds that the State Department felt it would not be in the interest of the U.S. Government to have the information become public knowledge. Sonnenfeldt, acting as Kissinger's top assistant, accompanied President Nixon on his trip to Communist Rumania.

Kissinger arranged contracts with the Rand Corp. in California without knowledge of the Secretary of Defense or the Secretary of State. One contract had to do with what the Soviet reaction would be to U.S. atomic attack on Egypt. Another study was for the purpose of preparing a report on the "feasibility" of restoring political, economic, and cultural relations with Castro's Cuba. Kissinger encouraged persons working on Nelson Rockefeller's Latin-American Report in 1969 to press the view that U.S. should offer Cuba normal relations and trade. Kissinger also had a major role in getting the National Council of Churches to call for the U.S. to drop its quarantine of Cuba and re-establish diplomatic relations. Another study ordered by Kissinger was how the anti-Communist government of Brazil might be overthrown.

Kissinger has his own direct connections with the Communist government of North Vietnam. Paul Scott reported on November 12, 1969:

> "Although it has been one of the best kept secrets of the Vietnam war, Kissinger has been deeply involved in secret talks with the North Vietnamese.

> "Two mysterious Frenchmen have been Kissinger's go between with Hanoi. They are Raymond Aubrac and Professor Herbert Marcovich, friends of Wilfred Burchett, the Australian correspondent whom the Kremlin and Peking uses frequently for high-level intelligence and diplomatic operations." (Burchett is a known KGB Agent)

Aubrac has been director of the U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization, was a close personal friend of Ho Chi Minh, and on his U.N. job found it easy to travel to Communist countries from which most Americans are barred. Aubrac had been introduced to Kissinger, then a Harvard professor, in 1967 by Marcovich, a professor at the University of Paris. Kissinger and Marcovich had met earlier at one of the Pugwash meetings organized by pro-Soviet millionaire Cyrus Eaton.

It was on Kissinger's recommendation that President Johnson made an offer to Hanoi to stop the bombing of North Vietnam if Hanoi would give assurances that it would not take advantage of the halt. Kissinger's channels reported that Hanoi would cooperate but they never did and American intelligence officers reported that Hanoi used the lull to rebuild its stock piles of arms and military supplies at advance bases in Cambodia, Laos and South Vietnam.... which resulted in the deaths of thousands of Americans.

President Nixon endeavored to have Kissinger negotiate the U.S. out of Vietnam but, as it turned out, Kissinger convinced President Nixon that the only way out was for him to unilaterally withdraw U.S. troops.

After the FBI had arrested on conspiracy charges a group affiliated with the East Coast Conspiracy to Save Lives (the Berrigan Case), Kissinger actually entertained in the White House three of the co-conspirators arrested in the plot to kidnap him.

In 1971, prior to the Communist-inspired-and-directed demonstrations for May Day, Kissinger entertained some of the key leaders in the organization that controlled the demonstrations which were aimed at shutting down Washington, D.C. and which resulted in thousands of arrests.

A former employee of Kissinger told Noel E. Parmentel, Jr.: "He's (Kissinger) got us all buffaloed. He can (and will) lift your security, get you a foundation black ball, bong you at the colleges, put you in coventry. He's got spies in every department. He's running the Ministry of Fear. All his phones are tapped and he keeps long dossiers."

According to numerous newspaper and magazine articles, Kissinger had developed the reputation of being a ladies' man and has been dating a number of

["women, including Women's Lib leader Goria Steinem, who is national sponsor of the Committee to Defend the Black Panthers. After graduating from college, Gloria Steinem worked for the National Student Association, which was CIA-financed and which paid for American students to attend Communist youth festivals in Europe. According to NEWSWEEK of August 16, 1971, Gloria Steinem has had a close relationship also with Negro track star Rafer Johnson, movie director Mike Nichols, and they reported Cesar Chavez is proud to call her his friend.", "The West German magazine QUICK created a sensation with the publications of secret telegrams of Rolf Pauls, West German Ambassador in Washington, to his home office which disclosed very unusual behind-the-scenes political conversations between West German State Secretary Egon Bahr and Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs, Henry Kissinger. Informed sources state that Henry Kissinger has been promoting the West German concessions to Moscow and Communist East Germany. In fact, a Washington source advised that when Henry Kissinger made his trip to Peking, China, he actually traveled on a West German passport.", "One of Kissinger's special assistants who accompanied him on the trip to Red China is Richard Smyser, described by the WASHINGTON POST as Kissinger's Vietnam expert and former member of the Paris peace talks delegation. On January 2, 1971 Congressman John R. Rarick told his colleagues: \"Mr. Speaker, it appears that the District of Columbia social event of the year was a trouserless orgy and was held by a member of the staff of Dr. Henry Kissinger, special assistant to President Nixon for national security affairs.\" A large number of Kissinger's national security affairs staff, other White House staffers and some employees from Capitol Hill and other branches of government attended the \"trouserless

advisory power from the Cabinet departments to his own office."¹¹ Mr. Landau also noted that, as a confidential adviser to the President, Kissinger has successfully claimed executive privilege when asked to testify on the record in congressional hearings.

Informed sources state that Henry A. Kissinger is not only a protege of Nelson A. Rockefeller, but has been an adviser to him for over 15 years. The original relationship goes back to Kissinger's student days at Harvard when he received a Rockefeller Fund Fellowship for political theory. Kissinger attended both the 1964 and 1968 Republican Conventions as a Rockefeller aide and is credited with having pushed the Republican platform towards a more dovish position on Vietnam. Kissinger was also associated with the Rockefellers in the special studies project in 1956-57 and then from 1958-59 when he was research secretary for a Council on Foreign Relations special discussion group, again on Rockefeller's recommendations.

Henry Kissinger's program for trade, cultural and diplomatic relations with Communist China (now embraced by Nixon), Kissinger's plan to restore relations with Cuba, his arranging for the President to visit Communist countries are all a part of a Rockefeller program to stimulate worldwide trade with Communist countries. In January 1967, Nelson Rockefeller and Cyrus Eaton, Jr., son of the sponsor of the Pugwash Conferences, joined forces to profit by trading with the Communists. The International Basic Economy Corp. (which was organized in 1947 under the principal direction of Nelson Rockefeller and is controlled by the Rockefeller Brothers) and Tower International Inc. (headed by Cyrus Easton, Jr.) announced plans as revealed in the N.Y. TIMES of January 16, 1967 in an article entitled "Eaton Joins Rockefeller to Spur Trade with Reds." The TIMES noted that the joint effort of International Basic Economy Corp. and Tower International, Inc. is seen as combining the investment skills and resources of the Rockefellers and the special entree to Communist officialdom that Tower enjoys largely as a result of contacts cultivated over the last 15 years by Cyrus Eaton, Sr., always welcomed as a V.I.P. in Communist countries.

After his return from the secret meeting with Chou-En-Lai, Kissinger made a hurried and secret trip to London where reportedly he conferred with a mystery man named Victor Louis at the Soviet Embassy. Victor Louis, whose real name is Vitaly Yevgenyevich Lui, is a high ranking member of Soviet Intelligence who carries out secret diplomatic missions for the Soviet government with heads of state and key internationalists throughout the world. It was Victor Louis who arranged the sale of the Khrushchev Memoirs to LIFE magazine after their careful editing by the KGB. Louis, who is reportedly a millionaire, is so important that he resides in a three-story mansion located 15 miles outside of

Moscow with a swimming pool, pine wood sauna, private tennis court and garage which contains his five automobiles. His standard of living exceeds that of some of the most important members of the Soviet hierarchy. Although the secret meeting between KGB agent Victor Louis and Henry Kissinger was not reported by the world press, NEWSWEEK magazine on August 9, 1971 did report that Victor Louis has made application for an American visa and has put out private feelers for a meeting with Kissinger.

In addition to having been on the payroll of the Council on Foreign Relations and having been a long-time member of that organization, Henry Kissinger was accepted by the Bilderberg group and was permitted to attend at least one of their meetings. His name appeared on the list of participants at the Bilderberger Conference held at Williamsburg, Va. March 21-22, 1964. A number of other C.F.R. members are also connected with the Bilderberg group whose meetings are so secret that the American press does not even report them. The C.F.R. has had as active members Soviet agents Alger Hiss, Lauchlin Currie and Harry Dexter White; Herbert Matthews, who assisted Castro to power; Joseph Fels Barnes, identified as a Communist, who wrote Eisenhower's "Crusade in Europe" for him; Cyrus Eaton, pro-Soviet multi-millionaire; identified Communist John K. Fairbank, whose advice on Chinese Communist affairs is now being sought by U.S. officials. Another interesting member of the subversive C.F.R. is George A. Lincoln, Director of the Office of Emergency Preparedness, an executive agency which has jurisdiction and control of the carrying out of the executive orders issued by President Nixon when he declared a state of national emergency "for economic reasons" and then announced his wage and price freeze. This 90-day "freeze" is but "Phase I" of bigger but unfortunately not better things to come, a transitional period while the dictatorial powers now being assumed by the President and his top "adviser" Kissinger are being more carefully worked out.

Informed sources in Washington are of the opinion that, although he is a known security risk and obviously working against the interests of our country, Henry Kissinger is so firmly entrenched in his position that even President Nixon is unable to remove him. Perhaps we should call it the Kissinger Administration.

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The opposite side of a sheet "Dismiss Kissinger," is a slogan which will accompany the most complete record we have or can compile to assist attorneys and peace officers to evaluate Kissinger. This record will be mailed in each state to Presidents of Sheriff's Associations, Attorney Generals, and Chairmen of the Bar Associations. It will be mailed to some District Attorneys. The mailing will also be sent to the best and most influential attorneys, retired Judges, Admirals and Generals, whom we can find that are not "enraptured with Kissinger."

The Herald
of Freedom

For God
And Country

BOX 3 ZAREPHATH, N.J. 08890

OCTOBER 1, 1971

VOLUME XX NO. 5

Henry Alfred Kissinger, born at Fuerth, Germany May 27, 1923, has come a long way fast since his immigration to this country at the age of fifteen. The West German magazine DER SPIEGEL carried an article entitled "This German in the White House" in which it is stated that Kissinger's birth is recorded in the town hall at Fuerth as Alfred Heinz Kissinger, son of Paula Kissinger (nee Stern) and Louis Kissinger, address was Mathilden Strasse 23, Fuerth (which is in middle Franconia). At the time of Kissinger's appointment by President Nixon, French newspapers reported that his father had been a rabbi in Germany. DER SPIEGEL states that Louis Kissinger was principal of a state school for girls of the upper class. The Kissingers came to the U.S. in 1938 as Jewish refugees from the Nazis, Kissinger's father, although over 80 years old, now lives in Washington Heights, N.Y., and has been working as a bookkeeper. His mother has helped support the family by working incognito in Jewish households for bar mitzvahs and parties.

advisory power from the Cabinet departments to his
own office." Mr. Landau also noted that, as a
confidential adviser to the President, Kissinger has
successfully claimed executive privilege when asked
to testify on the record in congressional hearings.

In addition to having been on the payroll of the Council on Foreign Relations and having been a long-time member of that organization, Henry Kissinger was accepted by the Bilderberg group and was permitted to attend at least one of their meetings. His name appeared on the list of participants at the Bilderberger Conference held at Williamsburg, Va. March 21-22, 1964. A number of other C.F.R. members are also connected with the Bilderberg group whose meetings are so secret that the American press does not even report them. The C.F.R. has had as active members Soviet agents Alger Hiss, Laughlin Currie and Harry Dexter White; Herbert Matthews, who assisted Castro to power; Joseph Fels Barnes, identified as a Communist, who wrote Eisenhower's "Crusade in Europe" for him; Cyrus Eaton, pro-Soviet multi-millionaire; identified Communist John K. Fairbank, whose advice on Chinese Communist affairs is now being sought by U.S. officials. Another interesting member of the subversive C.F.R. is George A. Lincoln, Director of the Office of Emergency Preparedness, an executive agency which has jurisdiction and control of the carrying out of the executive orders issued by President Nixon when he declared a state of national emergency "for economic reasons" and then announced his wage and price freeze. This 90-day "freeze" is but "Phase I" of bigger but unfortunately not better things to come, a transitional period while the dictatorial powers now being assumed by the President and his top "adviser" Kissinger are being more carefully worked out.

Extra copies 50c, 5 for $1.00 for $10

Office: Zarephath, N.J.

HENRY A. KISSINGER

Born May 27, 1923, in Fuerth, Germany, Henry A. Kissinger is the son of Louis Kissinger and Paula Stern. He became a naturalized citizen in 1943. He was married to Ann Fleischer but was divorced. After military service in the Intelligence field he attended Harvard, receiving a batchelor of arts degree in 1950. On the basis of that and whatever other obscure reasons known to those who appointed him, Kissinger became Executive Director of the International Seminar of the Harvard Summer School in 1951. He received from Harvard a master of arts degree in 1952 and a Ph.D. in 1954.

Since graduating from Harvard, Kissinger has moved directly into positions of high power and influence in both Democratic and Republican administrations and in the Council on Foreign Relations. He has been a consultant for the Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy and Johnson administrations and now he is President Nixon's chief White House aide in making foreign policy. Kissinger's early and longtime connections with the Council on Foreign Relations and the influence of powerful men in the CFR probably accounts for his access to high government posts no matter which party is in the White House.

Without practical diplomatic experience he began his career as a consultant on defense and foreign policy, in addition to propaganda and psychological warfare. As an advocate of limited, no-win wars he has had vast influence in both Democratic and Republican Administrations. He proposes that the U.S. should fight limited wars until the communists get tired of waiting for our people to surrender. He ignores the fact that the Russian communist dictatorship can fight these wars with other peoples' armies and that no voice is allowed to speak against war in a communist country.

Kissinger acquired considerable influence with some powerful people often considered as "conservatives," but not constructives, because of his glib recitations and writings. Many dove "intellectuals" consider him to be Richard Nixon's best appointment. Senator Jacob Javits, the far-left New York Republican, has said that Kissinger's appointment could be Nixon's most significant one.

Kissinger quickly earned a reputation as an empire-builder for his office after his appointment by Nixon because of his energetic organization of his staff and its output. Some members of the U.S. Senate and House of Representatives have openly questioned Kissinger's apparent grasping for power. They discount his denials and express their fear that his influence and activity will take away from Congressional prerogatives in foreign and military affairs by undercutting the regular cabinet members who are supposed to handle foreign and military activities.

Before his father migrated to the U.S. in 1938, Kissinger had used the first name, Heinz, but he shifted it to Henry while adapting to life in the U.S. Kissinger's father had been a high school teacher in Germany. The young Kissinger did well in high school in Manhattan. He went on active duty in the Army in 1943 where he grasped the opportunity to teach modern German history in an Army intelligence school in Germany as a sergeant. In 1946 he was made a civilian employee teaching in the school and given an Army reserve commission as a captain. Without either a college degree or battlefield experience, a direct commission to captain is considered highly unusual. Kissinger managed to get a government scholarship to Harvard and his influential career in government was soon launched. His foreign student exchange program at Harvard, it was later revealed, was subsidized by CIA funds secretly channeled through certain foundations.

In addition to his Council on Foreign Relations connections, Kissinger was director of a special studies project for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. This was from 1956 until 1958. Nelson Rockefeller took him on in 1963 as an adviser on military and foreign policy while campaigning for the Presidential nomination. In 1965 Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge assigned Kissinger to make a study of Vietnam. Kissinger's secret flight to Peking, while supposedly on a round-the-world tour to friendly governments, is his latest action. Time will tell how his arrangement for the invitation from the Red Chinese government for President Nixon to visit Peking next spring will work out.

H. L. HUNT COLUMN -- #1738

RELEASE: 7-26-71

LET REDS OPPOSE EACH OTHER

Most anything would seem to be better than endless meetings with communists in Paris, which everyone has found is getting us nowhere. There has always seemed to be a possible advantage to our country in having communists disagree with each other, so it has been difficult for some government officials who have discussed the subject to see why Red China and Red Russia have not been encouraged to do battle in their advancement of communism and who would lead it. Other diplomats have said they want to keep down any open breaks between the Chinese and Russians because trouble between Red China and Soviet Russia could bring on World War III.

President Nixon's proposed trip to Peking could be a matter of him carrying out a deal Henry A. Kissinger already has made. No communist government has ever proved itself to be very trustworthy about carrying out any agreements, but there could be advantages to the U.S. if this is clearly recognized and the opportunity used to disturb the communists' efforts to dominate the world.

Constructive statesmen and seasoned patriots could feel better about the events about to unfold if President Nixon were receiving close counsel from eminent men such as the generals trained by MacArthur. A great nation cannot continue long abandoning its allies in favor of its enemies. Whatever else comes of the Kissinger plan for China, it already is robbing the non-communist Nationalist Chinese government on Formosa of essential prestige. Chiang Kai-shek has remained a staunch ally and has been setting a top example for developing nations to avoid communism. Upsetting the communist timetable may save millions of lives. Throwing over allies can cause every friend to desert us. Surely no one imagines the communists will love us then. HLH

END

259 words

Beginning with President Truman, Kissinger has dicated U. S. Foreign policy for each President whether he was a Democrat or Republican.

H. L. HUNT COLUMN -- #1739

RELEASE: 7-27-71

THE QUESTION OF KISSINGER

The announcement that Henry A. Kissinger had visited Peking and arranged for an invitation to President Nixon to visit the Red China capital has apparently stunned many observers around the world. The Kissinger record needs to be better understood and closely evaluated.

Kissinger has been handled with kid gloves by the national TV newsmen, despite his rather obscure qualifications for such a powerful position in a Republican administration. A few hawkish policies have failed to estrange him from the left-leaning opinion-molders. His background with the Council on Foreign Relations makes him acceptable to "liberal" pundits, despite an occasional statement to the effect that Russia is hostile to the U.S.

Shortly after finishing Harvard, where he got a Ph. D. in 1954, Kissinger was director for nuclear weapons and foreign policy in 1955 and 1956 for the Council on Foreign Relations. From 1956 until 1958 he was director of a special studies project for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. He was an adviser to Nelson Rockefeller on military and foreign policy in 1963 during Rockefeller's unsuccessful drive for the Presidency.

Despite lack of practical experience he has served as a consultant for the Truman, Eisenhower, Kennedy and Nixon administrations. He has become involved in the highest levels of policy making with the State Department, the Defense Department, the CIA, the National Security Council and the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency. The public has a right to know much more about such a powerful and influential figure who did not become a naturalized citizen until 1943. HLH

END

258 words

The Dallas Morning News

GENERAL
NEWS

Comics

Thursday,

August 12, 1971

***

1 AA

# Chou Talks of Revolution, Progress

By JAMES RESTON

© 1971, New York Times News Service

PEKING — Chou En-lai, the premier of China, is an austere man with thick John L. Lewis eyebrows, cool and inquisitive dark brown eyes and white, expressive hands.

He greets his visitors in the vast Fukien Room of the Great Hall of the Peoples on Tien-an-Men Square, across from the main gate to the forbidden city. In the formal part of our conversation, which took place Aug. 5, when he was discussing China's relations with the United States, the Soviet Union, Japan and Taiwan, he talked very slowly, as if he were tired and maybe a little suspicious, but when we moved to dinner in another part of the room shortly after 10 p.m., he brightened up and talked on a wide range of subjects.

I first asked the premier whether he was an optimist or a pessimist, and he replied with a smile that he was an optimist because he was a Communist. He then talked about the United States and showed some interest in our race problem and in the American Chinese experts who had been so severely criticized during the era of Sen. Joseph McCarthy for their views on Chinese politics.

Chou En-lai said a friend of his just back from the United States had told him American blacks were making progress and he seemed pleased about this. He asked whether many of them worked in the government, and when he was told yes, that 64 per cent of the population of the District of Columbia was Negro, and many worked in the government, he observed that this was a good thing because you get used to them.

HE SAID HE HAD no old friend in the United States except Edgar Snow, but he inquired about John S. Service and John Carter Vincent, formerly of the State Department, and Orientalist Prof. John K. Fairbank of Harvard University, and Owen Lattimore, formerly of Johns Hopkins.

When I said many of these men had been cruelly criticized and that it would be a justice and a kindness if they were able to come back and see the country they had devoted their lives to studying, he replied that this was a good idea. "Take good wishes to them," he said. "If they want to visit China, we will welcome them."

The premier expressed some administration for Gen. Joseph W. Stilwell, U.S. commander in China in World War II, mainly because the latter had quarrelled with Chiang Kai-shek, but he was rather grudging in his thin praise for Gen. George C. Marshall, although he expressed a preference for him over Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer and Patrick J. Hurley, who also served the United

Chou En-lai... he calls himself an optimist.

States here during the postwar period.

At one point his mind jumped from Marshall to the Marshall Plan for reconstruction of Europe after World War II and he was particularly interested in what the plan had cost the United States and whether we got any of the money back.

THE PREMIER said the United States apparently had not learned in Vietnam the lessons of its failures in China. It was now trying a Vietnamization program of arming and supporting reactionary forces that did not have the backing of the people. But that, he observed, was precisely what we had tried in China—America had "a Chinaization" program of supporting Chiang Kai-shek, who had 5 million men and plenty of U.S. arms.

That was where the Communists got their arms, he said, by destroying Chiang's millions and taking their U.S. weapons. There was a very interesting photograph, he recalled, which showed Mao Tse-tung entering Peking in an American jeep and reviewing whole rows of American guns and tanks.

The premier had taken time to read what I had written from China before the meeting, and he brought up, without offense, an observation I had made that China was an old civilization which seemed vigorous and young but was run by "old men."

THE REASON FOR this, he said, was that China's revolution had gone on

for 22 years and actually for 28 years before that from the founding of the Communist party. Accordingly, the Chinese leaders grew old in the struggle and didn't come to power until they were in their 50s.

The American revolution was quite different, he observed; it lasted only a few years, and the early American presidents were young. "Jefferson was a young man when he was president. You Americans were only three million at the time of your revolution, yet were able to resist a colonial power of 30 million, so you depended on guerrilla warfare. It was you who started guerrilla warfare — George Washington started it," he remarked.

But China was thinking about the problem of succession and younger men, he said. China operated on the three-in-one combination, he said, explaining that all instruments of the government were now run by a combination of the old, the middle-aged and the young. President Nixon would see, when he came here, Chou En-lai said, that young and middle aged will join in the talks.

While the premier talked, an elaborate dinner was served.

IT WOULD BE misleading to say the meal was served in courses: it was a never-ending stream. First hors d'oeuvres of prawns, green beans, cold duck and chicken, and delicious mortgages of fish. Then the first of three soup courses, this one oyster broth with tiny oysters the size of a quarter, and floating slices of cucumber, followed by a dish of shrimp balls, quails eggs, cabbage and sea slugs. There were small glasses of sweet red wine and an explosive kind of schnapps called Mao Tai, which Chou En-lai used to propose a toast, without swallowing a drop.

And about at this point he began talking about the Chinese revolution and Stalin.

I observed that parents owed their children a record of the years before a child has its own memory and asked whether the leaders of the Chinese revolution felt the same obligation. Had they kept personal records in the form of diaries or journals of their long political struggle?

"No," he replied, "none of us has kept a diary — not Mao, nor Lin Piao, nor I, and none of us wants to write our memoirs." Maybe, though, he continued, a history of China from the Opium War on should be prepared, and per-

haps it would be a good idea to try to
get the record down on tape. But, he
added, "we're not quite accustomed to
the tape recorder in China yet."

THE PREMIER, who in the formal part of the conversation, had criticized the Soviet Union, nevertheless expressed his admiration for Joseph Stalin. Looked at from certain points of view, he said, no doubt Stalin had his shortcomings, and even from a Chinese point of view he was not good for China at the Yalta conference with Roosevelt and Churchill, but from a world point of view there was much to be said for him.

"We consider him to be a great Marxist-Leninist," he said. "Also, you must admit he made great contributions to the world war. You must admit this."

Unfortunately, Chou En-lai added, Lenin had died early, and after his death, no one but Stalin could have held the Soviet Union together — no one. And without the 15 years of Soviet construction before the outbreak of World War II, it would have been impossible to defeat the Germans.

The premier, although the dinner had run through almost two hours and many courses, never let the conversation loiter. His mind seemed to jump from one topic to another and as it was getting on toward midnight, suddenly began talking about the United States again.

AMERICA HAS its merits, he said. It was composed of peoples of all nations and this gave it an advantage of the gradual accumulation of the wisdom of different countries.

"You are also a big country," he said. "We both have about the same amount of land and room for development. Of course, you plead that your economic and political system is good, but let's not argue about that. You will not oppose progress, and if you are going to make progress, of course you must expect change. You will undoubtedly develop faster because of your industrialization," he added.

This turned his mind to the question of language which seemed to have a special fascination for him. He said English was now the second language in China, although the Chinese attached quite a lot of importance to French. There is a tendency in China now, he added, that he didn't quite approve of: Too little attention was being paid to the Russian language

PART OF THE explanation of Chou En-Lai's intense interest in language lies in the fact language reform in China from the time of World War I was one of the roots of Chinese political reform and revolution.

"We are giving the Chinese language simplified characters," the premier said. He was obviously intrigued by this question of comparative languages and the emergence of English as the language of diplomacy.

HIS OBSERVATIONS on men and the affairs of life were gone. Among other things he had this to say:

—On Chiang Kai-shek: He was, Chou En-lai said, very much acquainted with him. There was one point: even from the standpoint of the Americans, Chiang was a man who can stand up to American pressurè, not like Gen. Nguyen Van Thieu in Saigon. Chiang has a sense of national respect, but that is not the case with all the people around him. The CIA, Chou En-lai added, will know all about that.

—On birth control: It was not good for China to expand its population, now variously estimated at from 750 million to 850 million. China could not raise living standards with rapid population growth and it was not good for mothers. China was making progress on this problem, he said, but not everywhere in the country.

SUDDENLY THE quails eggs and sea slugs were gone and there were some mini-dumplings with meat, and of all things, the first time in our experience here, beautiful white expanses of bread and butter, which the premier consumed with delicate satisfaction.

In short, it was not exactly a TV dinner, and not a typical American interview either.

A few minutes after midnight, the premier gave the signal to disperse. He first sat us down to make a forgotten point about Korea and finally took us to the door, which could not have been more than a quarter of a mile away. It was quite a night.

GO SLOW WITH RED CHINA

A leading contender for the nomination for the Presidency of the United States recently stated that in his opinion Red China should be admitted to the United Nations this year. Other well-known political figures of the liberal and left groups are literally falling over themselves in their haste to push Red China for a prominent position among the family of nations.

Already we have had what is termed ping-pong diplomacy and the relaxation of restrictions on trade with the communists of mainland China. Few voices is being raised in alarm at what is going on, but, in the words of the late Governor Alfred E. Smith of New York, "Let's look at the record."

With regard to Red China a look at the record might be sobering. Here are some things we find:

The communists took over in China by force—by revolution and aggression, just as they have taken over almost everywhere else. They have maintained themselves in power, as communists always do, by purges, murders, suppression, oppression, and barbarism.

The Red Chinese committed aggression not only against the Chinese people but, in seeking to advance their stated goal of controlling all Asia, against India and Tibet.

The Red Chinese committed aggression against South Korea and the United States when their North Korean allies attacked South Korea. At that time the UN branded Red China as the aggressor.

The Red Chinese have supplied and supported North Vietnamese communists in their aggression against South Vietnam. It is noteworthy that Chinese Premier Chou En-lai, who was praised by American news media for his friendliness toward the American ping-pong team, had just a few days previously in Hand

denounced Americans as imperialists, and he informed the North Vietnamese that they had the complete support of Red China in their efforts to defeat the United States.

Red China has devoted its efforts to developing hydrogen weapons while its people live in terrible poverty, and the nation is soon expected to be in a position to wield nuclear blackmail against its neighbors.

Sports, like other means, are used to further Red China's goals and intentions. While American newspapers headlined the invitation to the United States ping-pong team to visit Red China, they barely noticed the announcement that Red China would not participate in the International Lawn Tennis Federation because it included Free China on Taiwan. In rejecting membership in the tennis organization, almost simultaneously with the invitation to the American ping-pong team, Red China denounced "the manipulation of U.S. imperialism."

Many Asian experts and analysts are frankly alarmed at the turn of events, at the manner in which American leadership seems impotent to embrace the leaders of Red China, as vicious and dangerous as they are.

The big question in the minds of a number of Asian experts is this: Will we make the same mistakes with regard to Red China that we have made in our dealings with Russia? Some even go so far as to state that Russia could never have reached its present help of power without the help of the West, particularly of the United States. Almost every time the United States—its leadership impotent to achieve lasting friendship and peace—has cooperated and negotiated with communist Russia, these meetings have been followed by gains for Russia, either inside or outside its borders.

It is feared that we are embarking on a course with Red China which will have similar results in Asia. At times when internal troubles caused problems in Russia, we cooperated with the Red bosses by negotiating some or agreeing to some Red contention which gave the Red leadership a new propaganda lever with the people.

There is evidence that all is not well inside Red China, that Red failures are causing great unrest among the teeming millions of people. It is also a fact that Chairman Mao has declared: "The seizure of power by armed force, the settlement of issue by war, is the central task and the highest form of revolution. This Marxist-Leninist principle holds good universally, for China and for all other countries."

There is a strong belief among some experts on international affairs that China is prepared to continue for 100 years or longer its assault against free nations everywhere, and that its leadership might even use nuclear warfare to accomplish its goals.

Red China, then, is an international outlaw, committed to the task of dominating the world for communism. The communists are extremely patient, willing to move slowly to capitalize on American impatience.

We would do well to consider a statement by the Chinese philosopher Confucius, who said: "Do not seek quick results, nor look for small gains. Seek quick results and you will not achieve success; look for small gains and you will not accomplish big projects."

It is difficult to understand why our leaders endanger our nation by trying to do business with international outlaws and in so doing betray our staunch friends.

311A

PERSPOT 10-31 WA

FOR USE AT WILL

PERSONALITY SPOTLIGHT

HENRY A. KISSINGER -- WORLD'S SECOND MOST POWERFUL MAN?

BY UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL

DR. HENRY ALFRED KISSINGER IS A MAN OF MANY IMAGES -- BRILLIANT ACADEMIC, SECRET SWINGER, POWER-HUNGRY "DR. STRANGELOVE" -- AND ONE INDISPUTABLE REALITY. HE IS PRESIDENT NIXON'S MOST INTIMATE ADVISER WITH ENORMOUS INFLUENCE ON U.S. FOREIGN POLICY.

BORN 48 YEARS AGO IN GERMANY OF JEWISH PARENTS WHO NOW LIVE IN RETIREMENT IN NEW YORK CITY, KISSINGER BECAME NIXON'S $42,500-A-YEAR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS ADVISER MORE FOR THE POWER OF HIS INTELLECT THAN HIS POLITICAL SAVVY.

LONG A SUPPORTER OF GOV. NELSON A. ROCKEFELLER OF NEW YORK, KISSINGER WAS CONFIDENT HE WOULD WIN THE 1968 REPUBLICAN PRESIDENTIAL NOMINATION AND, AS A TOP ROCKEFELLER FOREIGN POLICY ADVISER, DEVISED A VIETNAM PEACE PLAN FOR HIM.

AFTER NIXON OVERWHELMED ROCKEFELLER AT MIAMI BEACH AND WENT ON TO WIN THE ELECTION, KISSINGER WAS HAVING LUNCH IN THE GOVERNOR'S NEW YORK CITY APARTMENT WHEN THE TELEPHONE RANG. IT WAS A NIXON ASSISTANT SAYING THE PRESIDENT-ELECT WANTED TO TALK TO HIM IN WASHINGTON.

KISSINGER HAD MET NIXON ONLY CASUALLY ONCE BEFORE, AT A CHRISTMAS PARTY IN 1967. BUT NIXON OFFERED HIM THE JOB AT THAT MEETING LARGELY ON THE BASIS OF KISSINGER'S WRITINGS ON THE USE OF POWER.

KISSINGER WAS RELUCTANT TO ACCEPT THE SURPRISE OFFER, BUT ROCKEFELLER SAID IF HE DIDN'T, "NEVER TALK TO ME AGAIN". KISSINGER DID, AND SUDDENLY FOUND HE HAD ADVANCED FROM A RESPECTED PROFESSORSHIP AT HARVARD UNIVERSITY TO A POSITION OF UNPARALLELED POWER IN GOVERNMENT.

HE WORKS 12 TO 20 HOURS A DAY FROM A FIRST-FLOOR OFFICE NEAR THE PRESIDENT'S IN THE WHITE HOUSE WEST WING, AND IS CONSTANTLY ON CALL FOR CONFERENCES WITH NIXON. WITH A NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL STAFF OF 110 (COMPARED TO THE 45 AIDES OF HIS PREDECESSOR, WALT W. ROSTOW), KISSINGER HAS BEEN ACCUSED OF EMPIRE-BUILDING AND USURPING THE POWERS OF SECRETARY OF STATE WILLIAM P. ROGERS.

IN HIS RARE OFF-HOURS, KISSINGER IS A DEVOTED FATHER TO HIS TWO CHILDREN BY A FORMER MARRIAGE AND ENJOYS THE AASHINGTON OOC

IN HIS RARE OFF-HOURS, KISSINGER IS A DEVOTED FATHER TO HIS TWO CHILDREN BY A FORMER MARRIAGE AND ENJOYS THE WASHINGTON COCKTAIL CIRCUIT. HIS WIDELY PUBLICIZED DATES WITH JILL ST. JOHN, MARLO THOMAS AND SAMANTHA EGGAR HAVE EARNED HIM A REPUTATION AS "THE PLAYBOY OF THE WHITE HOUSE", BUT KISSINGER SHRUGS OFF ANY NOTIONS HE ENJOYS A SECRET, TORRID SEX LIFE.

ONE FORMER WORKER IS QUOTED AS DESCRIBING KISSINGER AS "SELFISH, CUNNING, CALCULATING, POWER-MAD AND PUBLICITY OBSESSED". OTHERS DEFEND HIM AS A HARD WORKER, DEDICATED, LOYAL, INTELLIGENT TO A DEGREE THAT NATURALLY AROUSES JEALOUSY, AND BASICALLY INSECURE AS A RESULT OF HIS BOHOOD YEARS IN GERMANY.

KISSINGER WAS BORN IN FURTH, N

KISSINGER WAS BORN IN FURTH, NEAR NUREMBURG, GERMANY, MAY 27, 1923, THE SON OF A PROFESSOR WHOSE FAMILY SUFFERED SUCH ANTI-JEWISH HARASSMENT AT THE HANDS OF THE NAZI MOVEMENT THAT THEY FLED TO NEW YORK IN 1938, WHEN KISSINGER WAS 15.

AFTER GRADUCATION FROM HIGH SCHOOL, HE ENLISTED IN THE U.S. ARMY, WHERE HE ENTERED THE ARMY SPECIAL TRAINING PROGRAM AND BECAME A NATURALIZED CITIZEN. BY WAR'S END, HE WAS A SERGEANT INSTRUCTING INTELLIGENCE OFFICERS AND WAS PUT IN CHARGE OF A "KREIS" OR COUNTY IN OCCUPIED GERMANY AT THE AGE OF 21.

BACK HOME, HE ENTERED HARVARD AND MARRIED ANN FLEISCHER, A GERMAN REFUGEE WHO BORE HIM A SON AND DAUGHTER BEFORE THEY WERE DIVORCED IN 1964. HE JOINED THE HARVARD FACULTY IN 1957, THE YEAR HIS FIRST PROMINENT BOOK, "NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND FOREIGN POLICY", WAS PUBLISHED.

HE BECAME FULL PROFESSOR IN 1962, WAS A CONSULTANT TO THE COUNCIL ON FOREIGN RELATIONS, FULLTIME DIRECTOR OF SPECIAL STUDIES PROJECTS FOR THE ROCKEFELLER BROTHERS FUND, AND WAS A CONSULTANT IN THE EISENHOWER, KENNEDY AND JOHNSON ADMINISTRATIONS. IN 1966, HE CARRIED OUT A TOP-SECRET MISSION TO HANOI FOR PRESIDENT LYNDON B. JOHNSON THAT IS STILL SHROUDED IN MYSTERY.

HIS ROLE IN FASHIONING NIXON'S INDOCHINA POLICY HAS AROUSED THE CONTEMPT OF HIS FORMER ACADEMIC COLLEAGUES, WHO WERE PARTICULARLY INCENSED OVER THE CAMBODIAN AND LAOTIAN INVASTIONS.

AND HIS CONTRIBUTION TO THE NIXON DOCTRINE OF SELF-HELP AMONG ASIAN NATIONS IS BELIEVED TO HAVE CONVINCED PEKING THAT IT WAS KISSINGER -- RATHER THAN ROGERS -- THAT THE CHINESE SHOULD DEAL WITH IN NEGOTIATIONS OVER NIXON'S VISIT EARLY NEXT YEAR TO COMMUNIST CHINA.

BP&E1154PES..

„Wir haben Vater und Sohn oft getroffen, wenn sie zur Synagoge gegangen sind. Und wenn der Heinz eine leere Büchse gesehen hat, dribbelte er wie verrückt damit los“, erinnern sich noch manche Leute in Fürth

Fragen der nationalen Sicherheit der USA verantwortlich ist? Welche Macht hat dieser Mann, der von Washington aus eine Brücke nach Peking schlug?

Ein hoher Beamerter des Weißen Hauses war sie vor zweieinhalb Jahren ziemlich sicher, was er von diesem Mann zu halten hatte: „Ich geb ihm noch ein Jahr. Und dann landet er wieder als Professor an der Harvard Universität.“ Doch er hatte sich geirrt. Denn heute ist Kissingers Position gefestigter als je zuvor.

Henry Kissinger sitzt in seinem Büro, blickt über die weiten grünen Rasenflächen des Weißen Hauses hinüber auf die Pennsylvania Avenue. 35 Schritte trennen ihn vom Büro des Präsidenten. Ein kombiniertes Ton-Licht-Signal alarmiert Kissinger, wenn Nixon anruf. Er hebt den Hörer ab und sagt leise: „Yes, Mister President.“ Kaum eine Stunde am Tag vergeht ohne diese Antwort. Dafür lebt Kissinger.

Er steht am Fenster und grübelt über die „neue“ amerikanische Außenpolitik, die durch seine Hilfe – seine geheime Mission in Peking – eingeleitet wurde. Der Erfolg seiner Gespräche mit Tschou En-lai war diesensationalelle Ankündigung des Nixon-Besuchs in China. Frühhestens in diesem November, spätestens im nächsten Mai.

Kissinger schlägt ein dickes Fotoalbum auf. Jede Seite zeigt ein Foto von Kissinger in Peking. Tschou En-lai schenkte ihm das Album. Reisebilder wie viele andere – und doch mehr. Sie sind das Zeugnis eines neuen, entscheidenden Schrittes in der Weltpolitik.

Leise, als spräche er zu sich selbst, sagt er schließlich zu mir: „Es geschieht nicht oft, daß sich ein Mann in meiner Position sagen kann, daß er an einem wirklichen Wendepunkt der Weltgeschichte teilgenommen hat.“

„Die Nazis
schlugen uns auf
offener Straße“

Fürth ist heute eine Industriestadt mit etwa 100 000 Einwohnern. Henry Kissingers Vater Louis, Lehrersohn, kam 1905 nach Fürth. Er besuchte dort das Lehrerseminar und heiratete 1922 Pula-Stern. Ihre Mitgift erlaubte es ihnen, eine Fünfzimmerwohnung zu beziehen.

Zwei Söhne wurden geboren. Am 27. Mai 1923 Heinz, der seinen Namen in Amerika in Henry umänderte, und ein Jahr später Walter. Seine ersten fünfzehn Jahre verbrachte Heinz in der ersten Stock des rötlichen Sandsteinhauses Mathildenstraße 23 in Fürth – zwischen weißen Spitzengardinen, schweren Möbeln und vollen Bücherregalen.

Louis Kissinger unterrichtete zuerst an einer Handelsschule, später an einer Mädchenschule. Er war klein, etwas dickbäuchig, huvorvoll und freundlich. Und er

war recht stolz darauf, daß die Mädchen ihm den liebevollen Spitznamen „Kissus“ gaben. Von den 600 Goldmark Monatsgehalt konnte sich Louis Kissinger ein Dienstmädchen, ein Klavier, Theater- und Konzertbesuche sowie einen jährlichen Sommerurlaub leisten.

Sein Sohn Heinz war schmächtig. Ein Lockenkopf, der mehr Begeisterung für Fußball als für die Schule zeigte. Obwohl ein intelligentes Kind, zeichnete er sich in seinen ersten Schuljahren nicht grade aus. Aber dafür waren es glückliche und zufriedene Jahre.

Louis Kissinger merkte, daß sein Sohn ein „Klardenker“ war. Er wollte ihn auf das humanistische Gymnasium schicken, denn „dort wurden naturwissenschaftliche Fächer unterrichtet“. Aber Heinz schaffte es nicht. Er landete auf der Realschule.

Flucht in
eine unsichere
Zukunft

Dann kam Hitler. 1933 verlor Louis Kissinger seine Stellung. Die beiden Söhne mußten die staatliche Schule verlassen und eine jüdische Schule besuchen. Das Leben in Fürth wurde immer schwieriger und unerträglicher. Einige Nazis machten es sich zur Gewohnheit, jeden Juden, den sie auf der Straße trafen, zu ohrfeigen. Louis Kissinger entschloß sich, mit seiner Familie Deutschland zu verlassen. „Es war nur noch eine permanente Quälerei.“

Für Henry bleibt diese Zeit eine schmerzliche Erinnerung. „Wir wurden zu einer Art von Getto-Existenz gezwungen. Deutsche Kinder durften nicht mehr mit uns spielen. Sie fingen an, uns auf der Straße zu verprügeln. Als ich in die Staaten kam, wich ich immer noch anderen Jungs aus Angst vor Prügel aus.“

1937 beantragte Louis Kissinger ein Emigrations-Visum für die Staaten. Am 20. August 1938, drei Monate vor der Kristallnacht, in der die Nazis Synagogen anzündeten und jüdische Geschäfte plünderten, verließ die Familie Deutschland. „Es war hart“, erinnert sich Paula Kissinger. „Wir mußten alles, was wir hatten, in Deutschland lassen. Und wir wußten nicht, was uns erwartete.“

Am 5. September 1938 kamen die Kissingers in New York an. Heinz war damals 15 Jahre alt.

Amerika erwies sich nicht als das „Land der unbegrenzten Möglichkeiten“. Louis Kissinger fand keine entsprechende Stelle als Lehrer und wurde schließlich Büroangestellter. Die Familie wohnte im westlichen Teil New Yorks. Paula kochte oft für andere Familien in der Nachbarschaft, um dazuzuverdienen. Für Louis Kissinger war dies alles zuviel. Er zerbrach daran.

„Er war ein Mann von großer Güte“, erzählt Henry später, „in

Das Geburtshaus
in Fürth,
Mathildenstr. 23

In diesem Zimmer (Pfeil) wurde Henry Kissinger am 27. Mai 1923 geboren. Hauseigentümer Schaller heute: „Frau Kissinger ließ ihre Söhne Heinz und Walter als sie klein waren immer auf dem Balkon spielen“

Die Eltern
Paula und Louis
Kissinger

Der Further
Oberschullehrer
wurde nach seiner
Flucht in Amerika
Büroangestellter.
Henry Kissinger
über seinen
Vater Louis. „Er
war ein Mann
von großer Güte,
in einer Welt, in
der Güte keine
Bedeutung hat“

Gehütet
wie ein
Staatsgeheimnis

Kissingers Schülerakten hält heute das Auswärtige Amt unter Verschuß. Der Notendurchschnitt des Realschülers Heinz Kissinger lag bei 2,8

Nixons
Sonderberater
als 12jähriger

Als die Nazis an die Macht kamen, war die glückliche Kindheit des Jungen aus Fürth vorbei. Henry erinnert sich: „Wir wurden zu einer Art von Getto-Existenz gezwungen. Noch in Amerika ging ich anderen Jungen angstvoll aus dem Weg“

QUICK 23

„Der Grund, weshalb Henry so oft mit mir
ausgeht? Weil er genau weiß, daß ich nicht
auf Männerfang aus bin“, sagte eine Freundin,
mit der Kissinger allerdings inzwischen verkracht ist

einer Welt, in der Güte keine Be-
deutung hat.“

Heinz Kissinger lebte immer noch in einem Schneckenhaus. Während der vier Jahre auf der George Washington High School hatte er kaum Freunde (was vielleicht der Grund für seinen immer noch ausgeprägten deutschen Aktent ist). Seine Noten waren überdurchschnittlich gut. Er wollte Buchhalter werden. Doch dazu kam es nicht. 1942 trat er in die Armee ein. 1943 erhielt er die amerikanische Staatsangehörigkeit.

Mit 21 Jahren
Stadtkommandant
von Krefeld

Während des Krieges besuchte Henry Kissinger Fortbildungskurse an der Universität. Er wurde Dolmetscher des Generals Alexander Bolling und kam Anfang 1945 nach der 84. Division an die holländisch-deutsche Grenze. Als die Alliierten in Deutschland einmarschierten, gehörte Kissinger zu dem Team, das Hitlers Diener und Offiziere in Berchtesgaden verhört. Mit 21 Jahren wurde er zum Stadtkommandanten von Krefeld ernannt.

Als der Krieg vorüber war, verwaltete der Sergeant Kissinger einen Bezirk mit 140 000 Einwohnern, den Kreis Heppenheim an der Bergstraße. Danach kam er nach Bergammergau, wo er Armeeoffiziere in neuerer deutscher Geschichte unterrichtete. 1946 avancierte Kissinger zum Hauptmann der Reserve der „Military Intelligence Reserve". Er vertidigte jetzt 10 000 Dollar im Jahr und unterrichtete weiter über den Aufstieg und Fall Hitlers.

Die Tatsache, daß er nur eine High-School-Ausbildung hatte, belastete Kissinger. Er entschloß sich, zurück in die Staaten zu gehen, um dort zu studieren. Er imatrikulierte sich an der Harvard-Universität. Und bekam ein Stipendium. Nach drei Jahren machte er sein Examen mit summa cum laude. Nach weiteren vier Jahren promovierte er. Während dieser Zeit war er bereits Berater mehrerer Regierungsstellen, und ab 1954 veröffentlichte politische Schriften.

Er war in die Machtshäre ein-
getreten und hatte klar erkannt:
Wenn man sich einen Namen ma-
chen will, muß man der Welt zei-
gen, was man kann.

Auch Kissingers philosophische Doktorarbeit, „Großmachtdiplomatie“, erschien 1957 als Buch. In diesem Werk setzt er sich mit der Weltgeschichte in der Zeit nach Napoleon auseinander. Deutlich wird seine Bewunderung für den österreichischen Diplomaten Metternich, den britischen Staatsmann Viscount Castlereagh und den Deutschen Otto von Bismarck. Es waren konservative Staatsmänner, die revolutionäre Kräfte in einen hundertjährigen Frieden verwandten. Die politischen Ideen,

die er in diesen Studien entwickelte, bestimmen noch heute Kissingers Denken und machen sich in Nixons politischen Vorstellungen bemerkbar.

Der Wiener Kongreß und dessen Mißerfolg faszinierten Kissinger. Er hatte daraus gelernt, daß Großmächte zerfallen können – auch Amerika. In privaten Gesprächen wird seine Überzeugung deutlich, daß die Amerikaner nicht begreifen, was auf dem Spiel steht. „Nichts ist für den Amerikaner schwieriger zu verstehen als die Möglichkeit einer amerikanischen Tragödie.“

1959 wurde Henry Kissinger au-
berordentlicher Professor, und
1962 erhielt er die Berufung zum
ordentlichen Professor an der Har-
vard-Fakultät „Center for Natio-
nal Affairs“. Doch gedanklich
blieb Kissinger anerkennenswer-
terweise sehr wenig ein Professor.

Die Entscheidung, über Auf-
oder Abrüstung zu sprechen oder
zu schweigen, muß seiner Ansicht
nach bis zum gegebenen Zeit-
punkt zurückgestellt werden. Die
Geschichte hat ihn gelehrt, daß
der Wunsch von nur einer einzi-
gen Nation nach Frieden nicht für
einen totalen Frieden in dieser
Welt ausreicht. Er strebt eine all-
gemeine Regelung an, die zwar
keine Nation vollständig befriedi-
gen würde, aber alle Nationen tole-
rieren könnten, da das Überleben
der Menschen durch sie sicherge-
stellt würde.

Kissinger wurde zum erfolgrei-
chen Macht-Intellektuellen. Nur
in seinem Privatleben war er we-
niger erfolgreich. 1949 heiratete er
das deutsche Flüchtlingsmädchen
Ann Fleischer. Aus dieser Ehe
stammen zwei Kinder. Elizabeth
und David. Anfang 1960 begann
es in der Ehe zu kriseln. 1964 ließen
sich Ann und Henry scheiden.

Nach den großen beruflichen Erfolgen traf Kissinger dieser Fehlschlag besonders tief. Er wurde zu einem Wendepunkt in seinem Leben. Kissinger zog von Belmont nach Boston. Er begann wieder viel zu lesen, Romane und historische Werke. Seine Studenten fanden ihn verunsichert.

Kissingers erster Kontakt mit Nixon war ein Brief. Der damalige Vizepräsident schrieb ihm 1957 anerkennende Zeilen über sein Buch „Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy“ („Kernwaffen und Außenpolitik“). Zu einem Treffen zwischen den beiden kam es allerdings erst 1968.

Kissinger hatte in dieser Zeit
Partei für seinen Freund Nelson
Rockefeller ergriffen, der erfolglos
um die Präsidentschaft kämpfte.
Wie alle Rockefeller-Anhänger,
die an ihren Mann geglaubt und
hart für ihn gearbeitet hatten,
war Kissinger verbittert. Man
erzählt sich, daß Kissinger damals
Nixons Nominierung verflucht
habe, daß er den Untergang der
Nation unter Nixons Führung pro-
hezeit habe. Sicher ist jedenfalls,
dafür ist Miami als desillusionierter
Mann verließ.

Kissinger hatte niemals erwar-

Ann Fleischer,
geschchiedene
Frau Kissinger

Der Student
Henry Kissinger
heiratete
das deutsche
Flüchtlings-
mädchen am
6. Februar 1949.
Später bewohnten
die beiden ein
Kolonialhaus
in Boston.
Zwei Kinder
wurden geboren.
Doch über der
Arbeit vergaß
Henry sein
Privatleben. Im
Frühjahr 1964
trennten sich
die Eheleute

Kissingers Kinder
Elizabeth
und David

„Familientreffen“
bei TV-Star Bobby
Sherman. Doch
die Rolle des braven
Familiovaters
machte dem
Intellektuellen
Henry noch nie
Spaß. Seine
10- und 12jährigen
Kinder leben heute
bei ihrer Mutter, und
der Vater schreibt
lieber Briefe aus
dem Weißen Haus

Der Junggeselle,
der immer
im Dienst ist

Sonderberater
Henry Kissinger in
einem Waschraum
des Weißen
Hauses. Während
er sich rasiert –
fünf Minuten später
ist ein Empfang
bei Präsident
Nixon – diskutiert
Kissinger mit zwei
Assistenten
und gibt seine
Anweisungen

QUICK 31

slumming in Harlem where they really shake it.

Writing about jazz, Goldman is often petulant, endlessly complaining that this performer or that had slighted the press, the audience, Goldman—making one finally suspect that a musician had only to fluff Goldman in order to get a bad review. Reporting the Fillmore appearance of Miles Davis, who has been, for two decades, the most lyrical as well as the most influential of trumpet players, Goldman writes:

Miles played his usual sneers and

fleers... His greatest appeal, as usual, was his physical appearance mauve leather pants and body shirt.

But would they have been "sneers and fleers" had Mr. Davis been properly deferential to Professor Goldman?

In the case of Lenny Bruce, another prominent figure in the book, one wonders why Goldman chose to be the unpaid factotum he says he was to a man whom he characterizes in the course of three essays as an infantile, whining junkie, as a con man who was

talented—but no more, really, than Goldman and his friends who did the same bits back home in the living room. There is, of course, some truth in what Goldman writes about Bruce and some accurate descriptions of his more aberrant behavior. But nowhere is there any sense of what there was in Bruce that made hearing him so joyful when he first began to work in New York, late in the Fifties. Once again, Goldman was a bit late hooking on to Bruce. Goldman, however, is now working on a full-scale biography of

Bruce, strewing magazine excerpts along the way—which underscores Goldman's own much-quoted 1968 line, “Live, Lenny was a problem. Dead, Lenny is a property.”

There are, in *Freakshow*, a number of energetic re-creations of the Sixties, but something is usually a little askew. Goldman performs like a bad drummer with a good group: thumping along, smiling and bobbing his head, making noise—and all the while staying out of time just enough to make the whole thing impossible. ☐

## Rational Wars?

### Clausewitz

by Roger Parkinson.
Stein & Day, 352 pp., $10.00

### Studies in War and Peace

by Michael Howard.
Viking, 264 pp., $8.95

A. J. P. Taylor

Twentieth-century man is supposed to be more rational than his forefathers. He attempts to solve his problems by rational discussion. By the use of rational processes he has achieved almost unlimited power over nature. He understands the working of the universe. According to the psychiatrists he can even understand himself. Yet his greatest energies, no doubt most rationalily directed, are devoted to the irrational activity of war. Twentieth-century wars have been more expensive and more destructive than all their predecessors put together. The more enlightened a government is in its social policy and the more democratic in its institutions, the more it spends on war or, as it is laughably called, defense. What is the explanation of this paradox? How does it happen that man, who can remove almost all other evils, is more entangled than ever with the worst social evil of all?

The easiest way out is to invoke original sin. Only the clever people who write history or sociology are truly rational. They know that war is evil and would like to avoid it. Their thin pipings are drowned by the roar of the multitude. Aggression and violence are intrinsic to man's nature. The masses are captivated by irrational passions nationalism, imperialism, class hatred. High-minded governments are swept into war much against their wills.

Of course this is all nonsense. Men do not fight in modern wars because they like it. They fight because they are told that it is their duty to do so. The clever people invent the excuses for war. The masses are, at worst, taken in by them. Usually they are not even taken in. "Better dead than Red," for instance, was a fine slogan for those who coined it. It had no appeal to those who experienced it in practice. I was in Hungary soon after the Russian invasion of 1956. I asked many Hungarians: "Would you rather be dead than Red? Would you have liked Hungary to be obliterated with nuclear weapons?" None said yes. It is a safe guess now that all the Vietnamese ask of their liberators is to go away.

We need a more sophisticated answer. The clever people are not laggards

in providing one. They reduce war to reason. They demonstrate the rational purpose of wars. They give wars a high place in political science. War, it seems, is just one of the activities of governments along with health and education. The subtlest apologists admit that wars, once started, get out of hand. Therefore they claim that the object of

remarks about the conduct of battles. Whereas eighteenth-century writers on war had been concerned with the elaboration of tactics, Clausewitz insisted that the aim of battle was to win, not to perform a neat maneuver. In his view war was a contest of will. Whoever willed more resolutely and more clearheadedly would win. This

tribution of Clausewitz was to make sense of wars not only as military operations but as political acts. War, he insisted, should have an object definable if not defined and should be pursued only until the object was obtained.

He summarized his doctrine in one of the most famous sentences of the nineteenth century: "War is the continuation of policy by other means." Here is the cover, the excuse, for war which has proved its merit from Clausewitz's day until ours. War, if properly conducted, makes sense—so far as any political activities make sense. If any particular war continues to appear senseless, this must be because Clausewitz's rule has not been observed.

The rule not only advised limited wars. It also, by implication, justified them. It provided them with a plausibly rational basis. Contemporary writers on war lament the present-day abandonment of Clausewitz's rule and urge a return to it. Only the twentieth century, it seems, has pursued the folly of "total war." If we look again at Clausewitz's career, as excellently described by Roger Parkinson, we discover that he was condemning the war of his own day, not that which was to come.

The Napoleonic wars were not "total" in their methods, though they often tried to be. They were already "total" in their aims. Napoleon wanted to establish a single empire—his own—throughout Europe. The others wanted to stop him and could do so only by achieving his complete overthrow. This was paradoxically the only rational aim to pursue. A further paradox follows: the more defensive a country's policy is, the more total its aim must be. It is no good merely defeating an aggressor. He will have another go as soon as he is stronger. Therefore the only security is to destroy him.

preparing for war is to avoid it. I can think of no other human activity where this is true. No one cooks a meal in order not to eat it. No one buys an automobile in order to stay at home. But the great virtue of guns and still more of nuclear weapons is that they will never go off. This, though maybe clever, is too clever for me.

The first clever man of this school was Carl von Clausewitz. Americans will be delighted to learn that Dr. Henry Kissinger is numbered among his disciples. Clausewitz was a Prussian general who served against the French during the Napoleonic wars. He was an intelligent observer and made sensible

view has a plausible look and has exercised great influence on generals down to our own day. Unfortunately there is a moment when determination becomes pigheadedly. This moment occurs frequently with most generals. Clausewitz did not explain how a general could tell when the moment had arrived.

Clausewitz was not alone in commenting on the strategy of the Napoleonic wars. Jomini, a Swiss serving in the French armies, did so and, in a technical way, more perceptively than Clausewitz. For that matter Napoleon himself did much commenting during his last years at St. Helena, though not very enlighteningly. The special con-

This was already true of the Napoleonic wars and is equally true of the two world wars in the twentieth century. The Allies of Napoleon's time had no aim except to overthrow him. Once this was accomplished, they could make a moderate and seemingly generous peace, for which they have been much praised. Similarly the Grand Alliance of the Second World War had no aim except to overthrow Hitler. Once he was dead, they soon discovered that they had no aims against Germany as such and labored, each in its own way, to restore her as a flourishing power.

In the First World War there was more of a muddle. The Allies could

36

The New York Review

11/4/71

EXCLUSIF : LE « CERVEAU »
DE LA MAISON BLANCHE

par Danielle Hunebelle

Le petit professeur qui retourne à Pékin pour préparer le voyage de Nixon n'a qu'une ambition : agir sur les événements. Un des rares journalistes à bien connaître Henry Kissinger en trace pour « Jeune Afrique » le portrait.

Ce qui restera des quatre années de l'administration Nixon à la Maison-Blanche (que celle-ci soit ou non reconduite en 1972) c'est, sur le plan extérieur, la poursuite des négociations SALT sur la limitation des armements nucléaires, et l'ouverture vers la Chine. L'une et l'autre portent la marque d'un personnage tout à fait hors du commun, par les origines, le caractère, la réussite et la destinée, Henry Kissinger.

Ce n'est pas un Américain comme les autres. Né en Allemagne il y a quarante-huit ans, fils d'un instituteur juif bavarois, il fut naturalisé en s'engageant dans l'armée des Etats-Unis, au début de la dernière guerre. C'est donc un réfugié d'origine européenne qui préside aujourd'hui le Conseil de Sécurité de son pays d'adoption, et passe, avec raison, pour l'un des hommes les mieux informés et les plus puissants du monde.

## La première place

Quand Nixon se l'attacha, en 1968, il le connaissait à peine. Les deux hommes se découvrirent rapidement au moins quatre passions communes : la politique étrangère, le goût du pouvoir absolu, l'admiration pour de Gaulle, et le sens de la discipline.

Diplômé de Harvard, où il poursuivit brillamment des études d'histoire grâce à une bourse (ses parents n'avaient pas le sou, au début de l'exil sa mère servait chez les autres comme employée de maison), le professeur Henry Kissinger trouva en Nixon un élève avide de mieux comprendre les structures et la dislocation d'un monde compliqué, dont il n'avait jusqu'alors que des vues fragmentaires. De son côté Kissinger, avec le tempérament d'un grand commis, découvrit à la Maison-Blanche la place que son orgueil lui avait depuis longtemps assignée : la première.

HENRY KISSINGER.
Machiavélisme et innocence.

Kissinger est avant tout un cerveau, capable d'assimiler, d'analyser et de synthétiser avec une rapidité foudroyante. Lui qui souffrit et médita la tragédie hitlérienne, toutes les idéologies lui sont suspectes. C'est un réaliste, dont la pensée nourrie de philosophie de l'Histoire s'appuie généralement sur les cinq livres qu'il a publiés. Libéral mais épris d'ordre, modéré mais respectueux de l'autorité, audacieux mais prudent, obstiné mais souple, Kissinger, l'œil vissé davantage sur le futur que sur le présent, a pour idée fixe l'établissement d'une espèce d'ordre global, fondé non sur la paix, « concept illusoire », mais sur la moins mauvaise stabilité possible.

Le rétablissement des relations avec la Chine doit se lire dans cette optique qui était d'ailleurs celle de de Gaulle. N'étant pas né Américain, Kissinger n'a jamais été convaincu de la supériorité absolue des Etats-Unis, et il trouva en Nixon un interlocuteur pragmatique, disposé à accepter l'idée d'un monde où la balance des forces serait plus équitable. Il n'est pas dou-

teux que les difficultés internes des Etats-Unis sont venues à diverses reprises contrecarrer la politique mondiale de Kissinger, qui n'est expert ni en économie ni en politique intérieure. Sur le plan humain, c'est un être fascinant, qui peut se définir par un mélange rarissime de machiavélisme et d'innocence. Pas très grand (surtout comparé à l'Américain moyen), pas très beau (le nez busqué chaussé de lunettes, le menton lourd, le front fuyant, il a l'air d'un oiseau de nuit mélancolique), Kissinger séduit par sa simplicité, sa chaleur humaine, sa vulnérabilité. Cet homme si puissant, au faîte du pouvoir et des honneurs, ceux qui l'approchent se sentent immédiatement attendris et enclins à le protéger — à moins qu'ils ne le haissent.

Rusé comme un cardinal du Moyen Age, robuste comme un sanglier, avec sa nuque rasée d'Allemand et sa tendance à l'embonpoint, il semble à moitié moine, à moitié soldat, totale-ment intègre, dévoué, loyal. Son esprit tyrannique et son arrogance lui créent beaucoup d'inimités. Et dans le même temps sa timidité, son humour, un je ne sais quoi de frileux et désarmant lui créent beaucoup d'amitiés.

## La notoriété

C'est un homme d'une complexité extraordinaire, centré sur lui-même, doué d'une énergie et d'une force de travail qui assomment son monde (il n'arrête littéralement pas dix-huit heures sur vingt-quatre), mais derrière cette façade apparemment inexorable se dissimulent une sensibilité d'écorché vif, et une grande insécurité.

La promotion à la Maison-Blanche, au poste de conseiller pour la politique étrangère (le bureau de Kissinger jouxte celui du Président, avec lequel il s'entretient chaque jour plus facilement, plus souvent et plus longtemps

30

« Lorsque
Kissinger sera là,
on pourra peut-être
savoir
ce qui se passe
à Washington. »

Dessin de Herblock
dans le « Washington
Post »/Washington
(Etats-Unis)

©1971

HERBLOCK

que n'importe quel autre membre de l'entourage), apporta à l'universitaire germanique la consécration et la revanche auxquelles toute sa carrière aspirait.

A Führt, en Bavière, petit Juif proscrit par la vindicte nazie, c'est un enfant rêveur, sans ambition. Sergent dans l'armée américaine, membre des services de renseignement, il développe le sens de la discipline et des responsabilités, et apprend à connaître ses nouveaux concitoyens. A Harvard, encouragé par l'estime de ses professeurs, il prend peu à peu conscience de ses possibilités intellectuelles, et se pique au jeu de la compétition. Mais ce qui l'intéresse dès lors, ce n'est pas la perspective d'une chaire universitaire, ni l'argent dont il se moque, c'est le monde, et l'action qu'il pourra exercer sur lui.

« J'ai besoin de sentir que ce que je fais apporte une différence », dit-il souvent. Tiré de la semi-obscurité par Nelson Rockefeller, qui flaire en

lui un système de pensée, une curiosité et une force de volonté exceptionnels, Kissinger atteindra la notoriété avec son premier ouvrage sur les armes nucléaires (Nuclear weapons and foreign policy), qui lui vaudra le nom de Dr Strangelove (Dr Fola-mour), et fera de lui un expert mondial de la pensée stratégique. Il élargira ses connaissances d'abord en voyageant, puis en dirigeant pendant plusieurs années des séminaires internationaux, qui le mettent au contact des hommes politiques, écrivains, journalistes, les plus fameux de notre temps. Le réseau des relations de Kissinger, homme solitaire et secret, couvre toute la planète, et lui apporte une aide formidable depuis son arrivée à la Maison-Blanche.

En principe, son pouvoir ne procède que du Président auquel il présente en toute occasion toutes les alternatives possibles. Ce n'est pas lui qui tranche, mais c'est lui qui jauge, ayant recueilli l'avis des militaires et des ci-

vils aux plus hauts échelons. En fait, parce qu'il a su se construire une équipe de plusieurs dizaines de collaborateurs hautement qualifiés et spécialisés, parce que ses prérogatives ne sont pas bien délimitées et lui donnent accès à toutes les informations tissant de près ou de loin à la sécurité des Etats-Unis, parce que son cerveau travaille sans cesse plus vite que les autres, parce qu'il est divorcé, voit rarement ses deux enfants et peut se consacrer entièrement à ce qu'il considère comme une mission, et par-dessus tout parce qu'il a la pleine confiance du Président, l'activité de Kissinger couvre comme une toile le monde entier, et surprendra lorsque plus tard on en découvrira l'étendue.

## Sérieux ou frivole ?

Mais la faiblesse de Kissinger — qui est aussi sa force — c'est une confiance absolue en ses jugements et sa vision du monde : une espèce de rigidité sur les principes, une immense méfiance, l'habitude de se tenir sur la défensive, les réflexes du réfugié jalousé, ne lui ont pas permis de cultiver le sens psychologique. Son approche est plus intellectuelle qu'intuitive. Il ne s'intéresse pas aux êtres, seulement aux idées. D'où l'agrément qu'il trouve dans la compagnie des jolies femmes, reposantes, délassantes qui, elles au moins, ne constituent pas des rivaux potentiels.

Au poste si difficile de conseiller du Président des Etats-Unis, où jusqu'alors bien peu ont laissé un souvenir durable, il semble que la personnalité de Kissinger, acharné à vaincre en dépit des obstacles, excessivement sérieux sous un faux air frivole, imprimera un style, et créera un précédent.

« Il est rassurant de penser que c'est lui, et non tel autre, qui tient actuellement entre ses mains les destinées d'une grande partie du monde », ai-je souvent entendu dire par des adversaires de Nixon, pourtant exaspérés par les erreurs et les lenteurs de la liquidation de la guerre au Vietnam.

center with a small problem in another section of the city, must be delayed until adequate utility services are available.

This will mean that a return on the investment of the developers of the properties will be delayed, and this can hardly be pleasing to them or be considered a favorable situation to any citizen who wants to see the economic development of this city continue without undue interference from government.

However, this community is dedicated to solving its pollution problems. To allow new construction without proper precautions against pollution would be only adding new problems to the environment at a time when we are engaged already in an uphill fight to do penance for our ecological sins of the past.

Such delays in the opening of new structures may be avoided in the future because, on Nov. 22, regulations will go into effect

Dr. Bill Williams, a psychologist who is a professor of communications at the University of South Florida, told the Jacksonville Beaches Area Chamber of Commerce Thursday night that 90 per cent of all conversation is lies.

"When people answer questions, they frequently do not say what they are thinking. They are more concerned in trying to give an answer that is expected," he said.

Jacksonville Journal reporter Ed Callaway said Williams' audience was both entertained and baffled by the professor's speech on semantics and human relationships.

That just goes to show how everything seems to balance out in this world: Although the expert in communications apparently wasn't communicating well with his audience, it didn't make any difference because only 10 per cent of what he said was true.

This constituted a blatant attempt to span labor's ranks.

Thus, less than three weeks after President Nixon appointed the Pay Board, big labor is furious that the administration has declared open war against it in Phase Two of the economic controls program. Both sides talk privately of widespread strikes erupting and retaliatory actions against labor.

What makes this so worrisome to thoughtful officials high in the Nixon Administration is the unsettling effect on a shaky economy. Even if Phase Two survives the present turmoil, the economic prospects for next year are being undermined.

The present core of the dispute is previously negotiated labor contracts calling for wage increases retroactive to any date during the 90-day wage-price freeze ending today. By last Saturday, the Pay Board was divided into two armed camps. While labor members munched on drug store sandwiches brought into the executive office building next to the

Weber hastened to add this was but one man's opinion. But economist Weber, returning to the University of Chicago after a hitch with the Nixon Administration (most recently as director of the Cost of Living Council), is the dominant member of the Pay Board and overshadows the nominal chairman, U.S. District Judge George Boldt.

## Power Balance

By ERNEST CUNEO
Columnist

WASHINGTON

"I shall be going east," wrote Major William McKinley to his wife, "where the noble cannon roar."

That was more than 100 years ago when brave men, fine men, "sought the bauble glory in the very cannon's mouth."

This state of mind was changed by the industrial revolution: it turned out so many cannons and machine guns, that getting killed by one no longer provided automatic recognition as a man of distinction.

In the American Revolution, from 1775 to 1783, in six actual years of fighting General Washington's army lost less than 4,500 men killed in action and slightly more than 6,000 wounded.

By contrast, in 1914, the belligerent nations called up 62.5 million young men and when the machine guns stopped chattering on Nov. 11, 1918, some 37.5 million were dead or wounded. In the second Battle of Somme, Sir Douglas Haig lost 500,000 men in 40 days attempting to capture a few square miles of use less mud.

France lost about 2.5 million young men and suffered about five million wounded. Germany lost six million young men. Great Britain one million. In fact, much as when these young men died their unborn children died with them,

## the small society

HOO-BOY! IT'S A GOOD THING, THINGS ARE ALWAYS AS BAD AS THEY ARE MOST OF THE TIME-

# Kissinger Real Intelligence Boss?

By ANDREW TULLY
Columnist

WASHINGTON

"Dr. Henry Kissinger by now is known to most Americans who are interested in the news as a White House personality who moonlights as a man-about-town with an eye for a pretty girl. Since this is evidence that President Nixon's assistant for National Security Affairs is human. I am capable of restraining my enthusiasm for the role Kissinger has been given in Nixon's reorganization of the intelligence community.

Indeed, I find myself wondering whether Kissinger's power over foreign policy rivals that of the President, which is not good. It is not good because the doctor would be less than the human being he has revealed himself to be if he did not enjoy power, and use it.

Most reports on the reordering of our spy shop have emphasized that CIA Director Richard Helms will be the czar of all intelligence agencies, including those inside the Pentagon. His most powerful weapon, in a government where one name for the power game is the dollar, will be in his new assignment to draw up one budget for the entire espionage establishment.

That's splendid because Helms was not-born yesterday and he is aware that President Nixon is annoyed at the high cost of international snooping — some

Kissinger

Helms

$5-billion a year. No one has to tell Helms his No. 1 priority is to get intelligence as wholesale as possible.

But it says here that the real boss of intelligence could very well be Henry Kissinger, whose new title is chairman of the new National Security Council Intelligence Committee, charged with providing "guidance and direction" to Chief Helms.

In effect, Kissinger, through his committee, not only will tell Helms how to run the show, but will decide which intelligence assessments find their way to the President's desk. Power in Washington lies not only in having the ear of the President; it is also in refusing the President's ear to others of a dissenting viewpoint.

In his new role, Kissinger will have it both ways. His committee and his personal staff will initiate intelligence studies, and then will edit the resulting opinions

and options before presentation to the Oval Office.

To be sure, Helms has the power to submit his own recommendations directly to Nixon, and so have Secretary of State William Rogers, Defense Secretary Melvin Laird and the Joint Chiefs of Staff. But since Kissinger's job is to take the task of reviewing options off the presidential shoulders, a dissenter already will have two strikes on him.

Nixon does not often give a subordinate an assignment and then second guess him; he lives by the executive book. And you can count the occasions on the fingers of one hand when the President has overruled his highly competent national security aide.

Indeed, Nixon's reorganization has merely put into fine print what Kissinger has been doing for three years. Without any spelled-out authority, Kissinger's senior review group has always been Nixon's personal State Department. Under a presidential directive, the group invites policy options from State, Defense, CIA, then recommends what action the President should take.

The difference now is that there is a document bearing Richard Nixon's signature which says no intelligence assessment or proposed operation will be approved until it has gone through Kissinger's shop. Richard Helms is the czar of all the intelligence czars, but only at Henry Kissinger's pleasure.

Jacksonville Journal

11/13/71

INTERNATIONAL HERALD TRIBUNE, SATURDAY-SUNDAY, NOVEMBER 6-7, 1971

Mary Blume

# Jill St. John Without False Eyelashes

LONDON (IHT).—Seated in the living room of her pretty rented London town house, shatteringly poised and inalterably level-headed, Jill St. John confessed in her creamy voice that she was feeling a bit let down now that her new film, "Sitting Target," in which she plays the title role, is finished.

She goes next to Cyprus to make a Lux commercial.

In "Sitting Target," directed by Douglas Hickox for MGM, Jill plays a woman tracked down by her escaped-con husband (Oliver Reed). She wears no false eyelashes, is dressed by Selfridge's and is pregnant.

"Colin, my hairdresser, whose wife's been pregnant for ten and a half months, said you walk just like Jean," says Jill.

"Everybody's so pleased with me. I've never played a dramatic, unglamorous role with half England's greatest actors," she says. "I've done my best work here."

Work! Hardly a word to associate with Jill St. John. She has made 28 movies, but who can name one?

When Jill hits the headlines, it's for play, not work. As a distinguished Los Angeles film critic says, "The miracle of Jill St. John is that she manages to look luscious on a diet of whoopee that would have staggered Dorian Gray."

In fact, Jill points out, the playgirl image is over. "A lot of it was fostered by the press, but I have done incredible romantic glamorous things in my life."

Her most incredible romantic glamorous moment, Jill says, was her honeymoon with Barbara Hutton's son, Lance Reventlow, her second husband (her first husband was a laundry heir, her third, singer Jack Jones):

"We went on a delayed honeymoon, following the racing circuit. We started at Monte Carlo, after that it went downhill."

Since then Jill has turned her thoughts to inner values, she says. "You reach a point where you realize life isn't all glamour and fun and giggles. I've found my needs in life are of the simplest—the simplest things like honesty, that's where it really is for me."

"I haven't had an expensive gown on in five years. People don't lead those lives now with children suffering from famine. It's wrong to show opulence."

In splashier times Jill didn't mind being linked with such men as Frank Sinatra ("Frank and I will always be friends," she told columnist Joyce Haber. "He has that lovely quality

of always being a friend to someone he's been very close to").

These days she objects to being linked with presidential adviser Henry Kissinger, though she does allow that he is "a very sweet man."

"Yes, we used to go out," she says. "I think I was the first actress he went out with. It was a good friendship on an intellectual level—I'm not known as a dummy. But I don't think he should be linked with an actress and I don't want to be linked with him."

Even in the playgirl days Jill showed a serious side when she was among the earliest supporters of Sen. Eugene McCarthy. Like many Hollywood stars, she attended the 1968 Chicago convention, but being Jill, she did it in her own high style.

"My tickets to the convention had been sent by President Johnson and Mayor Daley sent a car to meet me. And here I was, working for McCarthy!"

Jill has long been opposed to the wearing of certain furs: "I've always been against killing leopards and all the cats. That means you can wear any fur that's bred and painlessly gassed—mink, sable, chinchilla."

"Of course a lot of people who won't wear cats don't realize there's a great deal of cruelty for cosmetics—many cosmetics are made with extracts from animals. I use herbal and organic cosmetics."

Jill started work in radio when she was five years old. She was pushed into acting by an ambitious mother.

"I would have liked to go into marine biology," Jill says. She has an eight-foot aquarium at home in Los Angeles.

At the moment her career is zooming. "Everyone's out of work but me," she says.

Before "Sitting Target" she made the new James Bond picture, "Diamonds Are Forever" with Sean Connery ("There's no romance between us," she said, perhaps automatically, for no one had asked).

In "Diamonds Are Forever" Jill is glamorous, eyelashed, clever and triumphant. She is especially high on a love scene with Connery that takes place on an enormous water bed.

"The water bed was full of fish," Jill says. "Most of them were marine and I knew exactly what they were. I asked the man who was taking care of them if he was giving them copper sulphate and he was absolutely amazed."

Jill St. John

Associated Press.

DIRECT HIT—When the Vikings beat the Giants, 17-10, last week in final minute, Bob Grim took Norm Snead's pass and eluded Spider Lockhart to score the touchdown.

In Top College Conferences

Upsets Could Derail Coming Showdowns

By Gordon S. White Jr.

NEW YORK, Nov. 5 (NYT).— Upsets sprinkled here and there tomorrow could cause havoc with plans for the showdown battles in the Southeastern Conference, Big Eight, Big Ten and Ivy League scheduled during the next three weeks.

Just imagine what will happen if Louisiana State beats Alabama, Mississippi State defeats Auburn,

Maybe the team with the best chance is Louisiana State. But this is only a way-out possibility against the undefeated Crimson Tide from Alabama.

Play at Baton Rouge

These teams will meet tomorrow at Baton Rouge. What chance LSU's Tigers have is tied to the fact that Johnny Musso, Alabama's star runner, has been injured of late. He spent the early

ord from Eric Allen (350 yards), are as strong as they have been all season and maybe, just maybe, they could give Ohio State its second Big Ten loss, virtually clearing the way for Michigan's trip to the Rose Bowl.

Ohio State and Michigan meet on Nov. 20.

Columbia has been playing nip and tuck all season, never winning by more than two and

Remat

Vikings vs.

By Kenneth Denlinger

BLOOMINGTON, Minn., Nov. 5 (WP).—Front fours are measured by body counts, and the leader in the sack-the-quarterback derby at midseason in the National Football Conference is neither of the well known groups from Minnesota or Los Angeles. It is the former pacifist bloc from San Francisco, the 49ers.

Yes, John Brodie's team is playing defense—and well. In seven games, the 49ers have dumped quarterbacks ranging in talent from Roman Gabriel to Jim Plunkett to Pete Liske 29 times. In the entire 14-game season last year they managed only 30 sacks.

Sunday, the 49er front four of Tommy Hart, Charlie Krueger, Earl Edwards and Cedrick Hardman swagger into Metropolitan Stadium here to see how they compare with the resident NFC tough guys, the Vikings, w' allegedly cleared out the en' northland and made it safe ic. everyone but quarterbacks.

This is a rematch of the first-round NFC playoff game here last season, which the 49ers won, 17-14. The teams again are leading their respective divisions, the 6-1 Vikings in the NFC Central and the 5-2 49ers in the NFC West.

The major reason for the improvement in the 49er pass rush has been the maturation of ends Hart and Hardman. Unlike a year ago, when eight linemen were shuttled in and out of action with regularity, the lineup has remained set, although Stan Hindman has played often as Kreuger has been hampered by injuries.

"I think they are the best we've faced, remembering we've only played seven games," said Viking Coach Bud Grant, also remembering Minnesota faced Baltimore recently. "These fel-

2-G

Orlando Sentinel

Thursday, Nov. 18, 1971

# Immigrant's Son, Kissinger Worked In School To Be Accountant

Newsweek Feature Service

WASHINGTON — Like many other immigrant youngsters, Henry Kissinger worked to put himself through school.

"I worked in a shaving-brush factory during the days," he recalls, "so that I could go to school at nights to spare for what was then the height of my ambition — becoming an accountant."

Though some of Kissinger's critics in town might wish that he had realized that ambition, at least one man is glad he changed fields: The President of the United States, When Kissinger decided last January to stay on in government rather than return to his professorship at Harvard, Richard Nixon wrote him, "Frankly, I cannot imagine what the government would be like without you."

NOMINALLY, Kissinger is just one of Nixon's assistants, his adviser for national security affairs. In fact, he is probably the most influential man in Washington, next to the President. He has been

HENRY KISSINGER
... Good listener

labeled — by friends and enemies alike — as "the Secretary of State in everything but title," the second most powerful man in the country and even, by one respected columnist, the second most powerful man in the world.

The immense confidence the President has in him was dramatically last summer by Kissinger's top-secret mission to China to arrange for Nixon's forthcoming trip to Peking.

And in case any doubts about his cloud still linger, when it was time to send a second mission to China to lay the groundwork for the Presidential visit, the chief of mission was once again the bespectacled, 48-year-old, German-born foreign-policy expert.

AT LEAST one reason the President sent Kissinger to China instead of Secretary of State William Rogers is that he can travel without all the patience that most surround a high-ranking visiting diplomat.

But an even more compelling reason is that Kissinger is known in Washington as being totally discreet. He has a passion for secrecy, which sometimes just aides who fee. he doesn't tell them as much as they should know in their work. But it serves the President well.

He also knows the President's mind better than any other man in the government and — by training, flat and temperament — he

never tries to insert his own opinions into his job, unlike some advisers to previous Presidents.

"THERE IS NO 'Kissinger policy' on any substantive questions," he has said. "If there were, the whole new mechanism we have set up in the National Security

Council — not to speak of the relations between the governmental agencies — would he in a shambles."

So when his second trip to China was announced, Kissinger took pains to explain that he would not be usurping any Presidential matters of substance with

prerogative by discussing the Chinese. He was going, he said, "to make concrete, technical arrangements and to begin a preliminary outline of the sort of schedule that might be followed."

Kissinger's prized discretion carries over equally

well into his private life. He can divorce himself completely from his work.

HE HAS lightly described himself as a "secret swimmer" and has squired some of Washington's liveliest ladies. He is the No. 1 "catch" for the capital's ambitious

hostesses — a genial, brilliant man who is constantly surrounded by an air of mystery.

Kissinger has two children by a marriage that ended in divorce in 1964 and he sees them whenever he can. But recently, most of his free time has been

taken up by studying China.

He has been consulting with Sinologists all around the country, trying to correct what one State Department official describes as his "abysmal ignorance of Asia." Typically, he has been a quick and thorough learner.

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Dr. Kissinger

DR. HENRY A. Kissinger, President Nixon's foreign policy adviser, is off to Peking to make final arrangements for the President's visit with the leaders of mainland China.

The White House said neither Dr. Kissinger nor any of his traveling companions would make a public statement on their journey. So not much is likely to be learned from them about China.

This is in contrast to the recent visit to China by Mr. James Reston of the New York Times. When he was there Mr. Reston had an attack of appendicitis and entered a Peking hospital for an operation. His experiences and observations provided details for a number of interesting articles about China.

Dr. Kissinger is going on a different kind of trip in which secrecy rather than public enlightenment is the objective. It is unlikely the American people will learn anything about his activities in Peking unless he has to go to the hospital. But it is hoped the foreign policy adviser doesn't get sick on this important mission.