Nixon Backs
Kissinger
On Wiretaps

By Carroll Kilpatrick

Washington Post Staff Writer

SAN CLEMENTE, Calif., July 14—President Nixon has sent a letter to Chairman J. W. Fulbright (D-Ark.) of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee taking full responsibility for national security wiretaps instituted in 1969 and supporting Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger's testimony on the matter.

White House press secretary Ronald L. Ziegler said today the President dictated and signed the letter Friday. But Ziegler refused to make it public because he said Fulbright wanted all committee members to see it first.

Fulbright's committee is scheduled to meet Monday at 10 a.m. in closed session with FBI Director Clarence M. Kelley on the national security wiretapping program. A committee spokesman said in Washington that the Nixon letter will be discussed.

The President's letter was in response to a June 25 letter from Fulbright asking Mr. Nixon to amplify his public statement of May 22, 1973, and requesting further specifics of the decision to place 17 wiretaps, four on newsmen and 13 on government officials.

According to persons who have seen the President's letter, he does not provide all

See LETTER, A7, Col. 1

WASH POST

7/15/74

Nixon Reaffirms Support
Of Kissinger on Wiretaps

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, July 13—
President Nixon has come to
the support of Secretary of
State Kissinger with a letter to
the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee reaffirming his re-
sponsibility for the wiretapping
of 17 officials and newsmen
between 1969 and 1971.

Senator J. W. Fulbright,
chairman of the committee,
which has begun an investiga-
tion of Mr. Kissinger's role in
the wiretapping, confirmed to-
day that he received the one-
and-a-quarter-page letter last
night.

He declined to make it public
before the rest of the commit-
tee had seen it, but he said the
letter was a clear and "positive
statement" by Mr. Nixon justi-
fying the wiretapping program
on the ground of national se-
curity and stating that he had
ordered that the project be in-
stituted to get to the source of
news leaks at the time.

The willingness of Mr. Nixon
to come to Mr. Kissinger's sup-

port has tended to scotch some
of the speculation that was
current in Washington after
the secretary's recent threat to
resign after accusations that
he had misled the committee
about his role in the wiretap-
ping.

Some political observers be-
lieved that a rift was develop-
ing between Mr. Kissinger and
the White House over the ap-
parent reluctance of Mr. Nixon
or General Alexander M. Haig
Jr., the Presidential chief of
staff who was formerly Mr.
Kissinger's deputy on the Na-
tional Security Council staff,
to speak out more strongly on
the Secretary of State's behalf.

The President's letter appar-
ently repeated in essence that
Mr. Nixon has already said in
taking responsibility for the
wiretapping program.

In a statement issued on
May 22, 1973, Mr. Nixon, noting
that there had been leaks of

Continued on Page 31, Column 2

# Nixon Reaffirms Support of Kissinger

Continued From Page 1, Col. 7

national security information in
1969, said that "a special pro-
gram" of wiretapping had been
instituted.

"I authorized this entire program," he said in that statement. "Each individual tap was undertaken in accordance with procedures legal at the time and in accord with long-standing precedent."

Mr. Kissinger, in news con-
ferences, as well as during his
confirmation hearings last
September before the Foreign
Relations Committee, insisted
that his role in the wiretapping
was to provide the names of
members of his National Secur-
ity Council staff who had ac-
cess to the information being
leaked.

He has also said that some
members who had compro-
mising information in their
security files had been tapped
as well as those whose names
arose during taps on others.

The Foreign Relations Com-
mittee last September said it
had found nothing in its in-
quiry into Mr. Kissinger's activ-
ities, including the wiretapping,
to bar him as Secretary of
State..

## Followed Reports

The new investigation was
begun after a flurry of stories
last month suggesting that Mr.
Kissinger had been less than
forthright in what he told the
committee last September.

The articles in the press
were based on Federal Bureau
of Investigation documents, in-
cluding some memos written by
the late director, J. Edgar Hoo-
ver, asserting that Mr. Kissin-
ger had initiated certain taps.

Mr. Kissinger, in an emotional
news conference in Salzberg,
Austria, on June 11, threatened
to resign if his reputation was
not cleared, and he announced
he had asked the committee to
hold new hearings.

Mr. Fulbright said the Presi-
dent's letter was "helpful" to
the current inquiry since it

brought Mr. Nixon's views up
to date and could be entered
as part of the record.

The committee began the new
hearings last Wednesday when
Attorney General William B.
Saxbe testified in a closed ses-
sion about documents supplied
by the Justice Department to
the committee. Clarence M.
Kelley, director of the F.B.I.,
will meet with the committee
on Monday.

After the meeting with Mr.
Saxbe, Senator Fulbright told
newsmen that he had asked
Mr. Nixon to supply whatever
information he could to the
committee about the wiretap-
ping program. He also said that
he had asked General Haig to
testify.

General Haig has informed
Mr. Fulbright that he would be
pleased to testify in support of
Mr. Kissinger and would prob-
ably appear at the end of the
month after Mr. Nixon returns
from San Clemente, Calif.,
where he went yesterday for
two weeks.

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# Serious Trouble for Kissinger?

There are signs here that Secretary of State Henry Kissinger is in trouble, and that the trouble may be serious.

"It's not the 'plumbers.' It's a lot more difficult than that," said one highly placed White House source, and he added, "Henry's trouble is with the President."

This is not surprising. The Secretary of State's recent tour de force in the Mideast must have galled Mr. Nixon, if one can judge from the signals of his closest aides. At one point during the marathon shuttle diplomacy, presidential assistant Ron Ziegler let it be known that Mr. Nixon had spent much of a day drafting detailed instructions to Kissinger for the Syrian-Israeli border negotiations.

The notion that this kind of fine-line diplomacy could be conducted by cable is insane, but the fact that Ziegler suggested it is revealing. Mr. Nixon does not like to see his Secretary of State in a front-and-center role.

It will be recalled that leaked memoranda from the FBI greeted Kissinger immediately on his return so that, at his first press conference, reporters were forced to ask him not about his triumphs but about whether he had committed perjury. It may be said on absolute authority that Kissinger does not believe that those memoranda were leaked by the FBI.

So the ring seems to be closing in upon the one man in Mr. Nixon's entourage who clearly outranks him in

> "Some of it may be Kissinger's own fault. Since he became Secretary of State, he has neglected his fences."

national esteem. Presidential assistants Alexander Haig and Ziegler are jealous; Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger sees Kissinger as "soft" on Russia; Secretary of Treasury William Simon would like to have a freer hand to negotiate oil price reductions; from every side, the knives are out.

Some of this may be Kissinger's own fault. Since he became Secretary of State, he has neglected his fences. Those allusions, so customary in the days of Vietnam, to the President's wise guidance and to his own role as a mere runner of errands have been recently few.

"You only mentioned the President twice in that Paris press conference," Ziegler once said to the then-foreign policy aide. The remark annoyed Kissinger, who might have been better off to learn from it. Since that day, Mr. Nixon has faced the Watergate exposure, but the Watergate exposure has brought no change in the atmosphere of the Oval Office.

Moreover, Kissinger has insisted on total domination of foreign policy, and

he has insisted upon it even in areas where his own expertise was doubtful and where he might have let others take the limelight and the credit or the blame.

Such, for example, was the conference of oil-importing states held in Washington. Then-Secretary of Treasury George Shultz was probably better qualified to handle it, or then-energy chief William Simon. Neither might have saved it from the flop it proved to be, but the flop did not help Kissinger, who had insisted on sole ownership.

A few months ago, a presidential request for Kissinger's resignation would have been unthinkable. Public reaction might have been equivalent to that following the Saturday Night Massacre.

But today, the public has been hammered into grogginess. It no longer responds.

And even if a Kissinger resignation cost Mr. Nixon a few points in the polls, it would probably not affect 34 votes in the Senate. That is the only presidential constituency which matters right now.

"Kissinger Quits," the headlines would read. Would the departure of a man who favors detente with the Communists, is thought to be "soft" by the Joint Chiefs, is popular with the Eastern foreign policy establishment and was once a professor at Harvard seem outrageous to the Senate's right wing?

© 1974, Los Angeles Times

Bob Schieffer

# Kissinger's Shadow

*From a recent broadcast by Bob Schieffer on CBS Radio's "First Line Report."*

Guess who is in Germany to take a few days off and watch the soccer matches? Why Senior American Official, that is who. You remember him of course, he is the anonymous fellow who often shows up in various parts of the world where Henry Kissinger happens to be visiting. No one knows his name but we do know several things for sure. He apparently has wide contacts throughout the American press establishment because when he calls a news conference all of the important reporters show up, and one thing is absolutely certain, Senior American Official knows a lot about U.S. foreign policy. It comes as no surprise then that Senior American Official is in Germany this week since Kissinger is also there. Kissinger isn't talking while he is in Germany; he's taking a few days rest, but Senior American Official is talking.

In fact Senior had a long conversation yesterday with Murray Marder of The Washington Post. According to Marder's story, Senior American Official gave an assessment of the Moscow summit developments just a few hours after Kissinger and his party flew into Dusseldorf from Moscow. In his Dusseldorf interview, Senior American Official told Marder, "It is no mean accomplishment to hold the course of detente under the conditions that exist in the U.S." What Senior was talking about, of course, was President Nixon and he was also talking about the Watergate scandal, the threat of impeachment and the effect of all that on the negotiations. As Marder wrote it, this threat was inextricably implied in the negotiating strategy on both sides although both would deny it.

No American President has ever engaged in high stakes international diplomacy under such a cloud.

It was quite an interview and just another indication of how far he has come since he joined the administration—Senior American Official we mean. In the early days Senior American Official's main responsibility was to brief newsmen on presidential foreign policy speeches. Henry Kissinger handled that later on, but in the early days White House image makers were ashamed of Kissinger's German accent. They thought it would remind everyone of Dr. Strangelove. So the job of briefing the press on foreign policy fell to Senior American Official. In those days he usually went by the name Senior White House Official. It was not until Kissinger came out of the closet that Senior added the word American to his title. As Kissinger began to travel it was only natural that Senior American Official would go along, since he had acquired so many friends in the press during his White House briefing job. Since then his life has been a veritable whirl wind—Vietnam, Paris, Beijing, Moscow, the Mideast, Moscow again and now Dusseldorf.

Lately "Pentagon source" has been furious because Kissinger and Senior Official have joined "not for attribution" in inferring that the military's lack of restraint had something to do with the failure to get an arms agreement in Moscow. In view of all this tension we do not blame Senior American Official for taking a few days rest in Germany. All of these fellows could use a vacation. Hopefully they will be able to find a nice quiet spot where no one will recognize them and where they can get some real relaxation.

This Cabinet
Spinola be-
onal president af-
til military uprising
dictatorship that
Portugal for nearly
cury.
has retained Social-
Soares as foreign
Alvaro Cunhal, sec-
eral of the Commu-
n, is to remain as
without portfolio.
Officers will probably
key posts as informa-
t, interior, defense
welfare, the govern-
ial said.

Sa Carneiro, who been Palma Carlos' deputy premier, as well as with other political and military leaders.

Palma Carlos' Cabinet collapsed amid dissent over his bid to modify the movement's program and electoral timetable. He resigned when he failed to win approval for advancing the presidential election, currently scheduled for next year, to next October, and for delaying the National Assembly election to 1976.

In an attempt to stave off

dress to a marine detachment warned that "The fatherland continues sick, the fatherland continues in danger," but stressed that Portugal "must accept evolution and our integration into the modern world. We must accept the conditions of the moment live in."

The speech was clearly tended to allay fear over the first major political crisis since he came to power April 25 in an atmosphere euphoric triumph at the fall of the dictatorship.

Ethiopian Military Warns
Fugitives of Confiscation

David B. Ottaway

Washington Post Staff Writer

ABABA, July 12—
Ethiopian military were
confiscate the property
prominent noblemen
following their refusal
der. It was believed
first time in Ethio-
try that such an ac-
been taken against
bers of Ethiopia's rul-
cacy.

noblemen were
the last holdouts
military list of about
government offi-
try officials and po-
t security chiefs
charges of corrup-
se of authority and
istration.

11 prominent Ethi-
opians who surround-
ay was Ras (Duke)
ileshi, one of the Na-
tional powerful and rich-
ords from the cen-
vice of Shoa, where
is located

by the military for-

more than a week, Mesfin had refused until tonight to give himself up the military and as having admitted to "conspiring against the Ethiopian people, and their property will be confiscated."

was reported either to have
fled the capital for to have
taken refuge in Emperor Haile
Selassie's palace.

But the Armed Forces Com-
mittee, the coordinating body
of young reformist officers be-
hind the present roundup of
officials, said it would con-
sider anyone who did not sur-
render by 6 o'clock tonight

Mesfin apparently decided
to surrender at the last mo-
ment rather than risk losing
his enormous holdings in Shoa
and Kaffa provinces, where he
has served previously as gov-
ernor general.

The two prominent noblemen who had refused to hand themselves over to the military were two brothers, Tsehai and Tadesse Enqu Selassie, both former provincial governors

Since the current politi-
crisis began here two wee-
ago, the military has tak-
into custody 57 present a-
past key government officia-
officers, security chiefs a
provincial governors. The
are still about four persons
the wanted list who have
fused to surrender.

Including the 25 ministre-
and officials of the previo-
government, which fell in t
political turmoil of last Feb-
ary, 82 Ethiopians are now l
ing held for corruption
abuse of authority. A 15-me-
ber commission of inquiry h
been established to investiga
the charge them and to bri
them to trial.

Reports late tonight sa-
that the military in the nor-
ern town of Asmara, the re-
tion's second largest had a
begun rounding up officials
the same manner as is hap-
ing here. But there was no i
mediate confirmation of the
reports

THE WASHINGTON POST, THURSDAY, JULY 11,

By Geoffrey Moss

Joseph Kraft

Time Out for Henry Kissinger?

We have been witnessing, recently, a kind of Kissinger pathos. The Secretary of State has been systematically picking fights he doesn't need and taking positions he cannot defend.

So it is no favor to tell him that he is doing great except for a couple of pesky, nit-picking reporters. Those concerned for his survival, as a person and an official, understand that what he mainly needs is a time out.

Perhaps the most striking feature of Dr. Kissinger's recent performance lies in the new enemies he has been making. It is not as though he does not already have problems aplenty on his desk.

His chief accomplishments—the settlements in Vietnam and the Mideast—could both come unraveled. It remains to be seen whether he can work effectively with the new leaders in Western Europe.

The Chinese, as witness their recent reception of Sen. Henry Jackson, have doubts about the staying power of the Nixon administration. The Russians, as witness the meager achievements of the President's trip to Moscow, have rejected several American proposals for limiting nuclear weapons.

So, in these circumstances, what does Dr. Kissinger do? Well, he winds up the Moscow summit meetings with a claim that "both sides have to convince their military establishments of the benefit of restraint." Then he issues invitations to a great national debate on the subject of "what in the name of God is strategic superiority?"

Not surprisingly, Secretary of Defense James Schlesinger, who is not the most thick-skinned man in town, takes these comments for charges that the Pentagon gummed up a possible deal with the Russians. So now Dr. Schlesinger is girding for an all-out argument with Dr. Kissinger on American strategy.

But the Secretary of State cannot possibly win that argument. For one thing, the Moscow record makes it clear that the Russians—not the Pentagon—are to blame for the failure to reach agreement.

Moreover, even if he could overcome that handicap, he would emerge badly from the fight. For a showing by Dr. Kissinger that the Pentagon has overplayed its hand will only alienate defense-minded senators. John Stennis (D-Miss.) and other hawks hitherto

partial to the Secretary of State would turn against him. And that, given the President's reliance on the right wing of the Senate for his impeachment defense, could be fatal.

The more so as Dr. Kissinger has already been forced into an awkward defensive position with liberal opinion in the country on two Watergate issues. The Watergate issues involve his knowledge of wiretapping and the "plumbers."

Narcissists in the press corps, and others who are uninitiated, think these issues are being forced by reporters who ask embarrassing and sometimes even insulting questions. In fact, that is not the case. Dr. Kissinger is in trouble thanks to his past and present associations with President Nixon and his most intimate White House aides.

The worst stories about Dr. Kissinger's role in the wiretap operations and the plumbers' case have been put out by former White House officials. It is notable that John Ehrlichman called Dr. Kissinger to testify in his own case about prior knowledge of the plumbers. What Mr. Ehrlichman has done through the courts is only a sample of

what other former White House aides have done in leaks.

No matter how vehement he is, no matter how articulate, Dr. Kissinger cannot confidently defend himself against their charges. For at bottom he doesn't fully know what happened. The true pathos of Dr. Kissinger's situation lies in the identity and character of the only two people who can truly clear him on wiretapping and the plumbers. They are the President and Gen. Alexander Haig, Kissinger's former assistant and now White House chief of staff.

The President was ultimately responsible for the wiretapping and the plumbers. Gen. Haig handled the detailed arrangements for Dr. Kissinger.

The Secretary of State does not have total knowledge of what either man did. But he cannot expect them to clear him. To do that they would themselves have to step into the line of fire.

In these circumstances, Dr. Kissinger should stop forcing the issues. Confrontation can only make matters worse for him. What he needs is a couple of weeks off to regroup his intellectual forces for the difficult times which lie ahead.

© 1974, Field Enterprises, Inc.

["funeral. Services\nM. Tuesday at the\nR. Raton Funeral Home.\n1974. Mother of New\nRochelle.\nMr. and Mrs. Joanne Gor-\nsendt survived by 8\ngrand-", "children. The late\nMr. and Mrs. Joanne\nGorsendt survived by 8\ngrand- call at the Bennett\nCemetery, 2-3 P.M., a\nwill be held at 8 P.M.\na burial held at the\nBurial Ground at the\nHillcrest Cemetery.\nJuly 9, 1974. A remem-", "ber of New Rochelle.\nMr. and Mrs. Joanne Gor-\nsendt survived by 8\ngrand- call at the Bennett\nCemetery, 2-3 P.M., a\nwill be held at 8 P.M.\na burial held at the\nBurial Ground at the\nHillcrest Cemetery.\nJuly 9, 1974. A remem-", "F. Emma, on July 6, 1974.\nEmma. Loving mother\nWilliam Helmrich.\nResnoi-ral Home, 119-44 Hillside\nBlvd., Richmond Hill,\nN.Y.\nJuly 7, 1974. A remem-", "ber of New Rochelle.\nMr. and Mrs. Joanne Gor-\nsendt survived by 8\ngrand- call at the Bennett\nCemetery, 2-3 P.M., a\nwill be held at 8 P.M.\na burial held at the\nBurial Ground at the\nHillcrest Cemetery.\nJuly 9, 1974. A remem-", "ber of New Rochelle.\nMr. and Mrs. Joanne Gor-\nsendt survived by 8\ngrand- call at the Bennett\nCemetery, 2-3 P.M., a\nwill be held at 8 P.M.\na burial held at the\nBurial Ground at the\nHillcrest Cemetery.\nJuly 9, 1974. A remem-", "ber of New Rochelle.\nMr. and Mrs. Joanne Gor-\nsendt survived by 8\ngrand- call at the Bennett\nCemetery, 2-3 P.M., a\nwill be held at 8 P.M.\na burial held at the\nBurial Ground at the\nHillcrest Cemetery.\nJuly 9, 1974. A remem-", "ber of New Rochelle.\nMr. and Mrs. Joanne Gor-\nsendt survived by 8\ngrand- call at the Bennett\nCemetery, 2-3 P.M., a\nwill be held at 8 P.M.\na burial held at the\nBurial Ground at the\nHillcrest Cemetery.\nJuly 9, 1974. A remem-", "ber of New Rochelle.\nMr. and Mrs. Joanne Gor-\nsendt survived by 8\ngrand- call at the Bennett\nCemetery, 2-3 P.M., a\nwill be held at 8 P.M.\na burial held at the\nBurial Ground at the\nHillcrest Cemetery.\nJuly 9, 1974. A remem-", "ber of New Rochelle.\nMr. and Mrs. Joanne Gor-\nsendt survived by 8\ngrand- call at the Bennett\nCemetery, 2-3 P.M., a\nwill be held at 8 P.M.\na burial held at the\nBurial Ground at the\nHillcrest Cemetery.\nJuly 9, 1974. A remem-", "ber of New Rochelle.\nMr. and Mrs. Joanne Gor-\nsendt survived by 8\ngrand- call at the Bennett\nCemetery, 2-3 P.M., a\nwill be held at 8 P.M.\na burial held at the\nBurial Ground at the\nHillcrest Cemetery.\nJuly 9, 1974. A remem-", "ber of New Rochelle.\nMr. and Mrs. Joanne Gor-\nsendt survived by 8\ngrand- call at the Bennett\nCemetery, 2-3 P.M., a\nwill be held at 8 P.M.\na burial held at the\nBurial Ground at the\nHillcrest Cemetery.\nJuly 9, 1974. A remem-", "sponding to the death of one of its former\nPresidents.\nJOSEPH E. POSER, President\nof New York.\nJOSEPH E. POSER, President\nof

Marquis Childs

# The Kissinger System

We are three-fourths of the way through this grimmest of centuries that marked, after 1940, America's rise to unparalleled power. Whether given our deep domestic divisions we can use this power wisely to keep the peace in a world with the fearful overhang of nuclear annihilation, is still in uncertain balance.

In 1900 those two dour brothers, Brooks and Henry Adams, the last intellectual lights of the great New England family, examined Brooks' prophecy of America's coming economic supremacy. They took a dim view of our capacity to hold the line against war and anarchy as the British had held it for the preceding century.

To this observer, a test of our maturity turns on the fate of Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger and the future of the Department of State over which he is attempting to preside. The question is not merely whether he is to be brought down by those chivying him over the wiretaps.

Under the star system for which the press and Kissinger himself are responsible, it is made to appear that the Secretary of State is the end all and be all of American foreign policy. If he resigns in the fall, and those close to him believe the chances of this are 50-50, then the glue factory, as the Department is known by its more contemptuous critics, falls into a great big hole in Foggy Bottom.

For several reasons this is deeply disturbing. First, it is simply not true.

By Bill Perkins—The Washington Post

In the nine months he has been Secretary, Kissinger, despite his long absences from Washington, has moved in several respects to make the Department a more effective agent to implement foreign policy.

He has put able career officers into important posts. For example Joseph Sisco, with a broad background in the Mideast was persuaded to refuse an attractive outside offer and stay on to be Under Secretary for Political Affairs. Others in assistant secretary posts are carrying on the work of the Department.

Whether Kissinger is in the Mideast, in Russia or whereever, they work at the liaison task with Congress —16 separate appearances during the Secretary's latest absence—so important to the continuity of policy. That is another reason to correct the impression that Kissinger's departure would leave a void for the remaining two years of the administration; foreign governments would feel that they had no place to turn in their relationship with the United States.

Unlike his immediate predecessors, Kissinger keeps in close touch with the most important elements of policy while he is away. A large volume of traffic passes both ways through the efficient communications system. Increasingly Kissinger leaves decisions to associates.

One problem is the duality of his role as Secretary and adviser in the White House on national security affairs. The NSC staff he heads has been reduced in size with several members brought into the State Department. At a meeting in the White House just before the latest SALT talks, Acting Sec-

retary of State Sisco sat next to the President while Kissinger in his NSC role sat across the table.

Ever since the United States moved into the big power orbit; the State Department has been a scapegoat; with foes and even friends blaming the messenger for the bad news. Before 1940 it was a tight little operation dominated by a few senior foreign service officers. Except for the five years under Dean Acheson, morale in the sprawling colossus has been low.

Returning to Washington with presumably six to eight weeks at his desk in the Department, Kissinger will spend a certain number of days before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in the investigation he requested into his previous testimony on the wiretaps. He will also be interrogated about his association with David Young and the plumbers unit in the White House. In the opinion of this observer, an objective inquiry will absolve him of the insinuation of perjury and similar charges hurled at him at his press conference when he returned from the Mideast.

Kissinger, the immigrant, has served his country well. The uses of power in a divided and chaotic world are often abhorrent to idealistic Americans. The blame has been heaped on Kissinger an an agent of that power. The American dilemma is whether any agent can serve confronted by a nation divided over the legitimacy of the power role.

WASHINGTON POST July 9, 1974

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Pope Paul VI greeting Secretary of State Kissinger and Henry Cabot Lodge yesterday

## Pope and Kissinger Discuss the Mideast

Special to The New York Times

ROME, July 6—Secretary of State Kissinger briefed Pope Paul VI on the recent American-Soviet summit talks in Moscow and discussed Middle East problems with the Pope during a 70-minute audience in the Vatican today.

The future status of Jerusalem and proposals for creation of a Palestinian state were major topics, Vatican sources indicated.

Pope Paul reportedly urged international guarantees for the rights of Christians and Moslem in Jerusalem which Israel holds. But he apparently did not press the old Vatican demand

for formal internationalization of the city as a territorial entity separate from Israel, Jordan and a proposed Palestinian state.

A Vatican spokesman, Federico Alessandrini, said merely that the Pope in his talk with Mr. Kissinger had "stated some views of the Holy See, and encouraged the United States Government to persist in its commitment for peace despite its numerous and grave difficulties."

The spokesman said that Pope Paul had expressed "his particular appreciation of the United States initiatives and of the efforts that Mr. Kissinger personally is expending for the sake of peace."

Mr. Alessandrini characterized the conversation between Pope Paul and the Secretary of State as "open and cordial." He said that Mr. Kissinger had "amply reported to the Holy Father on the major problems concerning world peace, with special reference to the talks that have taken place between the United States President and the Soviet leaders during the last few days."

An American official said later that, regarding the Middle East and the future status of

Continued on Page 13, Column I

A 22

MONDAY, JULY 18, 1974

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

7/8/74

Summits and Human Rights

UNLESS MR. NIXON and Mr. Brezhnev address "the problems of humanity and the basic rights of man," Soviet dissident Andrei Sakharov said in a letter to the two leaders on the eve of the summit, their meeting will be "condemned to failure." But, one gathers, aside from some practical talk about emigration as it relates to trade, there is no evidence—certainly not in the communique—that this appeal was heeded. Mr. Sakharov himself spent the summit week conducting a hunger strike to dramatize the plight of Soviet political prisoners.

Three summits have only sharpened, not resolved, the broad issue he raised. It proceeds from the outrage which all decent people must feel at the continuing Soviet record on human rights. Earlier, Western liberals had hoped that contact with the West and the onset of detente would liberalize or "mellow" Soviet society, but Kremlin authorities responded instead by tightening controls. Others felt that the very process of industrialization would make Soviet ways and values "converge" with Western ones, but this prospect has been blocked by Russian tradition and Kremlin ideology alike. Soviet propagandists and well-meaning Americans cultivate the view that underneath, as people, we're all the same. In fact, underneath we're different in fundamental values: we have one view of the relationship between the individual and the state and the Russians have another. This is nothing to get excited or defiant about, but it cannot be ignored.

Two political strategies have arisen for relating this fact to detente. By the first, these differences in values are accepted, and diplomacy moves on to make the best government-to-government agreements possible, with the hope that a kind of political suction will carry some human rights causes along. This is the administration's strategy. Mr. Nixon and Dr. Kissinger have been extremely sensitive to Soviet threats to break off other diplomatic avenues if the United States expressed more than perfunctory concern for Soviet intellectuals, dissenters, Jews, constituent nationalities, and so on.

Sen. Henry Jackson's (D-Wash.) contrary strategy holds that internal Soviet liberalization is not just a welcome byproduct but an essential precondition of any real and enduring detente. Until the Kremlin is tamed by the political need to consider the wishes of the Soviet people, he feels, it will be free to act in arbitrary and hostile ways in foreign affairs. Mr. Jackson believes that the Soviet government, desperate for trade, is more vulnerable to American pressure on human rights than the administration has perceived.

The terms of this debate do not allow any single categorical resolution. But enough experience has been gathered under detente to support certain judgments.

First, a detente policy will not win the strong popular

support it needs to be effective in other areas if it does not evince a serious concern for Soviet human rights. Not only do Soviet writers, dissenters, Jews, Ukrainians, and others have their American constituencies, but as a people Americans have shown that they demand that American values be reflected in American foreign policy. This is all the more so now that it is becoming generally clear that detente in its other aspects, such as arms control, is sticky and slow.

Second, different Soviet human rights issues cut different ways. The Kremlin's principâl thrust is to maintain its control at home. Thus it is particularly open to pressures whose aim or result is to get certain people—Jews, writers—out of the country. But pressures meant to soften the situation within Soviet society touch domestic politics directly more and encounter tougher going. This produces an unhappy paradox: foreign pressures, if they succeed, may leave the Soviet Union a more illiberal place because they draw out of the country many individuals who might be pushing to liberalize it if they remained.

Third, it is not possible, or necessary, to avoid argument over how to press Moscow on human rights. That Mr. Jackson knew better than Dr. Kissinger over the last three years that the Kremlin would "give" on emigration to get trade, does not prove there is no effective limit on how hard the West can push. Indeed, the emigration-trade link may dissolve if Congress decides that, on economic grounds alone, trade with the Soviet Union should not keep receiving Ex-Im Bank subsidies. Pressures might then switch to political issues, such as relations in Europe. If the Russians want a full-dress European summit, for instance, why should they not first accept Western proposals on the exchange of information and people? Pressures should not be applied, however, unless the United States is prepared to have its bluff called. Each case must be thought out. Stalemates and reverses can't be excluded. They will produce, in the West, feelings of anger and guilt.

Finally, there is no justification to walk on tiptoe and to avoid speaking plainly and unprovocatively on appropriate occasions about human rights out of fear that Russian sensitivities and politics will be upset. The Russians are tougher than that. There is no need to be abusive but no need to paint pictures either. Russians routinely spout false and vicious stuff about Americans. The least Americans can do is offer the truth. Soviet officials often contend that they do not demand internal American changes as the condition of political agreements. But that is not out of delicacy; it is out of an absolute indifference to human rights on the part of the Soviet political establishment. Nothing illustrates more sharply and sadly this basic obstacle to an authentic Soviet-American detente.

NEW YORK TIMES - 6 JULY 1974(8)

# Key Questions and Answers
On U.S.-Soviet Test Treaty

By LESLIE H. GELB

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, July 5—The United States and the Soviet Union signed a treaty this week to limit underground nuclear weapons tests. Following are some questions and answers about the agreement.

**Q. Wasn't there always a nuclear test ban treaty?**

A. Yes, the United States and the Soviet Union ratified a partial test ban treaty in 1963. This treaty banned nuclear tests in outer space, in the atmosphere, undersea, and in places where radioactive fallout would cross territorial boundaries. But it did not include underground testing.

**Q. What other key nations ratified the 1963 treaty?**

A. This treaty has been ratified by more than 100 nations, including Japan, Britain, India, Israel, Egypt, East and West Germany and North and South Korea.

**Q. What key nations have not signed the 1963 treaty?**

A. The list includes China, France, Argentina, and Pakistan. But only China and France have actually conducted weapons tests.

**Q. Did the 1963 treaty effectively reduce testing?**

A. It has worked completely and without difficulty in eliminating tests in banned environments, but has led to an acceleration of testing underground. Since 1963, the United States has conducted over 250 underground tests, compared with about 100 in the Soviet Union.

**Q. Why did both sides continue such extensive testing programs?**

A. The purposes were to develop new nuclear warheads, to sample the existing nuclear stockpile to insure all was in good working order and to study radiation and blast effects.

**Q. What then was the value of the 1963 treaty?**

A. Besides banning successfully testing that could lead to radioactive fallout, the signing of the treaty in 1963 was generally seen as a generator of positive diplomatic momentum between Washington and Moscow. Specifically, it demonstrated that the two parties could agree on nuclear arms control issues and do so without the necessity for on-site inspections—something Soviet leaders have with one exception resisted.

The treaty also gave impetus to the subsequent signing of the nonproliferation treaty of 1968 to prevent the spread of nuclear weapons. More than 80 nations have signed this treaty.

**Q. Under the new treaty, will the United States and the Soviet Union still be able to test nuclear weapons?**

A. Yes, but when the treaty goes into effect in two months, neither will be able to explode nuclear devices in excess of 150 kilotones, which is the equivalent of 150,000 tons of TNT. By comparison the bomb that destroyed Hiroshima had a force of 15 kilotons.

Moreover, Defense Secretary James R. Schlesinger has said that before the treaty comes into force, both sides will be able to complete all their current testing programs.

Critics of the treaty say that a lot of testing can take place in the next 21 months and that neither side seemed to have any plans to test weapons in excess or 150 kilotons beyond that date. Almost all Soviet and American tests in the last two years have been below this threshold. Moreover, miniature explosions can by extrapolation be used to study higher yield explosions.

The administration maintains that test programs to "optimize" both warhead accuracy and yield will be slowed down, and that the new limit will affect the placing of high-yield warheads on new, large Soviet missiles.

**Q. How will the treaty be inspected and verified?**

A. This will be done by satellite photography and seismic readings of earth tremors. Because it is difficult in certain cases to distinguish between an earthquake and a low-yield explosion, the two parties pledged to designate test areas in advance, to exchange geological data to allow better measurement of weapons yield and to fire two "calibrating shots" so that standards of measurement can be set.

**Q. Why didn't both sides agree to a complete test ban treaty?**

A. Mostly because of bureaucratic opposition and some technical arguments. Weapons testing laboratories, the Atomic Energy Commission and the Pentagon opposed virtually any new limits on testing.

Also, while the Soviet Union favored a complete ban, Secretary of State Kissinger resisted on the grounds that it would set the superpowers in opposition to China, which refuses to accept any limitation on testing.

**Q. How does the treaty affect peaceful nuclear explosions?**

A. Not at all. But Mr. Kissinger has said that both sides will pursue this matter and have agreed in principle to give prior notification of peaceful tests, warning of time and place of testing, and allowing for the presence of on-site observers.

**Q. What is the significance of the treaty?**

A. It depends who is asked, Almost all outside experts and some in the Administration say it is meaningless or worse. The treaty, they say, will not prevent either side from doing

what it wanted to do anyway. Further, they believe that the limited ban will undercut pressures for a complete ban.

Administration spokesmen say the treaty has important procedural and political benefits. Procedurally, the Soviet Union made new concessions to promote confidence in the verification of test levels. Politically, the treaty marks another commitment to arms control. Finally, both sides have once again pledged themselves to a complete test ban.

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR - 8 JULY 1974

# To keep ruling Mideast sky, Israel wants latest U.S. jets

By Jason Morris

Special to

The Christian Science Monitor

Tel Aviv, Israel

Israel wants American F-14 or F-15 jet fighters as well as the still-experimental YF-16 or YF-17 to preserve its aerial superiority in the Middle East.

The commander of this country's Air Force, Maj. Gen. Binyamin Peled, told a news conference here Sunday the new aircraft were needed to cope with Soviet MIG-23 or "Flogger" jets in the possession of neighboring Syria.

He said that if the U.S. wanted to supply the F-14's they could be here "tomorrow." If, however, the request were to go through normal procedures, it could require a few months.

These and other disclosures by the plain-speaking, tight-lipped general coincided with the first-ever public demonstration of U.S.-made "Charparral" ground-to-air missiles at an air base somewhere in Israel.

On the occasion of Israel's annual Air Force Day the public was also allowed to watch the six-barrel "Vulcan" anti-aircraft gun in action. This weapon, made in the U.S. by General Electric Company, is suited for use against low-flying aircraft, military sources said.

General Peled described the Flogger as the Soviet Union's "latest operational hardware." It was given the code name Flogger by NATO aircraft specialists.

He said he could confirm that the swing-wing tactical strike and reconnaissance fighter has been delivered to Syria, but stressed that he had "no positive evidence" that Egypt has floggers.

"It was sent to the Middle East even before the Soviet satellites got it," he went on, noting that insofar as it is deployed in Europe the pilots are Soviets only.

"The only way to counter better-performing aircraft," he said, "is to acquire an even-better-performing aircraft.

"We think that the new family of air-superiority fighters that have appeared in the U.S., or are about to appear, are the aircraft we need to counter this threat.

"That does not go as far as saying

that the present capability of this Air Force is insufficient to cater to these aircraft. But we think we must have a much better capability in order to keep the gap [lead] of the combination of aircraft-pilots as high as we like."

General Peled said Israel needs planes with a higher thrust-to-weight ratio and better low-speed aerodynamics, which give much better performance and maneuverability from the ground to about 60,000 feet.

The four U.S.-made models mentioned were termed the only planes in the Western world that have these characteristics.

Asked about the impact of Soviet-made ground-to-air missile systems on Israel's aerial operations, General Peled said they have reduced pilots' ability to "loiter" over target zones to acquire "eyeball intelligence" of what is going on below.

However, he maintained that in actual warfare when ground targets were determined in advance, no number of ground-to-air missiles deterred aerial attacks.

He said the "total attrition" from Soviet ground-to-air missiles in last October's Arab-Israeli war was "half or less" that experience in the "beautiful six-day war" of June, 1967.

General Peled, who is one of the two commanders of military arms who retain their positions after the recent post-war armed forces shakeup, recalled that Egyptian ground-to-air missiles were effective only until Oct. 18 (hostilities began Oct. 6 and ended Oct. 24).

From Oct. 18 until the cease-fire, he went on, "the major portion of the Egyptian Army was devoid of ground-to-air defenses".

Asked about the feasibility of installing ground-to-air missiles in Lebanon to ward off Israeli air strikes, General Peled said these would hvae to be of the "same density" as in Egypt and Syria.

"Even that, when you're not pressed for time, is not a problem that cannot be overcome," he added.

He accused Syria of having treated captured Israeli pilots the way the ancient Romans and the Inquisition did their prisoners.

On the other hand, General Peled said, Syrians returned from Israeli captivity who charged torture were either "lying or were made to lie."

8-F

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<table><tr><td>ACTION</td></tr><tr><td>45</td></tr><tr><td>15</td></tr><tr><td>AMB</td></tr><tr><td>DCM</td></tr><tr><td>POL</td></tr><tr><td>POLMIL</td></tr><tr><td>ECON</td></tr><tr><td>CON</td></tr><tr><td>ADM</td></tr><tr><td>PER</td></tr><tr><td>B&amp;F</td></tr><tr><td>SY</td></tr><tr><td>CRO</td></tr><tr><td>COM</td></tr><tr><td>BAX</td></tr><tr><td>GSO</td></tr><tr><td>TR</td></tr><tr><td>RCO</td></tr><tr><td>USIS</td></tr><tr><td>OCA</td></tr><tr><td>LEGAT</td></tr><tr><td>DAO</td></tr><tr><td>MAAG</td></tr><tr><td>MLO</td></tr><tr><td>RDLB</td></tr><tr><td>RAFLO</td></tr><tr><td>MBT</td></tr><tr><td>AFPLD</td></tr><tr><td>EUPLD</td></tr><tr><td>POLAD</td></tr><tr><td>CRU</td></tr><tr><td>1</td></tr></table>

TOSEC 376

E.O. 11652: N/A

TAGS: OVIP (KISSINGER)
SUBJECT: REPORTING OF THE TRAVELING PRESS, SATURDAY, JULY 6

TO ANDERSON FROM KING

SUMMARY: VERY THIN FILE THIS DATE AS TRAVELERS SHIFT FROM SALT ANALYSES TO ALLIANCE CONSULTATIONS, WORLD CUP AND VISIT WITH PAUL VI. END SUMMARY.

1. ;NYT--LEWIS INSIDE (P3) WITH REPORT OF WHAT SHE CALLS HAK'S FENCE-MENDING IN W. EUROPE. DATELINED ROME, SHE QTS MORO AS SAYING OF SECRETARY'S CONSULTATIONS IN BOTH PARIS AND ROME: "THIS IS THE WAY WE THINK THE ALLIANCE SHOULD WORK...JUST THE KIND OF CONSULTATIONS WE CONSIDER NECESSARY" IN NATO. QTS SENIOR US OFFICIAL ON HAK PLANE AS SAYING FRANCE NOW WANTS US-FRENCH RELATIONQTON "OTEN KEEL" (IN QTS) AND US IS EXPECTED TO GO ALONG. QTING OTHER SOURCES, REPORTS HAK AND SAUVAGNARGUES DREW UP LISTS OF MISTAKES BOTH GOVTS HAD MADE OVER PAST MEAR TO INSURE THAT THEY ARE NOT REPEATED. QTS AK AT ROME LUAFHEON AS FOLLOWING ITALIAN EVENTS WITH "SYMPATHY AND AFFECTION,, ADDING THAT US WOULD DO ALL POSSIBLE TO ASSURE ITALLY. STABILITY AND PROGRESS IF GOI FINDS ITSELF IN DIFFICULTY.

ADDS, HOWEVER, THERE WAS NO PRIVATE DISCUSSION OF A US LOAN ACC GOI SPOKESMAN.

2. WASHPOST HAS SPARE 7 PGS INSIDE (PG2) RECAPING SEC'S ACTIVITIES. UNSIGNED STORY ATTRIBUTES THIS DIRECT QTE TO US OFFICIAL ABOARD HAK AIRCRAFT RE US-FRENCH RELATIONS: "I THINK THE FRENCH ARE TRYING TO GET BACK ON AN EVEN KEEL IN THEIR RELATIONS WITH US AND WE'RE PREPARED TO DO THAT." ALSO CARRIES DIRECT QTE ATTRIBUTED TO SAME OFFICIAL RE SPECULATION THAT US AND SOVS DISCUSSED POSSIBILITY OF CESC SUMMIT LATER THIS YEAR: "WE ARE NOT PUSHING FOR A SUMMIT BUT WE ARE ALSO NOT OPPOSED."

3. WRITINGS OF OTHER TRAVELERS NOT AVAILABLE TO US WITH THE EXCEPTION OF WIRES AND NETS.

4. WIRES: AP'S NIGHT LEAD HAS POPE PRAISING HAK FOR HIS PERSONAL EFFORTS "IN THE SERVICE OF PEACE." HEAVY ON ATMOSPHERE VICE SPECIFICS, SAYS SEC AND PAUL VI

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HAD WARM, EVEN AFFECTIONATE TALK ON SUMMIT RESULTS, ME
AND OTHER INTERNATIONAL ISSUES. UPI LEADS WITH assertion
HAK SECURED PAULS'S SUPPORT FOR PRESIDENT'S SUMMIT TALKS
(SIC). SENIOR OFFICIALS ON HAK'S PLANE FLYING TO FRG,
ACC UPI SAID VATICAN DISCUSSIONS CENTERED ON JERUSALEM,
AND ALLUDES TO MEMO ON SUBJECT HANDED TO HAK. ONLY
OTHER NOTEWORTHY COMMENT WAS JUDGEMENT FROM US OFFICIALS
THAT EXPECTED SHARP TURN TO LEFT IN ITALIAN POLITICS
LESS IMMINENT THAN EXPECTED.

5. ALL NET NEWSCASTING BRIEFLY MENTIONS SEC'S ACTIVITIES
AND ADDS LATEST FILLIP: HAK NEVER KNEW OF PRESIDENT'S
PHLEBITIS CONDITION, EVEN THOUGH HE CASIONALLY
NOTICED HIS LEG PROPPED UP.

SISCO

BT
#6149

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TOR: JULY 7, 1974
2114

TOSEC 388, ZFF4 MUNICH ONLY

E.O. 11652:

TAGS: OVIP (KISSINGER, HENRY A.)
SUBJECT: REPORT OF TRAVELING PRESS, SUNDAY, JULY 7

TO ANDERSON FROM KING

MADRID FOR MCCLOSKEY

SUMMARY: TRAVELERS UNIFORMLY REPORT CONVERSATION WITH HIGH OFFICIAL WHICH DETAILS MOSCOW NUCLEAR TALKS; ALL REPORTS FOCUS ON HAK CONVICTION THERE MUST NOW BE NATIONAL DEBATE ON NUCLEAR STRATEGY, MEANING OF NUCLEAR SECURITY AND DETENTE. END SUMMARY.

1. NYT LEADS PAPER WITH LEWIS ACCOUNT OF CONVERSATIONS WITH HIGH OFFICIAL ACCOMPANYING ON ROME-MUNICH FLIGHT. TOGETHEG WITH UNSIGNED SIDEBAR DESCRIBING HAK'S MEETING WITH PAUL, PLUS THREE-COLUMN PIX OF TWO LEADERS, HAK DOMINATES P1. LEWIS' REPORT SAYS HAK PREPARING FOR MAJOR DEBATE BACK HOME ON MEANING OF NUCLEAR SECURITY AND VALUE RISKS OF CLOSER TIES WITH SOVS. OFFICIAL SAYS HAK BELIEVES DEBATE WILL BE AS IMPORTANT TO FUTURE GENERATIONS AS THAT OF 1950S WHETHER NUCLEAR ARMS RACE HAD TO BE DEALT WITH. LIKE THE DEBATE OF THE 50S, THERE IS A RISK THAT MISCON-CEPTIONS COULD DISTORT, EVEN RUIN PRESENT US DIPLOMATIC GOALS, AND IF THIS HAPPENS, IT WOULD TAKE ANOTHER 10-15 YEARS TO RESTART PROCESS OF SUPERPOWER ACCOMMODATION.

LEWIS THEN NARRATES OFFICIAL'S ACCOUNT OF MOSCOW NEGOTIATIONS. SAYS US MISSILE PROPOSAL REJECTED BY SOVS WOULD HAVE, IF ACCEPTED, TOUCHED OFF DISPUTE AMONG US LEADERS ABOUT SAFETY OF SUCH AGREEMENT. SAYS THE PROPOSAL WAS A MAXIMUM OFFER, THAT ANYTHING MORE WOULD BE UNACCEPTABLE TO US AUTHORITIES, WHICH SHE JUDGES TO BE ALLUSION TO HAK'S DISPUTE WITH JACKSON AND HIS STRAIN RELATIONS WITH SCHLESINGER, MILITARY CHIEFS. WHOLE COMPLEX OF QUESTIONS TO BE EXAMINED IN COMING DEBATE CENTER ON ARGUMENTS ABOUT WHICH SIDE HAS ADVANTAGE OR WHETHER A BALANCE OBTAINS, ACC LEWIS. SHE ADDS HAK'S FEELING SOV LEADERSHIP UNDER SAME IF NOT MORE ACUTE PRESSURES FROM ITS MILITARY ESTABLISHMENT, AND HAS IDEA BREZHNEV, EVEN WITH SUCH PRESSURES, WANTS TO MAINTAIN DETENTE; TO UNDERPIN THIS FEELING, OFFICIAL RECOUNTS TWO QUICKIE POLITBURO MEETS ON NUCLEAR QUESTIONS AS THEY AROSE DURING SUMMIT. NO DIRECT QTES.

Unclassified

<table><tr><td>ACTION</td><td>SS-10</td></tr><tr><td>AMB</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>DCM</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>POL</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>POLMIL</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>ECON</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>CON</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>ADM</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>PER</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>B&F</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>SY</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>CRO</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>COM</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>BAX</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>GSO</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>TR</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>RCO</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>USIS</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>OCA</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>LEGAT</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>DAO</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>MAAG</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>MLO</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>RDLB</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>RAFLO</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>MBT</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>AFPLD</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>EUPLD</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>POLAD</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>CRU</td><td>1</td></tr></table>

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2. WASHPOST HAS MARDER INSIDE COVERING SAME GROUND BUT IN LESS DETAIL. HE SAYS HAK WANTS NATIONAL DEBATE BECAUSE OF CONCERN FUTURE US-SOVIET SALT TALKS GETTING BOGGED DOWN IN "NUMBERS GAME" AND THAT BOTH PARTIES MUST DEVELOP CONSENSUS AMONG POLITICAL-MILITARY LEADERS ON POLITICAL PURPOSES BEHIND USE OF NUCLEAR WEAPONRY; OBJECT LOOK BEYOND MINDLESS DEBATE OVER NUMBERS. THEME OF HAK'S CONCERN, AS MARDER TELLS IT, IS THAT PROBLEM NOT SIMPLE ONE OF VIEWS OF MILITARY ESTABLISHMENTS ON EITHER SIDE BUT RATHER ONE OF BROADER NATIONAL ATTITUDES. HAK IS AMAZED BY VIEW OF US HAWKS THAT ARMS RACE WILL GO ON UNCHECKED AND EQUALLY SURPRISED AT LIBERAL VIEW THAT WATERGATE HAS RUINED ADMINISTRATION'S ABILITY TO CONDUCT FOREIGN POLICY. SAYS HAK CONTENDS NIXON/BREZHNEV HAD PROFOUND DISCUSSION ON NUCLEAR ISSUES, WHICH IS FIRST TIME SINCE THE '72 SUMMIT WHERE THE TWO POWERS WERE DOING SOMETHING BESIDES HAGGLING OVER NUMBERS AND GENEGALITIES. THE TWO MEN, ACC HIGH OFFICIAL, TOOK THE INITIATIVE, AT POINT OF STALEMATE, TO FRAME MIDTERM AGREEMENT THAT COULD EXTEND TO 1985. AS PART OF THIS EFFORT SET NEW PATTERN OF RELATIONSHIP, HAK MET WITH USTINOV. REHASHES HAK CONCERN WITH NUMBERS APPROACH, SOVIET CONCERN ABOUT THEIR BASIC NUC-INFIERIORITY.

3. NYDN HAS CARTER ON P2 WRITING HAK OPTIMISTIC BN 10-YEAR A-PACT. HE REVEALS THAT US PROPOSAL REJECTED BY BREZHNEV WOULD, IF ACCEPTED, "HAVE GUARANTEED A BRAWL IN THE UNITED STATES," ACC HIGH AMICAN OFFICIAL. THIS SOURCE SAYS THAT WHILE HAK DOESN'T FEEL A PERMANENT TREATY ON OFFENSIVE MISSILES IN THE CARDS IN IMMEDIATE FUTURE, HE BELIEVES CHANCES "FAIRLY GOOD" FOR A 10-YEAR

AGREEMENT WITHIN NEXT 18 MONTHS. BOTH QTES DIRECT. RECOUNTS HAK'S WORRIES ABOUT DOMESTIC REACTION TO THE SUMMIT, SPECIFICALLY HAWK FEELING ARMS RACE GUARANTEED BECAUSE OF FAILURE ON OFFENSIVE MISSILE AGREEMENT AND COUNTERING LIBERAL JUDGMENT WATERGATE HAS RUINED US FOREIGN POLICY. THUS HIS FEELING THERE MUST BE GREAT NATIONAL DEBATE ON ALL CONNECTING QUESTIONS SURROUNDING ARMS ISSUE. CARTER, AFTER RECOUNTING HAK'S RECENT VISITS/TRAVEL PLANS, RECOUNTS THE PARTIAL PLAY-BY-PLAY AS GIVEN BY HIGH OFFICIAL ABOARD HAK'S PLANE. QTES OFFICIAL TO EFFECT WATERGATE HADN'T AFFECTED SUMMIT NEGOTIATIONS "IN ANY WAY THAT ONE COULD NOTICE" (QTE DIRECT) BUT THERE WAS NO WAY OF KNOWING HOW KREMLIN SIZED UP MATTER. OFFICIAL SAYS ABM AGREEMENT PRETTY WELL WORKED OUT BEFORE SUMMIT AND THAT SOVS HELD OUT INITIALLY FOR VERY HIGH-THRESHOLD FOR NUCLEAR TESTING AND THEN PROCEEDS WITH SKETCH OF THE TALKS AS NOTED ABOVE.

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4. BOTH WIRES REPORTING ARRIVALS/DEPARTURES, PUBLIC STATEMENTS AND THE LIKE, RESISTING ANALYSIS PIECES (AT LEAST THEY DON'T APPEAR HERE).

5. AS WITH WIRES, NETWORKS NEWSCASTING ALSO UNEXCEPTION-BLE ALTHOUGH KALB HEARD ON CBS JOSHINGLY WONDERING WHETHER HAK IN MUNICH FOR POLITICAL TALKS OR WORLD CUP. SISCO

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00/10

TOSEC 378

E.O. 11652: N/A

TAGS: OVIP (KISSINGER)

SUBJECT: PRESS MATERIAL (CORRECTED COPY)

FOR S/PRS - ANDERSON FROM KING

REF: STATE 146132

1. HEREWITH MARVIN KALB'S CBS TV 7/5/74

MARVIN KALB REPORTS FROM ROME THAT THROUGHOUT KISSINGER'S
TRIP FROM MOSCOW TO ROME HE STATES IT IS DIFFICULT TO IM-
POSSIBLE TO ANSWER QUESTIONS ON WATERGATE AND DO HIS WORK.

HE WILL ANSWER NO MORE QUESTIONS UNTIL HE RETURNS TO
WASHINGTON AND BEFORE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE.

HE HAS INSTRUCTED SENATOR FULBRIGHT TO RELEASE ALL THE
TRANSCRIPTS OF HIS PAST TESTIMONY SAVE THOSE PARTS OF THE
TESTIMONY THAT WOULD BE INJURIOUS TO OTHER PEOPLE.

KISSINGER ALLEGES THAT HE HAS DOCUMENTATION TO DISPROVE ALL
OF COLSON'S CHARGES AND IS MORE SERIOUS ABOUT RESIGNATION.

1. HEREWITH GRAHAM CBS - TV - 7/5/74

GRAHAM REPORTED ON THE SUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT OF KISSINGER'S
LAWYERS TO HAVE THE SUBPOENA ISSUED TO HIM TO TESTIFY IN THE
PRESENT PLUMBERS CASE SQUASHED.

2. HEREWITH IS MARVIN KALB'S FIRST LINE REPORT FOR THIS
A.M. 7/6/74.

SECRETARY OF STATE, HENRY A. KISSINGER, LEFT THE MOSCOW
SUMMIT LATE WEDNESDAY AFTERNOON BEFORE THE PRESIDENT
LEFT IN FACT AND FLEW OFF TO DUSSELDORF, THE INDUSTRIAL
METROPOLIS ON THE RHINE. FOR AN HOUR AND A HALF HE CON-
FERRED WITH THE NEW WEST GERMAN FOREIGN MINISTER GENSCHER
AND THEN HE WENT TO WATCH A SOCCER GAME...WEST GERMANY HAS
A RELATIVELY NEW GOVERNMENT. HELMET SCIDI, AN EC-
ONOMIST, WANTS TO LOWER GERMANY'S INFLATIO RATE A D
SAVE GERMANY'S POST-WAR PROSPERITY. THE GERMANS ARE UN-
CERTAIN AS TO WHETHER HE CAN SUCCEED...KISSINGER THEN
FLEW ON TO BRUSSELS. ON THURSDAY MORNING HE TALKED TO THE
BELGIUM PRIME MINISTER, A FORMER STUDENT OF HIS WHEN BOTH
WERE AT HARVARD, ONE STUDYING AND THE OTHER TEACHING.

THE SECRETARY THEN BRIEFED THE NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL CON-
SISTENT WITH PRESIDENT NIXON'S COMMENTS TO THAT ORGAN-
IZATION ONLY A WEEK BEFORE, THIS MOSTLY ABOUT THE MOSCOW
SUMMIT. HIS MODEST SUCCESS IN KEEPING THE SPIRIT OF EAST
WEST DETENTE ALIVE.

Unclassified

<table><thead><tr><th colspan="2">ACTION<br>SS-PRS<br>15</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>AMB</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>DCM</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>POL</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>POLMIL</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>ECON</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>CON</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>ADM</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>PER</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>B&amp;F</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>SY</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>CRO</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>COM</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>BAX</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>GSO</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>TR</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>RCO</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>USIS</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>OCA</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>LEGAT</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>DAO</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>MAAG</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>MLO</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>RDLB</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>RAFLO</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>MBT</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>AFPLD</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>EUPLD</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>POLAD</td><td></td></tr><tr><td>CRU</td><td>1</td></tr></tbody></table>

TELEGRAM-Incoming

Amembassy BONN

Unclassified

BELGIUM HAS ITS OWN PROBLEMS, A SPLIT THROUGH THE COUNTRY BETWEEN TWO DIFFERENT PEOPLES SPEAKING DIFFERENT LANGUAGES.

...THURSDAY, LATE IN THE AFTERNOON KISSINGER WAS AGAIN AIRBORNE, THIS TIME TO PARIS WHERE HE HAD DINNER WITH THE NEW FRENCH PRESIDENT (A ROOSEVELT PATRICIAN) ANOTHER OF WESTERN EUROPE'S NEW LEADERS. FRANCE IS ALSO SPLIT DOWN THE MIDDLE BUT NOT BETWEEN TWO PEOPLES BUT RATHER BETWEEN TWO POLITICAL PERSUASIONS. THE LEFTIST LED BY MITTERAND AND THE CONSERVATIVES NOW LED BY THE PRESIDENT. A SWING OF ABOUT 1 OF THE NEW ELECTION COULD TURN FRANCE TOWARD SOCIALISM PERHAPS EVEN COMMUNISM-NO ONE IS SURE.

FRANCE LIKE ALL OTHER WESTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES IS DEPENDENT UPON ARAB OIL AND THEREFORE FRANCE IS VERY INTERESTED IN THE ME POLICY AND HIS EFFORTS TO INSURE A STEADY FLOW OF OIL.

FRIDAY, AFTER BREAKFAST HE FLEW OFF TO ROME FOR A LONG AFTERNOON OF TALKS WITH ITALIAN LEADERS. ITALY TOO HAS A NEW GOVERNMENT BUT IT IS POPULATED BY THE SAME PEOPLES - THE POLICY IS THE SAME ONLY THE PROBLEMS GET WORSE BUT... THERE IS AN INABILITY TO COPE WITH THE PROBLEMS AND THERE IS MORE SOMBER TALK THESE DAYS ABOUT ITALY REVERTING TO FASCISM OR SOME KIND OF MILITARY TAKE-OVER. VETERANS SAY THAT IS ALL VERY ALARMIST TALK BUT IS NO LONGER DISMISSED OUT OF HAND. EUROPE, ALL OF THE WEST IN FACT, SEEMS HOUNDED BY POLITICAL INSTABILITY UNIFIED IN RHETORIC BUT LITTLE ELSE. SISCO

BT

#6152

Unclassified

["ELEGRAM INCOMING", "AMEMBASSY BONN", "TO 061742Z JUL 74 ZFF4\nFM SECSTATE WASHDC\nTO AMCONSUL MUNICH IMMEDIATE 4503\nBT\nUNCLAS STATE 146132", "CONTROL 143", "JULY 6,1974", "TOSEC 371", "FOR S/PRS - ANDERSON FROM KING", "E.O. 11652: N/A\nTAGS: OVIP (KISSINGER)\nSUBJECT: PRESS MATERIAL", "1. HEREWITH MARVIN KALB'S CBS TV 7/5/74", "MARVIN KALB REPORTS FROM ROME THAT THROUGHOUT KISSINGER'S\nTRIP FROM MOSCOW TO ROME HE STATES IT IS DIFFICULT TO\nIMPOSSIBLE TO ANSWER QUESTIONS ON WATERGATE AND DO HIS WORK.\nHE WILL ANSWER NO MORE QUESTIONS UNTIL HE RETURNS TO\nWASHINGTON AND BEFORE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE.\nHE HAS INSTRUCTED SENATOR FULBRIGHT TO RELEASE ALL THE\nTRANSCRIPTS OF HIS PAST TESTIMONY SAVE THOSE PARTS OF THE\nTESTIMONY THAT WOULD BE INJURIOUS TO OTHER PEOPLE. KISSINGER\nALLEGES THAT HE HAS DOCUMENTATION TO DISPROVE ALL OF COLSON'S\nCHARGES AND IS MORE SERIOUS ABOUT RESIGNATION.", "2. HEREWITH GRAHAM CBS - TV - 7/5/74", "GRAHAM REPORTED ON THE UNSUCCESSFUL ATTEMPT OF KISSINGER'S\nLAWYERS TO HAVE THE SUBPOENA ISSUED TO HIM TO TESTIFY IN\nTHE PRESENT PLUMBERS CASE SQUASHED.", "3. HEREWITH IS MARVIN KALB'S FIRST LINE REPORT FOR THIS A.M. 7/6/74.", "SUMMARY:", "SECRETARY OF STATE, HENRY A. KISSINGER, LEFT THE MOSCOW\nSUMMIT LATE WEDNESDAY AFTERNOON BEFORE THE PRESIDENT\nLEFT IN FACT AND FLEW OFF TO DUSSELDORF, THE INDUSTRIAL\nMETROPOLIS ON THE RHINE. FOR AN HOUR AND A HALF HE CON-\nFERRED WITH THE NEW WEST GERMANY FOREIGN MINISTER GENSCHER\nAND THEN HE WENT TO WATCH A SOCCER GAME...WEST GERMANY\nHAS A RELATIVELY NEW GOVERNMENT. HELMET SCHMIDT, AN\nECONOMIST, WANTS TO LOWER GERMANY'S INFLATION RATE AND\nSAVE GERMANY'S POST-WAR PROSPERITY. THE GERMANS ARE UN-\nCERTAIN AS TO WHETHER HE CAN SUCCEED...KISSINGER THEN\nFLEW ON TO BRUSSELS. ON THURSDAY MORNING HE TALKED TO\nTHE BELGIUM PRIME MINISTER, A FORMER STUDENT OF HIS WHEN\nBOTH WERE AT HARVARD-ONE STUDYING THE OTHER TEACHING.\nTHE SECRETARY THEN BRIEFED THE NORTH ATLANTIC COUNCIL CON-\nSISTENT WITH PRESIDENT NIXON'S COMMENTS TO THAT ORGANIZA-\NTION ONLY A WEEK BEFORE, THIS MOSTLY ABOUT THE MOSCOW\nSUMMIT-HIS MODEST SUCCESS IN KEEPING THE SPIRIT OF EAST-\nWEST DETENTE ALIVE."]

TELEGRAM-Incoming

PAGE 2

CONTROL

Amembassy BONN

BELGIUM HAS ITS OWN PROBLEMS, A SPLIT THROUGHT THE COUNTRY BETWEEN TWO PEOPLES SPEAKING DIFFERENT LANGUAGES...

...THURSDAY, LATE IN THE AFTERNOON KISSINGER WAS AGAIN AIRBORNE-THIS TIME TO PARIS WHERE HE HAD DINNER WITH THE NEW FRENCH PRESIDENT (A ROOSEVELT TYPE PATRICIAN) ANOTHER OF WEST EUROPE'S NEW LEADERS. FRANCE IS ALSO SPLIT DOWN THE MIDLE BUT NOT BETWEEN TWO PEOPLES BUT RATHER BETWEEN TWO POLITICAL PERSUASIONS. FRIDAY AFTER BREAKFAST, HE FLEW OFF TO ROME FOR A LONG AFTERNOON OF TALKS WITH ITALIAN LEADERS. ITALY TOO HAS A NEW GOVERNMENT BUT IT IS POPULATED BY THE SAME PEOPLES - THE POLICY IS THE SAME ONLY THE PROBLEMS GET WORS... BUT THERE IS AN INABILITY TO COPE WITH THE PROBLEMS AND THERE IS MORE SOMBER TALK THESE DAYS ABOUT ITALY REVERTING TO FASCISM OR SOME KIND OF MILITARY TAKE-OVER. VETERANS SAY THAT IT IS ALL VERY ALARMIST TALK BUT IT IS NO LONGER DISMISSED OUT OF HAND. EUROPE, ALL OF THE WEST IN FAC, SEEMS HOUNDED BY POLITICAL INSTABILITY UNIFIED IN RHETORIC BUT LITTLE ELSE. SISCO

Grand Forks—
Heart of U.S. A-Power

WASHINGTON POST

8 JULY 1974

By Chuck Haga

Special to The Washington Post

GRAND FORKS, N.D.—If North Dakota ever decided to secede from the union, according to a popular local joke, it would be the third most powerful country in the world.

Steve Anderson remembers several years ago when he and other grade school children here went through “duck and tuck” drills.

It became the fire drill of the nuclear age, he recalls. “We had to duck under our desks, and tuck our heads, and...well, essentially, kiss our a— goodbye.”

School kids are doing fire drills again, but in other quarters of this farm-market city of 40,000 people, there are few signs of the fear and paranoia that came with the early atomic years. The threat of nuclear devastation simply isn't a subject of nuclear conversation any

nev agreed to limit deployment of the costly ABM system to Washington, D.C., Moscow and one other site in each country. Last week's agreement means that Washington won't be protected by the ABM umbrella and that Grand Forks is now the only spot in America that will be.

“I doubt that makes people here feel any safer though,” said Anderson, 24, a radio advertising salesman. “If anything, it’ll make us feel more nervous. We’ve got to be one of the Russians’ top targets.”

He paused, then thought his statement was too strong. “People here have accepted the missiles and gone about their everyday business,” he said. “They’re not uptight about them.”

John McDonald, a clothing store operator, agreed.

“People don’t feel any safer or any less safe because of the missiles being

project is approaching completion, and people are debating downtown redevelopment. The big public issues recently have been how much to pay teachers and other public employees. The overriding private concern has been how to stretch a shrinking dollar.

Grand Forks grew up by the junction of the Red and Red Lake rivers, on North Dakota's eastern border. It began as a marketing and trading center, but rapidly became an important educational, medical and cultural center, too.

Those are still the city's primary roles. Many city workers process or more farm products or provide goods and services in exchange for “crop money.” The 8,000-student University of North Dakota is here, and the community is attracting national attention with a large, new “one-stop health care center.”

W. POST 7/6/74(8),

Bonn to Give Egypt

$200 Million in Aid

BONN, July 5 (AP)—West Germany has promised Egypt $200 million worth of capital aid over the next three years in agreements signed today by Foreign Ministers Ismail Fahmi and Hans Dietrich Genscher.

A joint communique announced a financial cooperation agreement assuring Egypt of $62 million in aid for 1974. The remaining $133 million is to follow in 1975 and 1976.

A second agreement provides $4.5 million for an Egyptian feasibility study of the $1.2 billion Qatara depression project, in which sea water would be used to generate energy.

The agreement also pledges West Germany to guarantee exports of $10 million in equipment and services for the construction and industry

BALTIMORE SUN 6 JULY 1974 (8)

# Kissinger mending U.S. fences abroad

By GILBERT A. LEWTHWAITE

Paris Bureau of The Sun

Paris—Henry A. Kissinger's bus-stop diplomacy in Western Europe is setting the seal on what is projected on both sides of the Atlantic as a new era in U.S.-European relations.

Gone is the bickering of the past year, as the U.S. Secretary of State smiles his way from Brussels to Paris, Rome to Munich and London to Madrid.

The old charges of U.S. domination and superpower domination have given way, at least temporarily, to warmer words of friendship and co-operation.

It seems that the harsh exchanges of yesterday have not only been readily forgiven, but quickly forgotten. How else could Dr. Kissinger announce in Paris that relations with the French, whose previous diplomacy

basically stymied most major American diplomatic initiatives in Europe and led to the trans-Atlantic crisis, have always been "extremely friendly."

## Proof of intent

The basic aim of his post-Moscow briefing trip is to give the Europeans quick proof of the U.S. intent to live up to its part of the new bargain to consult.

The Europeans still have, of course, their established suspicions of secret U.S.-Soviet diplomacy, as was illustrated by the sensitive reaction in Brussels to the Moscow summit communique's reference to the European security conference being "concluded at the highest level."

Dr. Kissinger had to assure the NATO council that the U.S. had not committed itself to the

grandstand summit climax the Russians want for the conference. The Europeans feel that progress at the conference so far does not justify a summit meeting, and want to exploit the issue in an effort to gain more concessions from the Communists.

While the Europeans are not exactly hiding their disappointment at the limited outcome of the summit talks between President Nixon and Leonid I. Brezhnev, the Soviet party chief, they are clearly quite satisfied at Dr. Kissinger's effort to tell it as it happened.

French officials believe that with the arrival of Valery Gissard d'Estaing, the Independent Republican, in the president's Elysee Palace, there is now a real prospect of an improvement in relations with the United States, although this will have to be achieved under the ever-suspicious gaze of the ultra-nationalist Gaullists.

And progress will have to be made against the current of a world economic crisis which is already putting considerable strain on the more solid communal structure of the European Common Market. A lame monetary system, persistent

inflation, mammoth oil deficits, and, a threatening recession, are all as much incentives for self-interest salvation as to international co-operation.

Dr. Kissinger's meetings with NATO ambassadors as a group, with European Economic Community officials, and then with individual national leaders, is obvious evidence of another basic difficulty: the complexity of multilateral and bilateral contacts still necessary to keep everyone on this side of the Atlantic happy.

But it has to be said that since the signing of the new Atlantic Charter, a certain optimism in finding solutions together has replaced the general air of pessimism. This is not to suggest that the problems have diminished.

If the U.S., however, can keep up the image, which the affable Dr. Kissinger is currently fleshing out here, of being a co-operative partner rather than a dominating leader—he used those two magic French passwords "independence" and "equality" in Paris—the solutions just might be that much easier to find.

Department of State
AMEMBASSY ROME

TELEGRAM

NNNNVV FHJ627WKF548
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DE RUDOMKA #8461 1861235
ZNR UUUUU ZZH ZYN
R 051117Z JUL 74
FM FBIS LONDON
TO RUEHC/SECSTATE WASHDC
RUFHRO/AMEMB ROME
RUTLAAA/FBIS WASHDC
FBLD
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UNCLAS RUDO

UNCLASSIFIED

0415

JUN 5 1961 16:19

S/S-S FOR SECRETARY KISSINGER'S PARTY
COPY TO AG
L051117 ONLY ADDL051114--BARBER ARTICLE
LONDON DAILY TELEGRAPH IN ENGLISH 5 JUL 74 XXX THEIR OWN DOLLARS.
((PASSAGE OMITTED))

((EXCERPTS)) THE NAME OF THE GAME IS TO GET THE OIL-RICH ARABS TO PUT THEIR MONEY TO WORK IN THEIR OWN AREA. AT THE SAME TIME, MR NIXON AND DR KISSINGER HAVE BETWEEN THEM CANNILY CONTRIVED TO END--FOR THE PRESENT, AT LEAST--THAT DANGEROUS POLARISATION IN THE MIDDLE EAST WHERE, EVERY TIME WAR FLARED UP, RUSSIA AND AMERICA WERE AUTOMATICALLY BROUGHT INTO CONFRONTATION. THE ARABS, IT IS TRUE, MAY GROW DISENCHANTED WITH THE UNITED STATES IF MR NIXON FAILS TO GET THE ISRAELIS TO SURRENDER THE WEST BANK OF THE JORDAN TO THE PALESTINIANS. BUT THEY HAVE ALREADY LEARNED THE HARD WAY THAT WHEN IT COMES TO THE CRUNCH THE RUSSIANS HAVE ALWAYS SHIED AWAY FROM DELIVERING ON THAT TOO.

MOSCOW HAS BEEN DOUBLY HURT BY MR NIXON'S QUICK MOVE TO CONSOLIDATE THE NEW SITUATION BY MAKING HIS PRESIDENTIAL TOUR--WHICH WAS PROMOTED VERY HEAVILY BY SADAT AGAINST SOME OPPOSITION FROM HIS INTIMATE ADVISERS. THE RUSSIANS NOT ONLY LOST FACE. THEY NOW MAY ALSO LOSE CUSTOMERS FOR THEIR MIGS, T-55S AND SAMS--FOR WHICH THE ARABS PAID THEM THE DOLLARS DERIVED FROM THE WEST'S INSATIABLE HUNGER FOR OIL, WHICH IN TURN ENABLED MOSCOW TO CARRY OUT RAIDS ON THE UNWARY AMERICAN WHEAT MARKET-AND TRIGGERING THE BURST OF INFLATION LAST YEAR THAT HAS YET TO BE BROUGHT UNDER CONTROL.

IT IS, AS MR NIXON IS FOND OF SAYING, AN INTERDEPENDENT WORLD WE LIVE IN. HE HAS BEEN LOOKING FOR WAYS OF MAKING THIS INTERDEPENDENCE WORK FOR OUR SIDE RATHER THAN AGAINST IT. AND TO DENY THE RUSSIANS A PROFITABLE EXPORT MARKET FOR THEIR MILITARY HARDWARE BY (A) FIXING UP CEASEFIRES AND (B) DEVELOPING AND EXPDNING THE ARAB TASTE FOR CONSUMERISM BY SETTING UP FACTORIES FOR "TELLYS," "TRANNYS," "FRIDGES"--AND ALL THE OTHER GOOD THINGS DESPISED BY OUR TRENDY-LEFTIES--IS TO SCORE DOUBLE.

COMICALLY ENOUGH, THERE ARE AMPLE SIGNS IN DRABLY AUSTERE RUSSIA TODAY THAT IVAN WANTS THE SAME DELIGHTFUL TOYS, TOO. AMERICAN SOFT DRINKS, FOR INSTANCE, ARE UNIVERSALLY ADDICTIVE, EVEN IF SOME LIKE TO LIVEN THEM UP WITH VODKA.

NOT FOR NOTHING WAS MR NIXON FORMERLY RETAINED AS A LAWYER BY PEPSI-COLA. ONE MAY WEARY AT TIMES OF HIS CLICHES ABOUT "BUILDING STRUCTURES OF PEACE" AND LEAVING A "LEGACY OF PEACE TO GENERATIONS AS YET UNBORN". HE LACKS THE MAGIC OF STYLE. BUT HE IS EVER THE TENACIOUS HUCKSTER WHO IN THE END MAKES THE SALE BY SHEER DOGGEDNESS. HIS FOES WILL NEVER, OF COURSE, GIVE HIM CREDIT FOR IT. THEY WILL CHIDE HIM FOR SEEKING TO MAKE THE WORLD SAFE FOR CRASS MATERIALISM. ENDALL 5 JUL/LOWCOCK/PC

05/1245Z JUL

BT

UNCLASSIFIED

A Pact Product of Stalemate

By Murrey Marder
Washington Post Staff Writer

PARIS, July 4—Alarm over
ending the Moscow summit in
deadlock on the central nu-
clear issue impelled the
United States and the Soviet
Union to come up with the
goal of a 10-year arms accord,
informed sources now indi-
cate.

President Nixon hailed this
agreement as the most signifi-
cant nuclear accomplishment
at the summit, although, he
said, "the two sides have not
yet reached a final accord on
the terms of the agreement."

In fact, authoritative
sources concede, the two sides
are barely beginning to plumb
the concept. It was only put
forward Monday night in Mos-
cow as an alternative to a to-
tal impasse on limiting offen-
sive strategic weapons.

At the end of two days of in-
tensive talks between Presi-
dent Nixon and Soviet Com-
munist Party leader Leonid
Brezhnev on Saturday and
Sunday at Yalta, the two sides
had ruled out both a short ex-
tension of the five-year offen-
sive weapons accord signed in

1972, or a permanent agree-
ment.

The two leaders were faced
with the grim prospect of ad-
mitting that they were stale-
mated on the core issue of nu-
clear controls. The repercus-
sions of such an admitted
deadlock upon all the high
hopes of East-West detente
could have been profound.
Neither side wanted to accept
those consequences.

What followed is an exam-
ple of the new dynamics of
summitry, in which a public
admission of the loss of mo-
mentum produces its own
compulsion to produce some
results or jeopardize earlier
advances.

From information that can,
now be pieced together, it is
apparent why there were
strong hints from Soviet
sources last Sunday and Mon-
day that the summit suddenly
had taken a turn for the worse
and was in serious trouble.
These cliff-hanging reports
persisted through Monday and
Tuesday in Moscow, with word
from Soviet sources that
Brezhnev was holding unusu-
ally lengthy and somber meet-
ings with his Politburo.

HENRY KISSINGER
... new dynamics

On Monday, while President
Nixon went off to Minsk, Sec-
retary of State Henry Kis-
singer and Soviet Foreign
Minister Andrei Gromyko
were groping for a path out of
the deadlock. They were
aboard Brezhnev's plane as
the Soviet leader headed back
to Moscow.

That night, with President
Nixon on his way back to Mos-

cow from Minsk, the Ameri-
can delegation suggested a
compromise. If a two-to-five-
year extension of the 1972 of-
fensive weapons agreement
was out, and so was an indefi-
nite agreement, why not try for
something in between? This
was the rationale behind what
has emerged as a proposed 10-
year limitation on offensive
nuclear weapons.

The 10, or actually, 11-year
time frame, represents no
firm plan about just what will
be done to put firm controls
on American and Soviet offen-
sive intercontinental ballistic
missiles, U.S. sources con-
ceded.

Instead, the time period was
selected because the United
States and the Soviet Union
now say they cannot envision
clearly what the state of nu-
clear technology might be be-
yond about 10 years, American
sources said. And they still
have to think through on each
side just what might be done
within an initial span of 10
years or so to limit the nu-
clear arms race.

That process will first have
to be debated inside the

See NUCLEAR, A4, Col. 2