New Man at State

For more than four years, Henry A. Kissinger has
carried many of the responsibilities and exercised many
of the functions that usually go with being Secretary of
State. It comes as no surprise that President Nixon
has now decided to give the job in title as well as fact
to his chief foreign affairs adviser, the architect of most
of this Administation's major initiatives abroad.

The departing Secretary, William P. Rogers, has been
a man of intelligence, sound instinct and goodwill in
an Administration in which such qualities are hardly
conspicuous. In other circumstances, he might have left
his mark as Secretary of State, but the extent to which
he was shut out of key decisions made him often
appear unsure of himself and altogether too willing
not merely to defer to Mr. Kissinger but to accept a
secondary role in foreign policy making for the Depart-
ment of State.

In the one area left often for him, Mr. Rogers devised
an admirably even-handed initiative for peace in the
Middle East and deserves credit for the fragile cease-fire
eventually brought about between Israel and the Arab
states. Even in this project, however, he eventually
allowed dilutions of his policy by other forces in the
Administration.

Meanwhile, Mr. Kissinger was negotiating the settle-
ment of the Vietnam war and carrying out the initiatives
and missions that resulted in President Nixon's ground-
breaking trip to China and his exchange of visits with
Soviet Communist leader Brezhnev. When the President
decided on the "Year of Europe" as his 1973 foreign
policy theme it was Mr. Kissinger who delivered the
first detailed outline of the concept in a New York
address last April.

Merely summarizing these history-making activities
gives an idea of the outsized diplomatic load Mr. Kiss-
singer has carried for President Nixon and—more to
the point—makes it plain that the former Harvard pro-
fessor has excellent qualifications to be Secretary of
State. Prompt Senate confirmation of the President's
choice is certainly in order.

There is room for worry, however on how seriously
Mr. Kissinger takes the concept long attributed to him
—and mentioned cryptically on one occasion by the
President—of a shifting world balance among major
power centers as a substitute for alliance diplomacy in
maintaining international peace. Where would the "revi-
talized Atlantic partnership," for which he called in his
April address, fit into such a nineteenth-century concept?

It would also be helpful to know more than his April
address disclosed on how he views the European Com-
munity and what he would recommend for rejuvenating
United States relations with it. There is little in the
record to reveal his thinking about the developing coun-
tries, Latin America, Canada or the United Nations.

Finally, there are bound to be reservations about how
Mr. Kissinger will administer a State Department and
Foreign Service whose morale has been damaged by
neglect and the encroachments of his mini-State Depart-
ment in the White House. Some tact and sensitivity
from the outset will pay dividends here and doubtless
enable Mr. Kissinger to exploit fully the gratification
many in the State Department will feel at the President's
indication that it is being restored as the base for innova-
tion and administration of United States foreign policy.

WASH POST, P. I
AUG 23

# Kissinger Replacing Rogers

By Murrey Marder
Washington Post Staff Writer

Henry A. Kissinger will replace William P. Rogers as Secretary of State, President Nixon announced yesterday.

Rogers, one of the President's oldest and closest friends, is resigning to return to private law practice, effective Sept. 3. He has spent more than 4½ years as Secretary of State.

President Nixon named Kissinger to serve in what amounts to a super-cabinet post, in which Kissinger will retain his extraordinarily influential position as assistant to the President for national security affairs, in addition to becoming Secretary of State. The President said Kissinger's dual function in foreign affairs will be similar to the dominant, double position of Treasury Secretary George P. Schultz in economic policy.

There was no open sign that Rogers' departure from the State Department

was anything but voluntary and at his own request. Some administration officials, who have been critical of Rogers, maintained that the President was highly displeased that Rogers, in response to questions about the Watergate scandal, told a news conference last Monday that the United States must not "become so obsessed with security matters that laws are freely violated" at the expense of individual rights.

Rogers' formal letter of resignation, however, was dated Aug. 16. The President's acceptance was dated Aug. 20, the same day as the Rogers press conference.

In that press conference, Rogers unquestionably sought to disassociate his own role in history from the Watergate abuses. But President Nixon, nevertheless, extolled Rogers in his letter as a tested and "completely dedicated

and completely selfless" friend and adviser for a quarter century, who played "an historic role" in shaping American foreign policy.

The Kissinger-Rogers shift has been rumored for several years during which Kissinger overshadowed Rogers as the President's major international strategist, and speculation mounted in recent weeks that the shift was imminent. Nevertheless, the actual announcement caused some considerable surprise if only because earlier reports of it repeatedly failed to materialize.

Kissinger, who was born in Germany and came to the United States at the age of 15, will be the first foreign-born Secretary of State, attaining that post with reinforced power after a meteoric career as a world strategist.

Preoccupation with the Watergate scandal so overshadowed the President's Kissinger-Rogers announce-

ments yesterday that not a single question was asked about the secretaryship of state during Mr. Nixon's press conference. This showed that for the president, at least, President Nixon was unsuccessful in transferring national press attention to what he regards as the greater issues of national affairs.

Internationally, however, the elevation of Kissinger to head the Department of State is bound to be regarded as a major diplomatic event.

Even though Kissinger, who at 50 is 10 years younger than Rogers, already held the preeminent foreign policy-making function in actuality, the conduct of American diplomacy has been openly and sometimes embarrassingly

See DIPLOMACY, A4, Col. 1

Kissinger appointment unifies U.S. diplomacy functions. Page A3

7

DIPLOMACY, From A1

split between Kissinger's White House
operation and the State Department.

President Nixon himself acknowl-
edged that yesterday when he said,
"The purpose of this arrangement is to
have a closer coordination between the
White House and the departments,"
when he referred to the dual roles for
Shultz and Kissinger. President Nixon
added that "another purpose is to get
the work out in the departments where
it belongs."

This indicated that the President in-
tends the State Department, for the
first time in the Nixon administration,
to fill a more normal function in the
planning and execution of foreign pol-
icy. But there will now be a new form
of abnormality, in the fact that Kis-
singer will wear two impressive hats,
one in the White House and the other
in State.

Senate Democratic leader Mike Mansfield (D-Mont.) told reporters yesterday that "I am disturbed about the dual relationship. It brings in the question of executive privilege, and that will have to be cleared up."

Mansfield was registering concern
that Kissinger, in continuing to serve
as national security adviser to the
President, could claim that his func-
tions in that personal advisory role are
not subject to congressional scrutiny.
This is expected to be a major issue
when Kissinger goes before the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee for con-
firmation hearings.

Kissinger is bound to face questions
on this subject at a press conference
scheduled in San Clemente today. He
is expected to take the position that as
Secretary of State he will be abun-
dantly forthcoming on all questions
that a secretary normally would re-
spond to, and that even a Secretary of
State regards as privileged his per-

sonal advisory conversations with a
President.

Rogers, meeting with newsmen at
the State Department yesterday fol-
lowing the President's announcement,
smilingly declined to discuss the exec-
tive privilege question as it applies to
Kissinger's new status.

The outgoing secretary was genial as
always. Rogers gave no outward signs
that he was displeased or unhappy
about his departure. But many of his
associates long have said that Rogers
fondly hoped that he might be able
to leave office at a point of higher,
world-recognized personal accomplish-
ment, especially an Arab-Israeli peace
settlement. Instead he had to settle
for the maintenance of an Arab-Is-
raeli cease-fire for three years as his
proudest personal accomplishment.

Referring to Kissinger, Rogers said,
"I called him today and congratulated
him and told him I was looking for-
ward to working with him on the trans-
ition. I'm sure that it will work out
well."

Asked yesterday if he believed there
has been an exaggeration of "the rival-
ry" between himself and Kissinger
through the past 4½ years, Rogers,
who traditionally scuffed at, or min-
mized such questions, replied:

"Well, I think not so much between Henry and myself as I think it is true between the White House and the department.

"I think part of that was because
there was a feeling on the part of the
White House that the government was
not leak-proof, and if you wanted to
do things without a lot of public knowl-
edge, you had to do it quietly.

"I suppose it is partly a natural jeal-
ously that exists in bureaucracies. But,
for my own part, I think it has pro-
duced good results and, after all, that's
what counts."

Rogers said, as his exchange of let-
ters with the President stated, that
he accepted the post of secretary with

"a firm resolve to return to the pri-
vate practice of the law" at the end
of the President's first term in office.

Privately, however, Rogers also had
told associates, and sometimes the
press, that he enjoyed his post and
might stay on.

He said yesterday that he talked to
President Nixon about his tenure at
the end of the first term. Then, he
added: "I talked to him about it a
couple of times . . . June or some
time in July—but I still had some
things to complete. Then, once they
were completed, as they have been
now for a couple of weeks, I talked
to him again. I talked to him last
week for a couple of hours."

After the latter meeting, said Rogers,
he wrote the letter of resignation
dated Aug. 16. The only reason that
was not announced then, said Rogers,
was because the President was speak-
on Watergate, "and we didn't want to
relate it to that."

The President's Watergate speech
actually came a day earlier, Aug. 15.

Rogers, when asked yesterday if it
is true that "you didn't completely
agree with some of the actions taken
in the President's name" in the Water-
gate scandals, said, "I don't really want
to make any other comments about
the Watergate.

"As you know," he said, "I was out
of the country for the most part during
the first stages of the Watergate hear-
ing. I did have discussions with the
President, as you remember, just prior
to the resignation of Mr. (H. R.) Halde-
man and Mr. (John D.) Ehrlichman
and Mr. (John W.) Dean, and I was up
at Camp David with him (the Presi-
dent) for the better part of two days.
But since that time, I have not been
involved."

"I would have left whether there
had been a Watergate or no Water-
gate," said Rogers, "that doesn't mean
I don't have feelings about Watergate.
It doesn't mean that I don't think this

is not a good time to make a decision.
I think this is very timely."

Rogers acknowledged, however, that
he did not begin to tell even any of
his ranking subordinates about his
intention to resign until Tuesday
night. Most did not learn about it
until yesterday morning.

The secretary said there were many
international matters of considerable
urgency hanging over at the end of
the President's first term which he
wanted to see resolved before he
left office, notably "the end of the
war in Indochina" and Middle East
questions.

Rogers said of his secretaryship: "I
think my sole regret is that we weren't
able to end the war in Indochina more
speedily. Whether anything could have
been done that would have made that
possible, that we didn't do or not, I
don't know. I think history will have
to judge that."

Reviewing the foreign policy ac-
complishments of the administration
during his term in office, Rogers said,
"I'd say, on the whole, that the picture
looks very bright."

"You always have problems in for-
eign affairs," said Rogers, "... But
certainly at the moment, I think the
foreign affairs of this country are
in very good shape."

Rogers said that in terms of the
nation's welfare, "the initiative that
the President took as far as China
and the Soviet Union (are concerned)
are things that will probably have
the most lasting impact and the ones
that I think will make these last 4½
years of great significance."

"I think the credit has to go to
the President," he said, "but all of
us played a part, and obviously Dr.
Kissinger played a very active role in
a way that you all know about, but
so did a lot of people in the depart-
ment. It was a team effort, and I
think the President understands that."

8

Changes at the State Department

It makes sense for Henry Kissinger, until now Mr. Nixon's assistant for national security affairs, to become Secretary of State, and not merely because he has dominated the diplomacy of the Nixon presidency anyway. A tight White House foreign-policy operation served the President's first-term focus on secret contacts with a few adversaries, but only the State Department apparatus can help Mr. Nixon pursue his second-term need for broader, more diverse exchanges with a much wider range of partners. While Mr. Nixon's prime first-term task of withdrawing the United States from Indochina was carried out amidst high congressional-executive tension, his necessary second-term emphasis on trade negotiations and defense spending require considerable congressional-executive consensus. If confirmed as Secretary of State, Dr. Kissinger not only would become available to congressional interlocutors, but Congress would come equally within the reach of his formidable powers of exposition and persuasion. Finally, by having at State a chief with the President's confidence and with great personal stature and talent, the department should be enabled to recoup its sunken prestige and morale. The country will have better assurance that considerations of diplomacy will be fairly weighed in the knot of economic, political and strategic problems ahead.

Some organizational purists may be offended that Dr. Kissinger retains his White House hat, although his National Security Council staff can hardly retain the particular function and special significance which President Nixon gave to them in his first term. Other departments concerned with international decision-making may wonder if State will not now take on excessive influence. The arrangement is something of an anomaly; students of power and bureaucracy in Washington will surely keep a beady eye on it. Our view is that there is no special magic in any one particular way of organizing the executive branch to conduct foreign affairs. No one should be better situated to decide how he wishes to organize his administration for that purpose than a second-term President who has concentrated on foreign policy.

Departing Secretary of State William P. Rogers, for reasons not entirely of his own making, did not function at the center of administration policy. He entered and left office with the hope of helping create among Americans "a new national unity and purpose in our foreign

policy." Less a specialist in international relations than a man of keen insight into domestic requirements, he made a comment last Monday—in evident anticipation of his imminent resignation—which can perhaps serve as a valedictory for his nearly five years as Secretary of State. "I believe," he said, "that it is very important for the United States not to become so obsessed with security matters that laws are freely violated. I think one of the things that provide security for Americans is the fact that we are a law-abiding nation, and that is protection for all individuals, and a protection for individual rights." These are the words of a wise and honorable and decent man. They deserve to be pondered by Mr. Rogers' successor at State and by his erstwhile chief at the White House too.

Flags on display at the State Department.

Kissinger Becomes Secretary in
Name as Well as in Function

By Marilyn Berger
Washington Post Staff Writer

Throughout the Nixon administration, Henry A. Kissinger has been Secretary of State in everything, but name. Yesterday the title was bestowed.

For more than four years, William P. Rogers has operated in his shadow. Foreign policy declarations emanated from the White House. On major breakthroughs the word came from the President. But the explanation of policy was invariably made in the guttural, German-accented tones of Kissinger.

Rogers went to the State Department with the most impressive of all credentials—a record of long friendship with the President. He left with that President's expression of “regret,” but the departure came only two days after Rogers spoke out for the first time about the events of Watergate, saying the nation must not become “so obsessed with security matters that laws are freely violated.”

In speaking out, Rogers, who has never been connected in any way with the scandals, put as much distance as possible between himself and Watergate. Kissinger was drawn into it peripherally when he either condoned, ordered or acquiesced in the wiretapping of his own staff. One of his former aides, Morton H. Halperin, has filed a lawsuit asking for damages against Kissinger and 10 other defendants.

At the State Department yesterday there was a curious mixture of jubilation and concern. The jubilation came from those who hoped the decision-making for foreign policy would return "to where it belongs." One more restrained official said there was "a certain anticipation about Dr. Kissinger's arrival and a lot of question marks about whether the fact that he is remaining the President's national security adviser will mean that the National Security Council's functions will shift over to State."

And there were the usual

apprehensions, with many wondering which heads would roll. Clearly big changes are anticipated. Kissinger, in his many years as an academician writing an consulting on foreign policy, wrote frequently about the difficulty of moving bureaucracies. The State Department presents him with a long-recognized challenge in that area. In fact, it was to circumvent the built-in slowness of large bureaucracies that Kissinger established a powerful national security council in the shadows of the White House.

With the first-term breakthrough in relations with China and with the reduction of tensions with the Soviet Union crowned by two summits, and with the Americans out of Vietnam, at least physically, Kissinger had looked toward the second Nixon administration as the time to institutionalize the making of foreign policy that had become a White House operation. It was also to be a time of patching up relations with America's allies. Europe and Japan had become worried that in moving from reconciliation to negotiation with its adversaries, the United States had jettisoned its special relationships with its friends.

But the scandals known as Watergate had brought new pressures to bear. "Is it possible," he asked some Newsweek interviewers recently, "to insulate foreign policy from the general difficulties we are facing as a nation?" He said: "I don't know the answer, but that is the question that torments me."

"The basic design of foreign policy is intact," he said at that time. Now it will be up to him to assure that the design becomes ingrained in American history.

And Kissinger is a man imbued with history, a German-born immigrant, a refugee from Hitler's Reich, who assumes the chair that was once occupied by Thomas Jefferson and George Catlett Marshall and Dean Acheson.

If confirmed by the Sen-

ate, Kissinger would be the first foreign-born Secretary of State, and the first Jew to hold the job.

Kissinger came with his

Commentary

parents to New York City in 1938, a bookish, somewhat shy teen-ager. He became a naturalized citizen after he was drafted into the Army in 1943. During World War II he served as a foot soldier with the 84th infantry division until he was plucked out to serve in counterintelligence. He saw action in the Battle of the Bulge.

He enrolled in Harvard College in 1946 where he made a brilliant record and won his Phi Beta Kappa key. In 1954 he got his doctorate and proceeded to write a number of influential books that were read widely in the arms control and foreign affairs community. Through a seminar he ran while a professor at Harvard, he got to know many of the world's leaders, and many lower-echelon foreign officials who eventually rose to power.

Then he himself rose to power. Kissinger had served as a consultant for the government but also as foreign policy adviser to New York's Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller. At the 1968 Republican National Convention in Miami, Kissinger worked hard for Rockefeller's nomination and was bitterly disappointed in defeat. Thus it came as something of a surprise when President-elect Nixon tapped him for the job as his own national security adviser.

Before being named to the post Kissinger had written an article for Foreign Affairs, in which he gave a part philosophical, part-practical blueprint for ending the American involvement in Vietnam. That was the overriding preoccupation of the first Nixon administration and by the time it ended most Americans were out, but the settlement was uneasy and the outcome still unclear.

In Nixon's Washington Kissinger became the magnet for the capital's social set and one of the few people in the administration "liberals" felt they could talk to. But then came the invasion of Cambodia—what he called the incursion to clear out Communist sanctuaries—and scorn, even anger, replaced admiration.

On the outside Kissinger became known as the "secret swinger," because he dated pretty girls. It was a useful facade behind which the national security adviser hid about a dozen secret meetings with North Vietnam's Le Duc Tho in Paris and two secret flights to Peking to meet with Mao Tse-tung and Chou En-lai to prepare for the Nixon trip. Meanwhile, there were talks with the Soviet Union leading to the inevitable Moscow summit to match the Peking trip.

Kissinger, not Rogers, became the man for foreign diplomats to see. Rogers or any one of his top aides might make public statements, but ambassadors sought assurances or clarifications from the office in the White House.

In his State Department office Kissinger will exchange a view of the White House driveway for the whole panorama of Washington, with the Lincoln Memorial just outside. He also exchanges the protection of executive privilege for the prospect of considerable exposure—and possibly confrontation—with a Congress that has been waiting for better communication on foreign policy matters.

Since he will be wearing two hats, Kissinger may still invoke executive privilege, but only concerning direct conversations with the President. For the rest Congress can be expected to question closely and Kissinger can be expected to give his customary scholarly dissertations. And he will probably request that the distinguished senators insert the verbs where necessary.

For Rogers, always amiable and full of charm, there will be an escape from

WASH POST P3
AUG 23

11

BERGER CONT.

the never-ending reports of his rivalry with Kissinger and his inability to get a handle on the nation's foreign policy.

"I feel like the last of the whooping cranes," he told reporters yesterday. "I'm the last Cabinet officer to leave," Rogers is the last of the original members who President Nixon introduced on television back in early 1969, each of whom, the President said, had an "extra dimension."

He returns to the job he came from, as a partner in the law firm of Royall, Koe gel and Wells. The name will be changed to Rogers and Wells on Sept. 4. As the firm's Washington man, Rog ers represented such opera tions as The Washington Post, a newspaper which found little favor with the

Nixon team. In his earlier years, after graduating from Colgate University and Cor nell University law school, Rogers served as chief coun sel of two Senate investigat ing committees and later as Attorney General under President Eisenhower.

As Mr. Nixon's Secretary of State, Rogers was often credited with taking a mod erate line in the private councils, urging restraint, for example, when the North Koreans shot down an American EC-121. But there were complaints among members of the de partment that Rogers didn't seem interested enough in taking hold of issues. His first deputy secretary, Elliot L. Richardson, was seen as the take-charge man. Ken neth Rush, the present dep uty secretary, also came out

on top in many comparisons. Rush was meeting with the Netherland defense minister when the news came through yesterday. It was business as usual, his secre tary said.

But there were regrets at Rogers' departure. Said one official who saw him in ac tion: "He is a man of great charm who brought grace to the conduct of foreign af fairs." But then there was also, what this official called the "regret that the foreign affairs he dealt with were only rarely of the first im portance." The big ones—ex cept for the Middle East where Rogers takes much credit for a three-year cease fire—were the province of the President, and Kissin ger, often known as the sec ond most powerful man in Washington.

Rogers handled the prob lems of multilateral diplo macy, attending meetings of NATO, SEATO and the other international conclaves with alphabet-soup names. Now it will be Kissinger who will have to face proto col along with policy, with the former often more time consuming, if less mind-con suming, than the latter. He is already said to have a number of trips planned — to Europe and to China — and, inevitably in September to the United Nations, an or ganization he has not rated highly in his scale of priori ties.

Kissinger also will have to face the massive bureaucrat ic task of running the State Department itself. He has had the power. He will soon have the glory — and a lot of hard, unpleasant work.

"Last, But Not Least, We Accept with Reluctance the Resignation..."

## ANALYSIS, from A1

be the execution of that policy.

Dr. Kissinger has a notorious
impatience with the bureaucac-
racy, and the State Depart-
ment is dominated by it. He
also has a penchant—some
would say a mania—for se-
crecy, and the department is
poor at keeping secrets.

Moreover, there is a deep
reservoir of resentment over
the highhanded manner in
which Dr. Kissinger and some
of his aides have treated sen-

ior officials at the department.
Some career alumni of Dr.
Kissinger's staff have been de-
nied foreign service promotions
or choice new assignaments as
a result.

Thus, assuming his confir-
mation by the Senate, Dr. Kiss-
singer will shake up the de-
partment. Whether it will be
for better or for worse, no one,
not even President Nixon, can
be sure.

For the first time in a dec-

ade, however, there will be
only one man responsible to
the President for foreign pol-
icy. To that extent, some of
the friction between the White
House and the department
should be ended.

The principal criticism of
Dr. Kissinger among United
States career diplomats has
been his disregard for the ex-
pertise of officials who know
key areas of the world more
intimately than he does.

Japan, a nation the adminis-
tration has frequently of-
fended, is a prime example.

Another is his abrupt man-
ner in springing new policy
initiatives, startling both the
officials who must implement
them and sometimes the others
who are most affected. His
speech last April calling for a
rejuvenation of the Atlantic Al-
liance is a case in point.

The question, therefore, that
will determine whether Dr.
Kissinger's accession to the
seventh floor of the State
Department improves or fur-
ther damages the traditional
foreign policy machinery in
on whether he will use or
abuse the expertise available
to him downstairs.

His dual role as presidential
assistant and Cabinet secre-
tary will focus greater atten-
tion on the two next highest
officials of the department,
Kenneth Rush, the deputy sec-
retary, and William J. Porter,
the under secretary for politi-
cal affairs.

### More responsibilities

If Dr. Kissinger continues his
peripatetic ways — as Mr.
Nixon indicated at yesterday's
press conference—both men
will have to assume greater
responsibilities for running the
department.

Mr. Rush, a 63-year-old at-
torney and former business ex-
ecutive, is a personal associate
of Mr. Nixon. He joined the
government as ambassador to
West Germany and served
briefly as deputy secretary of
defense before moving to the
State Department earlier this
year with his own hopes of
succeeding Mr. Rogers.

Mr. Porter, who will be 49
September 1, is the highest
career officer in the depart-
ment. He has been closely as-
sociated with the administra-
tion's Vietnam policy and is
considered a tough-minded dip-
loid who can work well with
Dr. Kissinger.

Analysis

# Kissinger put
in familiar spot

By JAMES S. KEAT

Washington Bureau of The Sun

Washington—Putting Henry
A. Kissinger in charge of the
State Department is a little
like the first experimental nu-
clear reaction: No one can be
sure whether it will unleash a
new source of energy or blow
the whole contraption up.

To a greater extent than any
of his strong predecessors as
presidential national security
adviser, Dr. Kissinger has
usurped many of the functions
of the Secretary of State. In so
doing, he has caused a schizoid
reaction in the State Depart-
ment.

Many career foreign service
officers admire him, often
grudgingly, for what they gen-
erally consider a largely suc-
cessful and frequently brilliant
performance.

Others despise him for some
of his abrasive personal quali-
ties and for openly degrading
both William P. Rogers, the
outgoing secretary, and the de-
partment. And others, perhaps
a majority, have both reac-
tions.

As far as the Nixon adminis-
tration's foreign policy is con-
cerned, the new face in Foggy
Bottom, the neighborhood in
which the State Department is
located, will mean very little.

Foreign policy has been
made in the White House for
the past 4½ years, as it has
been in the presidency of
many other strong chief execu-
tives. It will continue to be so.

What will change, and per-
haps change dramatically, will

See ANALYSIS, A2, Col. 5

LOX TO: KISSINGER, SCOWCROFT
FROM: JANKA

Washington Star-News

JOHN H. KAUFFMANN, President

NEWBOLD NOYES, Editor

A-16

THURSDAY, AUGUST 23, 1973

And The Switch At State

In anything approaching normal times, the resignation of one secretary of State and the appointment of another would be the occasion for endless commentary and speculation. Thus it is a measure of the abnormality of the times in which we find ourselves that yesterday's announcement by President Nixon that Secretary Rogers is stepping down September 3 — to be replaced by Dr. Henry A. Kissinger — provoked not a single question from the press corps at San Clemente.

Granted that Kissinger has been secretary of State in all but name these past four years. Granted that Rogers' departure — and Kissinger's appointment — had been a topic of conversation on the canape circuit for some weeks. It remains an index of the obsession with Watergate that 18 of the 21 questions addressed to the President dealt with that subject and none with the implications of the switch at State.

It is necessary to say that Rogers' return to private law practice will cause few tears in Foggy Bottom. It is not that Rogers is not a decent man and a reasonable administrator. He is both of those things. But, primarily because Mr. Nixon wished it so, the action insofar as the formulation of foreign policy was concerned shifted from State to the White House during his tenure, with disastrous consequences for the morale of career diplomats.

It was Kissinger who engineered the opening to China. It was the former Harvard professor who established the parameters of the new detente with the Soviet Union. It was the President's national security adviser who headed the negotiations which

culminated in the end of American participation in the Indochinese war. Even in South Asian affairs, it was Kissinger who in 1971 dictated the "tilt" toward Islamabad in the third Indo-Pakistani war.

To Rogers and State was left only the thankless and unsuccessful task of attempting to arrange a Middle Eastern settlement, plus the secondary assignment of the conduct of Latin American and African policy.

Kissinger clearly has both the practical experience and the intellectual credentials to be an effective secretary of State, and the wisest of the career officers will welcome his appointment. His capacity to administer a large organization such as State is another matter. Nor is it clear how Kissinger's job as the President's adviser for national security affairs (a title which he retains) will mesh with his post as secretary of State.

Kissinger, for instance, will have to appear before Congressional committees in his capacity as secretary of State, an ordeal he has been spared (to the annoyance of Congress) for the past four and a half years as a member of the President's staff. Will he in the future decline to answer some questions on grounds that he dealt with them in his capacity as a presidential adviser rather than as secretary of State?

All this will become clearer if, when and after Kissinger's appointment is approved by the Senate. For the moment, we wish Rogers — the last surviving member of the original Nixon cabinet — well in his return to private life and welcome the appointment of the first foreign-born American secretary of State.

LOXTO: KISSINGER, SCOWCROFT
FROM: JANKA

sent

6

WALL STREET JOURNAL, FRIDAY, AUGUST 24, 1973

REVIEW and OUTLOOK

Kissinger at State

It was fortunate that President Nixon coupled his long-expected announcement of the change at State Department with a televised press conference, even though not one query went to him on the significance of William Rogers' displacement as Secretary of State by Henry Kissinger. In submitting to sharp, often hostile questioning on Watergate, questions that reflected a genuine public frustration at his unyielding stance on those issues, Mr. Nixon vented a good bit of the toxin that has indiscriminately diminished his entire administration, Mr. Kissinger as well.

At the same time, the change at State seems to have broken through the hard crust of inertia that has formed in Washington since April, if only by compelling the public, through the news media, to focus once again on Mr. Kissinger. In so doing, we are compelled to realize the astonishing pace of change in the world since Jan. 20, 1969 and the unmistakable accomplishments of the Nixon-Kissinger team in exploiting the opportunities they saw in the world on their arrival.

As for Watergate itself, we sense Mr. Nixon still does not quite grasp the quality of public displeasure, that he believes it has been solely engineered by his critics. The matter is still before the courts and may erupt again. Yet the provocative idea of Mr. Kissinger as Secretary of State, dealing openly with his global counterparts, the diplomatic corps, and Capitol Hill, evokes a fresh sense of momentum that the world will welcome.

Ironically, Mr. Nixon's bitterest critics at home have throughout his presidency been admiring of Mr. Kissinger, and it is convenient for some to now imply that the end of the Vietnam war, the detente and arms agreement

with the Russians, and the opening to China are mainly attributable to his talents and philosophic bent. But in getting from there to here, Mr. Kissinger enjoyed the rare comfort of having the President serve as his lightning rod.

It fell to Mr. Nixon to drag congressional and press critics of their global strategy every inch of the way toward goals universally agreed upon. By these lights, it was Mr. Kissinger who wanted arms control, Mr. Nixon who wanted the ABM; Mr. Kissinger who wanted to end Vietnam, Mr. Nixon who wanted to invade Cambodia, bomb Hanoi and mine Haiphong harbor; Mr. Kissinger who wanted peace witheking, Mr. Nixon who dragged his feet over the issue of Taiwan. President Eisenhower and John Foster Dulles would have thought this an odd arrangement indeed.

It is an arrangement that will necessarily end with Mr. Kissinger the Secretary of State, for he must now carry the traditional burdens of that office in defending his own strategies and those of the President before Congress. But happily, at the outset at least, the kinds of dirty jobs and agitating decisions that Mr. Nixon faced seriatim in his first term seem only remote possibilities in the years just ahead. At the moment the problem is not war but inflation, serious enough but clearly a lesser evil.

Then too, with the Vietnam war ended and Moscow and Peking molli-fied, the Nixon-Kissinger strategy for building a "structure of peace" is well along. We will have to wait to see whether the President's news conference marks the end of the worst about Watergate, but if so, Mr. Kissinger's move to State may be the first sign that the government will get moving again.

18

FRIDAY MORNING, AUGUST 24, 1973

The Boston Globe

The new man in Foggy Bottom

Henry Kissinger's appointment as Secretary of State merely formalizes an arrangement that has suited President Nixon to a T. The resigning Secretary, William P. Rogers, was a good personal friend of the President, but Dr. Kissinger, as foreign policy adviser to the President, an office he will continue to hold, has been functioning as a secretary without portfolio right along.

It is difficult to see how foreign policy will be changed in any essential way except for such influence as the foreign relations committees of Congress, especially the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, now will be able to bring in consultation, Mr. Rogers consulted when called, but he was generally regarded as better humored than informed on State Department affairs. Dr. Kissinger, though well informed, was not subject to call, as he now will be as a Cabinet officer.

Dr. Kissinger's considerable expertise in the past has been in summitry and diplomacy matters, such as the Peking and Moscow visits, where secrecy was vital at least in the beginnings. The problems are now quite different, even though summitry and grand tours are on the agenda. They will consist mostly of economic and financial matters requiring Congress's cooperation. Dr. Kissinger yesterday pledged a bipartisan approach in his stewardship. He, and certainly the President, should benefit from the anticipated rapport. In his informal, confidential visits with influential senators over the past four years, Dr. Kissinger has demonstrated full awareness

of the importance of good will on the Hill.

Administration foreign policy is almost certain to get the good going over it needs when Dr. Kissinger sits down with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee at his confirmation hearing. There are many facets on which the senators will want a fill-in. Not the least of them is the gnawing question of US forces abroad.

It is not entirely the number, although some 600,000, approximately 30 percent of the total in the armed services, are on foreign soil or afloat adjacent to it. Senate Majority leader Mike Mansfield, a member of the committee, argues persuasively that the commitment and level of these forces determines our foreign policy rather than the other way around.

The Kissinger appointment is generally applauded in diplomatic circles. Some early reservations seem in order inasmuch as the foreign policy matters over which he has presided in his adviser's role are both good, as in relations with Russia and China, and bad, as in Indochina. There can be no quarrel with an important part of Dr. Kissinger's philosophy:

> "No foreign policy, no matter how ingenious, has any chance of success if it is born in the minds of a few and carried in the hearts of none."

A difficulty up to now has been that it was carried in the hearts of so few. This was not the fault of Mr. Rogers. It was Mr. Nixon's doing, and it will be one of Dr. Kissinger's problems.

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR - 8/24/73

# Kissinger to State

It's a good thing that Henry Kissinger is moving over from the White House to the State Department, for the entirely impersonal reason that it is time to get American foreign policy back in the State Department.

Perhaps it was necessary to have it run secretively in the White House during the transition from "cold war" to "detente." That was a wrenching reversal of old policy. Perhaps it could have been done only by a man shielded from public sight by White House "privilege." No official Secretary of State could have gone secretly to Peking, as Mr. Kissinger did.

But that phase is over. The great wrench is part of history. The foreign policy problems of the future are how to hang on to old friendships and alliances while opening up the new relations with China and Russia. Such problems neither require clandestine diplomacy nor prosper in secrecy.

Also, the growth of a secretive foreign policy operation inside the White House had long since reached an unhealthy state. It began to get out of proportion as far back as the Kennedy administration. It got worse under Lyndon Johnson. True, it was used, successfully, by Richard Nixon to change course. But too often under Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon, foreign policy, when made secretly at the White House, became the handmaiden of domestic poli-

tics. So it is healthy to have the man in charge move to State where policymaking is subject to congressional review and public scrutiny.

Henry Kissinger was in fact in charge. The only effective way to put policymaking back at State was to move Mr. Kissinger to State. The logical move has been made. We wish Mr. Kissinger all success in his new and larger office and grander title. Our advice to him is use the State Department and reduce the National Security Council staff at the White House to what it was intended to be — a channel for bringing policy proposals from the departments to the President.

We are sorry to see William Rogers leave Washington. He behaved honorably in all things at all times. His tenure at State was difficult and sometimes humiliating. He bore it without complaint. He served Mr. Nixon as long as he usefully could. But his advice was long since unheeded. He disapproved of the bombing of Hanoi, disapproved of all that was involved in Watergate. We only wish that he were coming into the Cabinet, not leaving it.

We hope that his parting junction will be remembered and heeded:

> "I believe that it is very important for the United States not to become so obsessed with security matters that laws are freely violated...."

ST. LOUIS POST DISPATCH - 17 AUGUST 1973(24)

Making Congress A Scapegoat

looking for a scapegoat for the cal-
Indochina war, President Nixon has
itigated Congress for undermining the
s for world peace by requiring him
the bombing of Cambodia. In the past
blamed the press, home front dis-
the Russians, the Chinese and the
Vietnamese for frustrating what he avers
altruistic policy of defending freedom
tecting peace in Indochina. An elabo-
thology of benevolent U. S. devotion to
tional commitments has been advanced
ouflage what in reality has been an
ied intervention in civil wars, first in
Laos and then in Cambodia, in sup-
corrupt client dictators.

that Congress, backed by the American
has finally seen the folly of the Ad-
tion Indochinese policy and ordered
ion of the bombing, Mr. Nixon is try-
make it appear that the legislators are
responsible for causing the failure
liations that would have produced peace
the various Cambodian factions.

This nonsense. American military and in-
orce observers on the scene have testified
ineffectiveness of the illegal bombing
Bodia that Mr. Nixon launched in 1969
ntinued for 14 months in secret and by
on. The more recent bombing of that
in some of the heaviest air raids in
have devastated the land and killed
aimed countless innocent Cambodians
more of the country under insurgent
than ever before. The indefensible Lon
government has apparently remained in
in Phnom Penh only at the sufferance

of its foes who have been willing to wait out
the bombing rather than assault the capital.

If the Nixon Administration had really been
interested in a negotiated settlement not de-
pendent on the worthless Lon Nol, the way was
open through talks with Prince Norodom Si-
hanouk, Lon Nol's predecessor as chief of state
who still speaks for significant elements of the
insurgent forces. But the Administration re-
buffed the Sihanouk overtures.

If negotiations fail now, it will not be be-
cause of the halt in the bombing but because
the insurgents have prevailed on the ground
against an unpopular regime and because
neither the Russians nor the Chinese are will-
ing to back Mr. Nixon's terms in support of an
unrepresentative government.

The danger now is that Mr. Nixon, instead
of withdrawing altogether from Indochina as
he should, will try to find some way to pursue
his stubborn belief in a settlement by military
force. Already he is hurling threats at Hanoi
that imply military action if the North Vietna-
mese do not accept Nixon demands in Cambo-
dia. The Administration has insisted that it
will continue to send military supplies to Lon
Nol and to maintain unarmed reconnaissance
flights over Cambodia, with the Pentagon sug-
gesting that there will be protective reaction
from the U. S. if these flights meet resistance.
Recent history indicates that this is a formula
for renewed war.

Congress and the public must be on guard
lest they be drawn by deception and jingoism
into further military intervention in Indochina
of a kind that has now been proven morally
and politically bankrupt.

NORFOLK VIRGINIAN PILOT - 17 AUGUST 1973(24)

Happy Ending

It's become a cliche that there aren't the midst of its passes over the target.

MEMORANDUM

THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON

INFORMATION

August 23, 1973

MEMORANDUM FOR DR. KISSINGER

FROM: LES JANKA
SUBJECT: Foreign Media Reaction to Yesterday's Announcement

Attached for your information is a fifteen page summary prepared by USIA for world-wide media reaction to the President's press conference and the announcement of your nomination to succeed Secretary Rogers. A brief summary is at page 1. The European reaction is extensive and generally predictable. The non-European reaction, especially that from the Middle East, is rather interesting.

... Western Europe, p. 2 Middle East, p. 13 Communist Countries, p. 14

NIXON PRESS CONFERENCE, ROGERS-KISSINGER CHANGE

Summary

Media in major foreign news centers gave prominent to top placement to President Nixon's San Clemente press conference and his announcement that he has nominated Henry Kissinger to succeed William Rogers as Secretary of State.

Commentators agreed that Mr. Nixon had made a strong impression in his handling of questions on Watergate.

In London, the independent-left *Sun* said he gave "firm answers," the conservative *Daily Telegraph* called it "his most impressive performance to date in his efforts...to get on with the urgent business of the nation," and the liberal *Guardian*'s correspondent reported that he "left observers with the clear impression...that he had replied resolutely and substantively on most of the pertinent issues."

In Paris, *Figaro* declared that "President Nixon is at the top of his form only when really confronted with a great difficulty."

Italian radio asserted this morning that "he had to face very harsh questioning, but even the journalists and his enemies, the television commentators, agreed that he was convincing."

The naming of Mr. Kissinger as Secretary-designate drew general approval. Most observers expected no fundamental change in the conduct of U.S. foreign policy. The London *Daily Mail* said, "We greet the promotion of this remarkable man with relief and hope."

Among possible problems facing Mr. Kissinger, *La Stampa* of Turin observed that the Senate "may not like Kissinger's dual role," Japan's NHK-TV said "it will be worth watching how the Kissinger diplomacy, which has been oriented to big powers, will handle relations with small nations," and *al-Hayat* of Beirut said "one may presume that this change...will be received with dissatisfaction in Arab capitals..."

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London Headlines
==================

The President's press conference and the announcement of the nomination of Mr. Kissinger as Secretary of State led most London papers today. These were headlines on the press conference:

"MR. NIXON SAYS PRESIDENTS KENNEDY AND JOHNSON BUGGED THE WHITE HOUSE"

(Times)

"NIXON FACES THE MUSIC -- He Rides Out the Toughest Grilling of His Life"

(Sun)

The story in the independent-left *Sun* declared:

"This was perhaps the real President Nixon that the nation saw.... This was no fumbling product of a speech writer, no victim of a television make-up man, no butt of a publicity spokesman. He had firm answers for those who had doubted his emotional capability of carrying on the Presidency."

"Nixon Showed He Is Not Being Pressed..."

Correspondent Robin Smyth of the conservative London *Daily Mail* reported from San Clemente that Mr. Nixon "convincingly demonstrated that he is not -- or not all the time-- allowing himself to be pressed by Watergate to the limit of his physical and mental tether."

"Kissinger--Not a Moment Too Soon"

Of the Kissinger appointment the paper said:

"Henry Kissinger takes over as American Secretary of State not a moment too soon. We greet the promotion of this remarkable man with relief and hope.... For too long America

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has drifted... Strength and determination are the only qualities the men in the Kremlin respect. It is up to Dr. Kissinger to show that America possesses these qualities and to give the leadership of the West a new vigor."

"To a More Unified Foreign Policy"

The independent *Financial Times* suggested that "Dr. Kissinger's presence" at the State Department "must restore some morale to that seriously de-moralized body and should lead to a more unified American foreign policy." It added:

"What is disturbing about the news is the manner of Mr. Rogers' going. He was one of the very few men in high office totally uninvolved in Watergate.... For him to leave the Administration at this time reduces the number of trustworthy men around the President."

"A Restoration or a Swallowing Up?"

The Washington correspondent of the independent *Times* of London said of the Kissinger appointment that "it remains to be seen whether the new arrangement will amount to a restoration of the office of the Secretary of State itself, or whether it will be a case of the White House swallowing up the remnants of a once great office."

The conservative *Daily Telegraph* said in a story from San Clemente that Secretary Rogers "is known to have been horrified by the Administration's involvement in the Watergate affair."

"Nixon Impressive on 'Turning the Corner'"

Its correspondent, Richard Beeston, said of the President's handling of the press conference:

"It was his most impressive performance to date in his efforts to 'turn the corner' on the scandal and get on with the urgent business of the nation."

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Washington correspondent Simon Winchester of the liberal *Guardian* of Manchester and London judged that the President "left observers with the clear impression...that he had replied resolutely and substantively on most of the pertinent issues."

*"U.S. Diplomacy Will Be Infinitely More Impressive"*

The conservative London *Daily Express* called the Kissinger appointment "timely and welcome" and declared that the Secretary-designate "is in the mould of outstanding policy-making ministers such as George Marshall and Dean Acheson." It predicted that "with Kissinger at the State Department, America's diplomacy will become infinitely more impressive."

*BBC-TV: "Will Do State a Great Deal of Good"*

Correspondent Charles Wheeler commented on BBC television that he thought the Kissinger appointment "will do the State Department a great deal of good because Kissinger, by going there and now being the man in charge of the diplomatic apparatus, will have to use the diplomatic apparatus--and it's getting rusty."

Of the press conference itself, the correspondent said he thought it "a bit of a shambles...partly because the President wasn't very happy with the questions and also because I think the press was unhappy and the thing was dispersed.... There weren't many follow-ups."

*Radio: "Toughest News Conference Ever"*

In contrast, reporter Chris Drake said on BBC radio that it was probably the toughest news conference any President of the United States had ever had to deal with, "but Nixon gave a very impressive performance indeed." He noted that the President "remained calm and didn't lose his temper," and said Mr. Nixon "looked much fitter than recent reports suggested, although he is clearly very tired."

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Paris: "No Change in Foreign Policy"

French media gave top placement to the press conference, concentrating on
the Kissinger nomination and President Nixon's "top form" in meeting
reporters.

State-run French television's first network opened with the announcement: "Political surprise in Washington." It noted, however, that "Mr. Rogers' resignation had long been expected" and that he and Mr. Kissinger "had been sharing the conduct of U.S. foreign policy."

The second network reported that "Mr. Rogers had long wished to be relieved
of his functions. He felt ill at ease because everyone knew that the real
architect of U.S. policy was Mr. Kissinger. No significant modification is
thus to be expected....."

"New Vitality to U.S. Diplomacy"

An Agence France-Presse dispatch by Washington correspondent Claude Moisy, used by several Paris papers today, also said the Kissinger appointment "certainly will not change anything in American foreign policy."

Moisy added:

"But it can bring American diplomacy renewed vitality. The ambiguous situation created by the presence of Mr. Kissinger in the White House and of Mr. Rogers in the State Department had not prevented President Nixon from conducting a spectacular foreign policy for the past four years. But the extraordinary ascendency by the White House and by the National Security Council in the conduct of international affairs had somewhat disheartened the American diplomatic corps."

He said Mr. Kissinger, "who has never hidden his distrust of the huge State Department bureaucracy, can be expected to make progressive changes in the structure of American diplomacy to put more vim into it."

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Financial _Les Echos_, referring to Mr. Kissinger as "the father of neo-Atlanticism," declared:

"Mr. Rogers' determination to resign was obviously strengthened by disclosures about the Watergate scandal, and doubtless also by White House disregard of Mr. Rogers' reservations concerning certain initiatives of the special adviser on such matters as, for example, the new Atlanticism and Europe."

"Nixon in Top Form"

Concerning the President's press conference, correspondent Jacques Jacquet-Francillon reported today in Paris' moderately conservative _Figaro_:

"President Nixon is at the top of his form only when really confronted with a great difficulty. He proved this many times in the past. He has proved this even more brilliantly this morning."

"Nixon Counterattack Paying Off"

A by-line writer noted in the early edition of today's mass-circulation _France-Soir_:

"The U.S. President intended to demonstrate that he is wrongly considered a diminished man, a man at bay, and that he is still able to take the offensive."

He wrote that the President's improved popularity ratings since his August 15 televised address "probably has something to do with his decision to counter-attack a second time in less than a week. This tactic seems to be paying off."

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Italian Radio: "Nixon Convincing Under Questioning"

Reporting from San Clemente this morning on state-run Italian radio, Washington correspondent Rodolfo Brancoli said the Kissinger appointment had been expected and that "the President has gone over to the counterattack on Watergate...

"He had to face very harsh questioning, but even the journalists and his enemies, the television commentators, agreed that he was convincing. The question that is still pending is the release of the tapes. If the court rules that they should be released, Nixon will be faced with a very difficult decision."

In a six-minute report on television last night, Brancoli said there had been "strong pressure" on the President to hold a news conference. "There have been comparisons with Agnew," he stated, "who has boldly faced the media, and perhaps Nixon saw this news conference as a device to overcome the consequences of Watergate."

"Nixon's Fighting Spirit"

Influential conservative *Corriere della Sera*, Milan, today ran two front-page stories and an inside-page profile of Mr. Kissinger. Headlines reported the Kissinger nomination and suggested that Mr. Rogers resigned because of Watergate.

Its New York correspondent, Ugo Stille, said Mr. Nixon's statement about not resigning was made in a "tone of dramatic defiance.... The reporters asked harsh and explicit questions and his replies were harsh and explicit.... The President defended himself at times in an emotional way, at times with a fighting spirit."

A correspondent in San Clemente said there was a possibility that Mr. Rogers had resigned over differences with the President on Watergate--"he had recently expressed his disapproval of the Administration's role"--but asserted that the decision was "undoubtedly due to the increasing role played by Kissinger, the real protagonist of American foreign policy in recent years..."

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"Ace Up Kissinger's Sleeve?"

The paper's Kissinger profile said his nomination "is a triumph for the academics and at the same time a rebuttal to those who believe that a political figure must be clever and dull and boring as well."

"Never has an intellectual been so near the center of power in the White House... His nickname of the 'American Metternich' reflects... his predilection for the great secret plots of history and for diplomatic coups de theatre. But it does not reflect the essential characteristic of this professor who loves to be photographed with charming women--his capacity for cold and careful reasoning...."

"With regard to Watergate, Nixon understands that Kissinger's imagination is his only card in the game.... The game may be desperate, but perhaps the White House Metternich has a secret ace up his sleeve..."

Correspondent Lucio Manisco wrote in independent *Messaggero* of Rome that Mr. Kissinger's nomination was "more than a mere reshuffle in the foreign policy leadership."

He said Mr. Nixon "ran his press conference with great self-assurance." Manisco suggested that Mr. Nixon's "caution in defending Vice President Agnew... does not rule out his possible resignation in favor of the most eminent leader of the Republican 'establishment.'"

"Nixon Brave, Determined"

Writing in conservative *Il Tempo*, Marino de Medici said Mr. Nixon "bravely faced the reporters and replied in a determined way to a barrage of questions on Watergate...."

"His news conference produced nothing new, of course, except for the Kissinger-Rogers matter... Nonetheless, it is important that it was held... The Watergate storm will now probably begin to abate."

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# "Senate May Not Like Dual Role"

Left-of-center La Stampa of Turin stated in a front page report that "Nixon accepted every question, never refusing to discuss the problems posed by the press, even when they were couched in harsh polemic terms." It suggested that the Senate "may not like Kissinger's dual role, because as special assistant he can always avoid the Congressional control and continue the direct and bold diplomacy that has characterized the Nixon Administration."

## West German TV: Film Clips

The Kissinger announcement topped the newscasts last night on both West German television networks. Factual reports of Mr. Nixon's press conference were accompanied by film clips.

Newspapers today gave top play to reports of the Kissinger-Rogers change.

## "A Man From Fuerth"

Mass-circulation tabloid Bild-Zeitung of Hamburg remarked that "a man from Fuerth has become Secretary of State of the mightiest country in the world."

It noted that Mr. Rogers was the only officer in the present cabinet who had been in the Administration from the outset of Mr. Nixon's Presidency.

## "Rogers Resignation No Surprise"

Right-center Die Welt, Hamburg, ran the report of its Washington correspondent, Heinz Barth, that Mr. Rogers' resignation "came as no surprise" after the Secretary's statement that he was not interested in appointment to the Supreme Court or as ambassador to Moscow.

Barth noted Mr. Nixon's point that Mr. Kissinger's position as Secretary of State and as adviser on national security affairs would be analogous to that of Treasury Secretary Shultz, and that James Sutterlin, former head of State's Central Europe desk, had been named as the new director of the Planning and Coordination Staff, "a position which might become more important under Kissinger."

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# "Resignation Under Pressure?"

Washington correspondent Herbert von Borch wrote today in Munich's independent *Sueddeutsche Zeitung* that there were reports that Mr. Rogers had "resigned under pressure" and that these had some credence "because he never voiced any intention to resign.

"Two days ago at his press conference he clearly distanced himself from the misuse of the term 'national security' in the Watergate scandal. It is possible that friction had developed between him and Nixon over this crisis of confidence.

"By announcing Rogers' withdrawal in his first press conference in five months, Nixon has created some elbow room to deal with foreign policy questions and to disassociate himself from Watergate."

The West German DPA wire service account, carried by Bonn's independent *General-Anzeiger* and other papers, said that "Nixon and Rogers reportedly disagreed mainly in their assessment of the Watergate scandal."

## West Berlin: Thoughts on Rogers and Kissinger

Independent *Tagesspiegel* said today that Mr. Rogers had during his entire service as Secretary of State "stood in the shadow of the man who is to be his successor." It said Mr. Rogers had been "loyal to the point of self-effacement" but that his influence as a personal friend and adviser to Mr. Nixon had decreased in the second term to the advantage of "men like John Mitchell who did not serve the President well." The "shadow of Watergate" had fallen between the President and Mr. Rogers, the paper said.

Of Mr. Kissinger as Secretary of State, the paper declared that he probably regards his nomination "as the crowning point of his career as well as a relief from his activity as national security affairs adviser.

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"He may also feel, on account of Watergate, that the time for making foreign policy behind the closed doors of the White House is over...and the need to carry out policy more in agreement with public opinion and with the consensus of the Congress, to which he now has direct access as a member of the cabinet. The fact that he continues as special adviser to the President and keeps the organization of the National Security Council in his hands gives him a continuing privileged position.

"Kissinger's term as Secretary of State--if he can win Senate approval--will be decisive for his policy in another respect: He will have to add to the concept of the new U.S. relationship with the USSR and China the task of creating a new basis for the relationship of the U.S. to its allies. He may be able only to stimulate some understanding, but he will no longer be able to convince them by sheer power."

## Copenhagen: Rogers and Kissinger Compared

Conservative *Berlingske Tidende* of Copenhagen today carried the assertion of Niels J. Haagerpp, a staff member who recalled several meetings with Mr. Kissinger at foreign policy briefings, that "Henry Kissinger...knows much more about foreign policy than William Rogers, and is much more centrally placed in the molding of U.S. foreign policy." From that point of view, he said, the appointment "will be advantageous for the allies of the U.S." He also asserted:

"But Kissinger does not possess the charm of his predecessor and his capability of making relaxed conversation about foreign policy.... Kissinger could hardly have succeeded in Rogers' feat of ironing out Danish-American disagreements during his recent visit to Denmark or have represented his country and his Government with the charm Rogers displayed during his 45-minute interview on Danish TV."

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# Tokyo TV: Videotape Coverage

Japanese television had sufficient lead time to report the press conference. Networks used videotape satellite relays and stressed the Rogers resignation and Kissinger appointment.

Publicly financed NHK-TV topped its prime morning and noon news programs with the story. It reported that observers in Washington said "speculation had been going on for weeks" on a Rogers-Kissinger move. It predicted that there would be no fundamental changes in U.S. foreign policy, but expressed concern that Dr. Kissinger, being Jewish, might not be qualified to handle problems dealing with the Arab-Israeli dispute.

## "How Will Kissinger Handle Small Nations?"

Washington correspondent Mikio Arai said on the network's mass-audience morning show today:

> "It will be worth watching how the Kissinger diplomacy, which has been oriented to big powers, will handle relations with small nations."

## "Problems With the Senate?"

Fuji-TV said Mr. Kissinger would be the first Secretary of State to be dominant both in the White House and in the Department of State. It suggested that the Secretary of State-designate might have difficulty getting diplomatic matters approved in the Senate because of what it called his past cloak and dagger methods of carrying out diplomatic assignments.

## "Pipeline to the Outside World"

NET-TV said Mr. Kissinger in his dual role would have "unprecedentedly strong authority over diplomatic matters." It added that he will be a direct pipeline from the White House to the outside world. "As a result," it said, "it is clear that the U.S. diplomatic approach to Japan will be more direct."

## "Stern Outlook on Japan"

TBS television maintained that "as can be seen in the foreign policy report he authored for 1972, Dr. Kissinger has a stern outlook toward Japan."

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Tel Aviv: "Better for Israel?"

Mr. Kissinger's nomination was widely reported in Israeli media. Reports emphasized that he would have a dual role as Secretary of State and special assistant for national security affairs. Several commentators said the dual role would "end the traditional friction between the policies of the White House and the State Department." They expected no change in U. S. Middle East policy.

A commentator in independent influential *Haaretz* of Tel Aviv said that the news of Mr. Kissinger's dual functions "will be received with understanding in many parts of the world."

"But we cannot assume that this... will be better for Israel. However, one can assume that if Kissinger brings to the State Department the views prevailing in the White House... the position of the pro-Arab officials who hope to create an oil-crisis panic will to a certain extent be weakened...."

Semi-official *Davar* maintained that the "combination of functions that President Nixon has in mind with the Kissinger appointment will contribute positively to U. S.-Israeli relations."

An article in the paper stated that Jerusalem sources thought it still too early to anticipate changes in U. S. policy, and concluded:

"Regarding the Middle East, there is no reason to expect a change in the near future... because for the past two years, there has been no disagreement between Israel and Secretary Rogers, in contrast to the situation earlier."

The *Jerusalem Post* also said it is not possible to tell now whether change in the State Department will bring "significant departures in U. S. Middle East policy."

"But Mr. Nixon has acquired some room to maneuver in... The State Department has been invited back to participate in the global strategy which till now has been centered in the White House..."

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## Beirut: "Expect Arab Dissatisfaction"

The nomination of Mr. Kissinger was widely reported in Beirut media.

Independent *an-Nahar*, widely read in the Middle East, headlined today: "Rogers Resigns, Leaving State Department to 'Real Secretary,' Henry Kissinger."

A front-page report in pro-commando *al-Muharrir* was headlined: "Kissinger Is the First Jew to Become U.S. Secretary of State."

In the only available comment, conservative *al-Hayat* expressed the view that "one may presume that this change in the post of Secretary of State will be received with dissatisfaction in Arab capitals at the minimum because, regardless of his political and intellectual ability, Kissinger has Jewish blood in his veins..."

"Some American sources, however, assume that this fact might make him more capable than any other person of persuading Israel to offer concessions to help reach a formula to end the war in the same way that the Vietnam war was ended...."

"Rogers will be remembered as having played a big diplomatic role in the initiative that bears his name, but Israel's obstinacy and that of its supporters in the U.S. defeated that initiative.... President Nixon will miss in him a faithful colleague, a sincere friend and a statesman who knows where America's true interests lie."

## Moscow: A Prompt Report

Moscow TASS reported the Rogers-Kissinger announcement in a brief dispatch circulated shortly after the press conference began. It noted that Mr. Kissinger would remain Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs.

## Budapest: "Kissinger Can Take Part in CSCE"

Radio in a number of East European countries carried brief news agency reports.

A commentator on Budapest domestic radio noted that "as Secretary of State, Kissinger can take part in the work of the European security conference and can formally perform the function that he has carried out in practice since January 1969."

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## East Germany: "No Change"

An East Berlin radio commentator emphasized "that this change will not bring with it any alteration in the course of American foreign policy."

Belgrade radio noted that the President "reiterated that he will not resign because of the Watergate affair, which is, as he put it, an episode of the past."

## Hanoi: "A Tense Press Conference"

Radio Hanoi cited Western news service reports. It quoted AFP as stating, "This was a tense 50-minute press conference at the western White House."

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MEMORANDUM

THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON

INFORMATION

August 23, 1973

MEMORANDUM FOR DR. KISSINGER

FROM: LES JANKA
SUBJECT: Foreign Press Reaction Summary

Following are some typical foreign media reactions to the President's announcement of your nomination yesterday.

## Britain

The independent *Financial Times*: "Dr. Kissinger's presence in the State Department must restore some morale to that seriously demoralized body and should lead to a more unified American foreign policy..." The conservative *Daily Mail*: "Dr. Henry Kissinger takes over as American Secretary of State not a moment too soon. We greet the promotion of this remarkable man with relief and hope.... For too long America has drifted." The conservative *Daily Express*: "The appointment... is timely and welcome.... (He) is in the mould of outstanding policy-making ministers such as George Marshall and Dean Acheson..."

## West Germany

Nationally-circulated tabloid *Bild Zeitung* of Hamburg: "A man from Fuerth has become Secretary of State of the mightiest country in the world."

## Italy

The Independent-conservative *Corriere della Sera* of Milan: "Kissinger's appointment is a triumph for the academicians and at the same time a rebuttal for those who believe that a politician must be clever but also boring and dull.... Kissinger's imagination is his only card in the game.... The game is perhaps desperate, but maybe the 'Metternich of the White House' has some secret ace up his sleeve."

-2-

## Japan

NET educational television: In his dual role Mr. Kissinger "will have unprecedentedly strong authority in diplomatic matters.... He will be a direct pipeline from the White House to the outside world. As a result it has become certain that the U.S. diplomatic approach to Japan will be more direct."

## Israel

Leading independent Haaretz: "We cannot say that this... will be better for Israel; however, we can assume that if Kissinger brings to the State Department... the views prevailing at the White House... the position of pro-Arab officials wishing to create oil-crisis panic will be weakened to a certain extent..."

## Communist Countries

Soviet and East European media ran factual reports.

A full USIA media reaction report on first day coverage will be available
late today.