(a 92)

said if Governor Wilson did not want him, of course he recognized his right to
make the appointment. ~~It showed a fine spirit in Mr. Bryan and seemed to me to~~
be a hopeful sign for the future harmony. ~~Florida. February 9, 1913.~~

I saw Mr. Bryan on Sunday and Monday at different times, and on Tuesday the fourth we left Miami for St Augustine. Mr. Bryan is to go to Cuba Thursday. I forwarded all his letters and memoranda to Governor Wilson. One letter related to the distribution of patronage and was a rather curious suggestion. His idea was that the offices should be divided equally between the two parties and he thought not bring it about in the following way. If the republicans had 80% of men in office no republican would be eligible for office even under civil service until the democratic ratio had been brought up to 50%, then they should be appointed equally from that time on.

I arranged with Mrs. Bryan to see Charles Bryan on Sunday at St August-
tine.

It has been an uneventful week. McAdoo came in on Friday and told me with much glee that the President-elect had offered him the Secretaryship of the Treasury. Just before he left on his trip to Cuba, he generously urged me to take that portfolio myself and let him take War. He urged it so strongly that I had to tell him that the President had offered me my choice of places with the exception of Secretary of State, which it had already been agreed that Mr. Bryan must have.

Charlie Bryan wished to urge upon me the appointment of Folk for Attorney General. He said Mr. Wilson's intentions would be more nearly indicated by this appointment than any other, and he thought it exceedingly important that he should have a progressive *typ* of the type of Folk.

He also gave interesting information that the Commoner had a circulation of
135,000 but that Mr. Bryan had never made anything out of it, that they used the
proceeds to keep up the propaganda. He said they sometimes sent as many as 3000
letters into one congressional district in order to force a congressman to vote

(93)

"right". By "right" of course he meant as Mr. Bryan sees it. He said that during the Presidential Primaries they sent 7000 letters into Oklahoma to further the progressive cause. He made the astonishing statement that during the year they received 500,000 letters. This is unbelievable, for it is far beyond anything coming to the President's office. He stated that while the circulation was large, they had but little income from advertisements, because they restricted them to exclude all objectionable matters and matters relating to the advertisement of trust made activities.

St Augustine, February 10, 13.

Nothing happened today. McAdoo left for Cuba this afternoon.

February 11, 1913.

We leave today for New York. Just before taking the train, I received a letter from Governor Wilson requesting me to ask Houston if he would accept the Secretaryship of Agriculture. I wrote Houston, quoting a part of Governor Wilson's letter, and then urged him to accept.

Governor Wilson also asked if I would not return as soon as possible in order that we might have some final conferences in regard to the Cabinet. I wired him I was leaving today.

I wired Houston, in addition to my letter, telling him, in substance, the contents of my letter but veiling it. I had a telegram from Burleson and Gore to allow them to meet me as I passed through Washington.

New York, February 12, 1913.

When I passed through Washington today Senator Gore, Burleson and several others were there to meet me. Gore wanted to tell me of Jos. Wilson's candidacy for Secretary of the Senate and to advise that he had no chance of election. He said there would not be five votes cast for him. He thought the feeling was very strong against having the President's brother in their executive sessions, for it would amount practically to having the President himself.

Burleson talked of his own affairs, and Woolley went as far as Baltimore.

(94)

He has withdrawn his name from consideration as Secretary of the Senate, and he
said he intended to write Joe Wilson and advise him to do the same. He thought he
had no chance of election.

Frank Andrews of Texas was in New York awaiting me. Our train was an hour
late and we did not get in until eight o'clock. I had invited him to dinner at
seven but the hall force downstairs would not allow him to go up to our apartment.
I have asked them to be careful and they have but little discretion.

I called Governor Wilson over the telephone and he asked me to come over
to Princeton tomorrow for the afternoon and night.

February 13, 1913.

I went to Princeton on the twelve o'clock train and the Governor met
me at Princeton Junction on his way from Trenton. We had a long afternoon and
evening together.

He read me his Inaugural Address which seems to me a masterpiece of its kind.
it is off the beaten track and is full of spirituality. It is a document which
should be of far-reaching good. It outlines the purposes of his administration.
He was exceedingly gratified by my complimentary estimate of it.

We talked of the Cabinet and of the foreign appointments. He said
that Dr. Eliot had declined the Chinese mission and that he would now offer it
to John W. Mott of the Y. M. C. A. which is doing so much to bring about reforms
in China. He intends also to ask Prof Fine of Princeton to accept the Ambassa
dorship to Germany. His reason for this is that Fine is well suited for the post
and he is not happy under conditions where he is. He has no money but Cleveland
Dodge has generously offered to supplement his salary with $25 000. a year for
four years.

Governor Wilson asked Dodge if he would take a post abroad but he de
clined. He said it would cost him $100,000. a year and he would rather give

(95)

it to his old friend Fine and let him take the post.

We spoke of Richard Olney as Ambassador to the Court of St James, and the only objection is his age, which is seventy-eight.

We passed from those matters for the present and thought of Thos. Nelson Page for France or Italy. He would be an admirable man for Italy, and I told the Governor that I thought he fitted in there better than in France. He spoke of Frederic Penfield, and decided to send him to Belgium, Holland or perhaps Spain. He decided definitely that he would not appoint Justice Gerard or any man who was conspicuous for his money.

McCombs wants him to appoint de Saulles as Minister to Chile. He said the trouble with McCombs was that he was only interested in second or third rate men, — men whom he could not appoint or did not desire to. What he only presents to him the "cheapest" type of men. He regretted very much that he was to have another sitting with McCombs on Saturday evening. He thought he would probably stay until twelve o'clock, and they would get no further than they were now.

In speaking of the Cabinet he said he had investigated Brandeis' record and he could not bring himself to believe that he had done anything to cause criticism, — certainly not of the virulent kind he was getting. I argued against putting him in the Cabinet for the reason that so large a part of the reputable people of New England think ill of him. It does not matter whether they are right or whether they are wrong, they believe he is dishonest and his value of service would be minimized. The President-elect spoke ardently in his favor and criticized Brandeis' critics. I thought the same group would be glad not to see Mr. Bryan in the Cabinet, but no one questioned Mr. Bryan's integrity.

We dropped the matter for awhile and took it up later and I reluctantly acquiesced in his appointment to the Bureau of Commerce.

We went over names from one end of the country to the other, revamping former tentative decisions.

Tumulty came in for dinner. He pointed out that Redfield had not been

(96)

a Wilson man before the campaign and had said some things in disparagement of
the Governor. We discussed putting Daniels in the Postoffice Department, but
the question of patronage came up and some one suggested that he was too ardent
a Bryan man and that he would be more loyal to Bryan than to Wilson. The Gov-
ernor expressed himself as not desiring patronage used either in his own behalf or
in behalf of anyone else.

My advice was to make Burleson Postmaster General. He thought Burleson
would build up a machine. I replied that if he did it would be a Wilson machine,
and he could be restrained from even doing that. He was rather distrustful of
Burleson being able to hold down the place. I reassured him by saying that if
he would appoint Burleson I could get him to appoint Lewis or Redfield as assis-
tant.

We finally discontinued our conference because the Governor was tired,
and I could see that we were not reaching any conclusions. I braced him up by
telling him that he now had the nucleus of a strong Cabinet and not to think or
worry about it again until we met again, and we would then place each in the pro-
per niche.

February 14, 1913.

I returned on the eight o'clock to New York. At five in the afternoon
Governor Wilson came to spend the night with me.

We had two hours before dinner discussing the Cabinet. It was fairly
definitely determined then to arrange it in this way:

Bryan for State, McAdoo for Treasury, Houston for Agriculture, Palmer for
Attorney General, Burleson for Postmaster General, Brandeis for Commerce, Wilson
for Labor, Newton Baker for Interior and Daniels for Navy.

I urged that he put in Franklin K. Lane for War or Interior. He asked if
I knew Lane's views on conservation. I did not but I knew they were sound. I
suggested that he let me find out. He asked how I would do it. I said I would
send for him and in order to be certain that he met the extreme Eastern view, I

(97)

would have Norman Hapgood drop in and let them meet as if by accident. He was pleased with this plan and told me to go ahead. We spoke of the foreign appointments again, and he reiterated his determination to lift up the standard.

We went to the Belasco to see "Years of Discretion". We had a lower box, and after the second act the audience began to applaud. The Governor asked if I thought he should arise. I advised him to pay no attention to it, but the applause continued and he whispered that it was becoming embarrassing. I then suggested that he arise and bow, which he did and the applause ceased.

We discussed the difference between England and the United States as to such matters. In England the King and Royal Family can go to the opera or theater and not a head will be turned towards them by anyone excepting foreigners. The British sense of fair play is something our people have yet to learn. The King can go to Newmarket and mingle with the crowd and no Englishman will turn his head to stare at him. We left by a private entrance to avoid the crowd.

When we reached the apartment and were munching our sandwiches before retiring, we fell to talking about various matters. The Governor said he thought that lying was justified in some instances, particularly where it involved the honor of a woman. I agreed to this. He thought it was also justified where it related to matters of public policy. I mildly dissented from this view telling him that it opened up too wide a range; that I thought the best thing to do when impertinent questions were put to you, was not to make any reply. He said perhaps I was right and that in the future he thought he would do that. This attitude of mind is interesting to me, for the reason that he has so many times grazed the truth in answering questions in regard to his appointments.

Another thing he talked of was war. He said he did not share the views of many of our present day statesmen that was so much to be deprecated. He considered it, as an economic porposition ruinous, but he thought there was no more glorious way to die than in battle. This coming from the son of a minister and an ex-college president surprised. It strengthened my opinion though as to

(99)

its public servants to office. He further said that it seemed to him that the people could always regulate this themselves, and that even if a man"on horseback" should attempt to over-ride the desires of the people, it would meet with failure. He thought if Roosevelt should attempt it, the attempt would be a fiasco and look like opera bouffe. I took the opposite ground. I could see clearly how the failure to restrict the term of office which one man could hold might end disastrously. I thought in the first instance our Presidents had too much power, As Commander of the Army and Navy, and entrenched in power for four years, and subject to no removal excepting by impeachment; with an enormous patro nage at his command, and with the power practically to make war with a foreign country, his term of office should be restricted.

I thought we should have a change in the form of our Government, in as much as the power of the President should be restricted, and that he should be held in a way subject to the control of the Lower House, much as the English and French Premiers are now held. He replied, even so, if a Cromwell or a "man on horseback" appeared he would pay no attention to the mandates of a parliament.

I put this situation before him: Suppose a man of limitless ambition, unrestrained by patriotism should become President. Suppose he desired to perpetuate his power and suppose such an opportunity as this presented itself:— Strikes should become prevalent throughout the country both among railroads and minds, a condition might easily be brought about which would border upon revolution and chaos. As soon as the people began to feel the pinch of high prices and the lack of necessities because the output of the mines were restricted, and because transportation facilities were at a standstill, they would demand that the government proceed to open up transportation and products by force. To do this a large and ever increasing army would be necessary, since it would have to be scattered from one end of the land to the other.

The sympathy of the rich and well-to-do would be with the strong arm

(100)

that was directing affairs and, being backed by no inhibition of the Constitution
as to the length of term, he could go on indefinitely and with dictatorial powers.

It was twelve o'clock before we went to bed, and we had a busy morning before
us.

February 15, 1913.

Governor Wilson had sent for Mr. Maubrey of Maryland to meet him at our
apartment. He wishes to persuade him to enter the Senatorial race in Maryland.
He also wished to see Jas. W. McReynolds and look him over. I invited McRey-
nolds down ostensibly to discuss the appointment of a District Attorney here.

The Governor liked McReynolds, but he had to leave before McReynolds did.
I went with him to the elevator and downstairs, and during that time we discuss-
ed him. He authorized me to offer him the Solicitor Generalship if I thought
best, although he said he thought perhaps this should not be done until he had
conferred with his Attorney General whomever he might be. He told me however
to use my judgment.

I spoke to McReynolds about it, and he said the Governor was right in be-
lieving the Attorney General should be spoken to first. He was not inclined to
accept it. He had had so much work of that character already and it had no at-
traction to a man of fifty, who had already had experience of that sort. I
told him that Palmer was slated for Attorney General and he said he would look
up his record. He did this during the day and came to see me later.

Before leaving the Governor authorized me to ask George Gordon Battle
if he would accept the District Attorneyship here. I asked McReynolds to do
this and Battle said he could not take it on account of commitments he had al-
ready made. McReynolds, according to our agreement, then asked him if his
partner Snowdon Marshall could take it and he promised to ascertain.

February 16, 1913.

Frank Lane came over from Washington arriving at half past nine o'clock.
I informed him of what we had in mind for him. The Interior, in his opinion,

(101)

was the most difficult (one) in the Cabinet but he would take it if we wanted him to do so. He said he would take anything we thought him best suited for, but that he was content to remain where he was as Chairman of the Interstate Commerce Commission.

Feeling responsible for Lane, I drew him out upon all the leading questions and I found that he has a remarkably strong, virile mind. My opinion of him increased materially, much as I had thought of him before. There will certainly not be a stronger or more dominant force in the Cabinet.

Norman Hapgood came and I brought them together and we had a fine hour. After Lane left, Hapgood expressed his enthusiastic admiration for him, and said he thought he would suit the position for which we had him in mind wonderfully well. I asked that he write a letter to this effect, telling him I wanted him to share the responsibility with me because the President-elect had never met Lane and knew him only through me.

In the afternoon I called on James Marwick of Marwick, Mitchell & Co. and told him that McAdoo wished him to advise as to the form of receipt he should take when he took over the Treasury. He promised to look into it.

Frank Trumbull called at five o'clock and we discussed many matters. Later Police Commissioner, Rhinelander Waldo came, but I could only give him a minute. Then came S. R. Bertron and afterwards McReynolds. McReynolds had looked up Palmer's record and thought it would be absurd to appoint him Attorney General; that he had had no experience whatever to justify him for the position. Not only that, he represented the D. L. & W. and the Lehigh Valley Railroads and that Attorney General Wickersham had, at his suggestion, gotten him, McReynolds, to draw up a bill against one road and that suit against the other would be brought within a week or two.

He said Palmer also represented a little railroad running out from Straubenburg, Pa. and that this road belonged to the Paint Trust. I asked McReynolds

(102)

to put this in writing in concrete form so I could present it to Governor Wilson.

The Governor called me up at nine o'clock and asked me about Lane. I was delighted to tell him that matter was in fine shape. I then told him about McReynolds and Palmer. He seemed depressed and said "that may necessitate a rearrangement". I asked him not to worry, that the getting of Lane in the Cabinet was of much more importance than the losing of Palmer for Attorney General; that Lane could take that place if necessary, and fill it with distinction and that we could keep Baker for the Interior.

February 17, 1913.

Wallace called this morning and I informed him of what a very slender chance he had for the Cabinet-- practically none at all. I told him about Lane, but I explained that Lane's selection would not mean his elimination, for the Governor was not averse to taking two men from the same section.

I had numerous telephone calls. I had a letter from Mrs. E. H. Harriman recommending Frederic H. Allen as Ambassador to France.

Henry Morganthau called at five o'clock. He wished to tell me many things but particularly how very competent he was to be Secretary of the Treasury. He seemed hurt that Wilson had not called him in for consultation, or sent for him, or noticed him in any way since the election. His position as Chairman of the Finance Committee of the campaign, he seemed to think, entitled him to greater consideration. I explained that the President-elect had not called his friends into consultation, and those who had been with him had made the appointments themselves and had not come at his invitation. This was invariably the case, as far as I knew, with the exception of Mr. Bryan, Speaker Clark, Mr. Underwood and some members of the Senate and House. He left in a fine humor, and promised to write me his views if I would convey them to the Governor.

February 18, 1913.

Fred. H. Allen called. Tumulty called me over the telephone to say that

(103)

the Governor would leave Trenton on the 4.32 train and would reach New York at 5.56 to spend the evening and night with me.

Newton Baker, Mayor of Cleveland, also rang me up and to say that he had arrived. When I was in Princeton, the Governor wrote him a note asking him to come to New York on Tuesday or Wednesday, as was most convenient, and to telephone me and that I would make an appointment for him to meet the Governor at my apartment. I asked Baker to dine with us at seven o'clock, and I was requested him not to let his presence in New York be known, and above all things, not to let anyone know he was coming to my apartment, or was having an appointment with the President-elect.

a
Edward S. Martin and Charles Ferguson, one of the editors and writer for Hearst, lunched with me. Martin and I were amused at Ferguson whom we both met for the first time. Ferguson smothered his ideas in such a splendid flow of eloquent verbiage that it was almost impossible to gather what he was trying to say. After two hours, I got a glimpse as to the *motif* running through his conversation. Martin never did because, as he said, he could not keep from lapsing into commonsense every now and then.

I met Governor Wilson and brought him to the apartment. We had about forty minutes before Baker came, and we discussed the Cabinet and other appointments. I told him that Snowden Marshall would accept the District Attorneyship.

I related my interview with Morganthau and asked him to give Morganthau something and suggested that he make him Minister to Turkey. He laughingly replied "there ain't going to be no Turkey".

Baker came and we had a very delightful dinner, (and) politics were not discussed at all, (but) stories were told, Mark Twain and various other persons and matters were talked of. After dinner I left the Governor and Baker for a few minutes. I could hear the Governor telling Baker about me and of his regard for me, but I did not care to listen and went into another room further

["(104)", "away. In about a half hour I returned. The Governor said he had offered Baker the Secretaryship of the Interior and that he was considering the matter. Baker finally decided he could not take it. He said there was no one to carry on the work in Cleveland which he had begun, and he thought the *XIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIXIX

(105)

be true. I thought that McCombs' lookout, and he need not say anything himself.

My reason for this was that it would gratify McCombs, and there would be no neces-
sity of making any explanation to the country as to McCombs.

When the mail came in, I found a letter from McCombs asking to see me. I
have made an appointment with him for five thirty.

I asked Governor Wilson to come and be my guest on Friday and go to the
theater to which he readily consented. I told him that we could arrange to have
Mitchell Palmer over Saturday morning in order that he might offer him the Secreta-
ryship of War.

Morganthau told me yesterday that Secretary of War Stimson wanted to have a
private interview with the President-elect. I offered to ascertain the truth of
this. I telephoned Wallace at Washington and had him call up Stimson. Stimson
said he had not made the request, but had merely said he thought it important that
as soon as Governor Wilson had named his successor they should confer together.
This is on account of the Mexican situation. Secretary Stimson also expressed
the belief that Governor Wilson should put a very strong man in that portfolio.

When Governor Wilson comes Friday he is to see Melville Stone of the Asso-
ciated Press at the University Club and then come directly to the apartment. We
will then discuss Cabinet appointments and later go to see "The Sunshine Girl"
at the Knickerbocker Theater.

In our talk last night with Newton Baker the Governor expressed a desire
to have in the Cabinet a man of general constructive ability so that he, himself,
would not have to carry the weight of every Department. He also expressed a de-
sire for men who had idealism, and yet with all, practical. He pointed to Mr.
Bryan as one who had idealism without being practical.

Numerous reporters have telephoned today to ascertain if the Governor was
with me last night. My reply has been that any information concerning his move-
ments must come from him.

(106)

Burleson called me from Washington and wanted to know the news. R. W. Woolley came from Washington to see me concerning Joseph Wilson's candidacy for Secretary of the Senate. I told him that my attitude was one of neutrality. I did not intend to similarly advise either one way or the other; that Joe would have to decide the question for himself. My feeling of course is strongly against the advisability of his making such a race.

McCombs came at half past five. He complained bitterly of the way the Governor was treating him; that he did not consult with him or tell him about any of his plans. I asked if he knew of anyone else that he consulted or to whom he told his plans. He confessed he did not and I told him he had no right to complain.

He said he would not accept a Cabinet position, but he wanted it offered to him so he might decline it; that this was due him. He said, above all else, McAdoo must not go in the Cabinet; that it would be considered an affront to him which he would resent, and which he thought the party leaders throughout the country would generally resent.

He said there was a bitter feeling among the party leaders that they were not being consulted, and not taken into confidence. Of course he exaggerates this. I tried to tell him that McAdoo was his friend and had never done him any harm, and that the trouble between them had been brought about by mischief makers. I urged him to let me bring them together so that they might have a complete understanding. That if he would do this it would mean much for party harmony and for the next administration, but it would mean more to him personally than to anyone else. He said he could not see what good it would do him. As usual the conference resulted in nothing excepting a request that we have another one tomorrow or next day.

I talked to Governor Wilson over the telephone later in the evening and told him of this conference with McCombs. He seemed pleased that there was some prospect of McCombs and McAdoo coming together. We call them Damon and Pythias

(106)

in order to conceal their identity. He advised me in dealing with McCombs to use
"the iron hand", that he thought it was necessary in his case. I believe he is
right.

I reported that I had sent Wallace to the Secretary of War in regard to his
request for a meeting, and that Stimson had said he had made no request, but had
told someone who had told Morganthau that he thought it advisable to have a talk
with the next Secretary as soon as he was chosen.

I also informed the Governor that I had not received a telegram from Newton
Baker, therefore, that incident was closed.

I arranged with Tumulty over the telephone to lunch with me tomorrow to meet
McReynolds.

February 20, 1913.

McReynolds came this morning at a quarter after nine o'clock. I told him he
would be the next Attorney General unless things were changed within the next few
days. He was greatly pleased. I suggested that weugggat T. W. Gregory for So-
licitor General. He thought that would be an excellent selection.

Edward S. Martin came at half past nine and Fred. H. Allen at nine forty-five
I have had numerous requests from reporters for interviews and photographs of my-
self, all of which I have declined.

Otto Carmicheal came at two o'clock. James Creelman at twenty minutes past
two. Creelman desired to know Governor Wilson's and Mr. Bryan's attitude towards
Mexico. I gave it to him in confidence. He also wanted to know what measures
would be suggested by Governor Wilson at the extra session. I told him the tariff
and perhaps currency reform.

February 21, 1913.

I was interrupted during the entire day by callers both in person and by tel-
ephone. Newspaper reporters, office seekers, bankers and what not were after me.

I saw Edwardix& Mr. Lowry of the Evening Post for a few minutes in the after-

(107)

just before Governor Wilson came. I had McReynolds and Tumulty to lunch in order
that they might meet. Governor Wilson arrived at six o'clock.

I immediately took up the McCombs matter. I urged him to let me invite McCombs
to go to the theater with us. I thought he was in a docile humor and that it
would be a mistake not to meet him half way. I expressed my strong belief that
he did not realize just what a break with McCombs would mean. McCombs could not
hurt him politically, but I was afraid the country would feel that he, the Governor
had proved ungrateful. Our people are a sentimental people, and sometimes go to
extreme lengths when their feelings are stirred.

He answered that he never got anywhere with McCombs; that he was weak and
vain; that he had no suggestions of value to make, and that he wanted to discuss
with him appointments and offer for his consideration second or third rate men.
He said it was becoming unbearable; that he had made a mistake while President of
Princeton in trying to reconcile that kind of people, and that he did not intend to
make such a mistake again. He consented, however, for me to do as I liked. I
called up McCombs and he was very pleased. I told him to be ready at 7.45, but
as usual he was late and kept the President-elect waiting.

After the theater we left McCombs at his hotel, and while eating our sandwiches
before going to bed we talked of many things.

I told him that Lane wanted to know what kind of man he was, and whether he
would be given a free hand in his department. I answered that it would depend
entirely upon him, Lane, that if he was capable of handling the department with-
out any assistance, the President would soon find it out and would give him a per-
fectly free hand; That he really wanted his Cabinet to be able to carry on their
departments without his help, but if he found them lacking, he would keep his hand
upon them. The Governor replied that I had exactly stated his views to Lane.

We went over some of the letters which I had picked out from the many
I am receiving. We discussed some of the manor offices. He desired Dudley

(108)

Field Malone to be in Washington, and we decided to put him in the Department of Justice if nothing else suitable could be found.

I suggested Obadiah Gardner for Commissioner of Pensions which met his approval. I also suggested Governor Burke for Treasurer of the United States which also pleased him. I suggested Governor Osborne of Wyoming for one of the Philippine Commissioners. This place pays $15,000. a year and I was sure Mr. Bryan would be pleased if he gave it to him. Mr. Bryan wants Osborne for his First Assistant in the State Department. Governor Wilson and I both think him entirely unfit for that place. He has neither the culture nor the training for it.

I discussed currency matters with him and we went over the new memoranda which Paul Warburg had given me.

Mitche

February 22, 1913.

Mitchell Palmer came at ten o'clock. The Governor offered him the War Portfolio. Palmer was visibly disappointed and will probably not accept it. In my opinion he will make a mistake not to do so. His view is rather narrow and selfish. He wants to be Attorney General in order to advance his own fortunes as he thinks it would be possible for him to obtain a lucrative practice after four years of service under the Government. I tried to convince him that this might occur if he were Secretary of War. I called his attention to his predecessors, mentioning Stanton and others in former years, and Taft Dickinson, Root and Stimson more recently.

I took the Governor to the station and left Palmer in the apartment. On the way I suggested that he offer Walter Page the Interior and put Lane into War. He authorized me to interview Page and see whether he would take it.

Before we left the apartment, McCombs had called me up and said he had a notion to go abroad and wanted to know if that place was still open to him. I said it was. He then said he would like to go to France and wanted to know if I thought I could arrange it. I answered I thought I could and would try. I

(109)

spoke to the Governor about this on the way to the station. He seemed to think the post far beyond his capabilities, but I urged him to give it to him. He finally said I might make the tender.

I shall call up McCombs later and have an interview with him. I feel sorry for the poor devil. He has brought his troubles upon himself, but nevertheless, they are many and real, and he has my profound sympathy. I am really very fond of him and I shall do what I can to save his feelings and his face.

The Governor said he would appoint Gregory to the Mexican mission. I called Burleson up and he was delighted with the news.

McCombs called at half past five. He asked if I would accept the Chairmanship of the National Committee if he resigned. I declined to do so. We then discussed a proper person to place in charge in the event he should resign and go as Ambassador to France. My choice was Hugh C. Wallace and his, Mitchell Palmer, although he does not seem to wholly trust him.

I spoke of what a great position an ambassadorship was. He replied that no one knew it better than he; That Breckenridge of Arkansas was Minister to Russia and that he was now living on a 680 acre farm near some small town in Arkansas and that when he came to town on Saturday and hitched his wagon before the drugstore, if anyone should ask the druggist who he was, he would be unable to say.

McCombs said the idea of being "sent into darkest Austria" did not appeal to him, but he thought he would like to go to France. I told him to give me a definite answer on Monday, because I did not care to take the matter up with the Governor until he had made up his mind.

I called the Governor over the telephone and told him I had telegraphed Walter Page to be here on Monday. I also told him of my conversation with McCombs.

February 23, 1913.

Burleson called me from Washington and said he had had a long talk with Mitchell

(110)

Palmer. That Palmer did not want to go into War because he was a Quaker, but that does not seem to be his real reason. Burleson said Palmer would take the Treasury. He thought McAdoo might possibly be persuaded to take War and give the Treasury to Palmer. I told him I would talk the matter over with Governor Wilson but I thought unless Palmer took the War Department, he might as well conclude to remain out of the Cabinet.

I asked Burleson to write Gregory and add his persuasions to mine that he accept the Solicitor Generalship instead of going as Ambassador to Mexico.

Tumulty came over at half past twelve to discuss Cabinet matters. Neither of us is satisfied with Brandeis, and neither of us thought that Walter Page should go into the Interior Department. There is the complication of my having wired Page to come here, and the uncertainty of what to do with him.

I called the Governor over the telephone and told him Page would be here Monday morning, but I was very doubtful about his putting him in the Interior. I thought no Southern man should be given that place because the Pension Bureau would be under him. He thought Page had been living in the North long enough to bar that objection. I disagreed with him. I promised to telephone later in the day.

I went to see Melville Stone at the Lotus Club and we talked of the next administration and of its policies. We fell to discussing the Monroe Doctrine. In speaking of his interview with Governor Wilson the other day he said that the Governor remarked that he thought it would be a good idea for this country to have a sympathetic understanding with England and Germany. This is the same idea I gave him some two weeks ago, and it showed that it fell upon fallow soil.

Teal of Oregon, Childers and Feigl are all calling and Tumulty comes again at six to discuss Cabinet matters.

I called the Governor on the Telephone again to see if we could settle up on a satisfactory man for War and Interior.

Feigl came with an article which was very eulogistic of me to be used in

(111)

the Tammany Times. Macauley came from the World to get data for the same purpose. He said the World wanted to devote a page to me next Sunday. I urged him not to do it. He replied that unless he did it they would put someone else on the work and it would be done perhaps in an unsympathetic way. He wanted to also make a sketch of me, but this I flatly refused. I turned him over to Childers for such information as he might be able to give.

After Tumulty came I called up the Governor and told him of my talk with Burleson and of his conversation with Palmer. The President-elect declined to give Palmer the Treasury, saying that the matter was closed. We then discussed over the telephone the propriety of asking Redfield to be First Assistant in Commerce and Labor, and he authorized me to find out whether he would accept that place.

We also discussed Walter Page for Interior and it was decided that I should consult with Burleson and have him ask Palmer for his opinion.

I called up Burleson and gave him the two commissions and asked him to report as soon as possible. He said he could not see Redfield before tomorrow, but he would see Palmer at once.

At about eight o'clock Burleson reported that Palmer said when he first mentioned the matter, "I am not one of the cards in the game, but one of the discards, and I do not know why my opinion should be asked for or be of any value". This does not indicate a very fine spirit. However, Burleson soothed him and Palmer told him he did not think that any Southerner should be appointed to the Interior. He also expressed to Burleson his desire to cooperate cordially with the administration even though he were not in the Cabinet.

I reported this conversation to the Governor and we decided to keep Lane in the Interior and pick out another man for War. I urged H. C. Wallace of Washington, and we finally let the matter go over until tomorrow.

February 24, 1913.

Wallace called and I told him that I had urged him for War, but I doubted

(112)

whether he ought to take it since he is not a lawyer and, at this particular time,
the duties of that office were unusually onerous. I told him to think about it
and to let me know by one o'clock the conclusions he reached.

Burleson reported that he had seen Redfield and that after some persuasion
Redfield had decided to accept the place of Assistant Secretary of Commerce & Labor.
He said he would have to resign from all his directorates and also from a large and
profitable business. He showed a fine spirit and one quite different from those
from
who have looked at the future in a purely selfish point of view.

Gore called me from Washington to discuss pending matters, and protested
having Wallace appointed Secretary of War. He desired ex-Governor Lind of Minnesota.
I had merely mentioned the matter of Wallace to Burleson a half hour before.
It shows how quickly news travels around in congressional circles. I am
wondering if the President-elect is not making a mistake in going to Congress for
any Cabinet material.

Gore rang me up again and wanted to know something of the Secretary of
Agriculture. I told him he would be satisfied, but gave him no further information.
No one has a suspicion that Houston will be appointed, neither have they
thought of McReynolds. They are the two surprises for the public. Lane is an-
other surprise, though some of the Congressmen know about him.

Walter Page arrived in response of my telegram. When I wired him we expected to place him in the Interior and move Lane up to War, but in talking with the Governor last night it was decided best not to put a Southerner in that place.
There was also another objection to Page which he brought out himself and that is
the Publishing house of Doubleday, Page & Co. do not employ union labor, but keep
open shop. This would bring about a storm of protest against him.

Page was very earnest in his belief that Daniels should not go in the Cabinet. He thought he was not big enough. He also thought it a mistake to put Brandeis in. I told Page the reason we had summoned him was because there was

(113)

know
likely to be a slip-up in some of the Cabinet places, and we wanted to definitely
whether he could be used in case it was necessary. I also told him the Governor
wished me to discuss with him the material already gotten together. He suggested,
and I advised, his going at once to Trenton to take the matter up with the Governor.

Wallace rang me up and said he thought it inadvisable for him to accept War.
I conveyed this to the Governor through Tumulty. We are going to look up a New
jersey man, Vice Chancellor Garrison, and see whether he will fill the bill.

I arranged with Tumulty to dine with us tomorrow evening to meet McCombs. Mc-
to
Combs is coming this afternoon, and I suppose he will give his decision as to the
Ambassadorship to France, though he may have forgotten it by this time and never re-
fer to it again.

It is my purpose to get the Governor to consent to have McCombs, McAdoo and
George Harvey occupy our box with us at the theater next Friday night. It would
create a sensation and make an admirable impression throughout the country.

Wallace came at five o'clock. He said that the main reason for withdrawing
his name for the President's consideration was the fact that the War Department at
this time needed a man having the friendship and confidence of the President to the
last degree. I think he is right in this. While he was here, McCombs came and
remained for an hour and a half. He drooled along about the general situation and
about resigning from the National Committee and about the post of Ambassador to
France. When he left we had gotten nowhere, and he asks to come again this after-
noon. No one appreciates so well as I what Governor Wilson has to endure and how
his patience has been worn to a shred.

told
I wanted Tumulty to come at five, and I have asked him to ask the Governor if
we might tell McCombs about the Cabinet. I want Tumulty to come and tell me with
McCombs just as if I had no more information than he. I think this will please
McCombs. McCombs pretends to have a very cordial feeling for me, but I am sure
he thinks I have supplanted him in the confidence of the President-elect. He does

(114)

not realize that he could not maintain himself in any circumstances, and that his
mind and that of Governor Wilson do not follow the same current.

Walter Page came after dinner and told of his trip to Trenton. He regretted
that it was too late to keep Daniels out of the Cabinet. The President-elect had
already written him. I knew this, because he told me he intended writing McReynolds
Daniels and Burleson notes on Sunday. I was in hopes he had not mailed the one to
Daniels. He said to Page, "you do not seem to think that Daniels is Cabinet tim-
ber". Page replied "He is hardly a splinter".

In discussing the Cabinet Page thought it distinctly mediocre, and thought the
country would so regard it. I asked him how he could better it, and when he attempt-
ed to do so, like all the rest, he failed signally. The truth is there is not much
material in the party from which to choose, and as a matter of fact, neither party
seems to be burdened with strong men. I think, in all the circumstances, we have
done well.

In looking over the list he said there was not a man in it who had the quali-
ties and graces of a gentleman. McAdoo, he thought, came nearest and Houston was
a gentleman without the manners of one. He thought perhaps the Governor would not
put Brandeis in the Cabinet. He had gone over the same ground with him that I have
so often done. While Page was with me he wrote Governor Wilson a letter in which
he again reiterated the inadvisability of appointing Brandeis.

Tumulty telephoned while Page was here, saying that the Governor had sent
for Vice Chancellor Garrison and was very much pleased with him, and had offered
him the post of Secretary of War. Garrison had taken it under advisement until to-
day.

The thing that impresses me most is the casual way in which the President-elect
is making up his Cabinet. I can see no end of trouble for him in the future unless
he proceeds with more care.

February 25, 1913.

Among the callers this morning were Wallace, Childers, Grubb, Jones and an

(115)

infinite number of telephone calls. Wallace came to lunch and thought I would be
making a mistake to go to the dinner to be given me tomorrow night which is to in-
clude representatives of every important banking and financial institution in New
York. The Morgans will be represented by Henry P. Davison; Kuhn, Loeb & Co. by
Otto Kahn; the Speyers by James Speyer; the Steel Corporation by Judge Gary; the
General Electric by, Mr. Coffin. Then there will be Henry C. Frick and the pres-
ident of almost every important banking firm.

I tried to reach my host, F. Horace Harding, 955 Fifth Avenue, to cancel the
dinner, but he thought it was impossible. I then told him I would come after din-
ner and meet them but I would not attend the dinner itself.

The guests at the dinner are said to represent five billions of capital. This
is the second time I have tried to avoid one of these gatherings representing a
great aggregation of wealth.

McAdoo called me over the telephone at eight and asked to come, and I
agreed if he would leave promptly at nine.

McReynolds came in the afternoon to have a long talk, but I told him I
was too tired so he only remained about three minutes. McCombs also wished to
come, but I declined to see him. He asked to come tomorrow.

February 26, 1913.

I received through Senator Murray Crane, by request of Governor Wilson, cards
and invitations to all the Inauguration Ceremonies. One of the cards bore the
legend that Loulie and I were included in the President's immediate party, and ask-
ed that all courtesies be shown us. This card, of course, will be the "open sesame"
to everything.

Burleson called me from Washington and said that Redfield had reconsidered his
decision to accept the place of First Assistant Secretary of Commerce. I communicat-
ed this to Tumulty for Governor Wilson, and urged him not to lose Redfield's servic-
es but to appoint him to the first place instead of Brandeis.

(117)

something else. The poor fellow needs to get away and out of it all, but he is
like a moth fluttering around a candle. He asked if I would not take the matter
up with the Governor, and I told him I would be glad to, and would urge him to do as
he requested.

I suggested that he become my guest on Friday evening along with McAdoo and
Governor Wilson in order that they all might be seen together in the box. He said
he did not believe he could do it, and he did not think it was a good thing. He
thought it too spectacular and too obvious. I disagree with him. I think it would
show that the feud was over and would be a public statement of the fact without words
However, we shall see.

I went to the Harding dinner and talked with the guests invited to meet me. It
was an interesting occasion. I first talked to Mr. Frick, then with Davison and
afterwards with Otto Kahn. All the guests gathered around me in a circle, and I
talked to them in a general and conversational way, putting questions to them and
answering theirs put to me. The main thought running through my talk was that
they were the victims of their own fears; that it was astonishing to me that they
should "cry before they were hit". I told them that all financial uneasiness in
America commenced in New York and was largely from their unwarranted fears. It
reminded me of the old man who gathered his sons about his bed-side and said "I
have had a great deal of trouble in my life, but most of it never happened."

I told them that *they* were responsible for the unhappy financial feeling
and *not* Governor Wilson; that he had said nothing directly or indirectly that would
warrant any belief that he was going to make an attack upon business. I said, his
utterances while idealistic were intended to raise the moral stamina of the Nation,
and were not for the purpose of writing such sentiment into law. I spoke of his
courage, both moral and physical, and told them they had never had a President who
was more capable of conducting the affairs of the country in a way to benefit it as
a whole. That he was fundamentally sound in his thought, and that while he was a

(118)

progressive, at the same time there would be no measure enacted into law, over his
signature, which was in the least degree demagogic.

They all seemed pleased with what I said, and the meeting broke up with a con-
viction that much good had been done. They seemed to me like a lot of children
whose fears must be quieted. They must be told that there are no bears around to
hurt them.

February 27, 1913.

This morning the telephone began to ring early. Mr. Tucker wished to
tell me how pleased he was with the dinner last night, and how many compliments he
had heard in regard to it.

Josiah Quincy held forth for fifteen minutes or twenty minutes upon the ini-
quities of Brandeis, and wanted to know what could be done further in the matter.
I declined to advise him.

R. W. Woolley, who will be one of McAdoo's assistants, called. We talked of
Joe Wilson's candidacy for Secretary of the Senate, and he said he thought it was
settled that Joe would not make the race. I sent Woolley down to McAdoo, telling
him for the first time that McAdoo was to be Secretary of the Treasury.

Edward S. Martin came to lunch. We go tonight to the opera with the Fred-
eric Penfields. They invited us to dinner but we declined. I hereby intend to
drop in on them to find out which of the European appointments he desires.

I later decided not to go to the opera as it was raining hard and I was very
busy.

Paul Warburg came at five fifteen. I told him that McAdoo would be in
presently and to please not stay longer than fifteen minutes after he came. I
told him in confidence that McAdoo would be the next Secretary of the Treasury.
I have found Warburg very reliable.

McAdoo arrived just as Warburg and I were talking of the White Slave Traffic,
and the betterment of conditions for women. Warburg is associated with John D.

(119)

Rockefeller, Jr. in this work. McAdoo is also interested in the problem, and we discussed nothing else as long as Warburg remained. After he left I received a call from Joe Wilson from Washington. He wanted me to telephone Senator Gore and ask his assistance in his race as Secretary of the Senate. I promised to do it, but rather discouraged him in his belief that he could win. I handed the telephone to McAdoo who told him much the same thing.

Senator Gore call up just after Joe Wilson finished. He was wondering whether McReynolds was to be Attorney General. I told him I thought he was a good guesser. He had been told that McReynolds was the man who wrote what he termed "the McMurray Decision against Oklahoma" and he was very much disturbed about it. He was also disturbed about Joe Wilson and his candidy.

cy.

I called up McReynolds and found there was no truth in the statement made by
Gore.

Tumulty talked with me from Washington to say that the Governor had not de-
finitely decided about Commerce. Tumulty thought the Governor was waiting to see
me tomorrow night.

I talked with Governor Wilson at Princeton. He was to go to Philadelphia this morning and would be in New York at two, having a sitting for his portrait with Seymour Thomas until five, then see McCombs at the University Club until six and would come to our apartment for dinner and the theater tonight. I told him McCombs wanted him to say that he had offered him a place in the Cabinet. The Governor replied "I cannot lie about it". I also told him of my plan to have McAdoo and McCombs join us at the theater. He thought the idea excellent, and hoped I could encompass it.

We received an invitation from the President-elect and Mrs. Wilson to lunch with them at the White House at two o'clock, Tuesday, March fourth.

February 28, 1913.

A newspaper representative of Norman E. Mack called. Fredertık Allen called

(120)

several times over the telephone, also McCombs and Dudley Field Malone. I pro-
mised to see Malone at two o'clock.

E. S. Martin came to give me proofs of Harper's Weekly and Life for next week
We talked of things in general. He has one of the finest minds with which I have
ever come in contact. He arrives at the sense of things quicker, and more thor-
oughly than any man I know.

Gore called up and I explained about McReynolds, and it seemed to satisfy him.
Warburg called me over the telephone to say that he had been asked to suggest to
me the late Minister of the Argentine Republic a Mr. Charles H. Sherrall, for Am-
bassador to Russia. Mr. Jacob Shiff and other Hebrews interested in the Russian
Treaty, approved of Sherrill.

Governor Wilson came at six o'clock. The Brandeis matter is settled. Red-
field will go in as Secretary of Commerce. This makes the list complete.

The Governor had just left McCombs and he said the interview was rather pleasant.
He agreed to say that McCombs did not want to go into the Cabinet, and that he had
offered him one of the posts abroad. I called McCombs over the telephone and ask-
ed him whether he was going to the theater with us. He did not think it advisable
I rather urged him to do it, but the Governor said in an undertone "do not urge
him". McCombs finally said it he could break an engagement he would ring me up
in fifteen minutes which he did while we were at dinner. He drooled along for
fifteen minutes, and I finally had to cut him off. He decided not to go and show
himself with McAdoo. Both the Governor and I thought he made a mistake.

White dinner was in progress we discussed many matters but principally poe-
try. He quoted several selections from Wordsworth, and again quoted James Whit-
comb Reily's "Man in the Moon".

Before going into the dining room I handed him the article entitled
"To Woodrow Wilson, Greeting" written by William Garrott Brown for the next edi-
tion of Harper's Weekly, the proofs of which Martin had given me. The Governor

(121)

stood under the light, I by his side, and read the three columns in a quiet, well modulated voice. He was deeply stirred and said "It is a noble utterance. It is a classic." He asked me to arrange for its publication in Washington as a companion piece to his Inaugural Address and I promised to attend to it.

We went to the theater to see "Within the Law". The audience recognized the Governor and applauded enthusiastically. He liked the play very much. At the end of the third act, Mr. Villiers came to our box to meet the Governor. The audience applauded again, and the Governor presented to them Mr. Villiers. They continued cheering until he arose and said "my friends, the newspaper men, who are seated in the box opposite, understand that I am now making a virtue of silence" and then sat down.

We discussed the play and the low wages of women. When we reached home we had our sandwiches as usual, and sat until midnight talking of various matters. I told him Dudley Malone wanted to be Collector of the Port of New York. We then fell to talking of friends who uncovered their desires from time to time, and he said he had become almost skeptical of friendship because there were so few who were disinterested. As That sooner or later the interest motive would crop out.

We discussed the Maryland situation in connection with Senator Smith and Mauburg. He was afraid he had made a mistake there, and I thought he had, but that it was more Maburg's fault than his; that he should not have come out in the way he had. I thought his general course in that matter was subject to two opinions. I was sure it would be charged that he was trying to assume dictatorial powers. I said "if you go into states for the purpose of urging upon the people any particular man for the Senate, why not do the same thing in each congressional district? If that is done and your wishes prevail, then we would be in the same condition that Mexico was under Diaz". That Diaz never permitted the states to elect a governor or senator, or any public official with his visé.

The Governor said he saw the point, but thought there was another side. I

(122)

admitted that there was, but I wondered how many of the Cabinet would agree with
him in the matter and how many would be against him.

March 1, 1913.

We breakfasted at 8.45. Before going in I showed him some of the letters
and memoranda I had placed in his pigeon-hole for attention such as personal let-
ters, important requests, etc. etc.

William Bayard Hale called at half past nine. The Governor had sent him to Washington to get some information in regard to Central America and other affairs. We went over these matters at length.

We saw in the paper that Castro had announced that while he had not been
invited to the Inauguration, he intended coming anyway. The Governor asked me to
have it conveyed to Castro that it would be embarrassing to him, Castro; that he
would besnubbed, and that he had better keep away. I conveyed this (through Gor-
don Auchamploss) to O'Gorman, Battle & Marshall who acted as Castro's attorneys
when he was trying to obtain entrance into this country. Gordon saw Snowdon
Marshall who was the only member of the firm in, and he promised to notify Castro
at once. He said, however, that they had not represented Castro excepting in
the one case of admission, but they would wire him anyway.

I had Martin call after the Governor left, and told him of his request
to have Brown's article published in Washington for distribution. Martin said
he would go to Life Office and call up Colonel Harvey. He did this immediately
and Harvey promised to have the article published on Tuesday morning in Washington.
He also agreed to print 3000 copies and send them to Washington Monday night for
distribution. I have written Vick to distribute them properly among the visitors.

Macauley came to read the article he has written for tomorrow's edition of
the New York World. He makes me out a millionaire several times. I ran my pen-
cil through this but let the article go otherwise.

March 2, 1913.

Thad. A. Thomson of Austin, Texas, was with me this morning, and Jesse Jones

(123)

of Houston in the afternoon. We took the 3.30 for Washington. Martin Littleton and his wife and Dudley Malone were on the train and kept me from resting and reading as I desired.

March 3, 1913.

Washington, D. C.

Everything in Washington is in such chaos today that I have not been bothered to any extent by office seekers. Tonight the Wallaces are giving a dinner in our honor. The guests are to be: McAdoo, Burleson, Houston, McReynolds, Lane and their wives, besides Mr. and Mrs. Montgomery Hare, Randolph and Mona and Gordon and Janet.

Wallace and I went to the White House to call on President Taft. When we were ushered into his office he was bidding goodbye to his clerks. He was very gracious to them, and said he hoped they would serve his successor as well as they had served him. There was much pathos in this leave-taking.

When he had finished he came over to us and said that he knew me as the man who was always looking out for others and never thinking of himself. We had a few minutes of very pleasant talk with him.

March 4, 1913.

We had a great time at the dinner. The Burlesons, McReynolds and the Lanes were particularly effusive in their expression of appreciation of what I had done for them. The Houstons, I suppose, felt it as much but they are more reserved. McAdoo had already expressed himself so many times that there was nothing further for him to say.

The President-elect telephoned and asked Loulie and me to meet his family party at the Shoreham Hotel at 9.45 in order to accompany them to the Capitol for the Inauguration Ceremonies. I took Loulie to the Shoreham and left her with the Wilsons, but I did not go to the Capitol myself. I went instead to the Metropolitan Club and loafed around with Wallace. Functions of this sort do not appeal to me and I never go.

We lunched at the White House at two o'clock. Ex-President Taft and his

(124)

Cabinet, President Wilson and his Cabinet, and the heads of the Army and Navy were among the guests. It was notable function.

We went from the dining room directly to the President's reviewing stand in front of the White House. I remained there for awhile chatting with the members of the Cabinet and other friends, and then went back to the Wallaces.

Mrs. Wilson invited us to the White House to see the fireworks. When we arrived we found the President was over in his office. I went there and was with him for a few minutes in order to tell him that I had investigated John H. Marble for Interstate Commerce Commissioner in place of F. K. Lane, and had found him satisfactory. The President had never met Marble and had made no inquiries concerning him further than mine. He said he would send his name in tomorrow along with the names of his Cabinet. He made the appointment in this way in order to avoid the great pressure which would be made upon him by candidates for this important office.

We talked about McCombs and McAdoo and the war that McCombs was making upon him. I advised the President to send for McCombs and have him stop it.

After my interview with the President I said a few words to Mrs. Wilson and then went to the Shoreham to see McAdoo, Walter Page and several others. I told McAdoo what the President had said regarding McCombs and he seemed satisfied.

Page and I had a long and confidential talk about the Cabinet, and particularly about the Post Office Department. He was afraid the President had made a mistake in his selection for that post. I thought it was the best that could be done in the circumstances. I explained again how difficult it was to make up a Cabinet and to do all that seemed best.

Captain Bill McDonald came before I left the Shoreham and was in a very happy humor. I introduced him to several friends and went back to the Wallaces a very tired man.

March 5, 1913.

I have been busy from morning until night seeing Cabinet officials, Sen-

(125)

ators, Congressmen, and others concerning offices.

We went to Thos. Nelson Page's for dinner. They have a beautiful home, and the atmosphere is quiet, refined and refreshing. We discussed many things of interest other than politics, such as our recollections of Mark Twain whom we both knew. Among the guests were, Justice M'Lamar, a Mr. Barton Payne of Chicago and others. Payne wants to be U. S. Senator from Illinois, and I have an engagement with him and Page tomorrow afternoon at five o'clock to talk the matter over.

March 6, 1913.

I went to the White House and was with the President for a moment. My main purpose in going was to see how Tumulty was handling the crowds. Much to my surprise, I found that there was no great crush. I attribute this to the President's refusal to see applicants for office, unless they were sent for.

The Cabinet held a meeting at eleven and I talked to Lane and McAdoo concerning matters of interest between us.

The F. K. Lanes give us a dinner tonight. The Dutch Minister and his wife are to be among the guests.

March 7, 1913.

Mrs. Bryan called me over the telephone this morning and asked me to come to see her at eleven o'clock. Mr. Bryan heard her talking, and asked me to come to see him at half past ten at the State Department. I went at that time and he immediately began discussing the Ambassadorship to Mexico. He is unalterably opposed to a Texan being given that post. He had understood at Miami that I agreed with this position. I told him he was mistaken, that I merely agreed that the argument he made was the one which would be used against Gregory. He was very much in earnest, but I did not give him any encouragement. I asked him to see Gregory and get his point of view. He thought it would be wasting the time of both, that he might just as well argue against the Ten Commandments as to try and convince him that it would be a good thing to appoint a Texas as Ambassador to Mexico, with 1000 miles of boundary between Texas and Mexico.

(126)

There was room full of people waiting for Mr. Bryan, but he had to attend the Cabinet meeting, so we walked over to the White House together. I afterwards saw Mrs. Bryan and told her the story of Gregory. I explained to her that I had tried to persuade him to take something else, that I had gotten McReynolds to offer him the place of Solicitor General, but that Gregory had a slight defect in his hearing and he had declined it for the reason he was afraid he could not hear the Justices well enough.

She wished to know if something else could not be done for him. I replied that he wanted nothing else. Our talk was cordial as usual, but I did not give her any satisfaction.

I lunched with Tumulty at the New Willard, and we discussed the Cabinet and the way in which they had been received. Tumulty expressed to me the deepest gratitude for what I did towards having him appointed, and assured me that I could really upon him at any time or any place. I hope he is sincere.

Walker Vick cornered me in the corridor and asked me to present his name for U. S. Marshal of New York. Truesdale also caught me, and wishes to be Assistant of the Customs Service of the Attorney General's Department in New York. There were many others who detained me before I could break away. An hotel is an impossible place for me at present.

The afternoon was one round of office seekers and their friends.

I saw Gregory. He called at the same time as Secretary Houston. I told Gregory of Mr. Bryan's objection to him, and how embarrassing it would be if the President appointed him over Mr. Bryan's head. I was sure the President would do this if I urged it. Gregory generously declined to have me press him for the appointment.

The President and Mr. Bryan were getting along cordially now, and I disliked being the cause of creating the first jar. I feel, too, that my cordial relations with the Bryans would be strained if I should go over his head in this matter. I discussed with Gregory the appointment of one of the judships con-

(127)

nected with the Customs Service in New York. It is a life position and pays
$9000.

Senator Culberson came after dinner and spent the evening with me. We
discussed the distribution of Federal patronage in Texas and other matters.

March 8, 1913.

The President asked me to be at the White House this morning at nine. The
offices were nearly deserted at so early an hour. The President was dressed in a
very becoming sack suit of grey, with a light grey silk tie. It was rather an in-
formal looking costume, but very attractive. I sat with him for nearly an hour and
we had a delightful talk. We discussed the Cabinet mainly, and he laughingly told
me his estimate of each one and how they acted at the first meeting. Burleson, he
said, was the most constant talker and would have to be suppressed if he kept it up.
Houston, too, wanted to have his say. The President spoke finely of Bryan and said
their relations were exceedingly cordial, and the only thing he was stubborn about
was the appointment of the Ambassador to Mexico. I then told him of Gregory's with-
drawal and he seemed relieved. He wanted to know if there was not something else
we could do for Gregory. I was afraid not.

I pointed out to the President how necessary it was for him to have a man like
John Bassett Moore in the State Department with Mr. Bryan. He said Mr. Bryan was
still insisting upon Governor Osborn as his Assistant. We both feel that it would
be an entirely unfit appointment, but I thought if John Bassett Moore would take the
place of Counsellor in that office it would go far towards remedying the situation.

I urged the President to be careful concerning the recommendations Mr. Bryan
made, because of his notoriously bad judgment in regard to men.

He asked if I knew a good man for Solicitor in the Agricultural Department,
someone who was able and honest and who would enforce the pure food laws with in-
telligence and vigor. I replied that Houston had asked me the same question the
night before, and that I had recommended Samuel Huston Thompson Jr. of Denver. He
remarked that Thompson was a republican. I thought that did not matter, that he

(128)

was fit for the place and that he supported him, the President, cordially.

We discussed whether it would be better for me to remain in Washington or to live elsewhere. That is in which way I could be more helpful. We agreed that I could be of more service to him if I remained away from Washington, than if I stayed there continually. We both realize that one soon becomes saturated with what might be termed the Washington viewpoint, and that everything is colored by that environment. So we concluded that I could be of more service if I should come to Washington whenever sent for, and keep in touch by telephone and letters.

The President suggested that we could have a cypher between us, so when we talk ed over the telephone or wrote we could discuss men without fear of revealing their identity. He took a pencil and started out with Bryan, whom he said "let us call him, Prime". McAdoo is already known as Pythias-- McCombs being Damon. Garrison he suggested as "Mars", McReynolds "Coke", Burleson "Demosthenes", because he talked so much. Daniels he thought to call "Lion" on account of Daniel in the lions den, bu but I thought "Neptune" was better so we adopted that. "Alley" was the name he sug gested for Lane, and Houston he called "Mansion". "Bluefields" seemed good for Red field, and Wilson we called "Vulcan".

I suggested very few of the nicknames, for the reason that I wanted to see how his mind was running in regard to his Cabinet, and I got some sort of bear ing upon his estimate of them from these names.

Upon leaving the President I ran into Bryan who was waiting in an ante-room for an audience. I told him of Gregory's decision, and I also mentioned that my friend Thad Thomson had agreed to withdraw as a candidate for Internal Revenue Collector, in order that his friend Judge A. S. Walker might have a free field. Bryan was visibly pleased to hear of Gregory's withdrawal. He beamed with satisfaction. I told him that I would expect several ambassadors and ministers and a bunch of consuls in exchange for these places. He laughingly replied that we would have to sit down sometime and draw up an agreement.

(129)

Bill McDonald was waiting for me in Tumulty's office. I took him in an auto-mobile to the Attorney General's office and asked McReynolds to appoint Bill, U. S. Marshal for the Northern District of Texas, which he said he would do. Bill was very happy. He sat in the automobile while I was with McReynolds. Bill went with me to the station on my way to New York where General Gregory was waiting for me at the station. He had talked with McReynolds about the judgship in New York, and McReynolds had advised that it was a place with which he would not be satisfied. I told him of my conversations with the President and Mr. Bryan, and that the place of Ambassador to Mexico was settled so far as he was concerned. He was naturally disappointed though he showed he was a good loser. He had General Roberts with him, whom I would like appointed to some place in the Postoffice Department, and which I told Gregory could be arranged with Burleson. Burleson has agreed to do something for him, and the General is duly pleased.

March 9, 1923.

New York.

I had many callers today, among them Mr. Trumbull and Mr. Warburg, with H. P. Davison.

Warburg told me that he was leaving for Washington tonight. He of Morgan & Co. to see Mr. Bryan in order to discuss the Chinese Loan of one hundred and twenty-five millions. He said the New York bankers were indifferent as to whether this country joined the other great powers in making the loan. That it was difficult to market such securities here, but they would take their part in it if the Wilson Administration desired them to do so.

I had talked to the President about this matter, but at that time he had not sufficient data to form any opinion. I am inclined to believe that the administration takes no interest in it.

We talked about the currency measure and I told him that in my opinion we would have to accept a regional reserve system, rather than the central bank idea. He thought a proper measure could be worked out along those lines.

McAdoo called and remained until half past eleven o'clock. He leaves for

(130)

Washington tonight. I mentioned the fact that my friend Thad Thomson wanted the Internal Revenue Collectorship for Texas, but that Mr. Bryan had another candidate also for that place. He said he would give Thad the place without regard to Mr. Bryan's desires. He also asserted that he would appoint anybody that I recommended in Texas for any office at his disposition, knowing full well I would pick out the best and that I knew the men there better than he.

We talked of currency reform, of the Collector for the Port of New York, and of policies in general. We both have a keen desire to revamp New York City and State, and to give them efficient government. We will try to nominate a proper man for Governor two years from now, and in the meantime get a Mayor for New York City who will clense it. Our first move will be to get a proper man for Collector of the Port. He should have ability of a high order and a great deal of courage. He should not be affiliated with Tammany, but should be an independent democrat.

March 10, 1913.

Another stream of callers all day, and long distance telephones from Washington and elsewhere. This job of being "adviser to the President" may have its compensations, but it certainly has its drawbacks.

March 11, 1913.

Again another day of office seekers. Thos. Nelson Page called. He did not mention his own aspirations, but I brought up the subject myself. I that it had been the told him afxthm President's intention to appoint him either to France or Italy, but I was afraid now that he had reached Washington, he would be stormed by those desiring the appointments for others.

Page said he would prefer Italy to France, though France was a greater honor. He would prefer England to either. I informed him that this post would go to Mr. Olney if he would accept it. He invited Loulie and me to make his home ours when we were in Washington. Page is not a big man but he is clean, cultured, and a gentleman. He would reflect credit upon our country and upon the Administration.

(131)

I called on Mrs. Borden Harriman. She was in bed suffering from an oper-
ation. We discussed the Industrial Commission and her desire to be one of its mem-
bers. We also discussed kmx appointment for her husband either in Washington or
abroad. If they went abroad she would prefer the Netherlands; if they went to
Washington she prefers Assistant Secretary of the Navy. I told her that was clos-
ed, it having been offered to Franklin Roosevelt.

Timothy Healy, President of the International Federation of Stationery
Firemen, and Miss Beeks, Secretary of the Civic Federation, called. They discussed
with me the composition of the Industrial Commission, and they recommended some
names. I took a list which I already had and asked them to select the ones they
desired. I sent it to McAdoo with a request that he hand it to the President
for his information.

Healy and Miss Beeks were surprised and pleased to find me in sympathy with
labor and the things it represented. We had a very satisfactory conference. Healy
wanted me on the Civic Federation Board. Miss Beeks thought I should be on the
Industrial Commission. I explained that I had no time for such positions as it
would confine me too closely to one field of activity.

Ex-Governor John B. Stanchfield called to urge Frederick H. Allen for
the French mission. He also spoke of Bryan, of the President, and of politics in
general. He is a strong and able fellow but reactionary.

McAdoo telephoned from Washington and asked me to consider several names
for Collector of the Port and advise him. The names he gave were Eugene Outer-
bridge, John M. Carlisle of Ogdenburg and the ex-Mayor of Poughkeesie, Sague. The
President had decided not to appoint Malone, and that he agreed with this resolution.
There are 2300 employees under the Collector, and he was afraid Malone did not have
the experience and ability to do the work efficiently, and in the best interests of
the public service. They had decided to offer Malone the place of Chief Attorney
of the Custom House in New York.

(132)

March 12, 1913.

Another stream of office seekers, telegrams, letters and telephone calls without number.

Mr. Outerbridge called and we discussed the proper person for Collector of the Port. After looking him over, I asked him if he would accept it. He seems to me to be a man of fine character and thoroughly capable. He declined on account of business and civic commitments. He went into a detailed explanation which it is unnecessary to repeat here. He suggested William Temple Emmett, present Superintendent of Insurance, as being a fit man for the place.

I called up McAdoo later and told him I had offered the place tentatively to Outerbridge, but that he could not accept and had suggested Emmett. McAdoo did not think Emmett a suitable man. We discussed over the telephone the necessity of getting the proper person. McAdoo will be in New York on Saturday to discuss the matter further.

March 13, 1913.

This has been the quietest day I have had in months. I have refused to see many who desired to come and have not answered the telephone.

Governor Campbell of Texas wished to call, but I put him off. Gregory telephoned from Baltimore to say that Thad Thomson was with him and that Burleson had arranged with Mr. Bryan for Thad to go to Southampton as Consul, which was according to my suggestion. Both Thad and Gregory will be over today and I am to see the one at five and the other tomorrow morning at half past nine o'clock.

Loulie and I went to dinner and the opera with Mrs. Lovett and Mr. Vanderlip as the guests of Jesse Jones. Vanderlip and I had an interesting discussion regarding currency reform and other matters. He considered McAdoo's appointment of John Skelton Williams about as poor as could have been made. According to him, Williams never agrees with anybody about anything, and he thinks Williams a little crazy. As for R. W. Woolley, he said, "I believe he is one of the muck-raking

(133)

brigade and was one of the scouts for the Stanley and Pujo Committees." In reply to this I told him that I did not know about Woolley's activities in his profession, but I believed he was a man of the highest integrity and no one could make me believe to the contrary without producing evidence. Vanderlip spoke well of McAdoo and said he was glad he received the appointment-- which I doubt. He spoke of the President and his high estimate of him, which I also doubt. He formerly knew the President well, and I believe liked him, but there was a coolness during the campaign occasioned by the President refusing to be advised by Vanderlip.

March 14, 1913.

I have had a very quiet day again. It has been spent almost wholly with Gregory and Thad Thomson going over Texas matters.

Paul Warburg telephoned and said he understood that John Bassett Moore would be willing to become Special Counsel for the State Department, but that he would not care to accept any work that would bind him down to routine duties. I told Warburg I would take it up with the President next week. He also desired to know what had been determined about the Chinese loan. It had been discussed at the last Cabinet meeting but no decision had been arrived at. A final decision has been deferred until next Tuesday's Cabinet meeting.

Lanier Winslow came to tell of his trip to Washington and of his interview with McAdoo.

Thad Thomson followed Lanier, to discuss his prospective consulship to Southampton.

The dinner given us by Mr. and Mrs. Cass Gilbert was very pleasant. Mr. and Mrs. Hopkinson Smith were there and many other well known people.

March 15, 1913.
during breakfast

The business of the day opened by a telephone from Childers and one from Wallace from Washington. McAdoo called to ask me to lunch. I was lunching with Martin but promised to meet him at the Ritz-Carlton at 2.15.

(134)

After lunching with Martin I went to the Ritz and found McAdoo and Walter Page.
Page was told how nearly he was conscripted for the Cabinet. It was merely the
fact that he was not at home on a certain Saturday afternoon that saved him.

In speaking of the Cabinet I expressed the wish that some slight changes might
have been made. I would have liked to see Lane in War, Houston in Interior, Page
in Agriculture and Wallace in Navy. That would have made a Cabinet which would
have satisfied me. I was afraid that Houston lacked the necessary imagination to
make a great Secretary of Agriculture. He has ability and judgment but no initia-
tive or constructive force.

Page tentatively agreed to this. He has himself thought out something
along the lines of rural organization, which both the President and Houston have
promised to put into force. They first pleaded lack of funds, but Page in his
characteristic way supplied this in a few days by getting a guarantee of $30,000, a
year for four years from private sources. He told them if this was not enough, he
could get as much more as was needed. This settled the question, and Houston will
take it up.

McAdoo and I took a long motor ride in order to talk quietly. He told
me of the last Cabinet meeting and how the President, with the sanction of Bryan,
had prepared a document concerning the South American Republics that would have
set them all by the ears. He, McAdoo, got them to modify it in such a way as to
make it accomplish its purpose, and yet be safe to put out.

He also criticized the attitude of the President and the Cabinet in re-
gard to the Chinese loan. He spoke with considerable concern regarding the casual
way in which the President did things. This has alarmed me many times, and I can
understand McAdoo's feeling.

He has urged the President to appoint Gregory as Ambassador to Mexico in
spite of Mr. Bryan's objection. He said he put Benton McMillan out of the running
without any difficulty, that he did not have to use any more formidable weapon

(135)

than a popgun. McAdoo and the President have definitely decided that Dudley Ma-
lone would not do for Collector of the Port. He wanted me to see the Attorney
General and get Gibboney appointed District Attorney instead of Marshall, but we
are already committed to Marshall. His reason is that Marshall *is* not a Wilson
man and that Gibboney was, and that Marshall is a partner of Senator O'Gorman, and
since Dudley Malone, O'Gorman's son-in-law will get some satisfactory appointment,
it would not do to give Marshall the other place.

I shall take it up with McReynolds tomorrow. McAdoo urged me to come to
Washington on Tuesday to help him for a day or two, and to also see the President
and talk over pending matters.

S. H. Thomsnp of Denver was with me last night. I have suggested his name
for Counsel in the Department of Agriculture. His main duties would be the en-
forcement of the pure food laws. We discussed it at length, and he is to give
me his decision in a few days.

March 16, 1913.

McAdoo called me over the telephone twice this morning talking principally
about McCombs, and articles appearing in the press concerning his control of
patronage. McAdoo complained that the papers are giving McCombs credit for all
the appointments being made, including those in McAdoo's department. This has
gotten on his nerves, particularly since he knows that no one has yet been ap-
pointed in any department at McCombs' suggestion. He insists that McCombs has
a newspaper bureau in Washington paid for by funds of the National Committee, and
used for the purpose of exploiting McCombs and injuring him. He purposes tak-
ing the matter up with the President. I suggested it would be better to take
it up with Tumulty for the President is tired of the McAdoo-McCombs feud and it
would be a mistake to mention it to him. It is enough to have McCombs on the
President's nerves without McAdoo getting there.

McAdoo wants me to go down with him on the Congressional Limited this

(136)

afternoon in order to talk to the President about the message he is about to
give out in regard to the Chinese loan. He thinks the message is inadvisable
and unnecessary. The President though has, perhaps, another side. I am not
inclined to go. I want them to steer the ship themselves for awhile. I do
not desire to be in the attitude of injecting myself into every proposition
that comes up. If the President wants my advice he knows that he can get it.

S. H. Thompson called again this morning and I asked him to join McReynolds and me at lunch.

McReynolds came to lunch and remained until half past three. He told Loulie
he could now understand the magnitude of the work I was doing since he had only
one corner and it kept him busy, while I was covering the whole field.

I was with McAdoo for an hour. He discussed with me at length a disagreeable family situation which confronts him. He has a brother-in-law who wants to be postmaster at Phoenix, Arizona. He has a son-in-law in bad health whom he wants to go into the Forestry Service, a son who graduates in June and who is to be married in September, whom he desires to place in the Attorney General's Department. He realizes that all of them cannot be provided for but he does not know which ones to eliminate. They want small places with the exception of the brother-in-law and I told him I thought it might be managed, although I am strongly against nepotism. He wishes his son in Washington so that his wife will be able to chaperone his unmarried daughter, Nona, and he would be satisfied with a very inconspicuous place of from $1200. to $1500.

March 17, 1913.

McAdoo has called me up twice from Washington today to discuss the wues-
tion of appointments. He asked me to find out something about Charles Hamlin
of Boston for one of his assistants, and something further about R. W. Woolley.
I did this, and we afterwards discussed it over the telephone at some length.
We also discussed the question of Ambassador to Great Britain. He said the
President was considering George Foster Peabody. Peabody is a fine cultured

(137)

gentleman, but I did not think he would do. I believe Walter Page would be better.

In talking with Page over the telephone about Woolley and other appointments, he thought Chas. Francis Adams would make a suitable Ambassador to England. Page is to lunch with me tomorrow, and is taking the Congressional Limited afterwards.

Judge

McAdoo comes in the morning at half past nine to discuss the Collectorship and other matters. He very much desires the Collectorship himself. In talking over the telephone he recommended Hamlin strongly for McAdoo's Assistant.

One of the most interesting incidents of the day was a note I received from Guy E. Tripp, of the Westinghouse Company. He asked to see me upon a matter purely personal, without any reference to politics. He came at half past five. I have known Tripp for sometime, but have been out of touch with him for the past three or four years. What he wanted was this:

In their Chicago shops they have been employing non-union labor. The union has declared a boycott on their goods and it is seriously injuring them. The man responsible for the boycott has offered to call off 4km upon payment of $2500. The Company has expressed a willingness to unionize, but this does not satisfy this labor leader. He wants money for his influence which they refuse to consider.

Tripp wanted to know whether I thought he should put the matter in the hands of the grand jury and have the man indicted or what course he should take. I advised him to go to the Civic Federation and to see Ralph M. Easley, Chairman of the Executive Committee, and place the matter before him. This he decided to do and was profuse in his thanks for the suggestion.

March 18, 1913.

Judge McAdoo came at the appointed hour and we discussed Hamlin of Boston and the Collectorship here. I told him that the difficulty of appointing him

(138)

Collector was that it would seem too much like a personal appointment. That while he was not related to the Secretary of the Treasury, yet they had been life-long friends and were at one time partners. That Malone and O'Gorman would say that Malone had been sidetracked because of the Secretary's personal desire. He understood the situation.

We talked of Mayor Gaynor and he told many interesting characteristics of him-- of the shrewd and illusive mind of the man. He said one of the peculiar traits of the Mayor was that if anyone accused any one of his friends of being unfit, he immediately declared that he was the fittest man he ever knew, and he so committed and tied himself to him as to never disentangle himself, no matter what the man did afterwards. He gave Commissioner Waldo as an example. Waldo was a regular old man of the sea around Gaynor's neck because the Mayor had started out by saying he was the best Police Commissioner New York had ever had, and it was now impossible for him to turn him loose.

He also said that when an appointment was to be made in his, McAdoo's department, he would go down and ask the Mayor if he had anyone to suggest. The Mayor would say: "It seems to me there was a man but I have forgotten his name. It was something like Anderson, or Arnold-- no, it was Agnew, that is it, Agnew, do you know a man by the name of Agnew, Judge?" McAdoo said of course the Mayor had Agnew in his mind all the time and knew him as well as he did McAdoo, but it was his way of trying to fool somebody.

He said, however, that at other times, Gaynor would appoint the very best man to the place regardless of whether he was an enemy, a republican, or what not. On the whole, he thought Gaynor had made a good though erratic Mayor.

I thought it was fortunate we did not nominate him and elect him President McAdoo and I were both for him in the early stages of his career as Mayor and up to the time he was shot. We wanted him to accept the nomination for Governor, but it was Gaynor's judgment and that of some of his friends that he would be more conspicuous as Mayor than as Governor. He was conspicuous in

(139)

truth, but nothing happened to further his ambition. If he had followed our sug-
gestion, he would have been elected Governor by an overwhelming majority, and
in all human probability, would have been nominated at Baltimore. The problems
at Albany would have been simple, and the difficulties would have been as noth-
ing to what he has had to face in New York City. I now congratulate myself
that his political insight was so obtuse, for otherwise I do not believe we
would have for President, Woodrow Wilson.

E. S. Martin and Walter Page came to lunch. Page knows I am urging him for Ambassador to England and he is of course pleased. As to Martin I thought it a pity that he was so deaf. Page replied, "it is more than a pity, it is almost a national calamity". I would have tried to persuade the President to give Martin some high place if he had not been so deaf.

Martin asked me Saturday to use my influence towards having his nephew
Swift Martin, appointed to the Cavalry School at Saumur, France. I asked Wal-
lace when he was here yesterday to see General Wood and request that this ap-
pointment be made. Wallace telephoned me from Washington while Martin was
with me that General Wood would do so.

March 19, 1913.

I telephoned Wallace at Washington this morning that I would go to
Washington today and to please notify McAdoo. In about half an hour McAdoo
called me up to say he had seats for the theater for Houston, Walter Page and
me, and that he had also made an engagement for me with the President for to-
morrow evening, so I told him I would come.

Washington, D. C.

March 20, 1913.

I arrived at 6.15, the train being something over a half hour late.
McAdoo was at the station to meet me.

Walter Page, McAdoo and Houston and I took dinner with Wallace, and
afterwards went to see "The Roals". I had several long talks with McAdoo. He
spoke of how harulous Garrison was at Cabinet meetings. Houston was also cri-
tical of him.

(140)

This morning I went with Houston to the Agricultural Bureau and while there Walter Page and Messrs Gage and Buttrick of the Rockefeller Charities came in.

I used Houston's carriage and went to the White House. The President was not well and had not come down. Tumulty and I talked of McCombs whom he said was generally thought crazy; that he drank a bottle of whiskey a day, and never knew his own mind one hour at a time. McCombs had written the President accepting the French Mission; the next day had withdrawn it, and that he had accepted and withdrawn it several times since.

Senator Hughes stated that McCombs was driving him mad, and he could not stand the strain of dealing with him. I told Tumulty that I had the job for six months and am glad it has been transferred to someone else. McCombs, among other things, told the President that he supposed he knew that in a fight between Bryan and himself, I would be on Bryan's side. This amused the President, but it is another instance of McCombs' insane jealousy.

When the President came down he asked me into his office. The night before, while he was in bed, he received the resignation of Huntington Wilson, Assistant Secretary of State. It was a four page type-written document, but the President insisted upon reading it to me. It was very impertinent and gave as his reasons for resigning, the administration's attitude upon the Chinese loan.

The question then came up as to what action should be taken in regard to the letter. I advised its immediate publication. Tumulty seconded this, and the President acquiesced. He dictated a two line reply, curtly accepting the resignation to take effect at once. He also dictated a telegram to Mr. Bryan, who is now in the West, telling him that Wilson had resigned, but not to let it make any difference as to his vacation. I suggested that he also tell Mr. Bryan that he had accepted the resignation at once on account of the tenor of the letter. I thought if he did not do this, Bryan might express regret.

We discussed at length Wilson's successor. The President said Mr. Bryan was still insisting upon ex-Governor Osborne of Wyoming and the diffi-

(141)

culty was that he had no one himself to suggest in lieu thereof.

The Secretary of War and the Governor of Porta Rica arrived as I
left.

The President has offered Chas. W. Eliot the Ambassadorship to the Court of St James. I asked if he would like me to go to Boston and urge him to accept, and he said he would appreciate it. Upon leaving the White House I went to the Treasury. I met Senator Newlands and Senator Gore. Gore has been looking for me. He was much disturbed that Hastings, whom he desired for Indian Commission er, and whom the Secretary of the Interior would have appointed, was not accepta ble to the balance of the Oklahoma delegation. He thought that Senator Owen would probably defeat his confirmation if it were sent in. I explained that Lane and I had done our part, but that he did not seem to have done his very well and that I could not help him further.

I did not remain with McAdoo long. We agreed to meet again at lunch at Wal-lace's.

After lunch McAdoo and I went to his office, where I spent a large part of the afternoon. Prof. McLaughlin of the Monetery Commission was one of the few he saw while I was there. He wanted me to have an opportunity to talk to him. When McLaughlin left, Carter Glass was announced. This again, was fortunate. We dis-cussed Virginia appointments for awhile and then the currency. Glass told me his plan of drawing up a measure and then submitting it to McAdoo and the President, and gradually widening the circle to take in the Senate Committee and others interest-ed in the bill. I heartily approved this.

McAdoo invited Glass to dine with him next Monday, and he asked me to come over from New York in order that the three of us might go over the bill to- gether. I told him I would come.

We then went carefully over all the appointments he had to make. I then left him, taking his carriage and calling upon the Postmaster General. I

(142)

had hard work breaking away from Burleson. He wished to tell me all about
everything, particularly what an "infernal fool" Garrison was in his announce-
ment of his policy in the War Department. Burleson said that General Wood and
a certain cabal of Army officers had gotten hold of Garrison, and were using him
for their purposes. He asked me to speak to the President about it. I promised
to mention it.

From Burleson I went to call upon the Secretary of the Interior and spent a
very pleasant quarter of an hour. After that we returned to the Cosmus Club
where I met McAdoo and Houston. They arrived immediately began to berate me for
having put them in the Cabinet. They wanted to know what they had done to have
such jobs imposed upon them. Houston said he had work enough to do for six
healthy men. He thought the Department should be segregated, Agriculture being
one; the enforcement of food laws, meat inspection etc. being in another. Near-
ly 70% of his work up to the present had been other than the agricultural end of
it.

While Houston, Page, McAdoo and I were together McAdoo remarked that I had
been "bossing" him for the past six months, but now that he had gotten me to
Washington he proposed making me do his way for awhile. Houston said, "Be-
fore you get through with him, you will find his way will be your way".

McAdoo also said that I would not go into the Cabinet myself but had put
him in instead.

I took McAdoo to dine at the Metropolitan Club and afterwards we walk-
ed to the White House. The President asked us to his library. We discussed
the currency bill and the appointments McAdoo has to make. I mentioned what
Glass had in mind and how pleased I was at the suggestion he had made as to the
proper way to handle the currency bill. The President laughed and said that
he had made the suggestion to Glass. I then congratulated him.

The President said Malone had obtained some business which would enable

(148)

him to take a position in Washington which would pay him much less than he could
otherwise have afforded. He suggested him as one of the Commissioners of the
District of Columbia. I did not think well of it. He suggested him for one of
the Assistant Secretaries of State. McAdoo thought that would fit him well.
McAdoo's idea was clear to me. He thought if he could get rid of Malone in
the State Department, it would not be necessary to give him a place in the Treas-
ury.

We spoke of the ambassadorships and we both urged Walter Page for London.
The President said Eliot had declined it. He wanted to know what I thought of
Charles Francis Adams. I considered him too old and too irascible; that he had
nothing now to conjure with except a name.

He said he had decided not to appoint Thos. Nelson Page to any post, on
account of his reactionary tendencies and associations, and instead he was con-
sidering Willard of Virginia. He suggested Frederic Penfield for a small post.
McAdoo did not think he was big enough for anything. He thought if the President
intended using that kind of material, Gerard would be better.

The President expressed regret that he could not find proper material for
these places. I think he will eventually offer the London mission to Walter
Page. We talked of McCombs and he expressed concern regarding his health and
the whole miserable condition of affairs connected with him. While the country
thought he was a veritable young Napoleon of politics, only a few of us knew
the real facts. I thought more than a few knew them, and that his incompetency
was becoming generally known. We all expressed sincere sympathy for him; McAdoo
going so far as to tell the President that he would resign and let McCombs have
his place in the Cabinet if the President so desired. I can imagine McAdoo's
consternation if he should be taken at his word.

When we arose to go I congratulated the President that he could now in-
dicate when an interview was ended, which would give him the advantage over of-

(144)

fice seekers and officials generally since he could dismiss them at will. He laughed and said the Supreme Court called the other day and Colonel Rhoades said they would remain until he dismissed them. When President Taft first received the Court they remained for two hours and a half waiting for him to indicate when they should depart.

The President showed us all over the White House. He particularly admired the dining room and the blue room, and said the electric elevator was a joy to all the family. He insisted upon my preceding him in leaving the room, and laughingly said he could not bring himself to think of himself as President of the United States. He administered the office, but as to the dignity of it, it had never impressed itself upon him.

McAdoo and I were saying very much the same thing as we walked up to the White House. Neither of us could realize that we were playing a part on so large a stage.

During the evening Mrs. Wilson came in to show us photographs of the Winston Churchill house in Cornish, New Hampshire. It is a beautiful place with 200 acres of ground.

I promised the President to be back in Washington Monday in order that we might go over some matters. McAdoo and I walked over to the Cosmus Club and soon after I left on the midnight train for New York.

New York.

March 21, 1913.

I spent a busy day with my correspondence and with P. A. Fitzhugh of Texas. At night I took him to the theater to see "Fanny's First Play".

I ran across John Finley, President of the City College, there and between acts we discussed President Wilson and his relations at Princeton. He told me that he and Walter Page were at time with Harper's and while he was there, Woodrow Wilson had offered him a chair at Princeton. He asked if the President had Prof. Fine

(145)

in mind for Germany. He was glad the place had been offered him; he thought the selection a good one.

Mr. Henry C. Frick telephoned to say he would like to talk with me about a matter of considerable importance. I promised to see him during the day or tomorrow. He asked if I would come to him or whether he should come to me, and we agreed that he should come to me at eleven in the morning.

March 22, 1913.

McAdoo telephoned before breakfast. He wished to talk of Gibonney for U. S District Attorney here, and also of J. P. Morgan Jr. Morgan desires to see him and McAdoo wanted me to be present. It was arranged that we should have the meeting in my apartment this afternoon around five o'clock. He also asked me to see Gibonney who came at ten o'clock to try and interest me in his effort to become District Attorney.

Mr. Frick came at eleven. He wished to know whether I thought it was possible to settle the U. S. Steel Corporation suit outside of the courts. He declared that he came of his own initiative and no one knew he was doing so, He wanted the matter kept confidential excepting the President and Attorney General. We discussed the matter at some length. I pointed out the difficulties, to which he concurred. He seemed fair. I promised to mention the matter and to see what could be done. I thought there would have to be considerable dissolution and re-adjustment, and he admitted this. He spoke of the fact that the President was not unfavorable to large corporations per se, and that was what the Steel Corporation was willing to make itself; they were willing to dissolve all holding companies and form it into a single unobjectionable corporation. I thought the difficulty here was that the corporation did not grow into a large and unobjectionable corporation from mere efficiency, but that it was formed contrary to the Sherman Act and that would have to be taken into consideration. He admitted it.

(146)

I asked him of Mr. Farrell, the new President. He considered him the ablest and best man they had ever had; that they were fortunate in getting rid of Schwab, whom he did not consider a good man for the place. He also spoke of Judge Gary in uncomplimentary terms. He said Morgan had favored him and given him the influence he had with the company.

We spoke of Morgan, Carnegie and Rockefeller and their different characteristics. We agreed that Carnegie had given his money unwisely and that Rockefeller had used good judgment. He spoke of Rockefeller as being a good man, and one who was looking out for other people. He said that he often received letters from Mr. Rockefeller recommending men to work on the new house which he, Frick, was building on Fifth Avenue, and which showed his kindly interest in other people.

My impression of John D. had been the reverse, and nothing Mr. Frick said has changed that opinion. I think he has given more wisely than any man we have had in this country, but I doubt whether he has any lovable, personal characteristics.

Mr. Frick also spoke of J. P. Morgan and of what a poor trader he was. He said Carnegie out-traded him in the sale of the Carnegie Steel Company. He thought, however, Morgan was a perfectly honest man. He apologized for remaining so long which was not more than a half hour. I promised to let him know after I had talked with the President and Attorney General.

Mr. J. P. Morgan, Jr. and Mr. Denny of his firm, came promptly at five. McAdoo came about ten minutes afterwards. Morgan had a currency plan already formulated and printed. We discussed it at some length. I suggested that he should have it type-written and sent to us today. He did not understand the purpose of not using the printed form until I told him it would look as if we had a cut and dried measure gotten up by someone interested in getting it through. McAdoo seconded me in this suggestion. Morgan could not understand it, but said he would have it done.

(147)

I suggested that it would be better if the bankers of New York would let the matter alone; if this were done, those of us interested in this reform might be able to put it through; that the best help the bankers could give was to do nothing. He could not understand this. He said if a health bill were proposed he supposed we would want doctors to advise in relation to it, and he did not see that a banking bill by bankers was any different. He has no appreciation of the prejudice in which his firm and Wall Street are held throughout the country.

Morgan seems to be a fine fellow and impressed me favorably.

McAdoo remained a half hour after they left. I went to dinner at the Century Club with Cass Gilbert. Among the interesting people there were Mr. Thos. A. Janvier and Mr. Meade, the architect. Gilbert told me during dinner of the architectural situation at the National Capitol and the efforts of Carer e & Hastings to monopolize all the work being done.

March 23, 1913.

There have been many telephone calls, one being from McAdoo. John Purroy Mitchel came at twelve and remained until one. We discussed municipal affairs, the subways and other matters of interest. McAdoo sent him to me for the purpose of having me look him over as a probable appointee under him. Before Mitchel left Mr. Sague of Poughkeepsie came. He also came down to be looked over for the Col- lectorship. McAdoo joined us at lunch, Mitchel having left. I think Sague will do. It is difficult to get a man to suit entirely, but he seems as near as any we have seen.

McAdoo also sent Frank Polk down to have me look him over as a probable ap-
pointee to the same place. He is a handsome and attractive gentleman but I
doubt whether he is fitted for a place.

for an appointee

Mr. King of the Columbia-Knickerbocker Trust Company rang me up, but I put
but I put him off until next week. S. H. Thompson comes at five fifteen and Law-

(148)

rence of the Associated Press at five thirty. I am taking the six o'clock with
McAdoo for Washington.

Lawrence and Thompson came at the hour designated and I took them to the train with me. Thompson is anxious to be Solicitor General. I told him he had a very slender chance for it. Lawrence went with us as far as Philadelphia.

McAdoo and I discussed the currency question and the bill which Jack Morgan
left with us yesterday and which is not good. We decided fairly definitely upon
Sague for Collector of the Port and Judge Wm. G. McAdoo for one of the Judges of
the Appraisers Court.

When I reached the Wallace home, the butler informed me that the President
had called me up early in the evening.

Washington, D. C.

March 24, 1913.

I went to the White House this morning at about half past ten o'clock.
The door-keeper said the President was then trying to reach me over the telephone.
When I went into his office he had the Commission of Captain Rogers for U. S.
Sheriff of the Western District of Texas, on the desk before him. He did not know
who Rogers was, and asked me if he was all right, and whether that was not Captain
Bill's place. I explained that Bill lived in the Northern District and that I
had already spoken to McReynolds about him. He then signed Rogers' commission.

We discussed Sague for Collector of New York, and the relative merits of
Marshall and Gibboney for the U. S. District Attorney. We both thought Marshall
the ablest man of the two, but Gibboney was a Wilson man and was warmly advocated
for the place by McAdoo. We came to no conclusion because it was decided I
should see the Attorney General in the afternoon and thresh it out with him.

I then told him about Mr. Frick's call and his suggestion in regard to the
United States Steel Corporation suit. Before the President replied, I said "you
had better let me tell Frick that you referred me to the Attorney General and sug-

(159)

gested that whatever proposal came to you should come through the Attorney General's Office". The President smiled and said "You may consider it has been said".

We discussed it at some length. The President thought that the Steel Cor-
poration should have the same consideration as any other, neither more nor less, and
that they should be allowed to make a proposition for an agreement as to a decree
of court in the suit.

Our further talk was of McReynolds, Gregory, O'Gorman and others. He does
not admire O'Gorman. Neither do I. He has not sufficient stamina. I predicted
that he would go out of office at the end of his term; because the Tammany machine
will not have him, and our friends will not support him, and between the two he
will lose out.

The President asked me to speak to McReynolds about appointments and tell
him of the complaint being made that anti-Wilson men were getting all the offices.
He thought we should look into such matters more carefully. He has no personal
feeling in regard to this, but is wise enough to know that it will hurt his admin-
istration to discard its friends when they are fit and appoint those who were un-
friendly. He asked me to come back and lunch with him.

Upon leaving his office I met Senator Murray Crane and Senator Gardner.
Gardner wanted to know if his matter had been arranged, and I told him it had.

I went to McAdoo's and found Senator Chilton and Congressman Davis of
West Virginia with him. They were talking of appointments.

When I returned to the White House for luncheon, I found Senator Gore and
Senator Hughes. Gore was particularly distressed over his inability to get the
men appointed whom he recommends in Oklahoma. The trouble seems to be that some
of his warm personal friends supported Governor Haskell against Senator Owen, and
Owen is determined that they shall not be appointed to office. Gore says he took
no part in the fight between Haskell and Owen, and he thinks it is unfair for his
friends to be eliminated because of their opposition to Owen. I tried to cheer.

(150)

him by saying that after all patronage was small politics. I advised him to
make a reputation in a larger way. I urged him to make the speech I had spoken
to him about in New York, and I promised if he would get up the data, I would go
over his speech with him. I thought he could say something worth while which
would bring him to the attention of the country in such a favorable way that the
people of Oklahoma would rally to his support when he came up for election next
year.

Senator Hughes waited until I detached myself from Gore to urge Judge Jas. W. Gerard fxxxkkm as Ambassador to France.

I went into the President's room and we went to the White House proper. It
was Easter Monday and there were thousands of children in the White House grounds
rolling eggs. There was no one to luncheon excepting the family.

After lunch the President and I went up-stairs to the library and after a
breif talk we parted in order that he might keep an engagement at 2.30 with Ambas-
sador Bryce.

From the White House I went to the Treasury and had another talk with McAdoo.
While I was there I found that the Secretary of the Navy had been trying to locate
me for an hour or two. I went over to the Navy Department and found that Daniels
wanted to talk to me about the same the President had, that is the giving of pa-
tronage to non-Wilson men.

At half past four the Attorney General sent his carriage for me and we drove
in the park in order to talk at more leisure. We first took up New York appoint-
ments, and afterd the Frick proposition. Just as I suggested to the President, I
suggested to McReynolds that he should send word through me to Frick that he would
entertain their proposal if they would make it in writing and state what they had
in mind. McReynolds added, however, that nothing would come of it, that it was
the usual thing for these corporations to make overtures, but they were unwilling
to do those things which the court's decree would give the Government.

(151)

We also discussed the New York, New Haven & Hartford situation. He asked me to try and find him a good man to quietly look in that matter and make a report.

McAdoo and Carter Glass dined with me alone at the Wallace's. Mr and Mrs. Wallace had a dinner engagement.

After dinner, Glass read us a large portion of what he had drafted for the proposed currency measure. At 10.30 we decided to discontinue to-morrow evening since we had gone through the essential features. Glass seems to be a man of good sense, and amenable to advice. We parted with an agreement to meet sometime tomorrow or tomorrow evening.

March 25, 1913.
going

I went to the White House at half past nine and went directly to the President's room. Just as yesterday he had a Texas commission before him which the Attorney General had sent over for his signature. It was Judge J. L. Camp for the Western District of Texas. The President remarked that "McReynolds is going too fast. I do not know who this man is". When I assured him that Camp was all right, he signed the commission.

I outlined my conversation with McReynolds regarding Gibboney, Marshall, the appointment of Wilson men and Mr. Frick's proposal.

The President asked me to dinner at seven o'clock in order that we might go over some appointments. I suggested asking McAdoo to come in after dinner so we might discuss matters relating to his department. He asked me to invite him.

My friend P. A. Fitzhugh of Texas was waiting for me on the outside and in going out to get him, I ran into John Purroy Mitchel, who delayed me nearly a half hour. I took Fitzhugh over to McAdoo's office and called on Governor Burke, the Treasurer. I stayed with Fitzhugh until nearly one o'clock and then went to the Wallace's.

We had Tumulty to lunch. He enthused over Garrison. Wallace and I

(152)

went with Tumulty to his new home on Calvert Street, and saw his wife, his two
sisters-in-law and five or six little Tumultys.

From there I went to the Willard Hotel where I had an appointment with
Fitzhugh and Bob Woolley. Woolley was exerçed over the fact that he was not
to get one of the Assistant Secretary places in the Treasury, and would have to
content himself with the place of Auditor in the Interior. I pacified him and
left him in good humor.

I had an engagement with Carter Glass at five. We drove in order not to
be interrupted. He wished me to aid in some Virginia appointments in his dis-
trict or adjacent. I asked him to write out the list and promised to attend to
it for him.

The purpose of our meeting was to discuss the currency measure and I urged
him not to allow Owen and the Senate Committee change what we had agreed upon,
or to destroy any of the essential features. He promised to be firm. I ad-
vised using honey so long as it was effective, but when it was not, I would
bring the President and Secretary of the Treasury to his rescue.

I spoke to the President about this kakar after dinner and advised
that McAdoo and I whip the Glass measure into final shape, which he could en-
dorse and take to Owen as his own. My opinion was that Owen would be more
likely to accept it as a Presidential measure than as a measure coming from
the House Committee on Banking and Currency.

When I went to the White House the President met me. Mrs. Wilson was
a little late for dinner. It was again a family affair. The Wilsons are
living simply. We had fish, veal cutlets, rice, peas and potatoes, a simple
lettuce salad and ice cream. It is a household in which there are no pretenses
and where everything is in good taste. I talked mostly to Mrs. Wilson and
Jessie, very little to the President. Jessie wanted me to use my good offices
in behalf of Dr. Henry Van Dyke for some foreign mission. After questioning her
I think she understood that Van Dyke was hardly the man for her father to ap-

(153)

pbint. However, I told the President that Jessie and I had agreed upon Van Dyke for an appointment although we had not gone thoroughly through the formality of asking him what he thought of it.

After dinner the President, Yumulty and I went upstairs into the library. I asked him to recite for me again James Whitcomb Riley's "The Man in the Moon". We looked at pictures and discussed the historic things in the library. The desk, at which he sat, was made from wood taken from the Resolute which went in quest of Sir John Franklin and his unfortunate party. The President seemed interested to learn that my father owned jointly with the Confederate Government the celebrated gunboat "Harriet Lane" which was captured off Galveston during the Civil War.

We first took up foreign appointments. He thought that Walter Page was about the best man left for the Ambassador to Great Britain. I was pleased to hear this, for I had been urging his appointment. I was not only the first to suggest Page for this place, but whom Eliot and Olney declined it, I have advocated him earnestly. He asked if I thought Page would take it. I assured him that he would, and promised to find out definitely tomorrow.

We discussed a great number of other people for foreign appointments, among them Jos. E. Willard, St George Tucker and Thos. Nelson Page. He declared that he was almost of a mind to appoint these three. I thought Thos. Nelson Page should have Italy, and he agreed. He spoke of Rudolph Spreckles for Germany, since Fine has declined it, and of Chas. R. Crane for Russia. We practically agreed upon Phelan for Ambassador to Austria and Henry Morganthau for Turkey. Augustus Thomas was spoken of for France but merely tentatively. I told him, too, about Lewis Hancock of Texas, for a small post like Switzerland or Belgium. He wrote his name on the list. I considered him admirably fitted for such a post.

He said that Guthrie of Pennsylvania did not want to go to Mexico but wanted a European post. He remarked "I am inclined to give him nothing".

(154)

McAdoo wanted to know why he did not persuade Bryan that Gregory was the man to go to Mexico. The President replied, "I have tried to convince him six separate times, and Mr. Bryan can only give a theory for an argument. When anyone insists upon doing that, there is no use to argue". He said it was the only thing Bryan was obstinate about and he supposed he would have to let him have his way.

We agreed upon Dudley Field Malone as Third Assistant Secretary of State if he would take it. He has been one of our most difficult problems. We went over the collectors of customs, etc. etc. It is wearying work and one which neither the President nor I enjoy. I urged him to give us a list of names and let us thresh the matter out with the departments and so place the people he wanted to have appointed, and not worry about it himself.

I promised to come over again next week and stay long enough to go over it more thoroughly. He expressed regret that I did not live in Washington. He seems to have changed his mind regarding the viewpoint I was to obtain by being away, and now wants me to have me near him. I took the midnight for New York.

New York,
March 26, 1913.

The telephone has been busy this morning. I agreed to see Mr. Julius Kruittschnitt, Chairman of the Southern Pacific Board, at five o'clock, Commissioner Edwards at half past five, and Rex Auchincloss at six.

I called up Page and said "Good morning your Excellency". He wanted to know what it meant. I replied it meant a great deal. He seemed quite agitated and asked whether I was not joking. I replied that I was not, for the President had authorized me to ask him if he would accept the Ambassadorship to the Court of St James. We arranged for him to call at 4.30.

Page arrived promptly. He was excited over the news I had conveyed. He

(155)

asked me to tell him exactly how it happened. I told him I had suggested his name to the President two months ago; that the first person who had spoken to me about it was Harry Steger who had suggested it in September. I had talked to the President from time to time about the matter, and that when I dined with him on Tuesday, he had authorized me to find whether he, Page, would accept.

He was immensely pleased with the compliment but expressed doubt as to his ability to fill the place. It was so entirely different from anything he had previously done. I thought, even so, he could do it in a creditable way. I suggested that he delay his sailing until the 21st of May when I could go with him, promising to help with the work as long as I was in England.

There were several thoughts in his mind in regard to it. The main one was that he had a daughter who would graduate at Bryn Marw in June, and he did not like the idea of her remaining in England for four years and coming in contact with foreigners to such an extent that it was *practically* possible, and even probable, that she might marry one. It seemed foolish, he said, and he could mentioned it to anyone excepting me, or a member of his family, at the same time, it was a big thought in his mind in connection with the offer.

I suggested that he might arrange to have his daughter spend a large part of her time on this side with the families of his sons, and I did not think the chances of marriage to a foreigner were as great as he seemed to think. I did not tell him so, but I thought the fact that he was a man of very small means would probably protect her more than anything else.

He spoke of his business affairs, and said the firm of Doubleday, Page & Company was making a good deal of money at present and within the next five years he would be independent in fortune. I replied that I did not see how his leaving for such a position could affect his business interests, since it would be of great advantage to the firm to have him Ambassador to England; that the advertising it would give them would be beyond anything they could do in other directions. He saw the point, but did not believe Mr. Doubleday would.

(156)

However, he said he would not let any selfish consideration, particularly a mon-
tery one, stand in the way of his serving the President if he desired him. He
had not spoken to his wife or family, but would see them immediately and give me
an answer tomorrow or the day after.

While he was with me Mr. Kruittschnitt came. Page had not finished talking
with me so he went into the dining room while Mr. Kruittschnitt and I remained
in the drawing roo. Kruittschnitt wanted to talk about the Mexican situation
He said the Southern Pacific properties down there are being damaged to an enor-
mous extent by the present condition of affairs, and he wanted to know the pol-
icy of the Administration, particularly in regard to recognition of the Huerta
Government. I explained that Mr. Bryan had held up the appointment of Gregory
as Ambassador, that Guthrie of Pennsylvania had declined it, and the President
had not been able as yet to get a satisfactory man. I hoped by the time Congress
met on the 7th of April, the President would have the situation well in hand.

As he left, I introduced him to Page. Page and I continued our conver-
sation.

In a few minutes Commissioner Edwards and announced. He wished to know
of his chances for Collector of the Port.

Mr. Frick rang up at six and asked me to dine with him alone. I agreed to
do so if he could have dinner as early as half past seven since I had an engage-
ment for half past eight. He promised to have dinner very promptly, which he
did.

I was struck by the bigness and lonliness of the George Vanderbilt house
in which he lives. Incidentally, he told me that Vanderbilt had spent $800,000
on improvements and that he, Frick, did not pay him a rental that amounted to
more than 3 1/2% on these improvements, much less upon the value of the property.
He said George Vanderbilt knew little or nothing about business, and was not in
good shape financially. William K. Vanderbilt, Sr. was the only one of ability

(157)

in the family, and unfortunately he preferred to use what abilities he had in
horse racing and such unimportant things.

After showing me a few of his pictures, we went in to dinner. The food
was plain and the service simple. Raw oysters, a thin vegetable soup, broiled
kingfish, a dish of rice and chicken, two vegetables and asparagus and ice cream
constituted the meal. He had champagne and I noticed with surprise that it
was stale and not well iced.

We talked of the United States Steel Corporation suit. I explained in a
few words the President's attitude, which was that the matter must come to him
through the Attorney General who would be glad to receive any offer looking to
a settlement of the suit by a decree of court. He asked if I would meet with
himself and Judge Gary. I declined to do this, saying they would have to thresh
it out between themselves; that my position was that of adviser to the President
and I did not wish to be thought of in any other capacity.

He seemed to see that this was best, and asked if I would arrange for
him and Gary to meet with the Attorney General. I promised to speak to the
Attorney General about it when he lunches with me on Sunday.

in detail

I asked him to give me the component parts of which the Steel Corpo-
ration was formed. This he did in the frankest way possible. He spoke of Mr.
Morgan's health and said it was very bad, worse than people thought. He
spoke well of Jack Morgan. When we left the table we again looked at his pic-
tures for a few moments. He said it was his purpose in building the house he
was erecting on the site of the old Lenox Library, to give it to the City at his
death and the death of his wife and daughter, and to have it used very much as
the Wallace Collection was used in London, but he did not want it known for the
present.

I received a note from James Speyer asking for an interview tomorrow
morning. I had him telephoned to come at half past nine tomorrow morning.

(158)

March 27, 1913.

Mr. Speyer came very prompty at the hour set. He wished to talk about the Mexico situation. I told him I understood it thoroughly, and repeated to him what I had told Mr. Kruittschnitt. He also seemed satisfied. We discussed the Chinese loan and he expressed his pleasure at the attitude the Administration had taken. We talked of currency reform which he did not consider nearly as important as most people seemed to think. I did not agree with him and we argued the matter at some length. He suggested a man by the name of Farrer for Ambassador to Mexico. I asked him to send me more data about him.

He asked me to see Mr. Brown, President of the National Railways of Mexico, and I made an engagement for him to be here at 5.30 this afternoon. Mr. Speyer thought Brown knew more about the situation than anyone and he considered it important that I talk with him.

Brown came and I got some interesting information. He is president of more than 8000 miles of railway, which is owned jointly by the Mexican Government and American, English, French and German capital. The Mexican Government owns a slight majority of the stock. He said it was the general opinion that sad as Madero's death was, that it was the only solution of the situation. He said Huerta claims that Madero tried to have him assassinated just before he, Huerta, arrested him. Huerta went to the palace for a conference with Madero, and was urging Madero to resign so as to bring about peace. Madero declined and asked to be excused for a moment, stepping towards an open door. Huerta looked around and saw through some transoms three or four men with carbines leveled at him and about to fire. He threw himself down and the bullets went over his head. Huerta rushed out of the room, and immediately afterwards had Madero arrested. He claims that Madero's death was brought about by his attempted escape, but Brown thinks that it was the usual Mexican way of getting rid of an enemy.

Brown wanted me to urge upon the President the retention of Ambassador

(159)

Wilson until after the July election occurred because Wilson was Dean of the Diplomatic Corps, and it was through his efforts that the status quo was brought about between Huerta and Felix Diaz, and an agreement was made that Huerta should become Provisional President and should support Diaz for permanent President when the election occurred.

In the meanwhile, a Cabinet was to be chosen to serve under Huerta and afterward to become the Diaz Cabinet. This agreement had been signed in triplicate and was brought about by Ambassador Wilson.

Brown thinks it would be inexpedient to remove Wilson until after this agreement goes into effect. He thought two things would certainly happen in Mexico if this administration of Huerta's was not a success. One was intervention, and the other was a disintegration of the Republic into smaller units. It was the general belief that if this Government could not maintain itself, no other could.

March 28, 1913.

Walter Page telephoned around ten o'clock that "I have decided to turn my face towards the East" which meant he would accept the post to Great Britain. I felicitated with him, and expressed my pleasure. He wished to know the next move. I told him I would notify the President, and that he would write him a formal note offering him the Ambassadorship.

I called up the President at Washington a little after nine to tell of Page's acceptance. He replied "that is fine, I am very glad". He promised to write Page at once.

I telephoned Page to let him know how pleased the President was. Page expressed great appreciation for what I had done.

I had a talk over the telephone with Warburg about the currency bill, and arranged for him to come to see me at five o'clock on Monday. McAdoo talked to me from Washington and asked me to meet him in Baltimore this afternoon.

(160)

in order to take a two days' outing on a revenue boat. I am too busy to in-
dulge in such pastimes just now. He has had another conference with Carter
Glass on the currency bill, and wishes to me to come down soon for another meet-
ing.

Wallace called me up twice from Washington but about matters of no special
moment.

March 29, 1913.

I had many telephone calls this morning, but none of importance.
I called up McReynolds to tell him I would have to cancel the invitation I ex-
tended him for lunch tomorrow, because of a long-time engagement with Samuel
Untermeyer which I had overlooked. He expressed a desire to see me and is to
come to dinner this evening.

I lunched with John Purroy Mitchel who had as his guests: Louis Brandeis,
Bruere, and Cleveland of the Efficiency and Economy Commission. We talked of
Mitchel's plan for a model municipal government in Washington, and how best to
bring it about. I suggested that the first thing to do was to secure the
favorable consideration of Congress to the plan, and then cooperate with the
Commissions, having first obtained the consent of the President. I objected
to the name of the Commission, "Efficiency and Economy". Economy, I thought
was unpopular in the political mind, and efficiency really covered both names.
Brandeis warmly agreed to this.

Cleveland explained what the Commission had accomplished during the past
two years, and what it hoped to accomplish, provided the President would give
his support to the movement. I was asked to see the President and arrange for
them to meet him some day during the latter part of next week.

I was afraid Brandeis would not be particularly pleasant to me since he
failed to become a member of the Cabinet, but there was no evidence of feeling
on his part.

Mrs. Borden Harriman telephoned to ask me to meet young Peet in order that

(161)

he might give me some information concerning the District Attorneyship.

Timothy Healy came to see me about some man he desired appointed Third Assistant Secretary of the Treasury.

At six thirty Mrs. Lovett asked if it would be possible for me to come up to the Hotel Gotham to see the Judge, who is ill, for a moment. I explained that I was expecting the Attorney General for a seven o'clock dinner and would not have time, but she was so insistent that I rushed up there, finding the Judge in bed with fever and a bad throat. He had an engagement with the Attorney General for Monday, and the doctors had told him it would be impossible for him to keep it, and he wanted me to see if McReynolds would see him on Tuesday. It might have all been done over the telephone.

I spoke to McReynolds and he said that while he had intended to go to a Hampton Roads with the Secretary of the Navy, he would forego his trip in order to accommodate the Judge.

McReynolds and I discussed the appointment of a District Attorney here. He is unalterably opposed to Gibboney. He thinks Marshall is easily the best man to appoint, and I promised to urge his selection upon the President.

We discussed the United States Steel suit and came to the conclusion that it was best to let ex-Secretary Dickinson, who is special counsel in that suit, take it up with Messrs Frick and Gary and see whether anything of a settlement could be made.

McReynolds said that before he accepted the offer to go into the Cabinet, Francis Lynde Stetson had asked him to give a written opinion upon that suit and that he had done so. Unless Stetson released him it would not be possible for him to represent the Government. He thought, however, there would be no difficulty in getting Stetson to release him. I was surprised at this information. It was perfectly legitimate for McReynolds to give this opinion, but he should have told me when he knew that his name was being considered for attorney General so that I, in turn, could have informed the President.

(162)

It is a difficult task to steer oneself steadily in the uncertain seas where politics and finances meet. Hereafter, I shall refuse to have anything to do with the financial end of it, and confine myself to advising the Administration.

March 30, 1913.

I motored with McReynolds up the River as far as Untermyer's where I was to take lunch. McReynolds went on to an inn a half mile beyond and returned for me at 2.30. Greystone is a very beautiful place. The interior was a bower of flowers. It was rather a large party, and included some ladies from California and three Englishmen, whose names I have forgotten. They did not interest me and I talked almost entirely to Mr and Mrs. Untermyer.

Untermyer said that if anyone was to have the power J. P. Morgan Had had during the past twenty-five years, he thought he was as good a man for it as anyone he knew. Notwithstanding his reputation, Untermyer gives one the impression of being a *refined* cultured gentleman with very progressive tendencies. He expressed regret that I left so early, for he had thought to spend the afternoon with me in the discussion of economics.

Walter Page and Secretary Houston came to dinner and we had a delightful time. Houston and I tried to make Page feel happy in his new field of endeavor.

He seems fearful lest he might not be able to maintain himself, and yet he said he had enough sporting blood to undertake it. He was somewhat disturbed because he had not heard from the President, and asked me whether I thought it was actually settled.

Houston then told of his experience. He said "I have never to this good day received any notification of my appointment as Secretary of Agriculture, excepting that which I received from Mr. House". And further, "I was uncertain whether I should come to Washington, but I concluded I had better do so. I came, and I had no notification there. Finally some cards were sent to my wife

(163)

and to me, inviting us to lunch at the White House after the Inauguration. We went, the President shook hands with me and said he was glad to see me, but nothing else. The President's Secretary sent me word that the President expected me at the White House at eleven o'clock the next day for an informal meeting of the Cabinet. I felt that matters were getting warm, and I was getting nearer my job. I went to the informal meeting, and, since I seemed to be expected, concluded that in due time I would be notified, but I never was. Then I read in the newspapers that my name had gone to the Senate, and in due time I received my commission."

Page seemed to feel better.

Houston and I discussed currency reform, and I explained to him in some detail the bill that has tentatively been drawn.

McReynolds telephoned at ten o'clock suggesting that I should not speak to the President or anyone concerning the Steel Trust suit, until he has a chance to confer with me again. I am wondering what is in his mind.

March 31, 1913.

Wallace came at 8.55. Mr. Paul Warburg came at 9.15 to discuss the currency measure. He told me in confidence that he had written the Aldrich Bill, that he and Mr. Aldrich had gone South and hidden themselves away for a week and had written the bill during that time. He suggested that McAdoo, he and I do the same thing now. I made several polite excuses and will make more when the necessity arises. Warburg is a fine man and I have confidence in him. I believe he is a good citizen desiring to give the country a sound currency measure, at the same time, he does not realize that he cannot do for the present Administration what he undertook to do for the last.

McAdoo telephoned from Washington and wanted to know when I was coming down. I asked him to see the President and ascertain when he would like to have me. McAdoo said that he, himself, was going down to Hampton Roads to witness the Navy Target Practice, and he hoped I would not come down until he re-

(164)

turned. I asked him to find whether the President desired me sonner; since I
would prefer not to come before next week. Later I had a wire from him saying
the President would like to see me Friday. I believe this is more McAdoo's
desire than the President's and I am trying to get in direct touch with Wash-
ington.

I succeeded in getting McAdoo over the telephone and told him I preferred
going tonight instead of Friday, and to please ask the President for an ap-
pointment. He did as requested.

I telephoned Judge Lovett to find out how he was, and discovered that he
was going to Washington on the 1.40 B & O tonight. He insisted that I give up
my reservation on the Pennsylvania and go with him in his private car, which I
did.

McCombs telephoned that he had about consummated arrangements which would
permit him to accept the post of Ambassador to France, and asked me to tele-
phone the President to find whether it was still open. He also thought it
would be advisable for him and McAdoo to make up their differences, because of
the Party and the Administration. He probably thinks it would be best for
himself. I made a feeble attempt to get the President but he was at the the-
ater, and I promised McCombs I would attend to it in the morning when I reach
Washington.

Washington, D. C.

April 1, 1913.

I (arrived) early and had breakfast by the time we reached Washington.
Judge Lovett did not appear until I was leaving the car.

I went to Wallace's and called up the Attorney General at the Shoreham.
He had not breakfasted, but wanted me to see me before I saw the President. I
told him he would then have to see me immediately as I was going directly to
the White House. I found the Attorney General in his undershirt eating his

(165)

breakfast. All he wanted to say was that he had been thinking about the Steel
muck, matter, and he thought it was best not to ask Stetson to consent to his
taking an active part in the suit, but to leave it to them to write him if they
desired. He also asked me not to forget the District Attorney matter when I
was talking to the President.

I went directly to the White House from the Shoreham. The President
had not come over to the office, but I went into his office and talked to Tu-
multy until he arrived.

I went from the President's office to see McAdoo. Senator Walsh of
Montana was with him and several others came in while I was there, so we did
not have much chance to talk. I told him of McCombs' proposal to make up with
him, but he did not think well of it. He said he was well rid of McCombs, and
he thought he had best let matters remain as they were. However, I urged him
to come with McCombs and me to the theater Friday night, and appear in a box
with him. He promised to think about it and let me know.

We took up the Collectorship and the District Attorneyship of New York,
and walked over to the White House where he was to attend a Cabinet meeting at
eleven. Billy Hughes met us, and asked me again about Judge Gerard. He is
the Judge's most persistent advocate.

From the White House I went to the Metropolitan Club, and then to the
Willard Hotel to meet Mrs. Bryan. I had a long and delightful talk with her.

From Mrs. Bryan I returned to the White House for luncheon. The President
had not come from his office, so I went there and we walked back together. The
luncheon was a simple affair. Bouillon, some veal and vegetables and fruit af-
terwards. I like the simplicity of their living. It is a re-
meals
lief after the long and formal one gets elsewhere.

I told the President about McCombs and we fell to laughing about him. Mrs.
Wilson wanted to know if he intended leaving the post of Ambassador to France
open for McCombs, and the President answered, "I am going to let him have just

(166)

as much rope as he requires to hang himself". I told her that while it was
hard on the French people, something was due the Governor and me. No one was
present at luncheon excepting the family.

After lunch we went upstairs in the electric elevator. The President likes
to run it. I told him it reminded me of the picture in Life which represented
him as an elevator boy, and saying, "Miss Tariff, I am going to take you down."

We went into the library and immediately began a discussion of foreign
appointments. We went over the entire list from top to bottom, and almost
every post was decided upon.

The next thing under discussion was the tariff, particularly the su-
gar and wool schedules. I advised the President to take the position of keep-
ing one cent per pound on sugar for a limited period. He suggested three
years, and that was agreed upon. I gave him in detail the situation of the
growers in the South and that of the beet-root growers in the West. He then
wanted to know whether I thought the tariff bill should be introduced as a
whole or in separate parts. Underwood was with him last night and wanted the
bill to go in as a whole. The President thought, perhaps, that his object
in this was to have it known as the "Underwood Bill", whereas if it went in as
separate measures, its identity would be lost.

The President said that Redfield had suggested putting the bill in, in
five different groups, that is, putting the subjects that related, more or less,
to one another. I favor this plan and so does the President. He is to see
Underwood again and tell him of his decision.

The trouble is not in the House, but in the Senate. We discussed many
provisions of the bill but not at great length. When we had finished with it,
he wished to know whether or not I would act as Chairman of a Committee com-
posed of McAdoo, McCombs, Gore, Burleson and Tumulty to make out lists of ap-
pointments in each State for him to make. I expressed myself as being willing

(167)

to do anything I could to help him. After discussing it a few moments he finally said he thought it would be better if I would take the matter entirely in my own hands, and do it in any way I thought besy. He thought perhaps that the others coming in would cause more or less confusion and jealousy; that if I did it alone I could do it more effectively, and could get what advice I needed in my own way. I think he is right, but I loathe the thought of it, and will probably get from under it. I wondered whether he realized that he was practically placing the entire patronage of the Government in my hands.

I handed him an editorial to read concerning Lloyd George and the Marconi stock affair in England. The editorial said that the interests were always ready to raise a hue and cry against the advocates of the people if they transgressed in the slightest degree along the lines that, they, the interests, considered entirely honorable in their own representatives.

I cautioned the President against such pitfalls; I told him that where commerce and politics met, the waters were deep and troublous. I, myself, was afraid to buy or sell anything in any way connected with legislation, either present or prospective.

He told me then that he had nine shares of United States Steel, preferred stock, and wanted my advice. He thought if he sold it, it would look as if he were trying to "get from under" what might happen in the Steel Trust suit, and if he held it he might be criticized if the settlement of it was favorable to the Steel Company. I advised selling it. I also advised that he ask Mr. Bryan to suggest someone as additional counsel in the Steel Trust suit. I told him Mr. Bryan would suggest Jos. W. Folk, and if he did not, that he, the President, should suggest him. If this were done at once, and a settlement made in the courts either by decree or decision, it would prevent any of the Bryanites from criticizing him. He made a note of it in shorthand.

I then talked to him about saving a part of his salary and suggested that he save as much as $35,000. or $40,000. He replied "I thought I might

(168)

save as much as $50,000. in the four years". I told him I was speaking of a
single year, and not four years, that in the four years I hoped he would save as
much as $150,000. He said he would speak to Mrs. Wilson, as she was the eco-
nomical member of the family.

I talked to him at lunch about Mexico and along the lines Mr. Brown of the
National Railways had suggested, and advised him not to remove Ambassador Wilson
until after the election occurred. He said he would not do so. I told him
that Brown thought if the present government did not succeed, it meant either
intervention or disintegration into smaller states.

The President left me and went into the East Room for about twenty
minutes, during which time he said he had shaken hands with six hundred people.

When he returned I was reading Kipling's poems and I handed him "L'Envoi"
which begins "When Earth's last picture is painted" and asked him to read it.
He did so with much feeling, and we fell to discussing religion for a moment
and the imagination of men.

He had finished with his budget, and I took up mine, and by four o'clock we
were ready to drive. We circled the City of Washington and stopped for a
moment at the Cemetery just beyond the Old Soldiers Home. He wanted to show
me the Adams statue by Saint Gaudens. We walked across the Cemetery and sat
upon a granite bench in front of the marvelous figure depicting Grief. He
called attention to the beautiful outlines and the look of resolution upon the
face. I thought she seemed of the kind to send sons to the wars and bear
with fortitude the news of their death.

I asked him why he thought the early Greeks were such marvelous sculptors
and why the teeming millions of modern times could produce so few who were
able to conceive and execute anything worth while. He thought there was one
thing in favor of modern sculpture, and that was, the work had more poetry and
imagination in it than the ancients gave to theirs. He spoke of the Greeks
depicting action and beauty of form rather than emotion. We sat for a long

(169)

while before the statue, which affected me much as some mournful strain of music would.

We returned to the automobile and drove through the park. Among other things I asked him his estimate of his Cabinet and of their different characteristics. He said that Bryan was a constant surprise to him; that he was amenable to advice, did not talk unduly much and was altogether different from what he had anticipated.

Redfield possessed much the best analytical mind; that Lane had an analytical mind plus imagination, which Redfield lacked. McReynolds was quiet and said but little, but when he talked it was effective. He did not comment upon the others.

I called his attention to the pleasure people felt when a great leader did things differently from what they had been done before. I thought a leader could do such things, and it would please, but if the ordinary human diverged from the beaten track, he was considered a crank and derided. I advised the President to do the unusual thing when it was the sensible thing, regardless of whether it conformed to custom.

I spoke of efficiency, and called attention to the enormous amount of business we had done that afternoon in one hour and twenty-five minutes, because we wasted no time in talk. He, in turn, complimented me by saying that I was the most efficient man he knew, or had ever known with the exception of one or two, and in this way we tossed bouquets at one another and became thoroughly satisfied with ourselves and the world as it was.

I again congratulated him upon the high note he had struck in his Inaugural Address, and I spoke of the good he could accomplish, and of the opportunity that was being given him to further the cause of humanity.

He left me at the White House at six o'clock and I returned to the Wallace home.

I spoke for a few minutes with Thos. Nelson Page, and, in a co-

(170)

vert way let him understand that he would be sent abroad.

I invited the Attorney General to dine with us, telling him to come early since I had an engagement at eight o'clock. I dinner I told him of my conversation with the President, and of my recommendation concerning additional counsel in the suit against the U. S. Steel Corporation, and my reasons for so advising. He understood.

Tumulty came at eight and we went over the usual discussion of patro-
nage, state by state, more particularly as to the men whom we would ask for
suggestions. I returned to New York on the midnight train.

New York.

April 2, 1913.

The Persian Minister, Mirza Ali Kuli Khan, was on the train and I sent him
to his hotel, after dropping off at 35th Street. He is very intelligent and
interesting.

After breakfast I called up Mr. Frick and asked him to drop by for a
minute on his way down town.

I spoke to John Purroy Mitchel and invited him up for a short con-
ference around eleven o'clock.

When Mr. Frick came I told him of the President's and Attorney General's attitude, that is that the Steel suit should be taken up with Mr. Dickinson That McReynolds felt himself disqualified on account of the opinion he had given Mr. Stetson.

Mr. Frick said he would talk to Judge Gary and would let me know later
what had been done. He called me up afterwards over the telephone and said
that Mr. Stetson had written the Attorney General releasing him from any ob-
ligation not to enter the Steel suit. He also told me that he was in Morgan's
office this morning and had met Senator Crance, and that Crane had said that

(171)

the tariff bill written by the Ways and Means Committee was a ruinous measure. Frick thought perhaps he meant more particularly the wool and cotton schedules as they affected New England. He asked me what would be the next move in the Steel matter. I told him I would communicate with the Attorney General and let him know.

John Purroy Mitchel came and I put the question point-blank to him whether or not he would be a candidate for Mayor of New York in the Autumn. He said it depended upon circumstances, that it was more than possible that Whitman would run and if so, it was expected that the independent democrats would support him.

We spoke at length of good municipal government, and I expressed the wish that he might make the race and win. I told him if he would keep the information between the two of us and the angels, I would use my influence, and would try to direct matters so that he could get the nomination. He is to see me again after his return from Washington.

Peter Clark Macfarlane of Collier's Weekly has asked for an interview, stating that Collier's desires a biographical sketch of me. I am sorry, but if it is to be written, I would of course like it to be sympathetic, therefore I consented to see him at half past five o'clock.

Macfarlane came and asked innumerable questions some of which I answered and some of which I did not. He wanted to know in what way I was helping the President. I answered that perhaps I was not helping him at all. He finally concluded he would go to Washington and meet the President and the Members of the Cabinet and see whether he could get more information from them than from me.

MrxxFriskxakaphaaxthax&tkaxhaxxwrittkaxxkaxthax

April 3, 1913.

Mr. Frick telephoned again to know what was the next move. I told him I

(172)

had talked to the Attorney General late this afternoon over the telephone, and
he would take the matter up directly with Mr. Stetson, and that I, myself,
thought that the best method of procedure. I want to drop the matter from
now.

Ralph Easley, Chairman of the Executive Committee of the National
Civic Federation, called at half past two. He talked of the growth of so-
cialism and the best way to check it. What he really wanted was to convince
me that labor unions were perhaps the best method of checking socialism, and
that the labor unions were among its strongest opponents. He also desired me
to meet some of the labor leaders. I promised to see those of National or In-
ternational importance.

Mr. Kelly of the Evening World called concerning the dinner to be given
Martin Green of the Evening World, at Delmonico's on the evening of April 26th,
and how much they hoped the President would attend.

Norman Hapgood came at six. I asked him of his plans for the future,
and he said they were indefinite. He thought he would like to get out of the
country for awhile. I asked if he would care for a foreign appointment and
he thought he might. I asked what appealed to him, and he said Italy, Japan or China.

We spoke of Rudolph Spreckles and Charles R. Crane for Russia. He
concurred in my opinion that Spreckles would not do for a diplomatic post. He
is too opinionated, too dictatorial and altogether too uncertain for such impo-
tant work. Hapgood thought Crane would be delighted with a tender, but said
that on account of his father's death it would be impossible for him to accept.

I called the President over the telephone at Washington at eight o'clock,
to tell him that Hapgood concurred in my opinion as to Spreckles. This elimi-
nated Spreckles. I asked if he wanted me to get Hapgood to make a tender to
Crane. He authorized me to do so, but cautioned me not to let his declination
be known. I then suggested Hapgood for the Chinese mission. This seemed

(173)

to surprise him. He asked if Hapgood was an orthodox Christian. I promised
to find out.

I complimented him upon his proposed message to Congress, a copy of which
he had sent me, and told him it was certain to make a happy impression. It was
short, it contained everything that was necessary, and was a model of its kind.
I asked him to do nothing about the Belgian mission until he heard from me furth-
er concerning it.

I telephoned Hapgood and asked him to tender the Russian Ambassadorship
to Crane over the long distance telephone, but to caution him as to secrecy.
Crane is in Chicago. I asked Hapgood to come and see me at ten o'clock in
the morning to discuss the matter further.

Macfarlane called me up from Washington and said he had seen a good
many members of the Cabinet, and that they had all made appointments with him.
Houston said he would see him at eight in the morning provided that was agree-
able, otherwise he could not see him. He asked me to telephone Houston about
it.

I called Houston up at the Cosmos Club and told him it was one of those
inevitable things which had to be met. He said he knew it, but he did not
desire to do anything without first having my permission. I urged him to
tell Macfarlane not to bother my other friends that he, Houston, could tell
him everything worth while, and to please not try to see the President or
other members of the Cabinet.

Houston fell to talking about Jos. Davies for the Philippines. He
thought it a serious mistake and he expected to tell the President so tomorrow.
I advised his seeing Tumulty before he talked to the President; that Tumulty
agreed with him and could perhaps make some suggestion.

April 4, 1913.

Hugh Wallace was my first caller at nine o'clock.

Marcellus Foster, Edi-

(174)

tor and owner of the Houston Chronicle, followed closely after. He advocates
Jesse Jones for Comptroller of the Currency.

George Gordon Battle came in while Foster was here. I asked him directly whether Snowden Marshall would accept the place of District Attorney, and he said that he would; that the newspapers had not quoted him correctly when they stated he would not. He had merely said he had not been asked. I gave Battle the status of the case and he seemed pleased.

McCombs telephoned and wanted to know about tonight. I told him I had not heard from McAdoo, that he had gone with the Secretary of the Navy to Hapton Roads to witness target practice, and that I had not been in touch with him since. He complained of the reports which were being given out at the White House concerning his vacillation regarding the French Ambassadorship.

I called Tumulty over the telephone at Washington and told him what Battle said about Marshall. I also told him what McCombs had said. He replied that it was McCombs' fault, and it was with the greatest difficulty he had kept the newspapers off his back.

He then began on the subject of Davies, and said they would try to check
his appointment. He seemed considerably exercised about it.

Norman Hapgood called and I asked about his religious views. He did not seem to have any worth while. I told him I had talked to the President, and I was sure he would offer him China provided he was an orthodox Christian. I explained that Mr. Bryan felt very strongly upon this point, and that it was necessary for the President to recognize it. Bryan merely desires it in the case of China where the uplift is being brought about by the missionaries, the Y.M.C.A. and like forces.

Hapgood had talked with Crane; that he was please but could not accept.
I hoped that he had made it clear to Crane that he must not talk. He had im-
pressed it upon him as fully as he could. That is Crane's trouble--loquacity

(175)

I promised that later I would see that it leaked out from Washington that he had been offered and declined it.

I told Hapgood I would see the President next week and would talk with him in more detail about an appointment for him, but for the present we would let the matter rest. He hoped the President would not think he was asking for anything. I said the President did not know that he, Hapgood, knew anything about it; that I was supposed to find out in a diplomatic way, his religious views, and that my diplomacy was usually of the direct kind. He expressed appreciation of my candor and directness.

McAdoo telephoned from Washington to know if anything further had developed concerning New York appointments. I told him no, but that Gibboney was out of the running and that Snowden Marshall would be appointed District Attorney.

We discussed both Mitchel and Sague for Collector of the Post. He said he would not reach New York until half past nine o'clock therefore, he would not be able to go to the theater with McCombs and me tonight, but we would talk the matter over tomorrow. He said if McCombs had any purpose in wanting to get together, he was more than willing to meet him half way, but that McCombs only desired it because he thought it would be of personal benefit.

We discussed Davies and I informed him the matter would probably be taken up at the Cabinet meeting today. All the above happened before half past ten this morning. I sincerely hope the balance of the day will not be so strenuous.

McCombs telephoned twice during the day, and finally asked to see me for a moment. I told him I had no time unless he was willing to talk while I was having my dinner. He said that was all right and came over immediately. The burden of his thought this time was that he was being injured by reports

(176)

sent out from Washington about his vacillation concerning the Ambassadorship to France. He also desired to be on more cordial terms with McAdoo. I let him know of McAdoo's generous offer to give him his place in the Cabinet, stating that I was present when he told the President that he was willing to get out and let McCombs have his place if the President so desired. Of course, this was more or less "buncomb" but McCombs seemed pleased. He said he was not going to France as Ambassador, but he intended to leave in about two weeks for a long rest. He needs it.

We talked of appointments and I was surprised to hear him say that he had no particular interest in them. He had made his recommendations to the President and he could appoint them or not as he saw fit. I tried to get him to express some preference among those he had recommended but he said he had none. However, as between Morganthau and Elkus, he thought the latter should be recognized.

April 5, 1913.

McAdoo telephoned early this morning and I made an engagement with him for 2.30. McCombs also called up during the morning but I was out. He left for Washington at eleven.

McAdoo came as scheduled. He wished to discuss the currency bill and New York appointments. We decided definitely upon Sague for Collector of the Port of New York, but came to no conclusion as to Assistant Treasurer at New York. We talked of many other matters.

George Foster Peabody arrived at five with a letter of introduction from Mr. Bryan. He is interested in New York appointments, particularly that of District Attorney. He is not in favor of Marshall. He was delighted when I told him in confidence that Sague would probably be made Collector of the Port. He said to me twice, both in the early part of his visit and at the end "as an American citizen I want to thank you for what you are doing for this administra-

(177)

tion and for the country." It was really very kind of him to make this recognition. McAdoo told him that I ought to have been Secretary of the Treasury but that I made him take the place instead. Peabody said he did not see how I could have taken any one department, that the work I was doing was of more importance.

April 6, 1913.

Tumulty called me from Washington. He wanted me to come over tonight so as to be there tomorrow in order to discuss the appointment of Davies as Governor General of the Philippines. The President, he thought, would be willing to transfer Davies to Porta Rica in the event we could find some man available for the Philippines. He thought unless the matter was straightened out satisfactorily he was afraid Garrison would resign. He considers that a serious crisis is threatened and that I ought to take a hand in it.

I replied that I did not know Davies, therefore I was not in a position to advise the President further than that my general impression was that it was a poor appointment; that he was not big enough for the place, and that the country would not receive it well. But I did not wish to place myself in the attitude of advising without being asked by the President to do so. He was so insistent that I should come that I promised to think of it during the day and asked him to ring me up again later in the afternoon.

I discussed it with McAdoo over the telephone, and he thinks my attitude is the correct one and that I should not inject myself into the matter. McAdoo wanted me to telephone Sague and get some data concerning him, and to practically notify him that he would be appointed Collector of the Port. He also wished some data concerning Thomas M. Lane of Brooklyn whom he may recommend for appointment to the Court of Appraisers, and asked me to see him and "size him up".

The Associated Press representative called around lunch time and took

(178)

lunch with us. In the afternoon Mr. Frank Trumbull called and we discussed the
formation of the Industrial Commission and other matters. Before he left Judge
Gerard and Lanier Winslow came. The Judge endeavored to persuade me how well
fitted he was for some diplomatic post. He said although they had money, they
would promise not to spend it lavishly, and would conduct themselves in accord-
ance with the President's views in this matter.

We went to a concert at the Metropolitan with Mr. Trumbull and some
friends of his.

April 7, 1913.

I called up Sague at Poughkeepsie and asked him to send me a short bi-
ography which I told him McAdoo wanted. He promised to send it down today so
I could forward it to McAdoo tonight. Sague seems to lack enthusiasm and some-
how I did not fancy him very much. This feeling became so strong that I decided
to talk with McAdoo about throwing him over the ropes even at this last moment,
and give the place to Frank Polk or someone else.

I called up McAdoo at Washington and expressed my feeling. He shared
it largely, and asked me to send for Polk and have another talk with him. I
asked Mrs. Harriman to arrange for Polk to come at six.

John Purroy Mitchel came by appointment at 4.15 to talk of the Efficiency
Committee and of his interview with the President in regard thereto. We also
discussed local political matters and the next Mayoralty contest. Before he
left, Congressman Ayers of the Bronx, came ostensibly to discuss good government
here, but in reality to get someone appointed to office from Brooklyn.

Before he left, Thos. M. Lane of Brooklyn arrived to be looked over for
a member of the Appraisers Court. He seems to be a clean but not very able
man, but unless someone else is brought out that is better, I may recommend his
appointment.

Polk came at six. We had a very frank talk concerning his political

(179)

affiliations and the conduct of the Customs provided he was appointed. I like
him very much and I am sorry I did not have the talk with him before, for I
should have recommended him to the President and to McAdoo instead of Sague. He
seems to have more red blood in him, and some sense of humor, and I think we
could play with him to more advantage than with Sague. I am afraid it is too
late to make the change, but I shall talk with McAdoo and later to the President
in regard thereto.

I called up McAdoo at Washington after Polk left, and he was glad I was
so pleased with Polk. He desired me to come to Washington at once, but I can-
not leave until later in the week.

April 8, 1913.

Among the visitors today were Mr. Trumbull, Ralph M. Easley and Mr. Carter,
President of the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen. Then came Peter Clark Mac-
farlane. Macfarlane remained so late that I asked him to dinner. He insisted
upon having a photograph of me. He argued that unless I gave it they would dig
around and get one of the old ones which were being used in the newspapers. I
told him I was going to Washington, but he said they would send their photograph-
er down there so as to take it. That settled it and I allowed him to send his
man around.

April 9, 1913.

Norman G. Mack called. He would like to be Ambassador to France, and
failing in that he would like to go to Belgium. It is the old story. His
women folks are pushing him into it. He seems to care nothing for it him-
self. He is an agreeable Irishman. I promised to speak to the President
of his aspirations.

Commissioner Bill Edwards followed him. He is still bent upon the Col-
lectorship. After Edwards came the photographer. Afterwards we motored to
Garden City to lunch with Walter Page. He said that Joseph Choate and Henry
White had been very kind to him and had given him a great deal of information

(180)

concerning the English post. We talked of expenses. I advised him not to pay
more than $7500. for a furnished house. He goes with me to Washington Friday
to be there Saturday and Sunday. We are to lunch with the President on Satur-
day.

April 10, 1913.

Nothing of importance has happened today further than telephone calls both
local and long distance. I am leaving for Washington tonight.

Mr. Frick telephoned me about the Steel suit. I had no information
and advised him to have Mr. Stetson take it up directly with the Attorney Gener-
al. I let him understand that I was entirely through with it. I was rather
curt and very positive.

Washington, D. C.

April 11, 1913.

McAdoo and I dined at the White House. At dinner the conversation ran
along social lines, all of us trying to tell something to amuse. After dinner
the President, McAdoo and I went to the library and discussed New York appoint-
ments. We decided upon Polk for Collector. This was done largely upon my re-
commendation.

We then talked currency reform, and went over the Glass Bill in detail.
It was agreed that McAdoo, Glass, Owens and I should meet Monday evening and go
over it again and try and whip it in shape. We left the White House at ten
and I returned to the Wallace's and found Walter Page.

April 12, 1913.

The Postmaster General called me up early and asked me to meet him at the
Cosmus Club.

I lunched at the White House. Loulie, Mr. and Mrs. Page and Mr.
and Mrs. Wallace were the other guests. Soon after lunch I rang up Mr. Bryan
to tell him that Mr. Page desired to pay his respects. He asked us to come
over to the State Department at once. Bryan was very gracious to Page which

(181)

pleased him because he has not said many kindly things of Mr. Bryan. Page hop-
ed Mr. Bryan would place him in the kindergarten and teach him as rapidly as
possible the essentials of his work. Bryan laughingly replied, "I will have to
learn myself first".

Mr. Bryan asked me to remain when Page was ready to go, so Page waited for me in the reception room. Bryan wanted to ask my good office in behalf of his friend Metcalf whom he wishes appointed on the Panama Commission. He also wanted to talk of appointments and of the President's feeling in regard to Roosevelt's executive order concerning consuls and secretaries. He believes the order should be revoked.

He talked to me again over the telephone and asked me to have J. L. Bil-
lingley of Miami made U. S. District Attorney. He also wanted me to get Mc
Adoo's recommendation for the appointment of J. C. Calhoun of Tampa, Internal
Revenue Collector for Florida. He invited me to lunch with him and Governor
Jennings tomorrow.

The dinner to The French Ambassador, M. Jusserand, was interesting. I talk-
ed with Senator Lodge. He wants a man from Nahant retained in the Boston Custom
House and I promised to try and arrange it if he was competent.

Thos. Nelson Page was at the dinner and I informed him that if no change was
made, he would go to Italy. I advised him to keep away from the President. He
has no political sense whatever and might ruin his chances.

I was told by one of the guests that I "had the President, the Cabinet and
the Democratic Party in my pocket". I am sorry such nonsense is said even in jest
as it tends to make mischief.

April 13, 1913.

Senator Culberson called and we went over Texas appointments. The Attorney
General came and we discussed appointments in his office. He will make Huston
Thompson one of his Assistants. The appointment of a Circuit Judge for Virginia
was discussed and I advised the naming of Governor Montague of Virginia. The

(182)

Attorney General asked me to look into his record further and to let him know. We arranged for Gregory to investigate the New York, New Haven & Hartford Railway with a view of bringing suit.

We also took up the Steel Suit. Instead of employing ex-Governor Folk as I had suggested, he thought my purpose would be answered by having Bryan and Garrison (who has good legal ability) kept constantly advised in regard to it, and any settlement made, to be with Bryan's consent. He wished me to take the matter up with the President. I shall advise this change.

McReynolds also wished me to discuss with the President the Arizona proposition of having a primary express their choice for a Federal Judge. This is a very serious matter, more so than the Attorney General seems conscious of. If carried out it would involve a change in the Constitution itself. I am not in favor of permitting the people to select Federal Judges in this way.

McReynolds promised to appoint Billingsly as Mr. Bryan desired. I promised to see the Chairman of the Judiciary Committee in both the Senate and the House and try and get them to recommend more money to pay for the needed help in the Department of Justice.

Secretary Lane came an hour before the time set for the dinner to be given to Ambassador James Bryce. He desired to talk of his Department and to outline some plans for the future. He also wished to know whether I still thought of him for a Supreme Court appointment in the event Justice McKenna resigned.

The dinner was a notable one. The British and Russian Ambassadors and their wives, Justices Day and Lamar of the Supreme Court, Secretaries Lane and Houston and the Attorney General.

I had quite a talk with Mr. Bryce. He is a shaggy little bunch of nerves and brain. We talked largely of Roosevelt, Taft and Wilson and their characteristics. Taft got the worst of the comparisons, T. R. next, and Wilson

(183)

with his President easily first. He spoke of the President's Inaugural Address and thought it very fine.

April 14, 1913.

Congressman Clayton, Chairman of the House Judiciary Committee called at 9.15. I afterwards went to the White House, saw the President for a moment, and was with Umulty afterwards.

At one I went to lunch with the President. There was no one present save the family. As usual the meal was a simple one. Bouillon, chicken, vegetables and fruit.

We fell to laughing about poor McCombs and the French Embassy, and afterwards we all became very funny and laughed the hour away. The President told a ludicrous story about his first effort upon roller skates and many other stories followed. After lunch was over we went to his study and discussed his proposed attitude towards Tammany. We agreed that the Administration should give them nothing and to let this attitude be known. The President has an engagement with O'Gorman at six and he is to explain his attitude to him. He does not like the job, but will do it.

Then came my budget. I took up the Arizona primary matter. I thought it was dangerous and would lead to an annulment of the Constitution. He saw the point, but said he was committed. I thought that when he was wrong the sooner he confessed it the better. I advised him to send for the Arizona Senator to whom he had made the promise and to tell him frankly that he could not let a Federal Judgeship be settled that way. The President said he would do it.

The next thing was the Steel Suit. After explaining my conversation of yesterday with McReynolds, he authorized me to say to McReynolds to go ahead along the lines we agreed upon.

Then came the Circuit Judgeship appointment. I thought the man should come

(184)

from Virginia. The President was so sweet about it and seemed so sorry that I
thought his South Carolina friend should not be appointed, that I gave way and
said "let's fix it up your way."

The last time I was with him he had said that some of his Cabinet had both-
ered him by taking up his time in threshing out matters with him instead of bring-
ing things to him in condensed form. At his request I have spoken to some of them
and will try to see that they do not offend again in this way. I suggested that
he insist upon his Cabinet giving a short resume of every man proposed for appoint-
ment, giving his political affiliations, by whom recommended, etc. etc.

He was generous and fine in his praise of my work. He declared he did
not know how he could do without me, and he thanked me again and again for what I
am trying to do. He asked me to be always frank and "scoldhim" if I thought he
was doing anything wrong.

I cautioned him to be very sure before doing the unusual. I warned that
his popularity could vanish very quickly.

I saw McAdoo and went over our joint budgets. He wants me to dine with
him, Glass and Senator Owen to discuss currency tonight.

I saw the Attorney General and advised him of my conversation with the
President and asked him to act accordingly.

I had a talk with Major General Wood. He is fifty-one years old. He
can serve obly twelve years longer and only to April 1914 as Chief of Staff. We
discussed the wisdom of the present law governing this matter. I disapproved, he
approved it. I suppose he is right. I asked him not to bother the President
unless he had something very important to say, and then to condense it.

I saw Burleson, Lane and Houston but nothing of moment was discussed.

At seven fifteen I met McAdoo, Senator Owen and Carter Glass at the
Metropolitan Club where they dined with me. I tried to be as entertaining as
possible in order to put Owen in good humor so that he would be receptive to our
views. I was afraid he had pretty wild ideas on the currency question, but we

(185)

got along finely. He broke loose once or twice, but we eased him back into sound channels. We adjourned at ten thirty to meet again.

April 15, 1913.

Congressman R.E.L. Henry called at nine fifteen. He remained three quarters of an hour. I fixed up some appointments for him, - **musk** notably a postmaster-ship for his brother. I asked if he would accept a high foreign appointment himself, but he declined as I knew he would. I wanted to woo him back into good humor.

I went to McAdoo's office and we walked over to the White House. It was Cabinet day and I saw several of them. Tumulty was anxious for me to see the President, but I did not want to bother him. Lawrence of the Associated Press talked with me concerning the Mexican situation.

At 1.15 I went to the University Club to lunch with Mr. Bryan, the Attorney General and Governor Jennings of Florida. We had a good time. Bryan told me he was seriously embarrassed by the requests for office. He said any man who had run for the Presidency three times necessarily acquired innumerable obligations. I feel sorry for him. Everyone seems to like him much better now than before he took office.

Vick was waiting at the Club to talk of his failure to secure recognition. He does not believe McCombs has done anything for him. I promised to look out for him. He said McCombs was in a bad way and almost irresponsible. Some of his friends were wondering whether they would be justified in forcibly taking him to a sanatorium.

I went to McAdoo's and together we went to the White House to see the President. The President looked so worn and tired that I broke up the conference almost immediately. I urged McAdoo to see O'Gorman and keep him in good humor if possible while declining to recognize his Tammany recommendations.

I had Hoover telephone the Secretary of War that I would see him at the

(186)

Wallace's at once. I took him driving and we had our conference that way. He
desired to talk of the Philippines and the appointment of a Governor General. I
suggested ex-Governor Alvah Adams of Colorado. Adams is now in Washington and I
am to send him to Garrison tomorrow at eleven to be looked over. I do not know
Adams well enough to recommend him unqualifiedly.

Garrison spoke kindly of Bryan. He thought he had poor judgment, particu-
larly of men, but he thought him the most far-sighted statesman we had produced
for a long time. He said he had advocated ten or fifteen years ago the reforms
the country was now demanding.

Mr. and Mrs. Wallace are entertaining the Spanish Ambassador, the Portu-
guese Minister and many others tonight. I had such a fatiguing day that I begged
off in order to go to bed early and get a much needed rest.

April 16, 1913.

A colonel who would be a brigadier general, and a secretary of lega-
tion who would be transferred from Japan to France caught me at breakfast. The
diplomat is wealthy so I requisitioned his motor and had him take me from place
to place until lunch time.

Strangely enough, I ran across the Secretary of State at the White House
and arranged the young diplomat's affairs as he desired. During this talk Mr.
Bryan asked me to get some expression from the President concerning the reten-
tion of consuls. Bryan is in favor of being very lax with the Civil Service. He
thinks many of them are totally unfit and should be removed. I told him the
President would put his friend Metcalf on the Panama Commission if it could be
arranged.

I had long talks with Senator Saulbury, Tumulty and with Secretary Garri-
son. The Secretary came over to the White House to see me and tell of his
interview with Governor Adams. I also met Chas. R. Crane at the White House.
He contemplates buying Harper's Weekly and putting Norman Hapgood in charge and

(187)

making it thoroughly progressive.

The Attorney General asked to see me. I went to his office and found Sen-
ators Gore and Culberson with him. Poor Culberson looks as if he would not be
with us long.

The Attorney General desired to see me about the letter he was addressing to the President concerning the Steel Suit and to ask if it was settled, that he should make out Judge Woods' commission for Circuit Judge. The letter was all right and covered everything, and I told him to go ahead with Judge Woods' commission.

Beyond conferring with Fred Lynch of Minnesota and doing some telephoning I have had a quiet afternoon. We go tonight for the first State Dinner given at the White House. No one is invited outside the Cabinet excepting Cleveland Dodge and ourselves. McCombs should have been invited and I wonder why he was not. It would have pleased him and is really due him.

The dinner was a great success. I took in Miss Wilson, Margaret, and Eleanor sat on the other side of me. When dinner was over we went to the Blue Room first and then to the President's study to smoke. I talked with the Vice President, and liked him, although he is not a "heavy weight". The President once said of him, that he was a "man who looked through cracks". In other words he could not see things broadly.

A musical was given in the East Room. I sat with Mrs. Bryan. I asked her how she was getting along with her "flock" meaning the Cabinet ladies. She said, "nicely, they are a fine lot".

The Attorney General said in the presence of the others "it did not look
right for the maker of us all to sit in the least conspicuous place". This was
in regard to the matter of precedence at the dinner table.

When I said goodbye to the President and thanked him for a pleasant eve-
ing he replied, "my only regret was that you were so far from me."

(188)

April 17, 1913.

I was at the White House Offices at 9.45. I talked with Senator Owen concerning the currency bill. Lawrence of the A. P. was near, and he and I agreed that we would call the bill the Owen-Glass Bill. I told Owen this and he was visibly pleased. I did it to get him to work with Glass and not try and rewrite a separate bill. Vanity perniates us all to a more or less degree; touch it rightly and the most astute of us succumb.

O'Gorman, Josiah Quincy, and ex-Governor I saw in turn. I then went to McAdoo'S. He lunched with me and is coming to dinner tonight. to discuss the currency bill, and appointments

I called upon my friend Whitney Newton of Colorado and took him to the White House to introduce him to Tumulty.

After lunch I saw the Secretary of the Interior and the Attorney General.

I went to the Cosmus Club and got McAdoo and went to the White House. The President received us in the Blue Room and we discussed currency reform and Senator Owen's attitude. We also talked of the situation in Ecuador and the South American Republics where dollar diplomacy has been in vogue. We discussed the President going to the Senate and he told us of his visit. He invited us to dinner and we are to spend the evening at currency reform and appointments.

McAdoo and I talked of the President's safety. I was afraid the Vice President's foolish remarks would likely cause some crank to attempt to assassinate the President. Both Lane and Houston talked to me about this feature of the Vice President's fulmination. Lane suggested that the President himself talk to him and tell him that his bringing out at this time subjects that were foreign to the present party policy would be certain to mitigate against the measures which were now pending such as the tariff and currency bills.

McAdoo dined with me and we went over his list of appointments in all

(189)

the states as far as we were able and agreed upon them. We will see the President tomorrow and tell him what we have agreed upon.

April 18, 1913.

I went to the White House early and met the President on his way to the memorial service held for the late President of Honduras. I found a large number of people waiting, Mitchell Palmer being one of them. I asked if I could not attend to his matters for him explaining how busy the President was and how uneasy we were for his health if the pressure continued. He said he wanted to know about Guthrie's chances for an ambassadorship. I was able to tell him that the President had him down for Japan. I asked "what next?" He wished to know about Berry for Collector of the Port of Philadelphia. I was able to tell him that McAdoo and I had threshed that out the day before and we would both recommend his appointment.

After that he wanted to know about Graham who wishes to go in the Attorney General's Office. I told him that McReynolds and I had discussed that the day before and that he intended to appoint him. This satisfied Palmer and he went back to the Capitol. Before he left, however, I asked him how long it would take the tariff bill to get through the House. He replied that it would be the middle of May if debate was not restricted, but if the debate was restricted it gotten through could be finished by the first of May. I advised him to restrict debate and put it through. I thought the country was tired of agitation and that sufficient had been done. The main thing now was swift action.

Jerry Sullivan from Iowa was waiting to see the President and I treated him as I did Palmer. He had just been appointed on the Appraisers Court in New York at a salary of $9000. for life. He was uncertain as to whether he ought to leave Iowa and wished to know how much time he could have to decide. I thought practically as long as he liked, and if he desired the District Attorneyship there for the Southern District of Iowa instead, he might

(190)

have that. I asked him not to bother the President but to take it up with me and I would thresh it out with the Attorney General and take it to the President in concentrated form. He had several other desires which I advised him to put in writing and to send to me at his convenience.

I wish I could always be here to do these things for the President and give him time to devote himself to the larger problems which confront the country.

I went from the White House to McAdoo's office and we walked back to the White House together and saw the President for a moment and made an engagement to be with him at four o'clock.

I saw McReynolds, Lane, Houston and several other members of the Cabinet have Arrangements had been made to bring Bryan and Clark together and we all hope that the luncheon given for the purpose of making them friends again will be successful.

I went from the White House to the John A. Logan residence which the Bryans have taken. Mrs. Bryan was there amidst the confusion and dirt and she showed me over the house from top to bottom.

McAdoo came to lunch and we went back to the Treasury Department together. I told him I had suggested a form for the Cabinet officials to use and attach to commissions when they were sending them to the President to sign. McAdoo argued the point but was finally convinced that it was a good recommendation. He said the President had written him in regard to the matter. I asked him not to tell the balance of the Cabinet that this was done at my suggestion. As a matter of fact, they will not want to do it. I dictated a form to McAdoo's stenographer so that I could take it to the President in concrete form in order to give him the exact idea. This is it:

"John Smith

Aged 47

Born in Florida.

Moved to Ohio in 1895. A progressive democrat and supported Clark before

(191)

Baltimore Convention.

Recommended for appointment by _________________

McAdoo had written an interview to give to the Press concerning his in-
tentions in regard to the emergency currency act. I mildly advised against it.
We went over to the President's at four and remained with him for an hour. We
took up the New York Collectorship first and discussed Senator O'Gorman's at-
titude. Both McAdoo and I urged the President to make the issue with the Sen-
ator even if he should oppose the nomination upon the floor of the Senate. I
was sure it would come sooner or later and it might as well be fought out with
him now, since it is clear that he and the President cannot make Tammany appoint-
ments and the sooner O'Gorman realizes it the better. He promised to "stand
pat" and to send Polk's name to the Senate come what may. This is the way I
like to hear him talk.

We discussed the other appointments that McAdoo and I had gone over last
night and he consented to all of them with the exception of Hays of West Virginia
and Berry for Collector of Philadelphia. He wanted some data in regard to these
two appointments which McAdoo is to get and then they will go in.

I went over my budget with him very quickly. I told him Fred Lynch had
telephoned me that Samuel Untermyer would like to become Ambassador to Germany.
The President smiled and said it was interesting and he was glad to know that
Mr. Untermyer would be pleased if he should be sent. I also said that Roger
Sullivan would be pleased if it could be intimated to him that the President
would see him the next time he visited Washington. The President replied the
intimation could be given Mr. Sullivan if it were not done in writing under his
signature.

The President seemed depressed and I tried to brace him up by telling
him that everything was in splendid condition excepting himself; that was the
only thing troubling me. He laughed and said he would try to reform if I would
indicate the way. He promised to give himself more time for recreation. He

(192)

spoke again of his desire to have me near him in Washington and said he was sorry whenever I told him goodbye.

McAdoo and I went back to the Treasury for a moment for him to sign his mail and then we went driving. I then returned home to dress for the Bryan dinner.

Among the guests were General Cockrell, Justice Lurton, Senators Hollis, Poindexter, Saulsbury and J. Ham Lewis of the flourishing whiskers. Mr. Bryan was nearly an hour late for dinner as the President had called him to the White House at the last moment to write some despatches in regard to the Japanese situation which is becoming acute.

Secretary Lane called me up during dinner to tell of the Bryan-Clark luncheon which he attended and which was a success.

I told Mr. Bryan of my conversation with the President regarding the question of keeping the Consular Service under the Civil Service. I had done this at Mr. Bryan's request. The President stated that he would hold to Roosevelt's executive order in regard to consuls. Mr. Bryan is a spoilsman and is in favor of turning the republicans out and putting in democrats. He argued strongly and eloquently for his position. I remained quiet, for my sympathy is with the President's policy even though it keeps some of our very good friends from their desires.

I leave on the midnight train for New York.

New York,
April 19, 1913.

McCombs telephoned that he was sick and asked me to come and see him. He was at his sister's apartment in 86th Street. I went and found the poor fellow in bed. He is full of trouble as usual and drooled along for an hour about nothing. I promised to see him again tomorrow if he was still in bed.

Frank Polk called this afternoon. I indicated his probable appointment and dwelt upon what slight incidents the political fortunes of people often

(300)

go on his committee to help run the campaign. It was my judgment that Adamson should take the active management of the campaign, but Mitchel said that unfortunately, a tentative offer was already out to a prominent republican.

I telephoned Adamson, and he came at once. We had a long talk concerning the political situation and the advisability of his managing the campaign. I practically offered it to him, explaining that in the event the republican was placed nominally at the head, I would arrange for him to be Chairman of the Executive Committee, with all the responsibility and credit for whatever success came to the cause. I could see he was willing to accept if he were given uncontrolled authority, but he asked for time to consider it.

In the evening I telephoned Mitchel and he was delighted with what I had done. The republican had declined, and he thought Adamson should get take the active management of the campaign, although it was necessary for him to first confer with other candidates on the Fusion Ticket before offering it to him.

September 26, 1913.

Mitchel telephoned early this morning to say that all the Fusion candidates had agreed upon Adamson, and that he would be offered the management.

McAdoo telephoned from the Vanderbilt Hotel that he was in town and would like to see me. I had an engagement with Frank Polk at half past nine, and after he had been with me a few minutes I took him with me to the Vanderbilt to see McAdoo. We discussed the local situation, and both McAdoo and Polk are delighted with the selection of Adamson. Polk soon left us and we then went into matters at more length. He is disturbed by the continued evidence of Tumulty's influence over the President, and in a way he does not consider desirable. He thinks Tumulty has a narrow vision, and that he is afraid to take a bold stand concerning matters of importance. He cited the Boston Collectorship as an instance.

I arranged for McAdoo to see Jack Hammond so as to patch of their dif-

(301)

ferences which occurred during last year's campaign.

A great number of people called over the telephone, some of them reaching me, others not. Morganthau wished to come but I put him off until next week. He is sailing for Turkey, his new post, the first of November. He seems much concerned over the Impeachment of Governor Sulzer.

Judge and Mrs. Lovett invited us to spend the week-end with them at Lo-cust Valley, but we declined. Mrs. Harriman also invited us to their country place, and we declined that as well.

September 27, 1913.

Charles Ferguson called wikk this morning. He wishes the President to allow me to indicate the degree in which he, Ferguson, may represent the President, in a personal way, while he is in Europe in regard to the Panama Exposition. I am not enamoured of the idea of acting in such a capacity.

Mr. Charles H. Sherrill, ex-Minister to the Argentine, called this afternoon. Mr. Shiff and many prominent Hebrews are urging his appointment as Ambassador to Russia. He has a pleasant personality. He said his ultimate ambition was to be in some future Cabinet as Secretary of Commerce.

September 28, 1913.

McAdoo lunched with us. There was little of importance discussed and he left on the Congressional Limited for Washington.

Col. Fred Feigl came in later to tell me what a mistake it would be if the President should interfere in the New York election.

In the evening Doctor Cox came in to confer as to who should run for Congress to succeed Burton Harrison who has been appointed as Governor General of the Philippines.

September 29, 1913.

I lunched with Henry Morganthau. He is a member of a unique club of sixteen members having rooms at the top of the 42nd Street Building. We

(302)

talked of his coming duties in Turkey and also of the general political outlook.

Frederick H. Allen is sitting on the doormat again. Rumors that McCombs is not to take the Ambassadorship to France has started his hopes afresh.

Robert Underwood Johnson came to discuss the Hetch-hetchy Valley matter now before Congress. I sympathize with his views, but I recognize there is another side of the question. I take it that Johnson and John Muir and others like them are making a losing fight since Gifford Pinchot, Secretary Lane and other conservationists are in favor of giving it to San Francisco for its water supply.

Frank Trumbull telephoned concerning the probable dissolution of the Commerce Court, over which he is disturbed. McReynolds got in touch with me and is coming to lunch tomorrow. Innumerable telephone calls came, some of which were answered and some of which were not.

September 30, 1913.

Mr. Trumbull called this morning to talk principally of the Commerce Court.

Mrs. Borden Harriman called and is going to Washington this afternoon. She is starting a woman's Fusion League movement and advised with me as to details.

McReynolds came to lunch. He told me he had been working with the U. S. Steel people regarding their suit and a possible settlement of it outside the courts. He sees no hope of such a settlement for both he and the President are determined that real competition shall be had, and that is far from the notion of the Steel Trust people.

We also discussed a variety of subjects, among them the Union Pacific dissolution, the Diggs-Camminetti case, and a suit which the leading newspapers of Chicago wish him to bring against Hearst. They claim to have positive evidence that Hearst is using the mails fradulently, in as much as he is claiming a circulation which is not true, and is thereby obtaining advertisements and other emoluments based upon a fradulent statement. McReynolds has not determined what to do about it. We also again discussed the advisability of amending the

(303)

federal law so as to include the refusal to circulate through the mails any
libelous article. That, however, is a matter of far-reaching importance and
must be touched upon carefully.

I have a letter from the President this morning saying:

The White House,
Washington.

September 29, 1913.

My dear Friend:

I thank you with all my heart for your letter about my nephew.
It seemed to me a sort of picture of all that I love best in you.

I shall try to get my nephew over to see you some Sunday. I believe that
is the only day he can get away.

De Forrest Baldwin and Frank Polk came this afternoon to discuss the Munici-
pal election. I am still urging the necessity of an organization, but no one
seems to realize the value of it. Up to the present they have not even a sem-
blance of one, much less a compact and efficient one similar to that their op-
ponents are working under.

Francis Carroll of Boston called at nine o'clock to discuss his proposed
visit to Washington in regard to his candidacy for the District Attorneyship of
Boston. I told him I had recommended him to the President and that he was
satisfied and would probably appoint him in the event Mr. McReynolds thought he
had had sufficient legal experience.

October 1, 1913.

H. H. Childers called this morning to talk of his affairs and the Mayor-
alty campaign.

Jos. E. Davies, who is now at the head of the Bureau of Corporations in
the Department of Commerce, was with me for an hour in the afternoon. He told
of the dinner Morganthau gave last night and to which, by the way, I was invited.

(301) (304)

Judge Gary, Mr. Vail of the Telephone & Telegraph Co., Mr. Towne of the Yale Lock Co., and several others were there. Davies and I talked about Wisconsin matters, including the University of Wisconsin and its potent influence upon our educational life. We also discussed Lafolette and his future.

My old collegiate, Thuston Ballard of Louisville, came at five-thirty. It is the first time I have seen him for thirty-five years. He had just been informed by the Civic Federation people that I had recommended him to the President for appointment on the Commission of Industrial Relations, and he wished to thank me. We had a pleasant half hour until Judge William McAdoo came to crowd him out. The Judge desired to tell something of local conditions and to give me information which he thought it well for Mitchel to know.

October 2, 1913.

Francis Carroll arrived at nine o'clock to tell of his interview with the Attorney General and others in Washington.

Major Dickinson of the State Department came to urge me to go to England and Germany and see Sir Edward Grey and the Kaiser and ask them to have their governments take part in the Panama Exposition at San Francisco. I was told that I would be given a military and naval attache, and could go with much pomp and ceremony. I declined to consider it and told Dickinson I had too much to do here that seemed to me better worth while. I also told him that if I should go on such a mission I would not want an attache, but would go quietly and without my mission being known. He asked me to suggest someone who would be suitable for the undertaking and I named William Church Osborn.

George McCarty from the City of Mexico called after Dickinson. We talked of conditions in Mexico and the probable outcome. I outlined the President's policy, and while McCarty at first thought he should have recognised Huerta, I believe I convinced him that the President was right. He had photographs showing the fighting in the City and of the damage done to the American Consulate,

(305)

his, McCarty's, residence, and many public buildings. I told McCarty it was
my intention to advise the President to recognize the next regularly elected
President of Mexico and then to back him with force if necessary in mainaing
order. McCarty thought it would take 250,000 men to pacify the country in the
event we intervened. I do not concur in such an estimate and told him so.

October 3, 1913.

and
Montgomery Hare was the first caller to discuss the municipal campaign. He
thinks Mitchel is submerging his personality too much, and is doing other things
not tending to promote his election.

Mitchel came in the afternoon and we decided on several matters. One in par-
ticular was as to his resignation and the President's action. He is to write a
letter and submit it to me, and I am to get the President to write such a reply
as is thought best. He is agitated over the police question, and asked me to
see Adamson. I suggested that he might send Adamson up under the pretext
of my discussing organization with him, and I would incidentally bring in the
subject of the police.

Adamson states that he will resign if Waldo is removed, and Mitchel thinks
some compromise may be arrived at, by Waldo appointing Allan Pinkerton as a de-
puty to look out for an honest election.

We attended the Roosevelt farewell dinner given at the New York Roof Garden.
We were the guests of Mr. and Mrs. John Purroy Mitchel and the others at our ta-
ble were Mr. and Mrs. Borden Harriman, Mr. and Mrs. Frank L. Polk. The roof
garden was crowded and the food execrable. I left before the speaking began.

October 4, 1913.

Adamson called and we discussed in detail the different features of the
campaign. I find he has no organization. We went into the police question
and he doubts the advisability of using Pinkerton in any capacity. He said
Pinkerton was a protegee of Senator Reynolds, and Reynolds is interested in

(306)

and
horse racing and all sorts of sporting proposition which he, Adamson, thinks
there is some sinister motive underlying this persistence in pushing Pinkerton.
I suggested that Waldo be retained and my having a talk with him, and trying to
get him to work in harmony with good government forces rather than with Tammany.

We discussed the advisability of Mitchel's making him Street Cleaning Com-
missioner. Both Adamson and I consider it is a disgrace to have a town of this
character as filthy as it is. Adamson believes Waldo would be a good man for
this work. We finally came to the conclusion that it was best for Mitchel to
work in with Waldo instead of getting rid of him. They are to hold a conference
this morning, but we go to Judge Lovett's for the week-end, therefore I do not
know how it has resulted.

We reached Judge Lovett's for luncheon. There were several other guests
but of no particular interest. Everyone went to the Horse Show at the Piping
Rock Club excepting me. I remained at home and wandered about the place.

October 5, 1913.

Judge Lovett told me of the financial condition of the Union Pacific, and
asked my judgment as to whether it would be advisable at this time to distribute
a dividend of 16%. He said the Attorney General did not desire them to do so.
I thought it a mistake for McReynolds to express an opinion concerning their af-
fairs. I do not see any reason why they should not do as they like in the mat-
ter. I cannot believe it would have a bad effect provided an open statement
was made as to their reasons for such action. The Judge explained that this
money had come in largely from the sale of Southern Pacific stock, and he did
not care to undertake its investment for the stockholders; that Mr. Harriman was
willing to do such things, but he was not. If the stockholders cared to spec-
ulate they could do so, but he was unwilling to do it for them.

He wishes to distribute the money because he does not know what to do with it
and because if he invests it conservatively it would only bring in 4% or 5% 4 1/2%
when the Company has been getting 6% on one hundred and twenty-six millions of

(307)

Union Pacific

Southern Pacific stock. Therefore, the dividends must necessarily be reduced for they cannot continue to pay the same dividends as long as such a large sum of money should bring in so much less interest.

They are to have a meeting of the Board tomorrow. I advised him to postpone all action until I could give the matter more thought, and I would advise him more definitely later. I do not wish to run contrary to McReynolds' opinion, but it is clear to me the Government should have nothing to do with advising them, and that if a proper statement is made and the reasons for declaring the dividend given, no harm can result.

The Judge and I discussed the advisability or inadvisability of bankers serving on the directorates of railroads. He thought it was a good plan. I cited the New Haven as a contrary example. He admitted this, but thought in the long run, it was better for railroads to have strong bankers associated with them. He illustrated the point by saying that Harriman always continued with one set of bankers, therefore when money was scarce, his properties were taken care of. Gould, on the other hand, always borrowed from wherever he could get money cheapest. The result was that in times of stress he could not get money at all. I do not agree with the Judge in his conclusions. My feeling is that bankers should not be on railroad boards, and not on the boards of any large corporations. They use them too much for their own advantage.

He admitted that Kuhn, Loeb & Co. often charged them more than if they had gone elsewhere, but he thought, and so did Mr. Harriman, that the fact that they could always get money in bad times as well as in good times, made it worth while to let them make more. The point I made was not that the same bankers should be used from whom to obtain money, but that they should not be on the boards or directorates of corporations with whom they were constantly having monetary transactions. I feel that a director is a trustee, and that a trustee should have no dealings of a personal character with a corporation whose stockholders he is supposed to represent.

(308)

We discussed the inadvisability of having directors serve on competing lines and of having one railroad owning stock in & competing lines and having representation upon the boards. The Judge pointed out that the Pennsylvania holdings in the Baltimore & Ohio entitled them to one or two men on the directorates. Even if nothing were done favorable to the Pennsylvania, it gives that company an insight into the management of a rival road, and oftentimes they obtain information which could be used to the disadvantage of the rival road.

We also talked of the Steel Corporation. He said at one time they had a great number of broken rails on the Union and Southern Pacific and that Kruittschchnitt, who was maintenance manager, publicly criticized the Steel Company for being negligent. The result was that the Steel Company practically boycotted the Harriman roads regarding freight. The Steel Company as a rule make prices delivered, therefore they can route freight any way they please. Harriman was compelled to see Judge Gary and make peace with him.

Lovett said he was afraid the reduction of the tariff would not give the consumer the benefits, for the Steel Corporation would try to hold them up in regard to prices by boycotting them in the shipment of freight.

October 6, 1913.

I have had a busy morning. Mitchel telephoned twice and we decided some important matters. Dudley Field Malone called me from Washington for a long talk. Incidentally, he tells me that Senator O'Gorman is in town. I shall put Mitchel in touch with him.

C. R. Macauley of the World called with Mr. Broetzel, organizer of the Mitchel Leagues. They wished advice as to the selection of Vincent Astor, as Treasurer of their organization, and whether I would be willing for them to say to him that I would be glad if he would accept. I preferred not having my name used further than I thought their suggestion of him was excellent.

Macauley plans to act on my suggestion and draw a cartoon representing the shade of Mayor Gaynor handing his shovel to Mitchel. They intend using it

(309)

as their main cartoon in the campaign.

I suggested that they have Commissioner Waldo drop in on me within the next
few days. I want to discuss the police issue with him, though Macauley does
not know this.

Judge Lovett telephoned and asked whether I thought it advisable for him to
ask McReynolds to come over in the morning to confer with him. I thought he
should do so. He called me later and said McReynolds would be here in the
morning and they were to confer at the Touraine at twelve o'clock. He asked
me to be present, but I declined. I promised to see McReynolds earlier and
give him my point of view. As a matter of fact, I shall urged the Attorney
General to have nothing further to do with the matter. He is going entirely
outside of his province where the waters are deep and uncertain.

Charles Burlingham called to go over with me the pending campaign. He
does not think Mitchel is "putting sufficient ginger in it". We had a pleas-
anf half hour together.

Henry Morganthau telephoned to ask whether I cared to lunch with Abram
Elkus now that he had been nominated for one of the Supreme Court Judges. I
preferred not to do so.

Dr. Mezes, President of the University of Texas, took supper with us.
Edward S. Martin came in at nine and remained until ten o'clock. Duthby Ma-
lone came at ten and remained until midnight. Our main discussion was as to
the best way to get Senator O'Gorman in line with the President and his poli-
cies. It was decided that I should go to Washington and see the President.

Dudley told the story of his up-bringing and of his struggles for success.
He never appeared to better advantage and my good opinion of him grows.

October 7, 1913.

Frank Polk was the first caller this morning. He came to talk of the campaign
as things are at sixes and sevens. There is no organization and no harmony be-
tween the divergent factions.

(310)

The Attorney General was the next caller. He remained until I had to excuse myself for another engagement. We discussed Union Pacific matters almost wholly, and I again advised him not to meddle with them, but to let Judge Lovett and his confreres do what they pleased about dispensing their dividend. McReynolds thought it would have a bad effect if they declared the extra dividend, and he gave some additional facts which Judge Lovett had neglected to impart when he explained the matter to me. One was that when the Union Pacific purchased the Southern Pacific stock, they issued one hundred millions of bonds for that purpose. Now that they have sold the Southern Pacific stock the natural thing to do would be to pay off the bonds, but this, McReynolds said, was not their intention. Judge Lovett is to see him again at noon, and I concluded not to bother with the matter further.

Hampson Gary came in at half past twelve. He wishes a minor appointment under the administration.

Mezes lunched with us and we discussed the Presidency of the College of the City of New York, which is now vacant, and which we would very much like to see go to Mezes.

Mrs. J. Borden Harriman called at 3.45 but I could only give her a few minutes. She was disturbed about the campaign.

John Purroy Mitchel and his partner, Mullins, came at half past four. Mitchel wished to submit his letter of resignation as Collector of the Port. I made some changes in it. It is to go to the President tonight. Mitchel is worried concerning the selection of a personal campaign manager. He does not seem too well to me to be equal to the occasion. I hope he will make a better Mayor if elected than he is making a candidate. Malone came before they left and remained afterward.

Dr. Harvey Carroll, Jr. of Houston, Texas, came at my suggestion to meet Malone. Carroll desires a consulship. I advised Malone not to go into the local campaign for the moment but to drift awhile longer.

(311)

I was vaccinated for typhoid today and had some fever during the afternoon and much more at night. Tomorrow I shall try to be quiet.

October 8, 1913.

I am feeling better, but am not well so we are keeping the telephone quiet and the people away. Morganthau and some others have called over the telephone but they did not reach me. Mezes called and is the only one I saw in the morning.

Frank Andrews called of Houston came to urge Allison Mayfield, long-time Chairman of the Texas Railroad Commission, for appointment to the first vacancy on the Interstate Commerce Commission.

October 9, 1913.

Mezes came in the morning before leaving for Washington. Dudley Malone came to tell of his interview with the President concerning Mitchel's resignation as Collector of the Port.

Timothy Healy and Miss Gertrude Beeks of the Civic Federation called to extend an invitation through me to the President to attend a National Civic Federation dinner to be held at the Hotel Astor in December.

McAdoo rang me up early this morning from the Vanderbilt Hotel. We are to get together this afternoon. The depreciation of Government 2's is disturbing him. He is trying to find who is depressing Government credit.

He later came to dinner and afterward we went to the theater, talking between acts. He has asked the District Attorney to investigate as to whether a suit for conspiracy cannot be brought against any persons who may be found to be depressing Government securities. The District Attorney has now got the matter in hand, and there may be a grand jury investigation later.

McAdoo said the President's "jaws were becoming set" on the currency question, and he was afraid he would be too severe at this time. McAdoo believes Senator Reed can be brought into line by persuasion and argument and that it is possible to bring O'Gorman around. We discussed the advisability of dropping

(312)

the Owens-Glass Bill and preparing another bill to establish a Government owned and controlled Central Bank. I am feeling more kindly toward such a proposition because of the stubborn and ignorant opposition of the bankers to the proposed bill.

Just before McAdoo came to dinner, someone rang me up over the telephone and told me that a certain national bank in Massachusetts was in financial difficulties and they wished Jesse Jones, the man who was telephoning me, to put up the money to tide them over. He was willing to do this provided the Treasury Department would protect him to the extent of giving ample time for liquidation of the bank in the event its condition became known and a run was made upon it. McAdoo is to investigate it tomorrow in Washington, and determine what to do.

Some people called in the afternoon in regard to a new method of firing artillery quickly, and they wanted me to give them letters to some of the Cabinet officers. I declined to do so telling them that in no instance would I give letters to officials for commercial purposes.

October 10, 1913.

A number of people have telephoned to ask for interviews. I saw a representative of the Evening Post who wanted to know if McAdoo conferred with me yesterday regarding Mitchel's successor. I was glad to be able to tell him we had not mentioned it, and I was pleased that he did not have a hint as to what we were really talking about. The main office called me up later in reference to the matter but I evaded the question.

Hugh Wallace has arrived from Tacoma and was with me for awhile.

Chairman Allison Mayfield, of the Texas Railroad Commission, and Frank Andrews of Houston, called at five o'clock to discuss Mayfield's desire to be on the Interstate Commerce Commission. While they were with me I was disturbed by newspaper reporters. One wormed his way into the apartment this morning and, in a moment of abberation, I talked to him. He wrote an entire column in the Evening Post and, strangely enough, he wrote it correctly and well. As

(313)

soon as the Post was out, reporters from other papers began to ring me up to question as to its authenticity.

After Mayfield and Andrews left, Tom Dunn, of the Union National Bank of Houston, Texas, and a reporter from the Herald arrived at the same moment. It was an oportune time, for he wanted to know about the currency question, and I delivered Tom over to him. Mr. Dunn is an enthusiastic supporter of the Owen-Glass Bill, and gave it very earnest support in his talk to the reporter.

Dudley Malone followed Dunn, and we outlined a letter which we would like the President to send Mitchel in regard to his resignation as Collector. Malone told me he had examined Dr. Harvey Carroll of Texas who desires a consulship, and that he was pleased with his great learning.

October 11, 1913.

I was not feeling well again today, therefore I did not go to Tuxedo as planned. I saw very few people. A Mr. Kemp, of the Customs Court, came at Childers' request to report on how that office is being conducted.

Sir Horace Plunkett called, but I did not see him. He is stopping with Lawrence Godkin, and I am to dine with them tomorrow.

October 12, 1913.

John Purroy Mitchel telephoned but concerning matters of little importance. Dudley Malone also telephoned. Some friends came in to lunch, and I went to dinner at Lawrence Godkin's. Sir Horace Plunkett and Professor Pritchett of the Carnegie Foundation were the other guests. Godkin introduced me to Pritchett as "the king maker". I replied that I was only one of many; that every country in the United States had one or more who were responsible (at least in their own opinion) for the nomination and election of Woodrow Wilson.

I found that Pritchett had been much in Texas. He represented Texas in the boundary dispute between that State and New Mexico. He has several kinsmen in Texas some of whom I know.

October 13, 1913.

(314)

October 13, 1913.

Nothing of importance occurred today. Sir Horace Plunkett called in the afternoon. He told me something of Richard Croker's establishment near Dublin. He once took an artistic friend to see Croker and after leaving the friend remarked, that he did not suppose there was an article in the house that cost less than one hundred pounds, and that was worth more than six pence.

Mrs. Harriman came in the afternoon with her budget which covered a variety of subjects.

Dudley Malone came to discuss the form of letter that we are to suggest to the President to write to Mitchel in reply to his resignation. There are some complications involved in the matter. Malone and I are both going to Washington tomorrow. I shall stop with McAdoo who is giving a dinner to some of the Cabinet tomorrow evening. I am to meet Sir Horace Plunkett there on Wednesday and Thursday.

October 14, 1913.

I am leaving at 12.08 for Washington. I have had several telephone calls of Importance, one from John Mitchel and one from McAdoo from Washington.

Dudley Malone met me at the station and we had the drawing room over to Washington. Dr. Harvey Carroll was also on the train and lunched with us. Malone and I talked of Senator O'Gorram and the proper way to handle him. Mc- lone is so indignant at the course he is taking that he thinks the President is justified in making active war upon him. I allowed Dudley to do most of the talking. He expresses himself so much more forcefully regarding his distin- guished father-in-law than I could, that it satisfied my craving I had to do so.

McAdoo met me at the station. He said that although he had invited Secretaries Lane and Houston and their wives for dinner, the President had expressed a desire for me to dine with him and go to the theater.

I went to the White House and we dined at seven. The President greeted me very warmly, taking both hands to shake mine. During dinner we discussed the currency bill, and the Mexican situation. I suggested to the President

(315)

that if he could get a semblance of order there, or a pretext of a government,
I would recognize it and then offer the good offices of the United States to help
maintain order. I thought there was no reasonable chance of any government be-
ing formed that could maintain order without the aid of this country. I urged,
in the event of intervention, to sound a very high note regarding the indisposi-
tion of this country to ever acquire more territory. I thought the time had
come when land grabbing by the nations of the earth must cease, and I wanted him
to be the first to give expression to this policy. He seemed impressed by what
I said, but, as usual, did not indicate his mind.

After dinner the President showed me over the house upstairs where it had
been renovated. We went into each bedroom, he explaining the changes made dur-
ing the summer. He expressed regret that he did not know of my coming to Wash-
ington until after McAdoo had invited me to stop with him, as he would have liked
me to have been his guest.

I told the President of the invitation which had been extended him through
me for the dinner at Richmond, given by the State of Virginia to celebrate the
One Hundredth Anniversary of Peace between England and America. Also the invi-
tation to dinner given by the national Civic Federation, on December 12th, at
the Astor House. The latter invitation was extended by Timothy Healy, Seth
Low, and by many labor organizations.

The President did not think it wise to accept any invitations at present.
He thinks his policy of remaining in Washington while the currency bill is pend-
ing is a prudent one. I agree with him and approve it. However, I hoped he
would steal away some Friday afternoon and come to New York and go to the theater
with me. It would give him one or two days of quiet diversion. It seemed to
appeal to him and he said he would try to do it.

Note.

I had written him about this policy before, but I first urged it upon him
verbally here. He afterward announced it in what has now become his historic
Mobile address on October 27, 1913.

(316)

We went to the theater to see a play entitled "Our Wives" and found it very good. During the play, Tumulty and Tom Pence brought to the box a telegram stating we had carried the district in West Virginia which had become vacant by John Davis' appointment as Solicitor General.

Between acts, we talked of many matters. He told me his health was fairly good, other than a slight indigestion and occasional attack of neutritis. I spoke to Dr. Grayson about the President's intention of going to see target practice Friday and Saturday. I advised against it. I asked Grayson not to mention the matter to the President but to see Secretary Daniels in the morning and tell him if the President went no guns must be fired upon the battleship where he was. I recalled the fact that McAdoo's ears were ruptured last spring under similar circumstances.

McAdoo called at the theater during the last act, and afterward took me home.

October 15, 1913.

Sir Horace Plunkett came from New York this morning. I telephoned him I would meet him at his hotel around ten o'clock. I went to McAdoo's office and found the Postmaster General there. He talked for half an hour or more regarding federal appointments in Texas and elsewhere.

I then called for Sir Horace and took him first to the White House, then to see the Attorney General and afterward to Secretary Lane's and then to the British Embassy.

I lunched at the White House. McAdoo was also there. He asked the President if he had any objections to appointing McCombs' brother-in-law, Collector at Port Arthur, Texas. He added that the present Collector's term was not out but he could remove him. The President did not seem to think well of that procedure. He said McCombs' brother wanted to be Superintendent of the Hot Springs Reservation in Arkansas, but neither of the Senators from that State would recommend him and he did not know what to do about it. I suggested appointing him anyway, and I ex-

(317)

pect to take it up with Burleson and get him to speak to the two Senators in regard to the matter.

We discussed the currency bill pretty thoroughly, particularly as to what action should be taken immediately. Whether to let the matter be arranged by a unanimous consent agreement, or to take a vote upon it in December, which both Underwood and Simmons think best, or whether to drive along as now and try to force it through in the way it is now going. We decided upon the latter course, the President being strongly in favor of it. McAdoo rather argued for the unanimous agreement plan. The President asked my opinion. I did not know enough about it to be positive, but I leaned toward the President's view.

I spoke of the Hetch-Hetchy bill. He seemed surprised to hear me say that it ought not to go through, but that it was not of sufficient importance to create bad feeling in Congress over it. I expressed the hope that it would not be put up to him for action.

The President invited me to lunch with him again tomorrow.

I drove with Tumulty in the afternoon and we had a long talk concerning what had been done since I have been away, and what was before us in the future.

I gave a dinner in the evening at the Metropolitan Club to Sir Horace Plunkett. The Attorney General, the Posemaster General, Secretaries Lane and Houston, and T. W. Gregory were my other guests. McAdoo was not well and remained at home. We had a delightful time. I desired Houston and Sir Horace to exchange views. Houston had an erroneous impression of Sir Horace and was rather prejudiced against him which I knew could be removed when they met. They got along well together and Houston expressed himself in high terms of Sir Horace. He explained that what he had heard was not true, and that he and Sir Horace agreed both upon policies and men. #

October 16, 1913.

While lunching with the President we again discussed the currency bill. He had seen two of the recalcitrant Senators today, Reed and Mitchcock, and they # This enthusiasm of Houston's for Sir Horace did not last long.

(318)

have agreed to give him an answer by Saturday as to what they will do in regard to reporting the bill out of the committee.

He has also seen Senator O'Corman, and he, too, is to give an answer on Monday. I told the President that when this currency bill was passed, I had some suggestions to make regarding the policy now prevailing of bankers being on railroad boards and on the boards of large and small corporations. There is always a tendency to milk the corporations they are affiliated with in this way. I said in law a trustee was held to very strict accounting, and they were prohibited from making any profit whatever or having any transactions with the estates which they managed, and that it should be the same with directors of corporations.

I also spoke of the interlocking of directories and pointed out the disadvantage in some instances. I cited the case of the Pennsylvania owning stock in the Baltimore & Ohio, a competing line, and having upon the B. & O. Board two directors. Even if these directors did nothing against the interest of the B. & O. it gave the Pennsylvania management an insight into the plans of the B. & O. and worked to the disadvantage of the latter road.

I also told him of the Steel Corporation and the manner in which they controlled railroads by the power of their freight rates, and I cited the instance of the broken rails on the Harbeman Lines, and the subsequent boycotting by the Steel Corporation.

Among other things, I urged the appointing of a woman to an important Federal office. I thought they were entitled to it and that it would be a fine stroke politically, and one which the country would approve.

We discussed the Panama tolls question. He expressed himself in favor of their abolition, a position in which I concur. He thought, however, that trouble would be encountered in the Senate, particularly in the opposition of Senator O'Gorman who constantly regards himself as an Irishman contending against England rather than a United States Senator upholding the dignity and welfare of this country.

(319)

We took up the subject of Mitchel's resignation. The President said he would accept it to take place when his successor was appointed. The idea is that if Mitchel is not elected Mayor of New York, he will reappoint him Collector.

One thing the President said which interested me, was that he always lacked any feeling of elation when a particular object was accomplished. When he signed the Tariff Bill he could not feel the joy that was properly his, for it seemed to him that the thing was over and that another great work was calling for his attention, and he thought of this rather than the present victory.

I went to the White House office later to see the President's semi-weekly quiz by the newspaper men. There were thirty or more present and it was interesting to see them standing facing the President and putting all sorts of questions to him. The President never appeared to better advantage. I caught myself answering the questions with him which were being propounded, and in each instance I agreed with his response, although he would frame his answers more adroitly than I had done.

Dr. Grayson told me the President had a deep affection for me and often during the summer while I was gone he would say "my, Grayson, but how I wish that dear fellow House was here."

I left Washington on the Congressional Limited at four o'clock for New York. Senator O'Gorman was on the train. He stopped at my table as he passed through the dining car and inquired after my health. He also wanted to know if everything was going smoothly with me, to which I gave an affirmative answer.

During the morning, before I left Washington, young Spring-Rice, Charge d'Affairs of the British Embassy, asked for a few minutes. He called at McAdoo's residence and asked for information upon the following subjects: The Panama Tolls question, the Mexican question, the Seamaan's Bill, now pending before Congress, and the 5% rebate on American bottoms which the new tariff bill carries.

His distinguished relative, the British Ambassador, is still ill in Dublin, N. H., and young Spring-Rice is much disturbed over the responsibility resting upon his shoulders. I talked to him freely about the matters he was interested in

(320)

and we exchanged opinions in a confidential way. I was able to tell him something of the views of Sir Edward Grey upon two of these subjects that were enlightening.

New York, October 17, 1913.

An exceedingly busy day. Telephone calls and callers from the start. I took a few moments in which to be vaccinated for typhoid for the third time.

In the afternoon the most important callers were Mrs. Harriman, Ogden Mills and Montgomery Hare. They came from the Mitchel Headquarters to see what I could advise about what they considered a tangled situation. Mitchel, it seems, is not working well in harness. He is nervous and does not agree with his Committee. They have tried to have him do certain things at which he baulks, and he has around him some personal friends to whose advice they object. They are wondering what will happen in the event he becomes Mayor, and they expressed the hope that I would guide him safely through the troubled waters at the beginning of his administration.

They are in sorry straits for money and have no organization worth while.

We took dinner with Henry and Mrs. Morganthau. Strangely enough, he had no one excepting Hebrews to meet us. Among the more prominent were Rabbi Wise and his wife, Edward Filene of Boston. We had a very pleasant time. Filene was particularly anxious that I should look into the moving picture trust and urge that some steps toward loosening its grip upon the country be taken. It has become a great educational force and is used in the more advanced schools to teach children various things formerly taught from text books.

A Mr. Strauss, one of the Managers of the New York Times was there. He wanted to give me a page in the Times sometime soon. I declined his kindly offer with thanks and told him why I did not desire such publicity. I think he understood my viewpoint. He spoke of the unique position which I held in the country, and was exceedingly complimentary in his estimate of the work I am trying to do.

Mr. Maltby, of the Public Service Commission, called. While I had an en-

(321)

gagement with him I was so pressed by other engagements that I put him off until
Tuesday at five o'clock. He desires to be an Interstate Commerce Commissioner.

Mrs. J. C. Hammond brought me a letter from her husband telling of an attempt
to bribe him. It seems that a man by the name of Herely, desires to go on the
Appraisers Board for the valuation of railroads and telegraph companies, and Ham-
mond says he offered him $12,000. if he could secure his appointment, and would
give him $12 000. a year additional as long as he was on this board. He claimed
that Mr. was standing back of him and had offered him $25,000. a year in the
event he could get the appointment. The man Herely mentioned is of such high
standing that I do not credit his statement. So many queer stories come to me
that I am always skeptical as to their truth.

October 18, 1913.

Judge William McAdoo called this morning. He discussed campaign matters.
He is an entertaining Irishman and is a man of much ability.

William R. Willcox followed him. He suggested one of the present State
Railroad Commissioners for the Interstate Commerce Commission.

Dudley Malone came later. We threshed out the difference arising between
Mitchel and his campaign managers. Dudley told of an interview he had just had
with Senator O'Gorman regarding the City campaign.

College

One of the professors of the University of the City of New York came in the
afternoon. He desired me to interest myself in a successor to Doctor Finley. I
extracted from him all the facts concerning the College situation, but declined to
co-operate with him upon the lines suggested.

October 19, 1913.

Myreynolds invited himself to lunch today. I was glad to be with him.
ap
We discussed some minor points, but there was nothing of importance done.

I saw Senator Reed of Missouri in the late afternoon and discussed the currency question with him. He says the President seems to be more concerned in regard to haste than he does as to the measure itself. In this, of course, he is

(322)

mistaken. The President is satisfied with the measure approximately as it is, and he knows that Reed and the other democratic Senators who are delaying it are doing so from a failure to study the measure as it has progressed through the House, and he is impatient in consequence.

October 20, 1913.

The morning was spent with callers, none of them important. John Purroy Mitchel came at 2.45 to talk over the campaign in its various phases. He is holding up better under the strain than I thought he could when I saw him a week ago. Mrs. Harriman and Professor Jeremiah Jenks came after Mitchel. Jenks desired to discuss the trust and industrial problems with me. I promised to make an appointment some weeks hence, but for the moment, the currency measure occupied practically all my time. Jenks is well informed on that measure and is advising the Senate Committee.

I have had as fine a collection of cranks today as it has been my lot to meet for a long time. Mr. Bryan sent one, Secretary Daniels sent another, and I inherited yet another from the President. The talk has ranged all the way from office seeking to the control of the planetary system.

October 21, 1913.

There were the usual number of engagements today but they were unimportant excepting George McCarty, of the City of Mexico, who came to tell of conditions there. He is at a loss to advise what is best. The truth of it is there is no best, and it is only a choice of evils which confront the administration.

October 22, 1913.

Charles Grasty of the Baltimore Sun telephoned that he was in town. He is to lunch with me tomorrow.

George Foster Peabody asked for an appointment and came at five o'clock. He wished to tell me about up-State politics and the undesirability of permitting Senator O'Gorman to fill the up-State service with Irish Catholics. He wants me

(323)

to see Churchill and get him to advise the administration regarding future appointments. He was full of the Sulzer affair and of Governor Glynn, and he gave me some of the inside details not published. I have it from another source, close to Tammany, that Murphy never intended to have Sulzer impeached. They thought to frighten him into acquiescence, but the momentum of the movement ran away with them and they could not stop it. Sulzer thought they would be afraid to go ahead, and they thought that Sulzer would be afraid not to give in.

Mr. Frank Trumbull followed Mr. Peabody. He wished to know if I was doing anything concerning the appointment on the Interstate Commerce Commission. I told him I had done nothing. He had no one to suggest, but hoped that an experienced man would be chosen.

Tumulty called from Washington about Mitchel's resignation. The President and McAdoo have written him accepting it and Tumulty was wondering whether it was satisfactory. Before I could call Mitchel up, he called me to tell of the letters He was not pleased with them and thought they lacked cordiality.

I telephoned Tumulty, after talking with Mitchel, and we agreed not to publish the letters but to let the matter go as now unless something happened to make it necessary to give them out.

October 23, 1913.

Malone called this morning to talk over both municipal and national affairs. I invited him to remain to lunch and meet Charles Grasty, President Mezes and T.W. Gregory. Henry Morganthau came in after lunch.

We fell to discussing Hearst. Everyone excoriated him excepting Grasty who made faint apology for him. He said Hearst was an indefatigable worker, and that the success or failure of the Sunday edition depended largely upon its comic supplement, and that Hearst went into that department, took off his coat and labored at it assiduously. The consequence was, it was the best supplement brought out by any of the papers.

He said that Mrs. Hearst controlled the Cosmopolitan Magazine. He said she

(324)

was a woman of ability and the success of that magazine was due to her. He considered it the most successful of all the magazines of that class which pander to the sensuality of the people. He said the strange part of it was that both Mr. and Mrs. Hearst talked in the most high-sounding manner regarding the ethics of the profession, and that they evidently folled themselves into believing they were animated by the loftiest motives.

I went to the theater with T. W. Gregory. He is having some difference with the Attorney General regarding the drawing up of the N. Y. N. H. & H. Ry. Bill to be filed with the court. McReynolds thinks it should be shorter and clearer than Gregory has made it. On the other hand, Gregory says it is the most complicated piece of litigation the Government has ever encountered of an anti-trust nature. He says the New Haven System was tied together in the most intricate way possible in order that it might never be untied. It is different from the Anthracite Coal Suit, the Standard Oil, the Tobacco and the Union Pacific and others of that character. I cautioned Gregory to go gently with McReynolds and not get into any difference with him.

October 24, 1913.

Francis Carroll of Boston was my first caller of interest. He gave a report of the Massachusetts situation, both as regard to himself and Governor Walsh. He believes Walsh will be elected.

The next caller of note was Otto Kahn. He first asked me to meet him down town, but this I never do, therefore he came up town at one forty-five. He said a thought had occurred to him which he believed might possibly solve the Mexico question. He thought our Government might tell the Northern States of Mexico now in rebellion, that if they wished to hold an election to determine whether they should segregate themselves from the main part of the Republic, this Government would send a cordon of men along the lower line to keep back any interference of Mexico proper, and permit them to hold a peaceful election to determine this question. He thought if a separate republic was started by these north-

(325)

ern states, it would act as a buffer between the United States and the turbulent part of Mexico.

I think I showed him the folly of this plan. In the first place it would be virtually a declaration of war against the lower states, which of course would not permit this Government to perform such service for the revolutionary states without resenting it as an attack on the integrity of the Republic. It would be the same if England had not only recognized the Southern Confederacy in 1861, but had sent men to patrol the line between the North and the South.

I told Kahn if the people would bear with the President, I thought he would eventually bring peace and order in Mexico and the Central American Republics. The people are impatient and are more bent upon immediate than permanent peace.

I asked him why the financial world in the East was so antagonistic to the President. They had the wisest, sanest man at the head of the Government who had occupied the position within the memory of this generation; that he was nothing of a demagogue and that he was working assiduously and intelligently for the commercial prosperity of the Republic. Kahn admitted they were shortsighted; the trouble was that most of them were too small for the positions they occupied. He thought young William Rockefeller had the only gleam of intelligence among the lot, and yesterday he had expressed to him very much the same views I had just given.

He spoke with particular regret of Vanderlip's proposal regarding the new central bank plan, which he outlined before the Senate Currency Committee yesterday. He believed it was done for the purpose of throwing confusion into the situation, and to prevent a beneficial measure going through along the lines planned by the President.

After Kahn left Mrs. Honore Willsie called. She wished to know about Sir Horace Plunkett. I advised that it would be well to wait until he returned in December and I would then give her an opportunity to meet him. She said she

(326)

would have Mr. Hapgood reserve space for him in Harper's Weekly. Mrs. Willsie had met Secretary Houston while in Washington and liked him very much, although she said she could see he lacked the initiative of Secretary Lane. She thought he had fine executive ability and was enthusiastic over his work.

She had me tell her of Mr. Bryan again, and I described the man as I knew him. I thought he had imagination, but lacked the practical sense to carry his ideas through. I promised to give her a letter to him so that she might study him at close range.

October 25, 1913.

I have been somewhat disturbed today by certain phases of the municipal campaign. I understand charges are to be made against Mitchel, and it is a question whether to meet them in advance or wait until they are put out. I always favor the first method, but in this instance the end is so near that I rather hesitate to advise doing anything to precipitate a new issue.

Montgomery Hard telephoned to say that Mr. Francis Lynde Stetson was anxious to meet me, and Maxx wished to know whether I had any objection to meeting him at their house at dinner Tuesday evening. I expressed myself as being glad to meet Mr. Stetson.

George Foster Peabody telephoned that he understood the President was ill, and the Surgeon General had been called in to see him. I assured him there was no truth in the report, and the President was then on his way to Philadelphia, and later in the day would start to Mobile.

Professor Jeremiah Jenks came at five o'clock with his suggestions as to amendments to the Owens-Glass Bill. The Senate Committee on Banking and Currency have asked him to make suggestions and he wanted to submit them to me before taking them to the Committee on Monday.

Some of his suggestions are impracticable, others are of considerable value and will tend to improve the measure. I suggested that he go to Washington tomorrow afternoon and meet McAdoo in the evening and go over them with him before

(327)

he meets with the Senate Committee. I have arranged with McAdoo by telephone for this conference.

There was a long article in the Brooklyn Eagle stating I was representing the President in the municipal campaign and that I was quietly directing Mitchel's fortunes. I am sorry it appeared.

October 26, 1913.

I met McReynolds for a few moments today at the Ritz-Carlton. I expected Houston and Lane over but they have not arrived as yet.

October 27, 1913.

McAdoo telephoned from Washington to tell me of Professor Jenks' currency suggestions which he went over with him last night. I gave him my reasons for Sending Jenks to him which he appreciated.

He said Senator O'Gorman told him the Committee would report the bill out by Saturday, but he did not say the kind of report it would be. McAdoo declared that some of the New Yorkers who had been fighting the Currency Bill would probably be quiet now, for there had been some irregularities in banking circles which might justify a grand jury investigation.

It was agreed that Hugh Wallace should send for Senator Murray Crane and have him here tomorrow to discuss with me some plan of cooperation with Republican all Senators. We are all getting our war paint on and will use *mexicy* legitimate means to give the country the much needed currency reform.

I promised McAdoo to be in Washington Wednesday afternoon.

J. Wilson Howe, one of the President's favorite nephews, came to see me at two o'clock. He is a very quiet, diffident, cultured gentleman of thirty-eight. He is in the empty of the Pennsylvania Railroad as Chief Clerk in the Coal Division Department. There is no chance for promotion there, and he wishes to get into the regular line, even without an increase in salary, in order that he may go further if his abilities warrant promotion.

Melville Stone of the Associated Press said he had something important

(328)

regarding the Mexican situation which he thought the President and Secretary of State should know. He is not well and is unable to go to Washington and desires to give me the information to use as I think best. I am to meet him at the Lotus Club.

Stone told me that Henry Clay Pierce had talked to him about a plan for settling the troubles in Mexico. He thinks he can do it by bringing together representatives of the different factions who are now in Paris, and having the bankers and others with financial interests in Mexico, bring pressure upon them. He thought an agreement could be made between them to select some man satisfactory to all, for provisional President. He further suggested that the United States send someone like John Bassett Moore to represent this Government, and to be practically the directing force until order was brought about. Pierce, Stone said, wished to see the President and explain the plan to him, and in lieu of seeing the President, he wanted to see me.

I replied that I was certain the President would not see Pierce, for I would not see him myself. I explained how impossible it would be for the President to cooperate with a financial magnate who was interested in Mexican oil and railroads, and take sides with him. It would be similar to what is charged against the present British Government. I told him this Government could not get behind these financiers with large interests in Mexico, and try to bring about peace and order in that way.

Stone agreed with me in this, but said he thought he should bring the matter to my attention. I did not believe Pierce could do what he claimed he could. I did not believe Huerta, Caranza and Zapata would be willing to allow their friends in Paris agree upon any binding plan for them. However, the thing has given me an idea and I shall see the President in a day or two and try to work out something with him. If this country would send a representative into Mexico like Lord Cromer was sent to Egypt and remain until the country was reconstructed,

(329)

it might be a way out.

October 28, 1913.

I am gratified to read in the morning papers that the President has announced at Mobile the suggestion I made to him when last in Washington that this country shall never again acquire a foot of territory by conquest. The thought came to me through something Walter Page once said to me, and I conceived this policy and gave it to the President. It seems to me to be an epoch making utterance and one of far-reaching importance.

Hugh Wallace returned from Washington this morning. After consulting with McAdoo it was decided that it would be well for me to have a conference with ex-Senator Murray Crane of Massachusetts. Crance has been communicated with and will be here tomorrow at half past ten to see me. I am hopeful that I can get him to use his influence in behalf of the Owens-Glass Bill or such modifications of it as may be thought wise.

Frank Polk called this morning to talk of the municipal campaign. He was disturbed at the assault ~~which~~ the Tammany forces are to make upon Mitchel's integrity. It is to come out in the afternoon papers. Mitchel has his reply ready.

It is unfortunate that it is Mitchel's turn now to explain.

General Theodore Bingham called to ask me to do something for his son who is in the Diplomatic Service.

Judge Jerry Sullivan came to lunch.

Mr. Trumbull called at half past five and we talked over various phases of the railroad situation. I tried to find from him why the rates on sugar were lower than the rates on coal, and why the rate on Harvester Trust products was lower than the rate on slag. He gave no satisfactory answer. I would like to see the rail roads unfettered but I doubt whether those in control will care to have them freed along the lines I have in mind.

October 29, 1913.

Mr. and Montgomery Hare entertained us at dinner. Mr. Francis Lynde Stetson

(330)

was the only other guest. I found him a very interesting gentleman and perfectly
fair in his general attitude toward public affairs. We discussed many subjects,
among them the currency measure, the income tax, its method of collection, and
governmental and socialological questions.

Senator Murray Crane arrived this morning with Hugh Wallace. He has pro-
mised to help us with the currency bill in the Senate. He asked me to meet H. P.
Davison of J. P. Morgan & Co. and discuss it with him. I declined, telling him it
would serve no purpose. All I wish Senator Crane to do is to use his influence
with the Republican Senators not to delay the bill, and to work along the lines of
the Owens-Glass Ri Measure, rather than take up some new plan such as that proposed
by Mr. Vanderlip. He agrees to do this, and I am to meet him again on Friday, upon
my return from Washington.

I took the 12.08. I secured a drawing room in order that I might get a
much needed rest.

Gregory met me in Washington. The differences between him and McReynolds
are ironed out and everything is serene.

I went to the Treasury Department and McAdoo and I walked to his home
where we had dinner alone. While I was at his office we discussed the negro se-
gregation question, about which Oswald Villard is raising so much foolish talk.
When we reached home McAdoo telephoned the President of my arrival, and we are to
lunch at the White House tomorrow.

Immediately after dinner I went to call on Mr. and Mrs. Bryan and had an in-
teresting hour with them. Mrs. Bryan was present. I always like her to be on
hand for she and I seldom disagree. Bryan asked me to talk to the President of
the inadvisability of placing the Canal Zone under military rule, under the plan
Colonel Goethals approves. Mr. Bryan is not in favor of extensively fortifying
it, and he thinks the Zone should be opened up to settlers, and have a sanitary
attractive government, and serve as an example to the Central and South American
Republics.

(331)

It seemed to him ridiculous to have people passing through the Canal see nothing but fortifications and materials for war. We then fell to talking of the Colombia-Panama question. I told him I had heard from our Minister at Bogota and he was hopeful of a settlement of the difference between our two countries. Bryan said that Columbia was asking fifty millions of dollars for wounded feelings, and the territory segregated from her. This Government has made a counter offer of twenty millions but Mr. Bryan intimated he would go up five or ten millions more. I am anxious for this matter to be satisfactorily settled because of the injustice done Columbia.

We discussed the trust question and the proper settlement of it. I did not care to express any views until I had looked into it closer, and in the next few weeks I shall try to take it up. Mr. Bryan still believes the solution is that no corporation should control more than 60% of any commodity. He was anxious that I should see the Attorney General and request him to appoint his friend Cotter Bridg, Marshal of the District of Columbia. I was afraid McReynolds would not care to do so and gave my reasons. He said he had talked with McReynolds and found him decidedly opposed to it but he hoped I might bring him around.

Mrs. Mrs. Bryan extended Louie and me an informal invitation to their first dinner to the President which they expect to give in December.

We took up the Mexican and kindred questions. Bryan's idea is that we should emancipate them from foreign control by either lending them money ourselves, or making it possible for them to obtain cheaper credit. He said, in some instances, they were paying 2% a month and in addition were compelled to give large concessions. I agree with him that it would be wise to do all we can to give them better credit, but I do not agree that it would be wise for this Government to lend them money direct. I thought our motives would be misconstrued. He thought we could take their bonds at 4% and sell our bonds at 3% and allow the 1% go toward liquidating their indebtedness.

(332)

October 30, 1913.

Secretary Houston called while we were at breakfast. We discussed nothing of importance, although he fell into McAdoo's and my conversation about the currency bill, which is ever to the fore.

Burleson came in a few minutes later and Houston and McAdoo left. After discussing some patronage matters, among them the Interstate Commission appointment, Burleson said he intended recommending the taking over the telephone and telegraph lines. This would involve something like nine hundred millions dollars, and he thought if the President did not lose his nerve, it would go through. I urged him not to push it for the moment. I thought we had too much on hand now. He explained how profitable it would be to the Government even though the charges were made 33 1/3% less than at present. This is because of the plants which the Government already owns. For instance, the Government owns the buildings and there would be no taxes on them. It employs the necessary inspectors and clerks and would only have to employ a few more. Messenger boys now used for special delivery letters might be used to carry telegrams and an enormous saving could be brought about.

Burleson's idea really was to take the companies over at their physical valuation without regard to their bonds or stock. I considered this a doubtful experiment and explained how widely such stock was held among the people generally. The time has come when a few big men no longer hold the stock of these large corporations, and they control them through proxies.

I drove Burleson to the Treasury and talked to McAdoo for a few moments. I then went to the White House to see Tumulty. From there I drove to the Department of Justice to see McReynolds. He did not wish to appoint Bride, Marshal, and "went up into the air" when I mentioned it, but before I was through he consented, provided there were no reasons in Bride's record for not making the appointment. My only thought was to do what Mr. and Mrs. Bryan wished, and they very much desired this.

I lunched at the White House. I sat by Mrs. Wilson. She is interested

(333)

in the betterment of conditions surrounding Government employees, particularly the
women. She thought mail bags should be disinfected; they were filthy and there
was an unusual number of consumption in the Postoffice Department which was thought
to have been largely brought about by the unsanitary conditions of mail bags. She
said Burleson was opposed to doing anything in this direction.

The entire table was listening to us by this time, and I replied that Burle-
son had told me he did not fear microbes, that during the day he killed them with
tobacco and at night he killed the tobacco microbes with whiskey. However, I pro-
mised Mrs. Wilson to take it up and see that something was done along the lines of
her suggestion.

I asked Mrs. Wilson if anyone had in mind giving Jessie table glass as a
wedding present, and expressed a desire to do so. She thanked me and said no one
else had offered to do so.

Mrs. Wilson and the President took me upstairs to see *I am* something new in the
bedroom called the "Prince of Wales' Room". A carpet had been woven in North Carolina
lina and they particularly wanted me to see it. After that, the President, McAdoo
and I went into his study. I told the President what Melville Stone had said
about H. Clay Pierce and his plan for a settlement of the difficulties in Mexico.
I also told him of Otto Kahn's suggestion regarding the same thing.

We digressed for a moment and I spoke to him about the Interstate Commerce
Commission appointment and suggested that it should go to the East since *the* rail-
roads produced 44 ½% of the total railroad revenue and had only one representative
whose place he was now to fill. The South with less than 15% of the total revenue
has four members. He saw the point immediately and said he would appoint a man
from this section and that it would probably be Daniels of the New Jersey Commis-
sion. Daniels is a Princetonian and a personal friend and former colleague of the
President.

We talked of the Mexican question which, for the moment, is absorbing
his attention. He read us some memoranda upon which he intended to base his mes-

Note. E. M. H.

He was wrong in this and was con-
vinced later that he had done the British Cabinet
in justice.

sage to Congress. He said this memoranda was "stripped to the bone" but when he
wrote the full message he would elaborate upon it. His idea in brief is to insist
that Huerta permit the status of affairs to go back where they began when Madero
was assassinated, that is the former Congress should be restored and they should be
permitted to elect his successor. He was determined not to allow the financiers
control or supercede political control.

In other words in former years, the Monroe Doctrine was announced in order to
keep Europe from securing political control of any of the states in the Western
Hemisphere. The President thinks it is just as reprehensible to permit foreign
states to secure financial control of these weak and unfortunate republics, and he
will make that the keynote of his message. It is a new interpretation or elaboration
of the Monroe Doctrine. I asked him if he had felt out the powers upon this
point. He had not. He thought the British Government was undoubtedly backing Sir
Lionel Carden in his efforts to maintain Huerta in order that Huerta in turn should
maintain the present concessions to Lord Cowdrey's oil companies, and to legalize
and grant him further concessions later.

The President is determined the British public shall know of this alliance
between the Mexican Government and oil interests, and he believes British public
opinion will be so strong against them that if it does not overthrow the present
Ministry it will compel them to recede from their attitude.

When he said it was his purpose to build a fire back of the British Minis-
try through the English public, I thought of Philip Dru and of the suggestion I
made there to do just this thing though for another purpose.

The President said the Huerta regime was practically at the end of its
rope when Sir Lionel Carden gave it renewed life. He recalled the fact that when
Dudley Malone was in Dublin, N. H. this summer, Sir Cecil Spring-Rice told him if
his Government said or did anything we objected to about affairs recognized to be
wholly within our jurisdiction, we should tell them frankly to remain quiet.

(335)

I told him I had received a cablegram from Page requesting me to meet Sir William Tyrrell who landed upon the Imperator yesterday, but that I did not receive the message until I was leaving for the Washington train.

I had called the British Embassy over the telephone and they said Sir William was going directly to Dublin, N. H. to be with Sir Cecil Spring-Rice. I promised the President I would get in touch with him and would feel out the situation.

I recalled to the President my conversation with Sir Edward Grey in which I told him to bear in mind that the President's views and attitude of mind were quite different from Mr. Bryan's; that he, the President, was not only unafraid, but he did not look upon war in the same spirit as our Secretary of State, and he was not a man to be trifled with.

I asked the President how Mr. Bryan would feel about supporting such an aggressive policy as he had in mind. He said he was leading him gradually along and, up to the present, he had not baulked, and he thought he would consent to do every the situation demanded.

We discussed the feasibility of recognizing the Constitutionalists as beligerants in order that they might obtain arms and ammunition upon the same terms as the Federalists. The President has in mind to declare war against Mexico even though actual armed entrance into Mexico is not made. His purpose in this is to keep the powers from interfering and entirely out of the situation. He will first blockade the ports, thereby cutting off all revenue from the Mexican Government which will have a tendency to break down Huerta's resistance.

He has in mind also throwing a line across the southern part of Mexico, and perhaps another line just south of the Northern States. He plans to send troops to the Northern States, if they consent, in order to protect the lives and property of foreign citizens. These troops would be stationed at strategic points, but would not be intended to contend against either the Constitutionalists or Federals unless some overt act was made by one or the other.

It is his purpose to send six battleships at once. A real crisis has arisen

(336)

and I advised the President to go to the crux of the matter at once and say to Huerta he must restore the status of affairs as it was before he came into power or we would take forcible measures to bring it about. I did not think he should be given long to answer. I thought if he temporized with Huerta he would make promises, and conditions would drift along as now.

The President seems alert and unafraid. He realizes that his course may possibly bring about a coalition of the European Powers against this Government, but he seems ready to throw our guantlet into the arena and declare all hands must be kept off excepting our own.

I received a telegram from Malone saying he would speak at Madison Square Garden tonight. This means he has crossed the Ribicon and had perhaps broken with his distinguished father-in-law.

I left Washington on the Congressional Limited. Governor Stanchfield, John H. Marble of the Interstate Commerce Commission, Snowden Marshall, U. S. District Attorney of New York, and several others kept me busy all the way so I did not get the much needed rest I had counted upon.

Upon my arrival in New York I drove by the Madison Square Garden. I could see there was a tremendous demonstration and no possibility of my getting in since I had given my police pass to the family to use earlier in the evening. I went home feeling assured New York would soon have a strong anti-Tammany Mayor.

New York, October 31, 1913.

Paul Warburg was my first caller and he came to discuss the currency measure. There are many features of the Owen-Glass Bill that he does not approve. I promised to put him in touch with McAdoo and Senator Owen so that he might discuss it with them direct.

Senator Murray Crane followed Warburg. He has been in touch with Senators Weeks and Nelson of the Currency Committee, and urged them to bring about quick action in order that the business community could have done with this uncertainty

(337)

and could go ahead with the renewed hope a proper currency measure will give them.
He telephoned me later that he had been in communication with Washington, and he
advised that we bring some pressure upon the democratic insurgents of the Committee.
I called up McAdoo immediately and asked him to convey this information to the Pres-
ident and to gently start the pressure. I also arranged for him to meet Warburg
here on Monday.

Norman Hapgood telephoned asking me to lunch with Chas. R. Crane at the Century Club at one o'clock Sunday. He also asked if I would arrange to have Secretaries Lane and Houston here tomorrow to meet his cartoonist, Montgomery Flagg, as he wished to draw cartoons of the three of us. I have arranged to have Lane and Houston but hope to dodge the cartoonist myself.

Hapgood is to lunch with me tomorrow to meet Lane. Houston goes back to Washington.

Melville Stone called at 2.45. We had a very interesting talk concerning his
article upon the Cleveland-Blaine campaign which he has written for the January
number of the Century. We fell to discussing reconstruction days and I told him
of the enormous penalty which had been imposed upon the South. He agreed with the
correctness of my viewpoint.

We took up the Mexican question. I did not go into it deeply for I did not wish
to tell him all the President had in mind, but I promised to keep in touch with him
and let him know the situation as it developed. I merely told him that up to now,
the President was waiting results of Sunday's election. He gave me in detail the
scandal which occurred in Blaine's early manhood. I knew something of it as a
whole, but did not know it as he gave the story.

November 1, 1913.

Edward S. Martin was my first caller. After Martin, Secretaries Lane and Houston and Doctor Mezes arrived. Almost simultaneously, Montgomery Flagg appeared. We discussed the matters we had in mind just as if Flagg was not present. He sat at the end of my little study and drew steadily for a half hour or more. I requested him not to use anything done of me until he had my consent.

(338)

Lane, Hapgood, Melville Stone and Wallace lunched with me. It was an interesting gathering. Stone told some of his early newspaper experiences. He claims to be the first man in the United States to refuse to accept disguised advertising matter except as advertising matter and so labeled. That was in 1875 when he was Editor of the Chicago News. He expressed pleasure that he had been able to live until the practice of using such matter for revenue without being labeled, was prohibited by many States of the Union.

After lunch I talked to each of my guests separately, for all of them had something to say to me alone. Stone wanted to give me, for the President's use, a report he had from the Associated Press Bureau in the City of Mexico. I shall send it to the President tonight.

November 2, 1913.

I went to dinner last night at the Century Club as the guest of Doctor John Finley. The others present were President Mezes, Secretary Lane, Mr. Severance and Mr. Ogden of the New York Evening Post.

After dinner, Nicholas Murray Butler, Burlingham, Prof. Howe of the People's Institute, and many others joined us. It was a delightful evening. We sat around telling stories. Butler had just finished telling of the Irishman who called in a priest to take his dying confession. The priest asked if he renounced the devil and all his works. Pat hesitated and replied, "Father, don't you think it is just as well for me not to make any enemies at present?"

Burlingham said that foreigners criticized Americans for having no conversational powers; that when they got together they told jokes, but there was no real conversation. While this is true, there is something to be said, for when we come together at social gatherings it is for the purpose of relaxation and to forget the more serious things of life. When real conversation is wanted, it comes with conferences or meetings for that purpose.

At luncheon, Norman Hapgood had both Chas. R. Crane and James Phelan of San Francisco. The conversation was along general lines. After lunch each wanted

(339)

to see me alone for a minute. Hapgood asked when I would know definitely whether the President would be with me Tuesday night and whether it could be arranged for Montgomery Flagg to draw him.

Chas. R. Crane desired to tell me he hoped the President would no longer pay attention to Senator Reed's endorsements in Missouri. He considered him thoroughly bad, and Reed, instead of being a help during last year's campaign, had been a decided hindrance. He wished to know whether the President would meet a Princeton professor who had evolved some plan by which he thought a confederation could be brought about among the Central American Republics.

I was more favorably impressed with Crane than at any previous time. There is more to him than I had thought. When a youth of twenty he boarded a 1000 ton sailing ship and went to Java. It took him four months and he learned the art of seamanship before he reached Batavia and was offered the chief mate's place on the return trip. He declined it as he wished to see something of the East. When the ship returned half the crew died from fever contracted while at Java. The Captain's brother fell from the yardarm into the sea and was lost, and the captain himself fell ill of dropsy and died upon reaching Plymouth. Crane's decision not to return in this boat was fortunate.

Phelan wanted to talk to me about the San Francisco Exposition. I let him know I was doing what I could toward helping them. He also wished to discuss California patronage-- a subject which is always distasteful to me.

November 3, 1913.

There have been many telephone calls and I have been very busy. The only people of importance who came in the afternoon were Mrs. Harriman and Billy Pilips, former Secretary of the Embassy in London. They wished to talk about Henry P. Fletcher, the hold-over Minister to Chile, whom they think should be retained. According to them he is the cleverest diplomat we have in South America. We discussed at length the Diplomatic and Consular Services. There was no disagreement between us for we are anxious to build up our ties with them in a creditable way.

(340)

Mr. Phillips had seen Sir William Tyrrell in Boston and was told by him that he desired to see me before he saw the President, and that he would also like to talk to the President and me together. Sir William is thought by some to be the most influential man in the Foreign Office other than Sir Edward Grey himself, and it is said he is here because of Ambassador, Sir Cecil Spring-Rice's disabilities, and to handle in person for the Foreign Office the several complicating questions now existing between our two Governments.

I asked Mr. Phillips to communicate with Sir William and ask him to dine with us Thursday evening to meet Mrs. Wilson, who will be our guest. I afterward received a telegram from him saying-

"Enchanted to dine on Thursday. Accept with great gratitude".

It is my purpose to give him some idea of the President's irritation over the recent policy of the British Government regarding Mexico.

November 4, 1913.

The President wired me last night:

"Alas, it is impossible for me to go to New York tomorrow night. Com-
plications here."

(Signed) Woodrow Wilson.

I had rather a quiet day on account of the election and have used it to catch up with my correspondence.

McAdoo came in to lunch. He said Wall Street was beginning "to feed out says of his hand". He says that some of them have been guilty of swearing to false statements in making national bank returns, and that they are in danger of the Grand Jury and prison. One of the ablest and most active of the crowd came to him this morning as an emmisary and expressed the hope that nothing would be done without giving them a hearing. McAdoo was very circumspect and treated them in a way to cause alarm. He believes it will have a tendency to stop the attacks they are making on the currency bill and upon the Administration generally.

(341)

I talked to McAdoo about Mexico. I asked him to take a message to the President from me early tomorrow morning to the purpose that after considering the matter I was of the opinion he should tell Huerta that unless he abdicated and turned back the pages to where they were when Madero was assassinated, he would recognize the belligerency of the Constitutionalists. It was better, I thought, to let the Mexicans do their own fighting rather than for us to do it for them. His other policy not only means war with Mexico proper, but it was probable the Constitutionalists would join Huerta's forces and make common cause against the United States.

McAdoo said the Cabinet were complaining that the President did not consult with them regarding Mexico and there was a general feeling among them that he would like to eliminate Cabinet Meetings entirely. He has already cut them down to the Tuesday gathering, and instead of having Friday, Cabinet day as usual, he has turned the morning into an individual consultation day with the Cabinet.

McAdoo remarked that he was the only one who knew anything about the Mexican situation, and the reason he knew it was because he happened to be with me at the White House.

He is to dine with us this evening and we are to go to the theater. He returns to Washington on the mid-night.

Returns of the Municipal and other elections began to come in by six o'clock. A great many people telephoned between that hour and 8.15 when McAdoo and I left for the theater. Victory was assured even that early in Maryland, New York and Massachusetts, New Jersey only being in doubt. After the theater, McAdoo and I drove to the Herald office and saw the Night Editor who gave us the latest returns. They indicated that New Jersey had also joined the democratic column. By seven o'clock I had written my telegrams of congratulation to the President and the successful candidates.

The Mexican question was further discussed with McAdoo, and I made it urgent that he see the President the first thing tomorrow morning.

(342)

November 5, 1913.

Innumerable telephone calls, some important and some otherwise. Mr. Melville
Stone has been in touch with me on and off all day. There has been a difference
between the Associated Press and the Administration.

When the President sent word that he must abdicate, the message leaked out
through some source in the City of Mexico, and it was wired to the A. P. Office here.
Mr. Stone instructed his representatives in Washington to read the despatch he had
received from the City of Mexico to both the President and the Secretary of State
and ask them if they had any comments to make. They replied that they had not.
The A. P. then gave it out, with the result that it seems likely to make a "mess"
of the whole situation.

Huerta, of course, cannot resign now without having the world know that he did
so by coercion. If this despatch had not been made public he might have resigned
and lent to the resignation the color of patriotism.

Both the President and Secretary of State were distinctly angry. They denied
that an ultimatum had been sent Huerta. As a matter of fact, in a strict sense,
no ultimatum was sent, and yet it amounted to that. Mr. Bryan was indiscreet
enough to say he believed the despatch had been sent from this country and reforw-
arded from Mexico which naturally angered Stone and brought about a sharp telephone
conversation. Mr. Stone then got Mr. Noyes, President of the Associated Press, to
ask to
see the President. He sent them word that he did not care to see them, referring
them back to Mr. Bryan, plainly showing his displeasure.

Stone told Bryan, and also tells me, that neither the President nor Secretary
of State are more patriotic than he is, and if they will give him an outline of
their policy in Mexico he will regard it as sacred and will print nothing having
a tendency to confuse their plans.

would
I promised Stone to take the matter with Washington tonight and tell him know the result in the morning.

(343)

While Stone was with me Henry Clay Pierce tried to reach him on the telephone, but I shut the telephone off. When he went down stairs the telephone girl reached him. Pierce wanted to see me, and Stone asked if I would not let him call. I declined suggested that he see Pierce himself and let me know the result, I agreed not to talk with Washington until after he found out what Pierce had to tell. Pierce claimed that it was a matter of much importance.

John Purroy Mitchel called to thank me for what I had done for him. He showed genuine feeling and appreciation. In a day or two he is to get all the leaders together and ask their views, and after doing this he will return for my advice. He said he counted upon leaning upon me heavily during the four years he was Mayor, and I promised to be always at his service.

He asked that I think of a Police Commissioner, for that, he considered, his most difficult appointment. He has no one in mind at the moment. I assured him of my hope to see him go just as far as he was able to go and the more successful he was, the happier I should be. I urged him to approach the problems absolutely without fear, and in that way he could better avoid the pitfalls which would be set for him. I reminded him that the revenues and expenditures of New York were about as large as the combined revenues and expenditures of all the States in the Union, and that in importance the Chief Magistrate of this City was next to the President of the United States.

Charles C. Burlingham followed Mitchel. He suggested Montgomery Hare for Corporation Counsel. He thought my influence with Mitchel would be paramount, and that he would name him if I recommended it.

Arthur Page called to get some information for World's Work which he is now editing while his father is serving as Ambassador in London. I gave him an insight into conditions so as to guide him.

Henry P. Fletcher, Minister to Chile, followed. He explained conditions in Chile and the relations between the Chilean Government and ours which are said to be exceedingly cordial. He told something of his experiences in China and else-

(344)

where and I found him an entertaining gentleman.

At seven o'clock I got McAdoo on the telephone in Washington to tell him that Frank Polk was much annoyed at the reports sent out from Washington that he, Polk, was a candidate for the Collectorship here and that his friends were urging him up-on the Administration. McAdoo promised to send out a statement himself which would cover the case. We talked at considerable length about Mexico and the currency question,

Mr. Stone telephoned to say that H. Clay Pierce was anxious to see me and to bring some distinguished Mexican lawyer who could suggest a solution to our Mexican troubles. Mr. Stone was telephoning from the country. He had seen Pierce just before leaving town. I promised to discuss the matter with him later.

After talking with Stone I called the President up at the White House. There was some trouble getting a connection and he had to leave one telephone and go to another. I told him how annoyed the Associated Press people were that he had not seen their President, Mr. Noyes, and I also told him that Melville Stone thought things were becoming badly muddled because he had no idea what he, the President, had in mind regarding Mexico, therefore, he could not cooperate. I suggested that he permit me to inform Stone as to the real situation. He said he would be glad to have me do so.

I told him that Mitchel had not received a telegram of congratulation from him. He replied, "do you think I should send one?" I thought it a mistake not to do so. He said, "Oh, do you?" His voice sounded tired and I did not keep him at the telephone a moment longer than necessary.

by
I telephoned Stone at his country place to tell him if he would come in the morn-
ing I would have something of interest; that I had just been talking with the Pres-
ident, and he had authorized me to discuss with him the Mexican situation.

November 6, 1913.

Melville Stone was my first caller at a little after nine o'clock. I told
him the Mexican story. He seemed gratified at the confidence reposed in him. I

(345)

explained that I did not believe any member of the Cabinet, other than Mr. Bryan, knew just what the President had in mind. He was still hurt at the President's **inability** refusal to see Mr. Noyes. I explained that matter as best I could and told him if he would put me in touch with Noyes when I was in Washington, I would try to arrange it so Noyes would have an entree to the President without having to go through the secretaries. Stone said he would go to Washington with me and arrange to have me meet Noyes at either lunch or dinner.

He asked again about Pierce. I declined to see him because the President did not wish that there should be the slightest foundation for the statement that this Government was in any way advising with or taking advice from oil companies. Stone saw the point and thought I was wise. He said, however, he would perhaps have to be brutal with Pierce as he was insistent upon seeing me. I agreed for him to be as brutal as he liked and to tell him that I flatly refused to see him.

Stone said that at one time Pierce told him he knew me well and yesterday he, Stone, said to him, "if you know him well why do you ask me to arrange a meeting?" Pierce then admitted it had been a long time since we had met. I told Stone I had never seen Pierce but once in my life and that was many years ago.

In my mail this morning comes this letter from the President:

My dear Friend:

Thank you with all my heart for your telegram. The results of the election are indeed most encouraging and I take fresh heart from them.

It was a deep disappointment to me not to be able to go over to New York last night but the developments in the Mexican situation are apt to be so rapid and unexpected that I did not dare to stay away, though, as a matter of fact, nothing new of consequence turned up.

In haste with warm regards from us all,

November 5, 1913.

(346)

Senator Crane came to report upon the progress he was making with the republican senators. He has had them on the telephone off and on a good part of the day, and he is urging them to get together with the President and pass the currency bill.

Dudley Malone came after he left. He wanted to read me his interview, which will appear in the next Sunday World. We talked of the Collectorship and I assured him in all probability it would offered to him. We agreed that the best thing for him to do now is to be quiet and do nothing.

Mrs. Wilson, Sir William Tyrrell and Mr. and Mrs. Montgomery Hare dined with us and went to the play to see Sir Johnston Forbes Robertson in "The Light That Failed". I had a good deal of quiet conversation with Mrs. Wilson. She was much disturbed over the Mexican situation and urged me to come to Washington at once in order to better advise the President. She said things were happening every hour and that I ought to be in better touch than I could be here. I promised to go down on Tuesday morning.

She asked about Dudley Malone and if I thought he would be suitable for Collector. I thought he would. She said the doubt the President had was he seemed so little of a business man. I explained that sometimes a man who was not able to look out for his own affairs made a success when placed in charge of those of the public.

I had but little conversation with Sir William Tyrrell and could not place an estimate upon him. Before I came in close touch with the heads of governments I imagined them made of superior clay. But they are very like the rest of us, neither better nor worse.

November 7, 1913.

My first caller was Mr. Hepburn, head of the Chase National Bank, who came with Mr. Tucker. He went over the history of the currency legislation in this country as far as he was connected with it. I did not find him radically op-

(347)

posed to the Owens-Glass Bill. With some modifications he thought it wise. The most interesting thing he told me was that President Roosevelt had said during the early part of his first administration that if the bankers would get together and appoint a committee, and if the committee would draft a bill, he, Roosevelt, would get behind it and recommend it to Congress. Hepburn said the bankers did this in the most careful and detailed way, brought it to him, and even prepared certain phrases and sentences to be used by him in his message to Congress. Much to their surprise, none of it was used, but instead he made rather a sophomoric address upon currency reform in general. Mr. Hepburn and some of the committee sought an interview to ascertain the cause, and Roosevelt's reply was that Cannon and Aldrich had told him he must not recommend such a bill, that it was against the "understanding". The understanding, Roosevelt explained, was that he had agreed with the leaders of the Republican Party that he would do nothing to interfere with the tariff, and by some line of thought, they said this would do so. Not only that, they told him he had promised not to do anything along the lines of this bill, and they, themselves, would prepare something later.

Hepburn said that Roosevelt, in his characteristic way, said "I do not remember that there was any understanding about the currency bill but they say there was so I shall have to drop it".

Frederic Allen called to ask me to meet Governor Glynn at the Vanderbilt Hotel. I declined to do so.

I talked to Montgomery Hare about it and told him of my decision which he thought wise so far as Allen was concerned, but he thought I should meet Glynn.

At half past two o'clock Hare telephoned that William Randolph Hearst had invited me to meet Governor Glynn and Governor Walsh, Clarence Shearn and himself at dinner at seven o'clock. We argued the matter at considerable length as to whether I should accept or not. I finally agreed to give an answer in half an hour. I called up McAdoo at Washington but found him out. I then called up Tumulty and he advised

(348)

Both Shearn and Hare thought if I went there was a chance of getting Hearst in line for the Administration or, at least, of bringing about a better understanding. I have no such delusion. I have a feeling that Mayor Gaynor and the President are right in having no traffic with him. The further you go in that direction, the more power it gives Hearst to harm.

Afterward, I called up Hare and told him I would go. A little later Clarence Shearn telephoned saying Mrs. Hearst would like Mrs. House to come but I explained that she had another engagement. McAdoo then telephoned from Washington and when I explained the matter to him he, too, thought I should accept the invitation.

Bishop Brent came at half past five to tell of conditions in the Philippines. He says they have a very wrong impression of this Administration, believing that the Democratic Party's advent to power means immediate self-government for them. He does not believe it possible to give them self-government until the school children of today become old enough to take an active part in public affairs.

I complimented him upon the work he is doing and suggested that any time he wished to reach the President or to accomplish something which he could not accomplish through the ordinary channels, to communicate with me. He expressed his grateful appreciation.

Dudley Malone called me over the telephone from Washington to say that for political reasons it was decided to make the appointment of Collector immediately and if John Purroy Mitchel would resign, the President would appoint him. He wished me to ask Mitchel if this would be agreeable to him. Malone said he would be perfectly willing to let Mitchel have the salary until January first. The political reasons the White House has for this is that they are not yet at the breaking point with O'Gorman and the appointment could be made without any appearance of trying to placate him. If it were delayed and any difference arose, the appointment would be awkward. Malone said Senator O'Gorman was very pleased that he was slated for the place.

(349)

I telephoned Mitchel immediately. He was very fine about it and agreed to resign at once and asked me how to do it. I suggested that he communicate with McAdoo either tonight or tomorrow. I repeated what Malone had said about letting him have the salary, but he refused to take it. He seemed as happy as I am over the prospect of Dudley getting the place at once. He asked to see me before he leaves for his vacation.

I went with Montgomery Hare to the Hearsts, reaching there around seven. I found two an exceedingly commodious apartment which seemed to take up ¾ entire floors of a large apartment building. I was told they had bedrooms above. Some of the rooms ran two stories in height. There is a sort of barbaric splendor in the way it is furnished, with ¾¾¾x¾x¾x¾ armor, costly pictures and priceless rugs, and with bric-abrac flung here and there in almost riotous confusion.

It was the same at dinner. The china, glassware and the room itself seemed of another day. I have ¾¾¾ seen as great a waste of money without such good results and yet it all lacked something of quiet refinement and charm. I found ladies were to be present and I was sorry that I came in a dinner jacket. Mrs. Hearst was beautifully gowned, and Governor Glynn's wife and two young ladies, with Mrs. Clarence Shearn, made up the feminine number. Mrs. Hearst seems to be a woman of some charm and considerable ability. She is a handsome woman and evidently enjoys dispensing her husband's hospitality.

Mr. Hearst and I went into the library until dinner was announced and talked upon various subjects. He was trying to be pleasant. So was I. It is difficult to think of this quiet man as the Hearst of the yellow journals. His dress, however, was in keeping with his surroundings. I noticed among other things, large gold studs, made from gold dollars, and gold waistcoat buttons. We talked some of Mexico and he was frank in his earnest desire for war between the two countries, candidly admitting that he would like to see us annex the Northern States.

After dinner, Montgomery Hare and Governor Glynn had a discussion concerning Tammany which at one time bade fair to result in a quarrel. Hare denounced Tammany

(350)

and Governor Glynn contended that some such organization in a city the size of New York, was desirable and inevitable. I held my tongue and let them fight it out. A little later, Governor Glynn expressed a desire to have a long talk with me and offered to remain away from the theater if I so desired. I thought we had better wait until the situation clarified, because many things would happen within a week or two, and then we would be in a better position to confer with one another. He said he would come to New York at any time I desired and we left with that agreement. He said furthermore that he would go to Washington in the event I desired him to do so. That, I thought, unnecessary, though I may think it desirable later.

The papers are pretty full of my intention to reorganize the Democratic Party in this State and City upon anti-Tammany lines and I can foresee no end of trouble.

November 8, 1913.

Nothing of much importance happened today. Josiah Quincy came and Mr. Hopper, who has just been elected, Registrar. Andrew W. McKee, President of the National Association of Civil Service Employees, also called. He asked me to address a meeting at the Hippodrome on Sunday or Sunday week. I declined. I agreed to help his organization by asking the President to give them a paragraph in his message recommending a pension service.

Samuel Huston Thompson, Assistant Attorney General, called in the evening. We discussed the workings of the Department of Justice. He thinks McReynolds is a poor administrator but a great lawyer. He agrees with me that he should be on the Supreme Bench. He thinks exceedingly well of the Solicitor General, Davis. He criticized several judicial appointments made by McReynolds, but modified it after I told him the story explaining the reasons for each of them.

November 9, 1913.

We went to Scarborough to lunch with Mr. and Mrs. James Speyer. The other guests were Judge Day, President of the Equitable Life, Mr. Frank Trumbull, Mr.

(351)

Frank Webb and several others. After lunch we discussed the banquet which the Economic Club is to give tomorrow night. Mr. Speyer is the President and Mr. Vanderlip, Senator Owen and Mr. Glass are to speak. In the general discussion of the currency bill Speyer agreed with me concerning Government control, and concerning the desirability of putting the bill through quickly now that it had once been proposed. He thought the bankers were taking a most irrational view of it, since they were responsible for the agitation and had taught the country to believe that ruin was before us unless a currency bill was passed, and now they were trying to stop it.

After lunch Loulie, Mr. Trumbull and I went to Mr. Vanderlip's place for tea. Vanderlip took me aside to tell me the story of his activities regarding the currency bill. He claims, and I think with truth, that the insurgent Senators "buncoed" him. After his first testimony the Administration and the country generally were in good humor with him. Then Senators Hitchcock and O'Gorman asked him to prepare a bill along the lines of a central bank. This he did, but when he went to Washington with it he had no idea they intended using his name as its author or bring him before the Committee. O'Gorman, he says, went so far as to deny that he asked him to prepare it. They called him before the Committee and he gave the outline of the bill which he had prepared with the result we now know.

He complained bitterly of the President's treatment of him. I told him the fault was his, for he should not have attempted to see the President until after his first appearance before the Currency Committee. After his testimony there, the President would have been glad to see him and to have listened to his views. The reason the President refused to see him was because he thought he had come to Washington to prevent any currency bill being passed. I thought the President was justified in being offended.

He said he expected to speak at the Economic Club banquet tomorrow night. I advised him to state that he had prepared his central bank bill at the request of certain Senators and had no intention of bringing about confusion. I also ad-

(352)

vised him to say that it was evident that some bill would now have to be worked
out along the Owen-Glass lines, and would confine his attention to that bill, mak-
ing some suggestions as to its amendment as he considered desirable.

I looked at Mr. Webb, who was at the Speyers, and knew that I had seen
him before. In a moment I placed him as a fellow schoolmate at the Hopkins Gram-
mar School at New Haven which we both attended some thirty-seven years ago. I had
not seen him since.

November 10, 1913.

I have a letter from Sir William Tyrrell this morning saying Lady Spring-Rice
wishes me to lunch at the Embassy any day I will name. I am sorry to have the
invitation as I cannot well refuse and my time is so limited in Washington.

Dudley Field Malone's name went to the Senate today for Collector of the Port
of New York. Just as I was wiring him my congratulations I received a telegram
from him saying that he would be here at half past five from Atlantic City in or-
der to see me. The Evening Post called me up and asked me to make some comment.
All I would say was that I was very glad the President had chosen him for Mitch-
el's place.

Mr. W. A. Tucker brought a Mr. Mitchell who is the head. I believe, of the
General Electric Bond Company, at 4.45. He also brought a Mr. Clark, who is one
of the Trustees of the Hearst estate. Mr. Clark wished to tell about conditions
in Northwest Mexico and to urge intervention. He is much opposed to arming the
Constitutionalists because he said if they should win we would be in just as bad
shape with them as with Huerta. So there you are; you get a different view of
the situation from every man who claims to know.

Mr. Mitchell wanted to tell what a mistaken policy the Government pursued
under the Roosevelt-Pinchot regime regarding water power, both on navigable
streams and in the arid West. He had pictures and facts galore to maintain his
position.

Mrs. Harriman came to review the National and Municipal situation in about

(353)

ten minutes, which was all the time I had to give her.

Mr. William B. Parker came to tell me of the preparation of a memorial volume of William Garrott Brown's last literary efforts and to say that they would very much like to have the President enlarge upon his letter of condolence which was sent to Mr. Wilson Brown upon the death of his brother. I promised to do what I could. He also wanted me to think of the advisability of establishing a political magazine as a memorial to Mr. Brown. It was the plan of William Garrott Brown to establish this magazine as a memorial to President Cleveland, and now they are diverting it in order to make it one to him.

November 11, 1913.

Washington.

When I reached Washington this morning a little after seven I was surprised to find Mr. Bryan on the platform waiting for me. He must have gotten up at six in order to have been there. When we got into his carriage he immediately started to discuss Mexico. I expressed the feeling that the oil interests were at war there and were the cause of much of the trouble. I let him know about Henry Clay Pierce trying to force an interview with me and of my having declined to see him. He spoke hopefully of being able, if the worst came to the worst, of blockading Mexico and not have to do any actual fighting. I regard this as a rather optimistic view to take.

When we reached his home we had breakfast and he showed me a dispatch which had just come from our Ambassador at London, telling of an interview he had had with Sir Edward Grey. It was satisfactory yet there were points in it that left one somewhat in doubt.

Mr. Bryan drove me to the White House and left me. He asked me to say to the President that perhaps he would be a little late for his engagement with him.

The President saw me at once, although I had no appointment. I expressed concern in regard to Mexico and explained more in detail about Sir William Tyrrell. In talking to Sir William we were practically talking to Sir Edward

(354)

Grey, and I thought it would be foolish not to exercise the opportunity in order to bring about a better understanding with England regarding Mexico. I told him of my luncheon engagement at the British Embassy on Wednesday and thought if he would give me a free hand I might do something worth while. He authorized me to talk to Sir William as freely as I considered advisable.

We afterward discussed the appointment of a Third Assistant Secretary of State in place of Dudley Malone. I told him Mr. Bryan had in mind a man from Detroit. The President smiled and replied "I have in mind William Bayard Hale". I do not like the thought of Hale. A man like Billy Phillips of Massachusetts would be an ideal appointment, though I did not make any suggestion.

Upon going out of the President's office I met Mr. Bryan and the much talked of "Pindell of Peoria". I remained around the White House until eleven o'clock, talking with Tumulty and the Secretaries as they came in for the Cabinet meeting. Tumulty and I discussed the advisability of his becoming National Chairman in the event McCombs WAXX to France.

The President asked me to remain to lunch but I had an engagement to lunch with Melville Stone and Mr. Noyes, President of the Associated Press, at half past twelve o'clock.

After talking with Lane, he suggested that we all lunch with him at the University Club. This was satisfactory to me provided it was agreeable to Noyes and Stone, which I found was the case. Stone suggested having Secretary Daniel also because he knows newspaper ethics.

We had a pleasant time and went over the question of the Associated Press being given advance information upon all international questions. Both Stone and Noyes made the point that they did not want ordinary news or other information for themselves for the reason it tied their hands and kept them from publishing news they could find out in their own way through their agents, but they believed it would be helpful to the Administration if they knew in advance

["(355)", "what the policy was, in order that they might not send out news that would be\ndetrimental.", "Later in the afternoon I went to McAdoo's residence and met Carter Glass and discussed the currency bill with them. Glass and I agreed as to the necessary amendments they should make, McAdoo differing slightly from our conclusions. at", "I dined alone x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x_x

(356)

upon Huerta in order that he might eliminate himself.

The President asked me to come to the White House and remain with him over-
night. I told him
I had counted upon returning home but my going depended upon the suc-
cess of my interview with Sir William. I promised to get in touch with him,
the President, as soon afterward as it was convenient to him, provided anything
worth while developed. He said he had wished to get with me yesterday; he
also told of how very tired he was.

I went from the White House to McAdoo's office. I had not been there long when the redoubtable Pëndell appeared upon the scene. He immediately fastened upon me and told of his troubles. He charged Senator Lewis with having been instrumental in giving out the now celebrated letter regarding his appointment as Ambassador to Russia. He said he was not certain he could accept the Ambassador ship even if the President sent his name to the Senate and he was confirmed, for he could not afford to spend more than $35,000. I thought $40,000. to $50,000. was the least he could expect to spend. He spoke of me in complimentary terms saying he wanted to know me better. He thought I was doing wonderful work in a unique fashion. He is a pleasant appearing man but light weight mentally.

After Pindell left Senators Bacon, Ransdell and Ollie James appeared. I
talked with Senator Bacon at length about the bill for providing homes for our
ambassadors. He thought nothing could be done until the regular session and
it was doubtful if anything could be accomplished then. I told him that Walter
Page would not be able to stay longer than a year unless something was done. He
said that was fine, he was glad to hear it, "the sooner, the better". I found
he did not know Page but was prejudiced against him because of Page's views in
his novel entitled "A Southerner".

At one o'clock I lunched with Lady Spring-Rice at the British Embassy.
I sat at her right and upon my right sat Lady Alva Johnstone. Lady Johnstone
is a sister of Gifford Pinchot. She has lived abroad for twenty years and her
husband is in the British Diplomatic Service, now being Minister at the Hague.

(357)

She is an intelligent and charming woman.

The talk during luncheon was largely about the international diplomatic colo-
ny. I found Lady Johnstone in sympathy with the democratic policy upon the
tariff and other questions. She does not seem to agree with her brother and
T. R. who is one of her best friends. She told many interesting stories of
T. R.

Sir Cecil Spring-Rice was not well enough to appear and sent me words of
regret. After lunch Sir William Tyrrell and I went into another room and dis-
cussed the questions uppermost in the minds of both. He began by showing me
despatches from his Government and his own replies. He declared Lord Cowdrey
had no concessions from Huerta and if he had them now, or could get them in the
future, his Government would not recognize their validity. He thought a delib-
erate attempt was being made to connect Cowdrey with these matters in order to
create a sentiment for intervention. He said Sir Lionel Carden was not antag-
onistic to America; he was fair, and would do in spirit, as well as in act, just
what he was told to do by his Government. He admitted he was very pro-British
but other than that no criticism could be made of him.

I replied that both the President and Mr. Bryan held very different
views of Lord Cowdrey and Sir Lionel Carden and I was glad to hear the other side
He spoke of Sir Edward Grey's desire to bring about a cessation of armaments
for he thought our present civilization would eventually be destroyed upon that
rock. He thought, too, that an armament trust was forcing all governments not
only to pay excessive prices, but were creating war scares, they being the only
people having any interest in having the different governments keep up large ex-
penditures for war purposes.

We talked of the Panama tolls question. Sir William said Sir Edward
Grey's idea was that no possible good came to nations if either the letter or
the spirit of a treaty was broken. He said the English people felt keenly upon

(358)

this subject and no one more so than Sir Edward himself, and the only reason
he held office was his desire to promote the peace of nations.

I replied that the President felt as keenly as Sir Edward did about the
inviobility of treaties and I thought when he talked with him, the President
would make his position clear. I expressed the desire to immediately bring the
President and Sir William together, and he was delighted to have the opportunity.

I went to the White House but the President had gone golfing not to return
until six. I communicated this to Sir William who was waiting at the Embassy.
At six I telephoned the President from McAdoo's house, He was taking his bath
but sent word for me to come to dinner at seven. I dined with the family and
two ladies, the Misses Smith of New Orleans. The ladies went to the theater
and the President and I spent the evening in his study.

I told him of the progress the currency bill had made during the day,
and afterward gave him in detail my talk with Tyrrell. It was a question
whether to send for Sir William at once or to wait until morning. We decided
upon the latter course because the President was so mortally tired.

He insisted upon sending for my things and my remaining the night at the
White House. After we had finished our talk upon Mexico he read aloud one of
Chesterton's "Little Father Brown" detective stories. He was very tired but
seemed to become rested as we went along. We then recalled to each other some
whimsical verses and fell to discussing the future tendency of this Government
and his own intentions and drift of mind. He said he believed in the Executive
instituting or becoming the leader in putting into law the desires of the people.
he thought there was no danger in this course for the reason that unless a Pres-
ident had the force of public sentiment back of him he could never get a law
through. That the reason he, himself, had been successful with the tariff and
the currency bills was because the people demanded them, and Congress knew it.
It was not the pressure from him but the pressure of the nation back of him.

He read some extracts from his works on government in order to better de-

(359)

fine his views. He expressed himself as being in sympathy with the movement
for amending the Constitution with less difficulty than at present.

We talked until nearly eleven. He went to bed and I telephoned Sir William Tyrrell at the British Embassy to come to the White House at half past nine tomorrow. I also telephoned to New York to explain the delay of my coming home and then went to bed in the yellow room. This room, by the way, is the one I like best among the bedrooms of the White House, and perhaps because it is smaller than the others on the second floor.

November 13, 1913.

I was down at eight o'clock and the President a few moments later. We
breakfasted together. He showed me his last of engagements for the day and
regretted that he had to go through with them. Most of his callers were Sen-
ators and they came largely concerning matters of patronage. While he dis-
likes the disposition of patronage yet he believes it is that which gives to a
President much of his power to pass necessary legislation.

We talked of his anti-trust policy which will follow the currency bill. He
is not yet clear as to what he will recommend. We also discussed his message
and I urged him to make it short. He said he had no thought of doing other-
wise and insisted that he could not write a long drawn out document when a short
one would suffice. He intends to deliver it in person. He believed a half
hour would be sufficient time for this.

We went to his study, but I left him with his stenographer and looked
up Jessie Wilson so that she might show me her wedding presents. When I re-
turned to the study the President had finished his correspondence and in a mo-
ment Sir William Tyrrell was announced. The President received him in the
Blue Room. He had on a gray sack suit while Sir William wore a cutaway.
They both appeared a little embarrassed. The President opened the conversation
by saying I had told him of my conversation with him yesterday and then out-

(360)

lined the purpose of our Government regarding Mexico, very much as I had done the day before. Sir William replied much as he had to me. The President spoke frankly and well— so did Sir William. It was an extremely interesting discussion.

The President, of his own volition, brought up the arbitration treaty and the Panama tolls question and much to my surprise told Sir William what he had in mind, not only as to his views, but also how he expected to put them into force. He asked him to covey to Sir Edward Grey his sympathy with the view that our treaty with England should remain inviolable, but to ask him to have patience until he had time to develop the matter proerly. He thought an overwhelming majority of our people held his views but there was an opposition composed largely of Hibernian patriots, both in the Senate and out, that always desired a fling at England.

We talked of the necessity of curbing armaments and of the power of the financial world in our politics of today. Sir William was just as earnest in his opinion regarding this as either the President or I. He said in England they owned and debauched the press. The President said, it is the greatest fight we all have on today, and every good citizen should enlist.

The hour was up and the President had to leave for other engagements. In bidding me goodbye he said I must come to them for the future and stop at the White House. I talked with Sir William for a moment after the President left. He was pleased over the interview and thanked me cordially. He said he had never before had such a frank talk about matters of so much importance, and the experience was new to him. We all spoke with the utmost candor and without diplomatic gloss. He said if some of the veteran diplomats could have heard us they would have fallen in a faint. Before leaving we agreed to keep in touch with one another. He is to telephone me whenever he receives dispatches which he thinks I should see and I am to go to Washington when necessary.

(361)

I saw Mrs. Wilson and tried to cheer her over the Mexico situation. I also urged her to be optimistic with the President so as not to worry him. We had a long talk. She expressed regret that the White House would be full of relatives for the wedding which prevented us from stopping with them.

Dr. Grayson looked me up and we had a talk. He wishes me to invite the President over for the night of November 29th which I shall certainly do. He said the President had told him how anxious he was to come and be with me. Dr. Grayson took me to the train and I left with the conviction that I had been of some service. The situation was certainly bad, and the feeling was growing strong in Administration circles that England was not performing the acts of a friendly nation. To clear this up and to show that the misunderstanding was not warranted, and to help bring about a sympathetic alliance between the two great English speaking countries, seemed something well worth while. It is what Page and I have talked and dreamed about and it looks as if it might be realized.

I met Willard Straight of Morgan & Co. on the train. He was concerned because the business men of New York, and by that he meant Wall Street, seemed so antagonistic to the Administration. I asserted it was not the Administration's fault and explained why, He talked largely of his experiences in the Far East and gave me some valuable and interesting information.

New York, November 14, 1913.

I have had a busy day with my mail, telephones and callers.

Chief Magistrate McAdoo came at five and told some things in confidence which surprised me. One was that the John Doe proceedings the District Attorney is pursuing in his court, was bringing out some remarkable disclosures. He thought it not improbable that some of the high and mighty might fall within the net before they were through. I do not dare mention names for the matter is too serious and I do not wish to do anyone an injustice.

(362)

November 15, 1913.

Many people telephoned but nothing of importance was said or done during the day.

November 16, 1913.

We went to Tuxedo this morning in the motor and took lunch with friends returning at dark.

In the evening Antikamnia Cox called. He was as full of pessimistic talk as he could hold. Everybody was a crank and everything was going to the devil.

November 17, 1913.

A great many telephone calls, some important and some otherwise. McAdoo talked to me fifteen minutes from Washington. He thought the outlook in Mexico was worse. He also thought the currency situation was getting somewhat befuddled. He was much disturbed because McReynolds still refuses to appoint his friend Cibboney to the Legal Department of the Customs Service, although the President has written requesting him to do so.

Paul Warburg telephoned about his trip to Washington. He is much disturbed over the currency situation and requested an interview, along with Jacob Shiff and Cleveland H. Dodge. Mr. Dodge came in advance of the others. He said he felt obliged to come at their request because they had just given him a substantial subscription for the Y. M. C. A. Fund. He had a feeling that the President knew what he was doing and did not need any more advice than he was getting from the channels he, himself, selected. I told him I shared this view and that since all the experts disagreed it left one in doubt as to what to do.

Mr. Shiff and Mr. Warburg came in a few minutes. Warburg did most of the talking. He had a new suggestion in regard to grouping the regional reserve banks so as to get the units welded together and in easier touch with the Fed-

(363)

eral Reserve Board. Mr. Shiff did not agree as to the advisability of doing
this. He thought the regional reserve banks should be cut down to four and let
it go at that.

They wanted me to go to Washington with Mr. Warburg and Mr. Dodge; Mr. Shiff saying I was the Moses and they would be the Aarons. He asked if I knew my bible well enough for this to be clear to me. I told him I did. I combatted the idea that the President was stubborn in his stand upon the currency measure. I thought he had to be firm and had to make up his mind as to what was good and what was bad in the innumerable suggestions that came to him, and that was all he was doing. I advised against going to the President with new suggestions. I thought they should be taken to Secretary McAdoo, Senator *xxxx* Owen and Mr. Glass; if they agreed as to the advisability of accepting them the President would probably also accept them.

After dinner Secretary McAdoo telephoned from Washington which saved me the
trouble of calling him. He was willing to see Warburg tomorrow. I called up
Warburg and told him this. He desired me to go with him but I declined to do so.
He thought it was of no use for him to go alone since I was the only one that
could handle the situation.

I talked to McAdoo again about the matter and told him that Warburg
would discuss it with him direct over the telephone tomorrow.

November 18, 1913.

Sir William Tyrrell called me from Washington to say he had an important
despatch from London regarding the Mexican situation. He wished to know if I
was coming over and I told him not until Monday. He said it was important that
he communicate the contents of the despatch to the President and he did not know
how to reach him. I offered to make an engagement for him by telephone.

I called up the President and asked him to see Sir William at his earliest
convenience and in a way that would not be known. He was pleased to hear that
Sir William had good news and said he would see him at once.

(364)

Edward S. Martin called. He tells me it is still gossiped that the President is following my advice in Mexico, xxxxxxxxxxxx and that I have vast tracts of land, mines, etc. etc. in that country. It is extraordinary the lies people tell and repeat. They are just as careless about important matters of state as they are about trivial society gossip.

Paul Warburg telephoned saying he had talked with McAdoo and had arranged to go to Washington tomorrow to meet both McAdoo and Glass.

Montgomery Hare came in the afternoon to confer concerning Governor Glynn and the best method of getting him in line with progressive democracy. I declined to take an active part in it myself, but was willing to do all I could in an advisory capacity, both as to State and City affairs. He considered this sufficient. He goes to Albany in a day or two to see Governor Glynn. I talked to him concerning his candidacy for Corporation Counsel, and promised to speak to Mitchel in his behalf. Hearst, it seems, is earnestly for him, and I think it would be a good appointment for Mitchel to make, although I would be content with Frank Polk as a substitute.

Frank Trumbull called to ask me to arrange an appointment with the President to meet some of the prominent railroad men. They want to discuss some questions with him before he sends his message to Congress. Trumbull says they represent something more than fifteen billions of property and he thinks the President should give them an hour to present their views.

Dudley Malone lunched with me. We discussed the reorganization of both the City and State democracy. It was agreed that I should not take an active part, but should rely upon him and other leaders like him. He said as soon as he was inaugurated Collector, which will be Monday the 24th, he would go to Glynn as my representative and discuss matters with him and in the future I could communicate with Glynn and Glynn with me through him. He said he did not mind being my messenger boy.

We talked of the kind of speech he should make when he was sworn in

(366)

and agreed that politics should have no part in it. Every time I see Dudley I
like him better. He is able, and if he were only a little more systematic in
his methods, and would give more attention to details, he would go far. He may
do so in any event, but he lacks these things in his make-up.

I went to Edward S. Martin's to dinner last night. Ellery Sedgwick was the other guest. Sedgwick again urged me to write for the Atlantic Monthly. I pleaded that it was impossible to do so for the moment but when I went home in January I would make an earnest endeavor.

He is a warm admirer of the President, but I found that he had gotten much
misinformation in regard to the President's plans and purposes. Sedgwick, Mar-
tin and I discussed at length the unreliability not only of newspapers but of
people in general. It is hard to know when the truth is told about anything, so
much fiction is disseminated. This is well illustrated by something the Pres-
ident and Mrs. Wilson told me when I was last in Washington. The papers stated
the President did not desire the Star Spangled Banner played and the audience to
rise when he entered the theater. As a matter of fact, they both thought it a
beautiful tribute. The papers also said that they did not want Congress to
make any presents to Jessie, and they did not wish presents from any but their
most intimate friends. The truth is they made no such statements and express-
ed no such desires.

November 19, 1913.

It has been a quiet day. C. R. Macauley, the cartoonist, came in the morn-
ing to urge me to support one of his friends for appointment under Mitchel.

I lunched with Charles Grasty of the Baltimore Sun. The other guest was
Mr. Daniel Willard of the B. & O. I found Willard had a clear knowledge of
railroad rates. Many of the facts given me by Secretary Lane, Commissioner
Marble and Frank Trumbull are misleading. Mr. Willard is very agreeable.
He used the tablecloth instead of paper to make diagrams and to illustrate his

(366)

points and he ate no lunch to speak of, but talked all the time, though not tire-
somely. I had to leave almost before lunch was finished for another engagement,
therefore, his time was limited and he made the best use of it.

Josiah Quincy came to 2.30 to tell of his trip to Washington and to
talk of conditions in Massachusetts.

I went to the Vanderbilt Hotel at 3.15 to call on McCombs and his bride. I remained with them an hour and then took them to the 4.20 train for Washington. We discussed the French mission but I left with an uncertain mind as to whether he would take it if the President should offer it to him again. He seems well and in a different frame of mind from last year.

In the evening I talked with McAdoo over the telephone. We discussed the currency bill. I urged him to see that some provision was made for the 2% bonds so they might be used to protect our gold supply by putting them into short term 3% notes. I also asked him to pay McCombs some attention and in a public way if possible. McCombs requested me to do this and McAdoo consented.

November 21, 1913.

This has been a dull day. Not much mail, not many telephone calls and no
visitors of importance.

November 22, 1913.

Another rather quiet day. Commissioner Waldo came to see me. He would
like to be one of the Philippine Commissioners, but he would like even better I
think to be retained as Police Commissioner, though he did not say so. He did
not want to be Street Cleaning Commissioner, and rather resented the suggestion.

Warburg telephoned about the currency bill and wanted me to get in touch
with Washington, which I have not done. This bill should have been passed in
October at the latest, and it has been needlessly delayed.

November 23, 1913.

We went to the theater last night and met Mr. and Mrs. Dudley Malone there.
Dudley told me something of his trip to Washington. Tumulty was a little in-

(367)

clined to be ugly about McCombs retaining the National Chairmanship, but Malone
told him we must all get together and work without friction so the President
would not be annoyed. Dudley is coming today to go over the statement he is
to make tomorrow when he is sworn in as Collector.

Loulie and I lunched with Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Untermyer at Graystone.
Among their other guests were Mr. and Mrs. George Harvey, Congressman Eagle and
his wife and Paul Warburg. Mrs. Eagle is a beautiful and charming Texas woman.
George Harvey was rough, rude and cynical as usual. He is writing an article on
"Pindell of Peoria" and asked me something of him. I thought he had many of his
facts wrong but he replied: "That makes no difference for they will read better
as they are." I despise this unfair attitude.

Untermyer said Harvey was anxious to make up with the President and was
exceedingly sore because of the President's treatment of him. I thought it was
impossible for mutual friends to smooth over the differences so long as Harvey
continued to say, both in public print and privately, the things he was saying
about the President and his administration.

Dudley Malone called and remained until nearly eleven. He read the speech
he is to deliver at the Custom House tomorrow when he is sworn in as Collector
of the Port. We also talked about Mr. Bryan's conduct of the State Department
and we agreed that where he fell down was in his appointments. He is choosing
personal friends and largely because they agree with him in his general political
views, rather than for their particular fitness for the places. It will be se-
rious handicap to him should he ever run again for the Presidency. It would have
been better had he taken the ground that this administration was peculiarly that
of Woodrow Wilson and had asked his friends not to embarrass him by insisting
upon appointments. Mr. Bryan's weakness is that he is not a good judge of men.
Another weakness is that he has no head for details.

November 24, 1913.

Loulie and I went to the Custom House at ten o'clock to see Dudley Malone

(368)

as
take the oath of office fzx Collector. There was a large crowd present and
many distinguished men. Dudley spoke well and earnestly and his address was
received with enthusiasm. The Malones go with us this afternoon to Washington.

Washington,

We arrived at the Bryans at nine and went almost immediately to bed. It
was understood that we were to have breakfast at half past seven, but much to
our relief Mrs. Bryan knocked on our doors a few minutes later and announced
that Mr. Bryan would take his horseback exercise before breakfast so we would
not have it until half past eight, an unusually late hour for the Bryan house-
hold.

November 25, 1913.

On our way to the State Department this morning Mr. Bryan said he had
learned from a confidential source that Justice Lurton was in a precarious condi-
tion and would retire very soon. We discussed his possible successor and agreed
that McReynolds would be a good man for the place, provided we could find a
suitable man for Attorney General.

Mr. Bryan also said he understood the President was thinking of Bayard
Hale for Dudley Malone's place. He thought the suggestion a poor one and de-
sired me to discourage it which I said I would be glad to do because my judgment
coincided with his.

We discussed the Mexican situation and he gave me the latest developments.
Carranza has been acting foolishly and in a way to lose much of the sympathy that
the administration has had for his cause.

I talked to Mr. Bryan about the attitude of England and thought it
a matter of congratulation that that situation was straightened out. He left
me at the White House.

The first person I saw upon entering was Captain Bill McDonald. He had
arrived from Texas for the wedding. He was prepared to appear in full evening

(369)

dress in the afternoon and it was fortunate I met him and vetoed his intention.

I saw the President for a few minutes and we talked of his personal visit to me on Friday and Saturday of this week. He is to come Friday if possible and may remain over until Sunday. I appreciate his evident desire to be with me. Up to now he has visited no one and, as far as I know, has not taken a single meal out of the White House, excepting with me. Just how he reconciles his other friends and relatives to this I do not know. He has not yet dined with his Cabinet, though these functions will come along during the winter.

Today was Cabinet day and I remained to meet the different members as they came in, for there was something I had to say to each.

I was at the White House practically all the morning telephoning and talking to Tumulty and the Cabinet members. Mr. Bryan insisted upon taking me back with him to lunch in order to talk with me as he thought we might not have another opportunity. We talked of the President's message. Mr. Bryan was delighted with what he is to say about the trusts and the Philippines. We also discussed the Interstate Commerce Commission and the currency measure.

After lunch we decided to continue our talk and not leave until we were ready for the wedding.

On the way to the wedding Mr. Bryan and I rode together and he complained of feeling ill. When we reached the White House the officials in charge insisted upon my going with the Cabinet officials but my instinct told me it would be a mistake even though they said the President desired it. Loulie went with the Bryan's but I went on the other side of the East Room where personal friends were gathered. I congratulated myself upon having done this, for I met all the President's friends there like Cleveland Dodge, Professor Fine, Professor Orman and a number of others. I met a large number of people who were introduced by mutual friends.

After the wedding service was over and we started in the dining room Mrs.

(370)

Bryan told me Mr. Bryan had grown quite ill and she would have to take him home. I insisted upon going with him myself so that she might remain. When I got him in the carriage he leaned upon me heavily and I was afraid he was seriously ill. Sick as he was, he fell to talking of his life, of his trials and of the future. He said he was glad he had not the responsibility of the President upon his shoulders. That the President was doing the things nearest his heart and they all seemed certain of accomplishment. The tariff, a reformed currency, proper trust regulation and a declaration that the Philippines shall in time have freedom, were the things uppermost in his mind.

We talked of the future and both expressed a desire to die in harness and not live to a decrepit age. I have a belief in an active existence after death. I do not think pleasantly of a future of ease. He was satisfied that the good God would give us what was best. He sometimes thought things were not properly adjusted in this world, but he had finally come to the conclusion they were.

When we reached home he lay down for awhile and fell into slumber. Dr. Grayson called and so did the Attorney General and Secretary Garrison to see how he was. The news of his illness had spread around. Strangely enough, by ten o'clock he was quite recovered and determined to take an early morning train for Virginia in order to meet an engagement to speak to a teachers association.

November 26, 1913.

McAdoo telephoned early and asked if I would come by and see him if he sent his carriage. Sir William Tyrrell also telephoned and wrote a note saying Lady Spring-Rice would like me to lunch with them. I declined the luncheon invitation but promised to call at the Embassy at eleven.

I drove with McAdoo to the Treasury Department. He is as emotional as a woman. He said he would rather be with me than any man in the world, and he acts as if he meant it.

From McAdoo I went to the White House and saw Dr. Grayson. I went

(371)

to the White House proper to see Eleanor, but we found she was in bed with a
sore throat.

I then called at the British Embassy to see Sir William Tyrrell and later
Sir Cecil Spring-Rice. Sir William told me of his keen pleasure in meeting
the President, and expressed gratitude that I had made it possible. He read
confidential despatches Sir Edward Grey had sent Sir Lionel Carden at the City
of Mexico reversing Carden's policy as to that situation. He asked my advice
as to leaving for home December 3rd. He was ready to remain longer if I con-
sidered it necessary but thought he should get back to London. I expressed re-
gret at his departure for he has accomplished much while in America.

He wished me to meet Sir Cecil Spring-Rice so that we might keep in touch
as he and I had done. He brought Sir Cecil in and we had an understanding that
we should work together in the future. He is to telephone me and otherwise
keep in touch with me.

The Ambassador has a Memorial from the Town of Carlisle where the Presi-
dent's maternal ancestors lived, and asked me to present it to the President.
I offered to arrange, when he was well enough, for him to meet the President
as Sir William had done. He seemed grateful.

Sir William and I had some further conversation in which we agreed to
continue to work together. He is to give me his private cable address and
we are to communicate when anything discloses itself on either side which is
important for Sir Edward Grey or the President to know. If Mr. Bryan should
find we are doing this I am afraid he might be hurt. He is to dine with me
before he sails to have a final conference. I also arranged with the Presi-
dent to see him tomorrow for a farewell interview.

After leaving the British Embassy, I went to McAdoo's office where
he read me portions of his annual report.

I went from there to see Secretary Lane in order to ask him not to allow
anyone to use our friendship as a basis for getting things through his Department

(372)

I feel keenly upon the subject of anyone using my influence improperly.

I had barely time to catch the 12.30 train for New York. Upon the train were my family, including my two daughters Mona and Janet, and Mr. and Mrs. Dudley Malone. Malone and I discussed the Panama tolls question. He indicated that Senator O'Gorman would make a strenuous fight to uphold his position on this subject. I diplomatically showed him reasons for this country to keep on good terms with Great Britain. I explained how the President's hands would be tied in Mexico if he did not have the sympathy of Great Britain in his plans. Malone saw the point and agreed to help in bringing Senator O'Gorman around to a more reasonable view. He promised to start upon this at once and I agreed to confer with O'Gorman later and try to persuade him to accept the President's policy.

New York, November 27, 1913

Little or nothing was done today. We went to Tuxedo for midday dinner returning in the late afternoon. I telephoned McAdoo and invited him to go to the theater Saturday with the President. He asked me to arrange to have some bankers meet him at the Vanderbilt Saturday, but he did not wish them to know he had initiated the meeting.

I spoke to Warburg and asked him to confer with Mr. Shiff and submit a list of bankers with whom it would be well for McAdoo to talk. This is to be done tomorrow.

November 28, 1913.

I telephoned Untermeyer that I thought the President might invite George Harvey the next time he was in Washington, and I thought it a pity Harvey was criticizing the Administration so bitterly in the forthcoming number of the North American Review. Untermeyer is to try and get Harvey to modify some of the things he has written, but he is afraid it is too late. He asked if Tumulty had spoken to me about the French Embassy. I did not go into this

(373)

matter further than to say he had not, for I did not want Untermyer to solicit
my support.

McCombs telephoned to ask what chance I thought Untermyer would have for
Paris. I replied that I had not discussed it with the President, and the only
name mentioned for the place was his own. Both McCombs and Tumulty are evi-
dently for Untermyer.

Judge Lovett telephoned that Howard Elliott, President of the New Haven,
was much disturbed because McReynolds was insisting that the demands made upon
them be complied with by December first, which would be the coming Monday. It
was utterly impossible to do it, and he desired to know whether I thought he
could get an extension. Elliott had heard that the President was pushing Mc-
Reynolds to this action. I denied this, and thought when McReynolds came
over here Elliott would have no difficulty in securing the desired postponement.

I did not let him know that the matter had been discussed at the Cabinet
meeting Tuesday, and that it had been decided not to press the New Haven case
for the moment on account of the fact that the currency bill had not been pass-
ed and the general financial situation was bad. I suggested two months ago
that nothing be done until the currency bill was out of the way. Much to my
surprise, when I was in Washington, Mr. Bryan supported my view of it.

Warburg telephoned to discuss the meeting with McAdoo tomorrow. I shall
not advise it, for the character of bankers he suggests do not appeal to me.

Wheeler of the Secret Service, came and together we arranged the President's
itinerary, and discussed measures for his safety. Two men are to be on guard
here all night, and I expressed a wish to have one of them inside the premises.
Two policemen will also be on duty outside all night.

Commissioner Waldo called to thank me for having his counsins transferred
from Honduras to St. Petersburg as Secretary of the Embassy. I talked with
him about the President's safety and he was willing to delegate as many men as

(374)

I desired, and offered "a troop of horse" if I wanted it. He insisted upon placing two men, other than Secret Service men", at my disposal.

James Speyer telephoned to ask if it would be possible for him to see the President while he was here. I answered in the negative, but promised to arrange for him to see the President in Washington next week.

The President was scheduled to arrive at 5.56 but did not get in until half an hour later. The station was full of newspaper men and photographers. They were more interested in the bride and groom, Mr. and Mrs. Francis Sayre, who were supposed to be on the train, than they were in the President himself. When I went on the car we held a discussion as to how the bride and groom should avoid the crowd. It was decided they should remain on the car while the President and I drove to our apartment, and when the crowd dispersed, they would take our car and drive to their abiding place. Thus ruse was successful.

The President and I dined alone. We had some profitable discussion during the meal. The main thing we talked about was the number of important appointments he had to make in the near future. There will probably be four Supreme Court Judges to appoint within the next two years, three Interstate Commerce Commissioners to be named now, and the Federal Reserve Board when the currency bill is passed.

I suggested that he appoint McReynolds to Justice Lurton's place. This is proper as they both come from Tennessee. The President thought if this were perhaps done, Garrison should be given the Attorney Generalship. I had this place in mind for Gregory, but it might be better to put Garrison there and give Gregory the War Portfolio, unless another man is thought of who comes from a better locality. Texas already has one place in the Cabinet, and Houston is practically from there, and the President might not like to appoint another Texan if he could find a suitable man elsewhere.

The only reason for transferring McReynolds from the Department of Jus-

(375)

tice is on account of his lack of political acumen. He is a great lawyer and will probably bring to successful conclusions the various suits in which his Department is now engaged.

I talked to the President about Dudley Malone. He expressed a deep affection for him, and shared my opinion as to his unusual ability. We also spoke of Joseph Davies of Wisconsin, and I asked why some members of the Cabinet and Tumulty thought he was not fitted for Governor General of the Philippines. I had met him but once and had talked with him for an hour only but did not have a bad opinion of him. The President remarked that he thought he had more ability than Burton Harrison whom he finally appointed.

We went to Cohen's Theater to see Potash and Perlmutter. When we entered the orchestra began to play the Star Spangled Banner and the audience cheered heartily. There is nothing of the "grandstand player" about the President. He does not come in late, after the audience has assembled, and make a spectacular entrance. He always arrives well before the play begins and generally before the theater is half filled.

Loulie, Eleanor Wilson, Dr. Grayson and Mr. and Mrs. Dudley Field Malone and George Martin were in our party. After the theater the President and I had our usual sandwiches and a few minutes talk before going to bed.

November 29, 1913.

We breakfasted at 7.30 in order that the President might go to the North German Lloyd Pier in Hoboken to see his daughter, Jessie and her husband off on the George Washington which sailed at ten o'clock.

At breakfast I talked to him about unfettering the railroads and corporations. I went into detail as to how impossible it was for them to thrive when many of them were throttled by the hands now controlling them. I particularly condemned the iniquity of directors of corporations profiting in any way by dealings with the corporations. This is held was as reprehensible as a trustee of an estate

(376)

profiting by his trusteeship, and the one should be made as impossible as the
other.

I did not go to the George Washington as I had too much to engage me at home.
He returned at eleven o'clock and a few minutes afterward we took a walk. We
found the quiet streets like Lexington and Park Avenues more impossible than
Fifth Avenue because a small crowd followed us and we attracted attention. When
we were on Fifth Avenue the following crowd was not noticeable among the many
thousands already there, so we took that as our route.

Upon our return to the apartment we tried to get Tumulty who was stopping
at the Knickerbocker Hotel. Dudley Malone told me last night that Tumulty was
in a bad humor and he thought it was caused by his not having been invited to go
to the theater with us last night. I telephoned him this morning and invited
him for tonight but was unable to reach him. I mentioned what Dudley had said
to the President, but he did not think Tumulty had any feeling of jealousy. I
differed from him and thought he had plenty of it in his composition.

Failing to get Tumulty after repeated calls, the President got on the
telephone himself and at last got in touch with him. Tumulty had no notion of
going to the ball game or of playing with us in any way. The President insisted
upon his going to the game and also to the theater tonight.

At luncheon Dr. Grayson, Eleanor and Loulie were present and we all went
to the Army-Navy Football Game afterward. I had some talk with Tumulty. I
found he had considerable feeling and yet I could not develop it. He said he
would tell me the whole story when he had a proper opportunity. As a matter of
fact, I think I know it. Dr. Grayson seems to be his trouble and I unwittingly
aggravated it by consulting with him regarding this trip.

At the game many people of distinction came to our box to pay their res-
pects to the President. Among them were Governor Glynn, Senator O'Gorman and
many others.

I suggested to the President after our return that he lie down and

(377)

sleep for awhile. I waked him at half past six so that he might dress for dinner. When he was lying in bed he asked if I had also rested. I answered that I seldom had the time to rest, that, in a way, I was as busy as he was. He said he was sorry for this, but I declared I deserved no sympathy because I enjoyed my work thoroughly and was in better health than I had been in twenty years.

Before dinner I explained my plan to counteract O'Gorman's influence in the Panama tolls question.

We discussed the currency measure slightly and also some appointments of minor interest. We talked of the French mission. He wanted to know what I thought of George Harvey for it. I felt we had better wait and see what Harvey had to say in the forthcoming number of the North American Review. He made no mention of Hugh Wallace but spoke of Untermyer, saying that McCombs had suggested him. He was quite emphatic in his decision not to appoint him. I said, in my opinion, Untermyer was trying to do right and was accomplishing a great deal of good; that he had made all the money he desired and was now devoting himself to public and charitable purposes. I related a discussion I had heard concerning Untermyer, one man taking the stand that his success had a bad influence upon the youth of the country, the other contended that his failure to obtain public recognition was in itself a good lesson to the youth of the country. The President thought both gentlemen were correct. Personally I am not certain, for Untermyer has done many things of great public value.

We dined alone with Dr. Grayson, the President's Aide, and then went to the Astor Theater to see "The Seven Keys to Baldpate". We were met at the theater by the rest of the party, Loulie, Eleanor, Nona McAdoo, Janet, Secretary McAdoo, Tumulty, Dr. Grayson, Gordon and his brother Rex. After the theater the President went directly to his private car and took the midnight train for Washington.

November 30, 1913.

Mrs. Harriman came in to discuss Municipal affairs, international affairs,

(378)

and some other matters. McAdoo came to lunch. We had a two hour conference afterward, largely upon the growing business depression and the proper way to meet it. We also discussed Tumulty. He told how offensive Tumulty had been and mentioned many incidents. For instance, when the President invited them all to come with him on his car, when they were on their way to Beverly to see me, Tumulty took possession of one of the two large staterooms, the President occupying the other, while McAdoo, although second in rank in the Cabinet, had to consent himself with inferior accommodation.

Malone came in and spent the evening. We also discussed Tumulty. He said Tumulty remarked, "I am all right to do the drudgery, but when anything of this kind is on, Catholics are not wanted", meaning the theater party to which I had invited Malone and had overlooked him.

Malone and I went over New York City and State matters. It was agreed that he should go to Albany on his way to Boston and see Governor Glynn, taking a message from me concerning my decision not to do more than to act in an advisory capacity either in State or Municipal affairs. He is to say that we will support him to the limit provided he adopts clean and progressive measures.

December 1, 1913.

This has been one of the busiest days I have known in months. A constant stream of callers and telephone talks, besides a burdensome mail. The two most interesting people were Mr. Charles C. Burlingham, who is always delightful, and young Harold Fowler, Private Secretary to Walter Page. He brought many messages from Page and asked about a number of things,-- the relations between this country and Great Britain regarding Mexico, the Panama tolls, etc. etc.

I was able to give him much information which they did not have in London. He said Page was happy in his work, but the expense of the Embassy was running ahead even of the estimate we had made when I was there. I asked him to tell Page that I had read to the President his letter on this subject and he had expressed deep regret, and hoped nothing would occur to prevent him from continuing

(379)

at his post.

December 2, 1913.

It has been another busy day. I went to the University Club to lunch with Norman Hapgood. The other guests were Sir William Tyrrell, Sidney Brooks, Amos Pinchot and Thomas Lamont of Morgan & Co. I talked almost exclusively to Brooks as he is leaving on the Lusitania tonight, and I am having Tyrrell to dinner. Brooks has seen something of General Leonard Wood while here. He considers Wood and Root the ablest men we have in our public life. He was surprised when Wood told him the President had never called him, Wood, in consultation regarding Mexico, and had never asked him anything about the plan of campaign in the event war should occur. He said Wood told him exactly what he had in mind, and illustrated it upon a large map which hung in his office.

I consider that General Wood was exceedingly indiscreet, both in mentioning to Brooks, a foreigner, the fact that the President had not consulted him, and even more so in discussing a plan of campaign which we might follow in the event of war.

Brooks considers that the President has been almost too successful so far and that a reaction would take place.

Sir William Tyrrell came informally to dinner. I had no one but the family present as we had planned to have a final talk before he sailed. He feels that his visit to Washington has been a great success. He said the best work Page had done was bringing together Sir Edward Grey and me, for it had been of incalculable service to our two countries. We talked of the Panama tolls question. That it the subject uppermost in the minds of the British Government. I declared it my purpose to keep actively at it until it was satisfactorily settled.

I told him the next thing I wished to do was to bring about an understanding between France, Germany, England and the United States regarding a reduction of armaments, both military and naval. I said it was an ambitious undertaking

Note. 1922. This is the first person of influence to whom I imparted my idea on this subject. I had given it much thought and concluded Sir William might give me suggestions of value. F. H. R.

(380)

but was so well worth while that I intended to try it. He thought it one of the most far-reaching and beneficent things that could be done. He thought if we continued as at present, ruin would eventually follow, and in the meanwhile it would prevent us from solving the vexatious industrial problems we are all facing. He considered I had "a good sporting chance of success".

I asked him to suggest my procedure, and we discussed that at length. He thought I should go to Germany and see the Kaiser first, and afterward the Ministers of Foreign Affairs and Finance. He said I would find them responsive to the idea, but that the Minister of Marine, Von Tirpitz, was a reactionary and largely responsible for the present German policy.

He did not think it necessary for me to take any credentials. He advised having our Ambassador in Germany to whisper to the Kaiser that I was "the power behind the throne" in the United States. That if this were done, I would have to warn our Ambassador to tell official Berlin I did not care for "fuss and feathers" otherwise I would have red carpets laid for me all over Berlin.

He thought I should proceed quietly and secretly, but should secure an audience with the Kaiser and say to him, among other things, that England and America "had buried the hatchet" and there was a strong feeling that Germany should come into this good feeling and evidence their good intention by agreeing to stop building an extravagant navy, and to curtail militarism generally.

Sir William Assured me that England would cooperate with Germany cordially, and had been ready to do so for a long while. He saw no cause for difference between them. With England, United States, France and Germany we both thought the balance of the world would follow in line and a great change would come about. He said the Kaiser was a speculacular individual and partook more of French qualities than he did of German. He likened him to Roosevelt. He thought they both lacked genuine courage; that the Kaiser was afraid of public opinion and he believed he was actually afraid of war.

(381)

Sir William promised to give me all the memoranda passed between Great Britain and Germany upon this question of disarmament in order that I might see how entirely right Great Britain had been in her position.

There was one unpleasany incident of Sir William's visit in the United States
He met Harry Payne Whitney at the country home of his sister, Mrs. Willard
Straight, last Sunday, and Whitney was offensive in his remarks concerning the
British Admiral in Mexican waters having placed himself second to the American
Commander, although by seniority he ranked first. It was an act of courtesy
upon the British Admiral's part, and was probably suggested by his Government,
all of which made Whitney's remarks the more discourteous.

Sir William gave me his address where letters could reach him safely with-
out being opened, and also his cable address for confidential messages.

December 3, 1913.

Robert Underwood Johnson was my first caller. It was of course about
the Hetch Hetchey Bill. I entirely sympathize with their view of it but I
fear the President does not. He believes it will not injure the Valley and
that they are impractical sentimentalists. I suggested delay to the President
so as to give the currency the right of way, although this will be a difficult
undertaking.

I had many telephone calls and callers of more or less importance. Mr.
Edward Filene and Mr. Fahey of Boston came to discuss the United States Chamber
of Commerce, and to tell of the beneficial work it was doing. Through this
the best
Chamber they have been able to get a consensus of opinion throughout America
upon different important matters coming before Congress. They asked me to
suggest a successor to the retiring President of the Chamber and also to ex-
plain to Mr. Wilson the beneficial results of their work.

Montgomery Hare was another caller. He is to arrange to have Mr. Antis-
dale of the Rochester Herald meet me at lunch at the Knickerbocker Club Friday.
Antisdale is supposed to be one of the best informed up-State progressives.

(382)

I have a remarkable letter from Henry M. Pindell of Peoria-- remarkable in that I have met him but once, and yet he sends me every detail concerning the American Embassy in St. Petersburg, even to the list of furniture in the house. He desires to call before leaving for Russia in order to discuss with me every phase of his duties.

Others called but I am making it a rule not to mention matters of no
special interest, for I find the diary is becoming burdensome.

T. W. Gregory was with me a part of the morning discussing the New Haven
matters

Ry. xxxix of which he has charge for the Government. He believes there is a
fair prospect of an agreement being reached without suit.

I lunched with Montgomery Hare and Lewis M. Antisdale. We laid out plans
for the breaking up of Tammany and boss rule in upper New York. Something more
than a majority of democrats live above the Bronx, but during the last few years
they have been the tail to the Tammany kite.

Peter Clark Macfarlane was one of my callers. He wished to know something
of Administration policies which would enable him to write intelligently for
Colliers and other periodicals with which he is connected.

As he left, E. S. Martin came in. I introduced them and Macfarlane said:
"I find this to be the intellectual clearing house of America". Martin replied,
"Yes, House is a great institution".

r
Martin wished me to urge the President to appoint George Hayey Am-
bassador to France. He thought the President should pay no attention to what
he has written, that he is like a child with a fiddle, and should not be blamed
for playing it badly.

I have a letter from Mr. Bryan saying he will lunch with me on Wed-
nesday of next week. December 10th. It is my purpose to introduce him to a
new element.

December 6, 1913.

Another busy day, although I had decided to give myself Saturday and

(383)

Sunday for a measurable rest.

My most interesting conversation was with Robert W. Woolley, Auditor of the Interior Department. He told of the disorderly way in which the Pension Bureau was conducted. Also of the useless employees there were in that department. He expressed gratification at my recommendation to the President the two Commissioners for the District of Columbia who were appointed, and who were suggested to me by Woolley. They are doing good work and I am to get in touch with them when I go to Washington in order to learn something of District matters.

Walter Page sends me another budget from London. It is as interesting as anything he has written. He tells the story of Lord Cowdrey and his campaign to be made a Peer and to become a figure in governmental matters. It is an interesting tale and deserves to be written up properly.

He also tells of his intention to try and have Sir Lionel Carden removed from Mexico and placed where his sphere of influence will not permit his suspected anti-American feeling to have much play.

Page writes that he is trying to educate the British Government and people to a realization of President Wilson's foreign policy and motives. His letters are so interesting that I wish them to form a part of this diary.

We went to the opera with the Montgomery Hares. Many people came into the box during the acts.

December 7, 1913.

McReynolds came in this morning. He has notified the American Telegraph & Telephone Company that they must dispose of their Western Union stock; that they must permit independent lines to use their long distance wires at reasonable rates, and must not in the future buy any more independent companies.

He went into New Haven matters in detail. But our most important discussion was the Supreme Court vacancy which is expected to occur in February.

(384)

Our final conclusion was that it would be better if the President should not
make the selection until the summer or Autumn just before the Court convenes.
This would give McReynolds a chance to finish much of the litigation pending
and would allow the President more time to select his successor. McReynolds
did not think Secretary Garrison enough of a lawyer to fill the place, neither
did he think of anyone else at the moment.

Robert Underwood Johnson followed McReynolds. He was distressed over
the passage of the Hetch-Hetchey Bill in the Senate. We talked at length con-
cerning disarmament and of the Panama tolls question. He has the correct view
on both propositions as I see it. He is a fine old gentleman. He was at the
Century Club last night when I was elected a member, and said the group of mem-
bers there, expressed pleasure at my election.

December 8, 1913.

McAdoo telephoned from Washington and talked fifteen or twenty minutes.
He explained something about the currency bill and discussed the composition of
the organization committee which will put it in operation. He asked me to sug-
gest names of a banker, an attorney and an accountant suitable for this work.
He asked me to convey a message to Mr. Hepburn of the Chase National to the ef-
fect he would be glad to see him in Washington.

Mark Sullivan, Editor of Collier's, Peter Clark Macfarlane, and T. W.
Gregory came to lunch. I found Sullivan a interesting man. He stated that
Collier's had a circulation of 750 000 and could easily run it up to a
1 000 000, but the larger the circulation the more it cost them on a basis of
five cents a copy at which it is now selling. As soon as business grows bet-
ter and they can secure more advertisements they will turn it loose and get
the larger circulation. He said 60% of their advertising revenue came from
automobile companies. He regretted this as a bad feature of the periodical
business for, sooner or later, there would be a cessation of this kind of reve-
nue.

(385)

He discussed philosophically the periodical and magazine business as it stands today. He thought the Government should have two rates of postage, one for those having no advertisements and another much higher for those carrying them. In this way it would be possible for anyone to give their views regarding public matters cheaply, whereas the advertising medium should be made to pay well for, as a matter of fact, they were merely a syndicate of advertisers banded together for the purpose of profit. Thus, he said, soap, automobiles and food product concerns might easily club together and start a periodical and get an enormous circulation for it, advertising their own business. Even though the periodical was uncontrolled, as far as the editorial page was concerned, it would bring their advertisements into the view of a class they could not otherwise reach.

He spoke of the President's plan for presidential primaries. He sees two objections from a democratic viewpoint. One is that under such a law Roosevelt would almost surely capture the republican progressive nomination, going into both primaries and becoming the candidate of both parties.

Another consideration was the effect it would have on the Negro question in the South. He thought it likely the Southern people would support the President's plan on that account.

Mrs Henry Fairfield Osborn called about the Hetch-Hetchey Bill. Mr. White, our late Minister to Honduras also called He desires to get back into the Service.

December 9, 1913.

I have had a busy day but one of not much interest. I am giving a luncheon at the Century Club tomorrow in honor of Mr. Bryan. The guests are to be William Church Osborn, Robert Underwood Johnson Lawrence Godkin, Ellery Sedgwick, Norman Hapgood, E. S. Martin, Chas. C. Burlingham, Cass Gilbert and John Finley.

(386)

Martin tells me there is some criticism among certain members of the club because of my having Mr. Bryan there to lunch. I would like to know how general it is, for I would resign if I thought any considerable number of the members resent having Mr. Bryan entertained there.

More dinner invitations came in, all of which I am declining. They elected me Honorary Chairman of the John Purroy Mitchel Testimonial Dinner, and this, too, I am declining.

Gregory came to dinner and we went to the theater together to see David Warfield in the Autioneer.

Wallace says ex-President Taft told him that Roosevelt was entirely responsible for the non-segregation of the steamship lines from the New Haven Ry. I gave this information to Gregory and asked him to find a memorandum in the Department of Justice to the effect that Roosevelt had issued this order. He said he had already come across it.

Gregory is disturbed over the appointments about to be made on the Interstate Commerce Commission. He is afraid if the President is not careful in his selection, a majority of the Commission will be in favor of permitting the New Haven to retain their steamship lines. Gregory has recommended to the Attorney General to bring criminal action against the officials of the New Haven have who had been guilty of illicit practices. He believes if the lawyers who have woven the web could be indicted and emprisoned, it would be of great service to the country.

December 10, 1913.

I arose at half past six and went to the station to meet Mr. Bryan. We had talks before, at and after breakfast. His interest in the next presidential election grows apace. We discussed the President's attitude toward the platform demand declaring for a single term. Mr. Bryan said he did not wish to embarrass him in any way and he hoped the matter would not be brought up

(387)

for the present, but he also hoped the President would finally see his way clear
to support it. He was perfectly willing that neither the President nor Mr.
Taft should be included in the provision of the bill, but he is very earnestly
in favor of it. I was sure the President had no thought of himself when he
gave his opinion that it was not a good plan to limit the terms of a President.
Mr. Bryan agreed with this, but thought the President was mistaken. I agreed
only as regards more than two terms. In two terms I see no objection, but
much to commend. One term of four years is not sufficient for a man of parts
to do the work which he would necessarily cut out for himself.

I told Mr. Bryan it would not be hard for him, Mr. Bryan, to be nom-
inated, that the difficulty would come at the election. We discussed a large
range of subjects including kxk trust s, currency, judicial reform, foreign ap-
pointments etc. etc.

Later Montgomery Flagg came in to draw a cartoon of him. Mr. Bryan was in
a happy mood. He told Flagg that he would not notice that his nose was one
sided. He said he had called Mrs. Bryan's attention to this before they were
married, telling her that one of the deer on his father's place had struck his
nose with his hoof. Later Mrs. Bryan saw his mother and she quietly remarked
that the deer must have hit her nose too as she had the same defect.

He spoke of gaining weight and said it distressed Mrs. Bryan. When he
first began to take on flesh she would continually call his attention to the
death of every fat man they knew. He finally asked if thin men never died and
started calling her attention to some of these.

He began to grow heavier shortly after 1896 and someone remarked in
1909 that perhaps it was because he had swallowed so many defeats. He at-
tempted to diet, and being told to stop drinking water with his means he tried
it two weeks and found he had gained two pounds. A neighbor in Lincoln told
him if he would take certain exercises, morning and night, it would reduce him.
After doing this two weeks someone told him this neighbor had gone crazy as

(388)

the result of too much exercise. He finally told Mrs. Bryan that he preferred to be fat rather than crazy.

At one o'clock we went to the Century Club and had a very enjoyable luncheon. The conversation was upon general topics but finally drifted into the trust question for which I was sorry as most of the crowd were antagonistic to Mr. Bryan's views.

Mr. Bryan tells me that the Russian Government object to Pindell of Peoria and he is to impart the news to Pindell at six o'clock. I invited Pindell to come over from the Vanderbilt Hotel, but I did not have the heart to see him myself when he heard the news of his defeat. (Note)

Mr. Bryan and I are going to Washington tonight. During our general conversation, one thing he said to me was, "Once you told me that you thought if I accepted the Secretaryship of State, it would mean my election to the Presidency Mrs. Bryan was wondered whether that was your own observation or whether it was that of the President". I answered that it was my own observation.

Washington, December 11, 1913.

When we arrived this morning I drove in his carriage first to his home where he got out and then I went to McAdoo'S.

McAdoo and I talked about possible selections for the Federal Reserve Board, in the event the currency bill passes. Later in the day the President also talked to me about these appointments and asked my opinion of J. J. Hill and George Foster Peabody. I was afraid Hill would dominate the Board but his appointment would be approved by that element in the country now opposed to the Administration. George Foster Peabody I thought would be an excellent selection.

I drove from McAdoo's to the White House offices. Tumulty was in a great upset concerning some rumor he had heard about Mrs. Harriman and me investigating him. This miserable gossip and mischief making is very dis-

This was never made public.

Note.

(389)

tressing to me. It shows what a petty mind Tumulty had to be so upset about
such things when so many important affairs are pending solution.

I lunched at the British Embassy. I was the only guest. Sir Cecil
Spring-Rice and I talked of the Panama tolls question and he agreed to leave
the matter alone and let us take it up at our leisure and handle it in the way
we thought best. He said that as far as the monetery end of it was concerned,
the British Government would perhaps lose more by their interpretation of the
treaty than by ours, but the thing they had most in mind was maintaining invio-
lable treaty obligations. He said in Southern Europe that question was constant-
ly to the fore, and the next time it arose after the United States had violated
the Hap-Pauncefort Treaty, the fact would be thoroughly threshed out, and it
would be said that Great Britain made no objection to the violation of a treaty
where the United States was concerned, but when one of the smaller nations of
Eastern Europe did so, a great hue and cry was raised.

After lunch Dr. Grayson said the President would like to see me, although
he has been sick in bed for several days and no one has been allowed to visit.
him. I found him very miserable, but was pleased to leave him in a happier
frame of mind, and Dr. Grayson thought my visit had done him good. We did not
talk of serious matters, but I told him what jokes and amusing stories I could
remember and tried to divert him.

After leaving him I went to the White House offices and had a talk
with Tumulty about the everlasting Mrs. Harriman matter. While there Thad
Thomson, our Minister to Columbia, came in and we had an hour's conference con-
cerning the difficulties between our Government and that of Columbia. They
want fifty million dollars in settlement of the Panama territorial controversy.
We have offered them seventeen millions, and Thad thinks that twenty-five mil-
lions will satisfy them. There are also some small differences as to territory
between Panama and Columbia which must be settled. The President and Foreign

(390)

Minister of Columbia assure him that Columbia will not grant Lord Cowdrey's oil company any concessions not approved by our Government.

I intended to return to New York tonight but Dr. Grayson asked me to remain over and see the President in the morning. He thought it would do him good.

McAdoo, Grayson and I went to the theater to see "Broadway Jones".

R. W. Woolley wants me to meet the two District Commissioners at lunch tomorrow in order to help them with some pending legislation, but I shall not be able to do so.

December 12, 1913.

Lane and I had a long talk over the telephone. He said; "McAdoo is a wizard. It looks to me as if you would be able to make another President", meaning, of course, McAdoo. I am sorry the minds of people are running in that direction as it will neither help McAdoo nor me.

Houston and Burlerson came around to see me. I first took up with them the question of Cabinet officers not making speeches without the President's permission, and perhaps not making any speeches unless the President had something in particular for them to say to the country about their departments. I thought the present habit of members of the Cabinet making indiscriminate speeches was very bad, and often embarrassing. I suggested that if the President would designate them to speak upon certain subjects at certain times, what they said would have much weight and would be almost equal to a presidential utterance.

I found there was some feeling among the members of the Cabinet because the Friday Cabinet meetings had been discontinued. I agreed to mention it to the President and ask him to resume them. Later in the day I did this and the President consented to do so.

The President was pleased when I told him I had spoken to a sufficient

(391)

number of the Cabinet to insure the adoption of my suggestion that no speeches should be made in the future without his consent, and only when he thought the occasion demanded it.

Burleson and Houston discussed with me the bringing together of the pro-
ducer and consumer. They have some plan by which they think this can be accom-
plished and thereby bring down the cost of living. I urged them to push it
and get conclusions as quickly as possible. It has to do with the workings of
the parcel post.

And this reminds me that most of the Cabinet have invited us to their va-
rious dinners to the President. Houston's dinner does not occur until the 5th
of March, but most of them will take place while we are South. Mr. Bryan's is
on the 15th of January, and that we expect to attend. I have consented to stop
with the Burlesons when I am in Washington again unless I stay at the White
House. Tumulty said the President did not like my stopping with McAdoo this
time, when he had invited me to the White House. I hesitate to go there, how-
ever, for more reasons than one, although I enjoy being with the President.

Houston, Burleson and I drove to the Treasury and McAdoo informed me
the President was waiting to see me. I went to the White House at 10.45 and
remained until nearly noon. I found the President better. Before going in
Mrs. Wilson and I had a talk. She wanted to know what I thought of George Har-
vey being appointed xx as Ambassador to France. I was non-committal and for
reasons which I did not explain. I would like to see Hugh Wallace have this,
and I doubt whether Harvey would be a good appointment, either politically or
actually.

The President almost immediately began to talk about the currency bill
and the Federal Reserve appointments. I switched him off these subjects as
soon as possible, for I did not think he was well enough to discuss such matters.
I read him Walter Page's last letter, consisting of ten closely written pages,

(392)

dealing with Lord Cowdrey, Sir Lionel Carden and our relations with England.
These letters should be incorporated in my diary. The President was delighted
with Page's comments upon current English politics. Page also sent me a re-
markable letter from a lady of the nobility which he asked me to burn after read-
ing to the President. I started to burn it when the President remarked, "let me
see if I have the facts in the letter right". He then repeated it almost verba-
tim, and I dropped it in the grate. The letter referred to Lord Cowdrey and
the manner in which he injected himself into politics; the amount of money he had
given, to whom and for what purposes. It also touched upon the Mexican oil sit-
uation and upon the burning of that grade of oil on battleships.

The President was delighted with what Page had to say about teaching Eng-
lishmen true democracy. "To kill with them means territory and aggrandizement-
with us to kill, means liberty", said Page.

I suggested William Phillips of Boston for Third Assistant Secretary of
State.

I then gave him in detail my plan for international disarmament. I
went over with him the <u>XXXXXXXXXX</u> pretty much the ground I had with Sir William
Tyrrell. I was pleased to obtain his warm approval and cooperation. He said
"I am afraid your health will not permit you to go abroad before spring". I
agreed to this. He made the same comment as Sir William, and that was it
would not prevent a cut in the coming budget, but he made a suggestion which
seems admirable, that is, he would try and get Congress to put in a clause au-
thorizing him to eliminate the building of the two battleships which are now
being considered, provided a naval holiday was approved by other nations. (Note)

I told him our enemies were trying to divide us and endeavoring to make
trouble by starting false reports. He replied, "what fools, do they think we
have no sense?"

I urged him to make his vacation longer than he intended. He thought

(393)

it absolutely necessary for him to be back by the sixth of January when he gives
his first diplomatic reception, for all other functions in Washington depend upon
those of the White House

He said he had not slept well the night before; that he had nightmares,
and that he thought he was seeing some of his Princeton enemies. Those terrible
days have sunk deep into his soul and he will carry their marks to his grave.

I urged him not to tax his strength by other legislation as strenuously as he
had the tariff and currency, and he promised he would not.

In speaking of Billy Phillips' appointment I thought him the kind of man that
should be appointed for the reason that Mr. Bryan had filled the State Department
with men who would do admirably in the Department of Agriculture, but are not fit
ted for the State Department. This amused him but said it was entirely true.
He asked if I thought Mr. Bryan could be elected President. I thought not,
and if for no other reason, because he had shown himself such a poor judge of
men. He agreed with this.

After leaving the President I went to the White House offices to see Tumulty.
He said I had been like a father to him; that I was his friend when he had none.
He also said he had told people in New Jersey who had asked whether I was his
friend, "Colonel House gave me my present place". There is something about
Tumulty I do not understand.

New York, December 13, 1913.

A busy though not very important day. I had an interview with Mrs. Harriman last night concerning the Tumulty embroglio, and she called me over the telephone early this morning. She later brought Surveyor of the Port, Wittpen to see me, for he is involved in the controversy. Wittpen denied ever having told Tumulty anything about Mrs. Harriman. Later he thought perhaps, seven or eight weeks ago, he had said something to him about the matter, but he did not remember having mentioned Mrs. Harriman's name or mine. I reminded him that Tumulty said

(39¢)

he had told him last week. He fumbled a little but declared Tumulty was mistaken, that he, Tumulty, had a vivid imagination and this kind of thing was not unusual, and it seemed to him like a tempest in a teapot.

I suggested his going to Washington with Mrs. Harriman to talk the matter over with Tumulty, but he thought it best for her to go alone and for him to go next week.

There was nothing of interest during the day. Randolph Coolidge, President of the Boston Chamber of Commerce, called in the evening and remained until ten o'clock. He discussed Boston & Maine matters, and the effect of the New Haven situation upon that road and upon Boston.

December 14, 1913.

Billy Phillips of Boston arrived this morning. He had just returned from Washington and said everyone told him there that he was to be appoint Third Secretary of State. Even Mr. Moore had mentioned it to him. He was anxious to know what there was in it. I replied the President had one man in mind and Mr. Bryan, another, and they had not considered his name. I told him, however, of my conversation with the President about him, and I thought he had an excellent chance for the appointment.

Mrs. Harriman telephoned from Washington something of the talk she had with Tumulty. Tumulty told her if what he heard she had said was true, he intended to either run her out of Washington or resign his position as Secretary to the President. What a gentlemenly fellow Tumulty is!

We went to dinner with Charles R. Crane at the St. Regis. There were many interesting guests, among them Dr. Richter of Vienna, who has written perhaps the best books upon English parliamentary laws extant. Mr. Carl Bittes, the sculptor, Miss Lillian Wald, the social worker, the two Miss Goldmarks, Professor Howe, of the People's Institute, Lawrence Godkin and Norman Hapgood.

(395)

December 15, 1913.

I had a number of telephone calls. Mrs. Harriman called from Washington to tell of another interview with Tumulty. She said the White House had invited Mr. and Mrs. John Purroy Mitchel to the Cabinet dinner through her, and she asked me to extend the invitation to them, which I did. The Mitchels are to stop with her and the White House thought they were already there.

Mr. A. H. Eastmond a prominent and original Wilson supporter of Brooklyn called. He is not satisfied with the way the President is distributing patronage in New York, and thinks the Wilson men and the Independent Democrats have been ignored for the anti-Wilson men and machine democrats. I promised to look into it.

Isaac Russell of the New York Times came to tell me something of the iniquities of Secretary Knox's administration of the State Department, and to urge that some of them be remedied. This I also promised to look into.

Mr. Stephens came concerning the Immigration Commissionship, and my most important and last caller was Mr. William J. Flynn, Chief of the Secret Service Bureau. Dudley Malone sent him to me in order that I might look him over as a possible Police Commissioner. I had him explain his views in detail and, barring a better man, I think he might do. There was one thing he told me which was of more than passing interest and that was concerning the protection of the President. He said if anyone was seriously intent upon killing the President it would be difficult for the entire U. S. Army to prevent it. He confirmed my own thought in the matter. The protection thrown around the President is entirely inadequate. Secret Service men, even in Washington, do not watch the house at night after the President has retired. This is left to the ordinary District of Columbia police who are detailed in the White House grounds for that purpose.

December 16, 1913.

My morning was very much disturbed by visitors and telephone calls. Two

(396)

of these were from Washington-- Secretary McAdoo and Mrs. Harriman.

Mr. Paul Warburg and Major Henry L. Higginson talked to me over the telephone and the latter came to call. I did not wish to see him, but he was so insistent and he is such a fine and distinguished gentleman that I consented. He was very complimentary and seemed to regret that I was not in charge of everything in Washington. He said people thought I did things effectively and with the least possible friction, and that my advice was constructive and conservative.

December 17, 1913.

Nothing of importance today. My brother-in-law, Sidney E. Mezes, came in from Washington and I am arranging to have him meet some of the Trustees of the College of the City of New York, of which institution I hope to see him elected President.

We dined last night with Lawrence Godkin to meet Sir Horace Plunkett. We had a delightful time. Sir Horace is disturbed over the Home Rule Bill, fearing there may be trouble in Ulster. I did not tell him what the British Ministry had in mind as a compromise, for Sir William Tyrrell had told me in confidence. I suggested, however, that some compromise would probably be made which would meet the situation.

Sir Horace said the best book that had been written upon American institutions had been written by an Englishman, James Bryce, and the best that had been written upon English Governmental affairs had an American author, Lawrence Lowell.

He expects to spend a few days with Lowell as his guest in order to get his viewpoint on the Irish situation. I explained to Sir Horace and Godkin the President's Mexican policy, and told them of the work that had been done recently towards bringing the United States and Great Britain in closer sympathy. They are both friends of Sir Cecil Spring-Rice and they regret he is not in better health. He has some form of goitre.

(397)

December 18, 19, & 20, 1913.

I have been very busy during the past few days and have neglected the diary. Among those calling have been Dr. A. C. Miller of the University of California, Montgomery Hare, Bob Adamson, Fred Lynch of Minnesota, Mr. Carstairs of Philadelphia, Dudley Malone, etc. etc.

Fred Lynch discussed the Federal Reserve Board. He did not think it would be a good idea to fill the board with men of the type of J. J. Hill. I myself, think that one of this kind is all the Board could stand.

I have a letter from Dr. Charles W. Eliot suggesting A. Piatt Andrew. I have written him that Andrew's well known antagonism to the Bill would probably make his appointment inadvisable, and I asked for further suggestions. I believe one, at least, of that type should be on the Board.

Lynch gave me a list of men whom Roger Sullivan of Illinois would like appointed to the vacancies on the Federal Bench of that State. Sullivan's recommendations for judships do not appeal to me.

With Dudley Malone I went over the New York State and City situations. Banton Moore called in behalf of his uncle, Job H. Banton, who would like to be appointed to the Federal District Bench here when Judge Holt resigns.

Bob Adamson wanted advice as to his own fortunes. He has been offered the management of the New York Daily Press at a salary of $15,000. Mitchel has offered him a Commissionership or Private Secretary. I was inclined to advise the management of the Press, but he said Mr. Munsey was such an uncertain quantity he was afraid to link himself up with a paper owned by him; that the paper was not making money, and Munsey might decide at any time to sell or put it in the scrap heap.

I have had numerous telephone calls from Washington. The President wished to know my opinion of Mr. Maltby one of the Civil Service Commissioners here. He is considering him for Interstate Commerce Commissioner.

(398)

Tumulty and McAdoo have had a difference concerning the Federal Reserve Board appointments. Tumulty has advised the President to make the appointments immediately and McAdoo advises delay until a careful survey has been made and a good team selected that will work together harmoniously. They both wish me to come to Washington and I have agreed to go tonight. They are both right and both wrong. I think the President should make these appointments as soon as possible but he should not make them until he has canvassed the situation thoroughly, and made the best possible selections regardless of how much time it takes. He has four months in which to survey the field, but Tumulty wants him to do it within a week.

Tumulty talks too much. I find evidences of it on every hand. Stories come to me every day of his indiscretions in this direction. I feel somewhat humiliated when I think of my warm advocacy of Tumulty for Private Secretary. The President desired a man of refinement and discretion and of broad vision. He has instead just the opposite and almost wholly at my instance. However, the post is a difficult one and a mistake would probably have been made in the other directions. Tumulty has good sense, but it is becoming warped by his growing egotism and jealousy concerning everyone near the President.

This, the 20th, was a gala day. Not only the Currency Bill passed, but McReynolds settled, out of court, the differences with the American Telephone and Telegraph Company. I sent telegrams of congratulations to the President, McReynolds, McAdoo and Senator Owen. It looks as if McReynolds was making good, and I am much pleased for I feel responsible for him.

December 21, 1913.

An unusual number of visitors today. Among them Clarence Shearn, James Creelman, A. C. Miller and others. Creelman thinks this Administration has the "closest mouth" of any he has known and he complains bitterly of the reticence.

(399)

I looked Miller over for the Federal Reserve Board and I think he may do. I
shall suggest his name to the President tomorrow. I am leaving tonight for
Washington.

Washington, December 22, 1913.

McAdoo's carriage met me and I drove to his home for breakfast. He came to my room in his pajamas, half asleep. He had been up practically all night so as to be in touch by telephone with the House and Senate Conference Committee, which did not reach a conclusion until five o'clock this morning.

At breakfast he was irritated to read a statement in the Washington Post
saying that while the President and Mr. Bryan were away, Tumulty would be acting
President. He thought the article inspired by Tumulty.

During the morning I remained in McAdoo's private office telephoning some
of the Cabinet members, and making some memoranda of things I desired to discuss
with the President. I went to the White House shortly before one and had a
talk with Dr Grayson. Tumulty &nbsp; &nbsp; and Grayson joined us at lunch. After
lunch Sir Cecil Spring-Rice came to present the Carlisle Memorial to the Pres-
ident. It was his first appearance at the White House since his illness and
he was somewhat nervous over it. The President asked me to be present when he
received him in the Blue Room.

Immediately after lunch Mrs. Wilson and I had a talk concerning the fam-
ily finances, but it was interrupted by the arrival of the British Ambassador
and we agreed to continue it later. The President desired me to go to the
Princeton play, which was given this afternoon, but I was tired and had other
things to do. I planned to remain one day in Washington, but the President in-
sisted upon sending for my bags and stopping with him until tomorrow. I occupied
the Yellow Room.

When the President went to the play this afternoon I went back to Mc-