1

Transcript of Kissinger's Dinner Speech
in Honor of Walther Kiep

Over the years, I have talked with many of my German friends about the choices they had had to make in the Fifties - in the crises over Berlin or in the course of various attempts to deal with the dangers of nuclear war. And I recognize what an extraordinary achievement it has been that, in both Europe and in the North Atlantic relationship, Germany has become a messenger. And its message is partnership. It is proof of a success of enormous depth, and it speaks for wise leadership in the surrounding countries of the Atlantic. But without men like Walther Kiep, it could never have been operative in the hearts of the people on both sides of the Atlantic.

For thirty years, I have had the privilege of exchanging ideas with Walther. He has come to visit me not only about Germany's concerns but on such issues as aid to Turkey, on dealing with the Soviet Union, as well as on a whole range of subjects that have, more and more, come to constitute Atlantic relations.

Both of our countries, as well as the other European nations which are represented here tonight by their ambassadors - Great Britain and France - have come to the end of a period whose dilemmas have been reduced by success; by the fact that they have achieved everything they had set out to do. And yet I believe that at this very moment, the trans-Atlantic relationship - in its fullest sense - is more important than ever. We not only need to define what we mean by "Europe" but how that Europe should make its decisions and, above all, the nature of the common role that Europe and America must play together.

At a moment when there is such a need to bring democracy into areas which have had quite different histories from ours and quite different cultures, the most important task ahead for the Western democracies will be to pursue a common path. As an American, I am deeply grateful to all those who have contributed to the relationship between our two countries, a relationship which has enabled all of us to think of our German friends as sharing in a common destiny. Dialogue between us is, therefore, not only a matter of course but an exercise in friendship.

Walther, you have been a reliable and thoughtful friend. In the decade ahead, as we face even more complex tasks but

2

without the benefit of a clear-cut ideological conflict or of
clear-cut ideals, we shall have to generate our own purpose.
Therefore, I hope that you will continue to serve the common
cause and that all of us here, Germans and Americans but above
all Europeans and Americans, have the wisdom to define our
dual relationship so that we may be successful over the course
of the next generation, just as men like Walther had enabled
us to be in the last one.

So let me thank Beate and all the organizers of this
splendid event for giving me the opportunity to contribute in
saluting our friend, Walther. For he so quintessentially
represents the friendship between our two countries.

When my American friends talk about me, they always refer to
my German birth, which gives the general impression that I had
somehow managed to absorb Europe under the difficult
conditions of the Thirties. Yet the Germany which I got to
know - and with which I identify - is the Germany of the last
50 years. It is the Germany which created a democracy, which
pursued a creative foreign policy, and which established the
Western partnership. And that is the Germany which we owe to
all the German parties, to all of you are in this room, and to
men like Walther Kiep. It is this Germany, too, that I would
like to salute tonight.

Over the years, I have talked with many friends about the choices they had to make in the Fifties - in the crises over Berlin or in the course of various attempts to deal with the dangers of nuclear war. And I recognize what an extraordinary achievement it has been that, in both Europe and in the North Atlantic relationship, Germany has become a messenger. And its message is partnership. It is proof of a success of enormous depth, and it speaks for wise leadership in the surrounding countries of the Atlantic. But without men like Walther Kiep, it could never have been operative in the hearts of the people on both sides of the Atlantic.

Over the years, I have talked with many of my German friends about the choices they had had to make in the crises in the course of various attempts to deal with the dangers of nuclear war. And I recognize what an extraordinary achievement it has been that, in both Europe and in the North Atlantic relationship, Germany has become a messenger. And its message is partnership. It is proof of a success of enormous depth, and it speaks for wise leadership in the surrounding countries of the Atlantic. But without men like Walther Kiep, it could never have been operative in the hearts of the people on both sides of the Atlantic.

# Transcript of Kissinger's Dinner Speech

## in Honor of Walther Kiep

Over the years, I have talked with many of my German friends about the choices they had to make in the Fifties - in the crises over Berlin or in the course of various attempts to deal with the dangers of nuclear war. And I recognize what an extraordinary achievement it has been that, in both Europe and in the North Atlantic relationship, Germany has become a messenger. And its message is partnership. It is proof of a success of enormous depth, and it speaks for wise leadership in the surrounding countries of the Atlantic. But without men like Walther Kiep, it could never have been operative in the hearts of the people on both sides of the Atlantic.

[L]

-3-

Walther, you have been a reliable and thoughtful friend. In
the decade ahead, as we face even more complex tasks but
without the benefit of a clear-cut ideological conflict or of
clear-cut ideals, we shall have to generate our own purpose.

[L]

JUL-15-1994 10:33

GOLDHAMMER

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in Honor of Walther Kiep

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JUL-15-1994 10:33

GOLDHAMMER

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JUL-15-1994 10:33

GOLDHAMMER

212 4213934

P.03

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212 4213934

07-15-94 10:34AM

P003 #30

JUL-15-1994 10:33

GOLDHAMMER

212 4213934 P.04

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212 4213934

07-15-94 10:34AM P004 #30

JUL-15-1994 10:34

GOLDHAMMER

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JUL-12-1994 15:13

GOLDHAMMER

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## in Honor of Walther Kiep

JUL-12-1994 15:14

GOLDHAMMER

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GOLDHAMMER

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10

JUL-12-1994 15:15

GOLDHAMMER

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11

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12

TOTAL P. 12

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GOLDHAMMER

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P.01

1

Atlantik-Brucke Conference in Honour of Walther Leisler Kiep

Kissinger

Mr. Chairman, Ladies, and Gentlemen:

I have known Walther even longer than he has been head of
the Atlantic-Brucke and for nearly as long as I have been
actively involved in German-American relations - which has
been for all of my academic and political life.

Simply, therefore, I want to say what an honor it is to be
present here and to be paying tribute to Walther. Nor can I
think of a better way to do it than to assemble such a group
as this, and to talk about the key relationship in the
Atlantic area.

In this respect, for Americans to define Germany as the key
to Europe and to the Atlantic relationship, and for Germans to
define America as a central player surely represents the
beginning of wisdom. However, that by itself is not yet a

JUL-12-1994 15:11

GOLDHAMMER

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policy. And we have to be careful not to use sweeping slogans
as an expression of policy.

Both the United States and Germany face a totally novel
situation which they now must encapsule into a new kind of
relationship. For the United States, the novel situation is
that, for the first time in its history, it is involved in
international affairs without there being either an
ideological or some other clear-cut threat. This will make it
necessary for the United States to justify its relationships
to other peoples and societies on the basis of a general
concern for world order and fundamental concepts of stability
that have no precedent in American history and which have,
moreover, been rejected in the past by American intellectuals
as well as by American leaders of both political parties.

America has thus been launched onto unchartered waters and a
situation for President Clinton that is even more complex than

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the one President Truman had found himself in when he realized
that, for the first time in American history, he could not
disengage his country from Europe - as his predecessor,
Roosevelt, had wanted to.

On the German end, all of German policy up until the events
of five years ago had been based on the expectation that the
partition of Germany would last indefinitely. Therefore, to
achieve special legitimacy for the Federal Republic, to
demonstrate its unique reliability, and to render itself part
of an American-designed security system (and of the more or
less French-designed European Community system) represented
the essential elements of German foreign policy. Now that
Germany is united, it must conduct the foreign policy of a
great power but separate from its previous limitations of
having been divided and having had a Soviet army at the Elbe
threatening not just the Federal Republic but the rest of

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GOLDHAMMER

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Western Europe as well. Thus Germany, too, must rethink its policy. And all of this is occurring at the precise moment when, to the east of Germany, two sets of problems and challenges are manifest. Though sometimes equated, they are really two distinct and separate issues.

The first has to do with the future evolution of what used to be called the satellite orbit of the Soviet Union, including perhaps the Baltic States. The second relates to the future evolution of the former Soviet Union which, against everybody's expectations, has broken up into its constituent states.

Now Germany and the United States face parallel problems to which we need to find the answers. What, for instance, is the relationship of the former satellite orbit to the European Union and to NATO? What is the relationship of those two institutions to the former Soviet Union with respect to Russia

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and then with respect to the constituent republics into which
Russia has broken up - on the soil of all of which Russian
troops remain, though technically unnoticed by the
international community. It is truly an extraordinary
phenomenon that members of the United Nations should have on
their soil foreign troops which the international community
does not acknowledge.

These are problems for each of us separately as much as they
are problems for all of us together. And the overarching
question is whether there is still a need for the Atlantic
Community, for the special American-German relationship and,
if so, what that need is in its present form? I shall not
answer the questions I have raised but wish to point out the
following:

First, I do not believe that this relationship can any
longer be based entirely on security considerations. Rather,

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[Lc]

6

the United States and Europe must find a political expression
and some common political purposes and institutions in which
these can be embodied.

Second, both the United States and Germany have to define
what they mean by "Europe." Where does the new Europe begin
and where does it end? What is the relationship of the non-
NATO members of the European Union to the NATO members of the
European Union, and what, further, is the relationship of
all of those to the United States?

Third, an answer must be found to the problem of how to
establish good relations with Russia while at the same time
recognizing that the significant elements of the states
already granted associate membership in the European Union
still consider Russia a potential threat.

These are the issues before us. I believe that the West
requires an Atlantic relationship even more than it did in the

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days of the Cold War. We talk about spreading democracy to China, to Southeast Asia, and to countries which have no cultural relationship with us and where, as a result, our means of gaining influence are very limited. Yet, for the sake of the future of democracy, it is essential that the existing democracies find ways of giving expression to their common values in concrete terms, for instance by their ability to work together in relation to clearly foreseeable problems.

This I take to be the challenge for the afternoon. I see that our Chairman is convinced of it as well, for he is hinting to me that I have exceeded the time limit. But the reason I have done so is that, had I spoken for just five minutes, you would all have been present at an historic occasion and I would not have wanted to take quite so drastic a step.

Thank you very much.

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BETR.: Kissinger-Rede, 14.6.1994

DINNER

I have talked to many of my German friends about the choices they had to make in the fifties - in the crises over Berlin, or in the course of various attempts to deal with the dangers of nuclear war. I recognize what an extraordinary achievement it has been that in both Europe and in the North Atlantic relationship, Germany has become a messenger. Its message is partnership. It is proof of a success of extraordinary depth, and it speaks for wise leadership in the surrounding countries of the Atlantic. But without men like Walther Kiep, it could not have been active in the hearts of the people of both sides of the Atlantic.

For thirty years, I have had the privilege of exchanging ideas with Walther Kiep. He has come to visit me only on concerns of Germany, but also on such things as aid to Turkey, dealing with the Soviet Union, and on a whole range of issues that more and more have come to constitute Atlantic relations. Both our countries, as well as the other European countries that are represented here tonight by their ambassadors - Great Britain and France -, we all have come to the end of a period, whose dilemmas are now reduced by success: by the fact that they have achieved everything they set out to do. And yet I believe that at this very moment the transatlantic relationship, in the fullest sense of the word, is more important than ever. We have to define what we mean by Europe, how Europe should make its decisions, and - above all - what the common role is that Europe and America must play together.

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29 JUN '94 17:52 ATLANTIK-BRUECKE BONN

I am struck by the fact that - at a moment when there is so much of a need to try to bring democracy into areas that have had quite a different history and quite a different culture - the most important task is for those democracies that have excellent relations that derive from a common culture to pursue a common path. As an American, I am deeply grateful to all those who have contributed in such an extraordinary way to the relationship between our two countries - to the relationship that enabled all of us to think of our German friends as part of a common destiny, in which a dialogue between us is not only a matter of course, but an exercise of friendship.

You have been a reliable and thoughtful friend. In the decade ahead, when we face even more complex tasks, but where we have no clearcut ideological conflict and no clearcut ideals, we have to generate our own purpose. I hope that you will continue to serve the common cause and that all of us here, Germans and Americans, but above all Europeans and Americans, have the wisdom to define our dual relationship - to be as successful over the next generation as men like Walther enabled us to be in the last one.

So let me thank Beate and all the organizers of this splendid event for giving me this opportunity to contribute to our friend Walther Klep. It is a friendship between our two countries. My American friends, when they talk about me, always speak of my German birth and give the impression that I have somehow absorbed Europe under the difficult conditions of the thirties. But the Germany that I got to know - and with which I identify - is the Germany of the last fifty years. It is the Germany that has created a democracy, pursued a creative foreign policy, and established a Western partnership. That is the Germany which we owe to all German parties, to all of you who are in this room - to men like Walther Klep. It is this Germany that I would like to salute tonight.

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4 pages P.1

Atlantik-Brücke e. V.

DIE GESCHÄFTSFÜHRENDE
STELLVERTRETENDE VORSITZENDE

The Honorable
Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Kissinger Associates
350 Park Avenue, 26th Floor
New York, N.Y. 10022
USA

Telefax-Nr.: 001-212-753-7248

ADENAVERALLEE 131
53113 BONN
TELEFON (0228) 21 41 60/21 42 60
TELEFAX (0228) 21 46 59

POSTANSCHRIFT;
POSTFACH 1147
53001 BONN

Bonn, 04.07.1994

Lin/me

Dear Henry,

our American intern has transcribed your introduction on June 14 from the recording and I send it to you along with the letter. Please feel free to change whatever seems necessary. We will mail the transcript along with those of Naumann, Holbrooke and Karl Kaiser to our members.

Moreover, I would love to include your text in our "Festschrift" for Walther Klep which will go to the publisher next week. We may delete the first short paragraph and the last sentences which refer to the symposium. But I think it would make a good contribution to the book.

We would be most grateful if you would give us your approval at your earliest convenience. For your information I include the table of contents of the book. Needless to say: You are missing!

With warm personal regards,
Sincerely,

Beate Lindemann

Bankverbindung: M. M. Warburg Bank, Hamburg, H.L.Z 201 201 00, Kontonr. 219 048
Sitz des Vereins: Hamburg
Wtro Hamburg, Perlburgweg 60, 22393 Hamburg, Telefon (040) 400 70 88

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P.2

Atlantik-Brücke Conference in Honour of Walther Leisler Kiep

Kleasinger

Mr. Chairman and ladies and gentlemen, I have known Walther for even longer
than he has been head of the Atlantik-Brücke and almost, I would say, as long as I
have been actively involved in German-American relations - which is all of my
academic and political life - and I simply want to say what an honour it is. There will be
other opportunities to speak at greater length about Walther, to pay tribute to him and
I could not think of a better way to do it than to assemble such a group to talk about
the key relationship in the Atlantic area.

Now, I want to say frankly the following. For Americans to say that Germany is
the key to Europe and to the Atlantic relationship, and for Germans to say that
America is a central player, is the beginning of wisdom. But it is not yet a policy. And I
think we have to be careful not to use general slogans as an expression of policy.
Both the United States and Germany face a totally new situation which they now have
to express in a new relationship. For the United States the new situation is that for the
first time in American history we are involved now in International affairs without either
an ideological threat or a clear-cut geopolitical threat, so that the United States now
has to justify its relationship with other people, with other societies on the basis of a
general concern for world order, basic concepts of stability, which are novel in
American history, and which in fact have been rejected in the past by American
intellectuals and by American leaders of both parties. So America is in unchartered
waters, and the position of President Clinton is even more complex than that of
President Truman in the immediate postwar period, when President Truman for the
first time then in American history found that he could not disengage from Europe,
much as his predecessor President Roosevelt had wanted to. On the German side, all
of German policy until the events of five years ago was based on the expectation that
the partition of Germany would last a very long time. And therefore, to achieve special
legitimacy for the Federal Republic, to demonstrate special reliability and to make

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' 04 JUL. '94 16:41 ATLANTIK-BRUECKE BONN

Itself part of the American-designed security system and the more or less French-
designed European Community system, were essential elements of German foreign
policy. Now that Germany is united, it has to conduct the foreign policy of a great
power separate from its previous limitations produced by its division and separate
from the fact that a Soviet army threatening western Europe and the Federal Republic
was located on the Elbe. So Germany too has to rethink its policy. And all of this is
occurring at the moment when to the East of Germany there are two sets of problems
and challenges which are sometimes equated, but which really are somewhat
separate.

1.) The future evolution of what used to be called the satellite empire and
maybe as well the Baltic states;

2.) The future evolution of the former Soviet Union that against everybody's
expectation has broken up into its constituent states.

So Germany and the United States face parallel problems to which we now
have to find answers. What is to be the relationship of the former satellite orbits to the
European Union and to NATO? Secondly, what is the relationship of those two
Institutions to the former Soviet Union with respect to Russia and then with respect to
the constituent republics into which Russia has broken up, on the soil of all of which
Russian troops remain, officially unnoticed by the International community - an
extraordinary phenomenon. The members of the United Nations have on their soil
foreign troops that the International community does not acknowledge. Now these are
problems for each of us separately, but also for all of us together. Overriding all of
this is the question: Is their still a need for the Atlantic community and therefore for
special American-German relations, and what is that need? I will not answer the
questions that I have raised. But I will simply point out the following.

Firstly, I do not believe that this relationship can be based entirely on security
considerations anymore, but that Europe and the United States must find a political
expression and common political purposes and institutions in which they can be
embodied. Secondly, both the United States and Germany have to define what they

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mean by Europe. Where does Europe end - and begin? And what is the relationship
of the non-NATO members of the European Union to the NATO members of the
European Union and the relationship of all of those to America? Third, they have to
find an answer how to get into good relations with Russia, but at the same time
recognise that at least significant elements of states that have already been granted
associate membership in the European Union still consider Russia a potential threat.
Those are the issues before us. I believe that the West requires an Atlantic
relationship even more than it did in the days of Soviet threat. We keep talking about
spreading democracy to China and Southeast Asia and countries that have no cultural
relationship to it and where our means of influencing it is very limited. But for the
future of democracy it is essential that the existing democracies find ways of giving
expression to their common values in terms of concrete ability to work together in
relation to clearly foreseeable problems. This I take to be the challenge of this
afternoon. I see our chairman is convinced; he is hinting to me that I have exceeded
my time limit, and the reason I did so is if I spoke for five minutes you would all have
been present at an historic occasion, and I do not want to take such a drastic step.
Thank you very much.

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