Austrian Information, page 4

Volume 43, No. 9/10

HENRY KISSINGER REMEMBERS BRUNO KREISKY

A memorial Service for Bruno Kreisky was organized by the U.N. Association of Writers in conjunction with the Austrian Press and Information Service on September 28, 1990 at the U.N. Church Center in New York. The Honorable Henry Kissinger delivered the eulogy. Austria's Foreign Minister Alois Mock paid tribute to Bruno Kreisky. The Permanent Representative of Austria at the U.N., Ambassador Peter Hohenfellner, read a message from the Austrian Chancellor Franz Vranitzky. Hans Janitschek from the U.N. Association of Writers officiated as master of ceremony. The Austrian Ambassador to the U.S., Friedrich Hoess, Kitty Carlisle-Hart, a personal friend of the deceased, Honorary Consul General John Leslie, former U.S. Ambassadors to Austria, Milton Wolf and Henry Grunwald were among those mourning Kreisky. Text by Henry Kissinger follows.

There are few statesmen I thought I understood better—or liked and respected as much—as Bruno Kreisky. We were born a few hundred miles from each other, I in a country defeated in war and on the road to totalitarianism—he in a polyglot Empire on the road to dissolution. We both experienced the bitterness of the interwar period and we both learned what life was like as members of a persecuted minority under pressure. We were both refugees. And we were both propelled into high office quite unexpectedly.

Henry Kissinger

Photo Credit: Sharlene Spingler

I therefore understood Kreisky's passion for freedom, his life-long dedication to peace and I admired the verve and charm with which he pursued his mission. I felt for Kreisky an affection not untinged with occasional exasperation when his passion outran the resources at his disposal.

Bruno Kreisky served his country as Foreign Minister for seven years and as head of government for 13. He governed a state which was the German speaking vestige of a large multination-al Empire torn apart by World War I and mod-ern nationalism but for which many people in the Danube basin still feel considerable nostal-gia. In the interwar period the reason for its very existence was challenged until it was absorbed in 1938 by Germany.

It was only in Kreisky's period that Austria would pursue an international role unfettered by

either nostalgia or self-doubt. It was Bruno Kreisky's merit that Austria became established as a respected force for peace, as an advocate of hu-man rights, and as an experiment of a neutrality both active and democratic. Under his leadership, Austria—at the edge of the Iron Curtain—grew into a haven for refugees and a transit stop for Jews emigrating from the Soviet Union. Kreisky was a skillful mediator between the super-powers, though no one ever could doubt on which side he stood emotionally. And he tried—on the whole successfully—to use his country's experience to give some hope to the small coun-tries of Eastern Europe at the time still trapped behind the Iron Curtain.

When he went further afield into the shifting sands of the Middle East, he sometimes aroused passions that could not be translated into mean-ingful progress. But his goal was elevated and no one else has yet done much better.

I summed up my estimate of Kreisky as fol-lows in my memoirs:

"Nixon had a meeting with Austria's shrewd and perceptive Chancellor Bruno Kreisky, who had parlayed his country's formal neutrality into a position of influence beyond its strength, often

by interpreting the motives of competing coun-tries to each other. That he could bring off this balancing act was a tribute to his tact, his intelli-gence, and his instinct for the scope—and the limits—of indiscretion. He was much travelled; his comments on trends and personalities were invariably illuminating. He had a great sense of humor and far more geopolitical insight than many leaders from more powerful countries. One of the asymmetries of history is the lack of correspondence between the abilities of some leaders and the power of their countries... Nixon remarked later that he wished Kreisky could change places with some of the Socialist leaders in larger European countries whose insight and sturdiness Nixon rated less highly."

Bruno Kreisky was a great patriot who re-stored dignity to his country. He served the cause of peace with distinction. He was a defender of democracy and justice.

He was above all a warm human being. He made a difference to his country and to the cause of democracy and peace, and to all those lucky enough to have known him. The world will remember him, and his friends will miss him.

U.S. Secretary of State, James Baker and Austria's Foreign Minister Alois Mock at the Javits Con-vention Center.

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KREISKY EULOGY SEPTEMBER 28, 1990

There are few statesmen I thought I understood better - or liked and respected as much - as Bruno Kreisky. We were born a few hundred miles from each other, I in a country defeated in war and on the road to totalitarianism - he in a polyglot Empire on the road to dissolution. We both experienced the bitterness of the interwar period and we both learned what life was like as members of a persecuted minority under pressure. We were both refugees. And we were both propelled into high office quite unexpectedly.

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Bruno Kreisky served his country as Foreign Minister for seven years and as head of government for 13. He governed a state which was the German speaking vestige of a large multinational Empire torn apart by World War I and modern nationalism but for which many people in the Danube basin still feel considerable nostalgia. In the interwar period the reason for its very existence was challenged until it was absorbed in 1938 by Germany.

It was only in Kreisky's period that Austria would pursue an international role unfettered by either nostalgia or self-doubt. It was Bruno Kreisky's merit that Austria became established as a respected force for peace, as an advocate of human rights, and as an experiment of a neutrality both active and democratic. Under his leadership, Austria - at the edge of the Iron Curtain - grew into a haven for refugees and a transit stop for Jews emigrating from the Soviet Union. Kreisky was a skilful mediator

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between the superpowers, though no one ever could doubt on
which side he stood emotionally. And he tried - on the whole
successfully - to use his country's experience to give some
hope to the small countries of Eastern Europe at the time
still then trapped behind the Iron Curtain.

When he went further afield into the shifting sands of
the Middle East, he sometimes aroused passions that could
not be translated into meaningful progress. But his goal was
elevated and no one else has yet done much better.

I summed up my estimate of Kreisky as follows in my
memoirs:

"Nixon had a meeting with Austria's shrewd and perceptive Chancellor Bruno Kreisky, who had parlayed his country's formal neutrality into a position of influence beyond its strength, often by interpreting the motives of competing countries to each other. That he could bring off this balancing act was a tribute to his tact, his intelligence,

-4-

and his instinct for the scope - and the limits - of indis-
cretion. He was much travelled; his comments on trends and
personalities were invariably illuminating. He had a great
sense of humor and far more geopolitical insight than many
leaders from more powerful countries. One of the asymmetries
of history is the lack of correspondence between the abili-
ties of some leaders and the power of their coun-
tries...Nixon remarked later that he wished Kreisky could
change places with some of the Socialist leaders in larger
European countries whose insight and sturdiness Nixon rated
less highly."

Bruno Kreisky was a great patriot who restored dignity
to his country. He served the cause of peace with distinc-
tion. He was a defender of democracy and justice.

He was above all a warm human being. He made a differ-
ence to his country and to the cause of democracy and peace,

-1-

KREISKY EULOGY

SEPTEMBER 28, 1990

There are few statesmen I thought I understood better - or liked and respected as much - as Bruno Kreisky. We were born a few hundred miles from each other, I in a country + on the road to total annihilation defeated in war - he in a polyglot Empire on the road to dissolution. We both experienced the bitterness of the interwar period and we both learned what life was like as members of a minority under pressure. We were both refugees. And we both achieved high office quite unexpectedly.

-2-

seven years and as head of government for 13. He governed a
state which was the German speaking vestige of a large
multinational Empire torn apart by World War I and modern
nationalism but for which many people in the Danube basin
still feel a certain nostalgia. In the interwar period the
reason for its very existence was challenged until it was
absorbed in 1938 by Germany.

It was only in Kreisky's period that Austria would
pursue an international role unburdened by either nostalgia
or self-doubt. It was Bruno Kreisky's merit to establish
Austria as a respected force for peace, as an advocate of
human rights, and as an experiment of a neutrality both
active and democratic. Under his leadership, Austria - at
the edge of the Iron Curtain - became a haven for refugees
and a transit stop for Jews emigrating from the Soviet
Union. Kreisky was a mediator between the superpowers,
though no one ever could doubt on which side he stood

VJ

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emotionally. And he tried - on the whole successfully - to use his country's experience to give some hope to the small countries of Eastern Europe that were still not trapped behind the Iron Curtain.

When he went further afield into the shifting sands of the Middle East, he sometimes aroused passions that could not be translated into meaningful terms. But his goal was elevated and no one else has yet done much better.

"Nixon had a meeting with Austria's shrewd and perceptive Chancellor Bruno Kreisky, who had parlayed his country's formal neutrality into a position of influence beyond its strength, often by interpreting the motives of competing countries to each other. That he could bring off this balancing act was a tribute to his tact, his intelligence, and his instinct for the scope - and the limits - of

-4-

indiscretion. He was much travelled; his comments on trends and personalities were invariably illuminating. He had a great sense of humor and far more geopolitical insight than many leaders from more powerful countries. One of the asymmetries of history is the lack of correspondence between the abilities of some leaders and the power of their countries...Nixon remarked later that he wished Kreisky could change places with some of the Socialist leaders in larger European countries whose insight and sturdiness Nixon rated less highly."

Bruno Kreisky was a great patriot who restored dignity to his country. He served the cause of peace with distinction. He was a defender of democracy and justice.

He was above all a warm human being. The world will remember him, and his friends will miss him.

Nixon had a meeting with Austria's shrewd and perceptive Chancellor Bruno Kreisky, who had parlayed his country's formal neutrality into a position of influence beyond its strength, often by interpreting the motives of competing countries to each other. That he could bring off this balancing act was a tribute to his tact, his intelligence, and his instinct for the scope - and the limits - of indiscretion. He was much traveled; his comments on trends and personalities were invariably illuminating. He had a great sense of humor and far more geopolitical insight than many leaders from more powerful countries. One of the asymmetries of history is the lack of correspondence between the abilities of some leaders and the power of their countries (Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew of Singapore is another good contemporary example). Kreisky and Nixon exchanged good-humored reflections on the international situation. As a practicing politician Kreisky could not help admiring a man who stakes his election on a bold move and brings it off. Nixon remarked later that he wished Kreisky could change places with some of the Socialist leaders in larger European countries whose insight and sturdiness Nixon rated less highly.