L. THURSDAY, AUG. 25, 1977

[L.C]

Eurocommunism and Detente

By ARTHUR SCHLESINGER JR.

GENEVA—In the main, Henry Kissinger has abstained from comment on the Carter administration. His silence has been scrupulous in the face of foreign policy departures in the Middle East, Africa and SALT that he must regard with private misgiving. But early in June he delivered a long discourse on Eurocommunism. The fact that this was the issue on which he chose to speak out is a measure of the importance he attaches to what he sees as a threat to American interests both urgent and insufficiently acknowledged.

As Europeans think about it, Eurocommunism raises two questions. One is whether the Eurocommunist parties are likely to be democratic parties—whether they really favor the competitive political process, freedom of opposition and individual rights. The other is whether they are likely to be national parties—whether they are really throwing off their historic allegiance to the Soviet Union.

These are separate questions. The Communist parties of China, Yugoslavia, Romania, Albania and Vietnam, for example, are national parties. They are not democratic parties. A Communist party that ignores Moscow is not uncommon in this polycentric world. A Communist party that regards the democratic process as anything more than a convenience on the road to monopoly power is a phenomenon the world has yet to see.

Mr. Kissinger is right, I believe, in deciding the theory that West European communism has undergone an overnight metamorphosis into democratic socialism. Communist leaders like Berlinguer in Italy and Carrillo in Spain may well be personally honest in their democratic professions. But, under pressure, they would have no antecedent traditions of dramatic pluralism to fall back on—only the Leninist tradition of the monolithic state, with a single party and no legal opposition. It will take considerable time to alter these conditioned reflexes.

## Proud National Traditions

Mr. Kissinger is less persuasive when he discounts the possibility of national communism. If the Communist parties of Yugoslavia, Romania and Albania follow an independent course in foreign affairs, it is hard to believe that Communist parties in Italy, France and Spain—countries more highly developed, considerably more distant from the Red Army, with proud national traditions of their own—would not be even more independent of Moscow. This is particularly the case when such independence is a precondition for electoral credibility.

"How could Leninist parties," Mr. Kissinger asks, "dedicate themselves to a military alliance whose primary purpose was and remains to counter Soviet power?" Easy. The Chinese Communist party, which claims to be the purest Leninist party of them all, is more zealous than any other nation in the world to counter Soviet power. Nor would Tito, for example, for one moment refuse Western assistance in the event of Soviet aggression.

It is true that on non-European issues, the national Communist parties of Eastern Europe often take anti-American positions. But they may well do this on what they conceive, as Marxists, to be the merits, not in obedience to orders from Moscow.

Mr. Kissinger seems to me on even weaker ground when he argues that Communist participation in working democratic governments would destroy the "moral base" of the Atlantic Alliance. Af-

ter all, when Mr. Kissinger himself was Secretary of State, that "moral base"—civil freedom and government by consent—had to survive not authoritarian elements in democratic governments but outright dictatorships as in Greece and Portugal. Mr. Kissinger did not then seem overly troubled by the moral contradictions.

His prognosis for Western Europe is one of Communist participation leading to

## Board of Contributors

The irony for Henry Kissinger is that Eurocommunism is the child of the policy to which he gave so much devoted effort when in power—the policy of detente.

Communist domination, the dissolution of NATO, the end of Atlantic unity, the extension of Soviet control to the English Channel and a massive upset in the global power balance. If this is a serious forecast, then it surely demands the sternest of remedies. But there is a disproportion between diagnosis and cure that imparts either futility or unrealism to Mr. Kissinger's analysis. After his ominous reading of the prospects, all he can conclude is that the United States must refrain from doing anything that might give Eurocommunism unnecessary legitimacy.

In fact, Hodding Carter, the State Department spokesman, could say he did not see the Kissinger speech "as in any way marking a sharp departure or difference of opinion with the approach that we have to Eurocommunism." This roused skepticism from reporters who recalled Secretary Vance's observation that Communist participation in West European governments might create greater problems for the U.S.S.R. than for the USA. Actually Moscow on Eurocommunism thus far substantiates Mr. Vance. For the Soviet reaction has been, if possible, even gloomier than Mr. Kissinger's.

What Mr. Kissinger sees as a world-shaking gain for the Soviet Union, the Soviet Union itself sees as a frightful menace. The logic of Eurocommunism, in the Soviet view, was set forth in awful detail by the Spanish Communist leader, Santiago Carrillo, in his recent book, "Eurocommunism and the State."

It was not that Carrillo said there were many roads to socialism, but that he said the Soviet road was the wrong one. In the name of Eurocommunism he indicted the very basis of the Soviet system. The Soviet Union, Carrillo contends, is neither Socialist nor democratic nor "the type of state imagined by Lenin." In the years since the Revolution it has "deformed and degenerated to a degree that in other times was associated only with imperialism." Carrillo even dares call for a "transformation" of the Soviet system. "He has latterly spoken of our country and our party," complained the Soviet journal New Times, "in terms which even the most reactionary writers do not often venture to use."

The excommunication of Carrillo was therefore imperative lest his heresy promote dissidence in the Soviet Union, national communism in Eastern Europe and flagrant defiance of Moscow by West European Communists. The spread of Carrilloism could lead to a schism in the Communist world church as fateful as that already

created by Maoism. The desperate Soviet objective is now to keep Italian and French Communists from embracing the heresy. In the next months Moscow will probably try to establish a modus vivendi with Eurocommunism in its less virulent form.

But Carrillo, a tough cookie, will not shut up. And he—and the Kremlin—may be right in seeing Carrilloism as the end to toward which Eurocommunism is inevitably heading. "Who says A must say B," goes an old party dictum. A week after an Italian Communist mission returned from Moscow in July, the Italian Communist Party for the first time accepted the term Eurocommunism, a word heretofore avoided as of nonparty origin and thereafter endowed with sinister implication by Carrillo's book. No one can tell how far the slippage will go.

## Child of Detente

The irony for Mr. Kissinger is that Eurocommunism is the child of the policy to which he gave so much devoted effort when in power—the policy of detente. The Cold War had been hard for Western European Communists. Detente opened the way for their admission to the national society. The renewal of confrontation would force them to the choice that only Carrillo among them has faced and made—whether or not the Soviet Union is entitled to unconditional support. Nothing has heeded them more than the occasional act of defying the Russians. Choosing Moscow would return them to the isolation from which they have only recently escaped.

Prime Minister Andreotti of Italy, whom circumstances have compelled to study the problem with special intensity, put it well the other day. "I think," he said, "the degree of influence that the Communist Party of the Soviet Union can exercise over Communist parties in the West depends very much on the rest of the international situation. If that situation is one in which peace and detente really exist, then I believe the autonomy and independence of individual Communist parties will continue to grow—at least in the West." If we pursue detente, we must expect Eurocommunism.

The United States cannot decide the future of Western Europe. But the rise of Eurocommunism, with its declarations, sensitivity and factitious, in favor of a pluralist political system, demonstrates the vitality of the democratic idea. In this context President Carter's human rights campaign has perhaps its most valuable role. If human rights were to become a dominating issue in the politics of Western Europe, the professions of Eurocommunism would be put to inoperative test.

In the meantime, let us not panic. There is no prospect of a Communist government in Western Europe. Except for France, there is no immediate prospect of Communist participation in any West European government. Nor does Communist participation equal Communist domination. Communists were in the French government until 1947, in the Italian government until 1948. There is time to force Eurocommunism to choices that will show whether the Kremlin or Mr. Kissinger is right in their paradoxical debate over which side Eurocommunism threatens most.

Mr. Schlesinger is Albert Schweitzer Professor of the Humanities at the City University of New York, winner of Pulitzer Prizes in history and biography and a member of the Journal's Board of Contributors.

A-4. Columbus Dispatch c THURS., AUG. 4, 1977

National
News
Roundup

Kissinger Says U.S.
Can Pass Energy Test

Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger believes Americans can meet the challenge of the energy crisis through "national dedication" and without sacrificing their standard of living. "The people of the United States do not have to give up all their luxuries — or even a significant amount of their luxuries — to alleviate the energy problem," Kissinger told the National Conference of State Legislatures in Detroit Wednesday. Kissinger said common sense approaches to the problem, such as energy efficient automobiles and home insulation, "in no way represent a falling of our standard of living. What is needed here is a national dedication," he said.

Flu-Like Illness Hits Scouts.

A flu-like illness has affected some 66 Los Angeles-area Boy Scouts attending the 1977 National Scout Jamboree at Moraine State Park near Butler, Pa. However, all but 30 of the Scouts have been released from medical assemblies as National Scout Medical Services Director John Hamilton a piece of deck plating were brought to Hamilton N.C., where state archives officials have set up temporary facilities.

Court Says Fan Takes Risk

The Rhode Island Supreme Court has ruled that a woman hit in the eye by a puck while watching a

[LC]

Aim Is To Check Agen

New U.S. Intelligence Service

WASHINGTON (AP) — President Carter, after an administration review of the nation's troubled intelligence agencies, is setting up a system to coordinate intelligence activities without letting them become "too powerful or too centralized," an administration source says.

The plan was to be revealed Thursday at the White House.

THE SOURCE, who asked not to be quoted by name, said the plan would preserve competition among intelligence sources, guaranteeing that decision makers have access to different sources of information that has been well debated within the government.

The plan will reportedly establish a Cabinet-level director of national intelligence. It would also reportedly set up a top-level committee of intelligence users to oversee the policies of the intelligence-gathering agencies.

The plan stems from a National Security

Council review begun last spring under the direction of Vice President Walter F. Mondale, who was a member of the Senate Intelligence Committee before he took office.

DURING THE election campaign last year, Carter and Mondale referred frequently to allegations of abuses by the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) in the previous two decades, and called for greater control of the CIA and other intelligence agencies by the White House.

The administration source said that despite competition between the Central Intelligence Agency and the Defense Department (DoD), "there are no big winners or losers" in the President's plan.

"This is a decision where both the CIA and DoD will be happy," he said.

"IT WILL provide greater coordination," he said. "There will be greater consensus without raising concern about intelligence

operations centralized.

When the White House said Carter had been "insist and consistent" with his legislation may and may not.

Powell said that he knew the Agency was the law.

BUT, He is governing the country, and the agencies, and the law."

During the

Glenn Plans Official Trips

By Glenn Waggoner

Dispatch Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON — U.S. Sen. John H. Glenn, D-Ohio, is planning to make two official trips overseas this month, the first related to the Strategic Arms Limitations Talks (SALT) and the second to U.S. policies in eastern Asia.

Glenn leaves this weekend for Geneva, Switzerland, to discuss with negotiators the status of the SALT talks.

WITHOUT AN effective way to verify the weapons levels maintained by the U.S. and the Soviets, Glenn said, a new SALT agreement would be "virtually useless."

Glenn plans to return from the Geneva trip Tuesday.

Then, later this month, Glenn intends to visit South Korea and Japan. He plans to begin the journey Aug. 24.

and in Japan, he said, to discuss problems with the Japanese.

Glenn will begin Tuesday's trip accompanied by his staff.

Glenn is

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Energy crisis limits U.S. policy,
Kissinger tells legislators' meeting

DETROIT (AP) — Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger warned that the nation's energy crisis threatens to limit U.S. freedom of action in foreign policy.

In a speech before the National Con-
ference of State Legislatures (NCSL)
Wednesday in Detroit, Kissinger en-
dorsed President Jimmy Carter's energy
conservation policy. But, he added, the
plan has some weaknesses.

"The administration, frankly, in my view, has been much less energetic in pressing for new sources of energy and in fostering cooperation with the industrial democracies than in stressing conservation," Kissinger said.

Meanwhile, Secretary of Commerce Juanita Kreps said she wanted to take a look today at the fruits of the city's revitalization efforts, and Mayor Coleman Young obliged her with a morning tour.

Mrs. Kreps was among today's sched-
uled speakers.

Speaking on solar energy, Kissinger
said while sources should be developed,
available sources must not be shunned.

"It is important to face the fact that
nuclear power represents one of the best

hopes to close the gap between supply
and demand, especially for some of our
allies in Western Europe and Japan,"
Kissinger said.

He called for a serious review of the
incentives for developing new and alter-
native sources of energy and suggested
that government-guaranteed financing
might be necessary.

Kissinger omitted from his speech a
portion of his prepared text which called
for automobiles that get "30 to 40 miles
per gallon instead of seven." Later, how-
ever, he said in response to a question
that the nation needs to develop automo-
biles that are more efficient.

It will take years to discover new
sources of oil and develop alternative
supplies, Kissinger said.

"In the near-term future, only conservation will enable us both to absorb the present burden of energy costs and to begin to restore balance between supply and demand," he added.

Above all, Kissinger said, America
must not underestimate the severity of
the energy crisis.

KISSINGER

MIL

CHICAGO SUN TIMES

Tues., Aug. 9, 1977

P. 36

# Kissinger longs to be in harness

## George F. Will

WASHINGTON — After being dismissed from office in 1848, Metternich, the Austrian statesman, said to his wife: “Oui, nous sommes tous morts” (“Yes, we are dead all right”). Perhaps Henry A. Kissinger felt like saying something like that to Nancy last January.

Like Beethoven going deaf or James Joyce going blind, Kissinger going from office suffered a particularly severe deprivation. The magnetic needle of his life always has pointed toward power.

But he is cursed with more energy and public purpose than can find steady employment in a government such as ours. Popular government does not permit anyone, however gifted, to make an uninterrupted career of diplomacy at the highest level.

Kissinger may have thought retirement from office would mean relief from the rigors of reality. Instead he has found himself face-to-face with something disagreeable: blank pages on which he must write his memoirs.

EIGHT YEARS AGO, he was one of the few islands of cultivation in the utter charmlessness of the Nixon White House, a mastiff in a kennel of spaniels. Today his unmistakable

substance is magnified by inevitable comparisons with the new boys.

As I write this, Kissinger's successor, Cyrus R. Vance, the man in Washington with the most difficult act to follow, is in the Middle. Kissinger says that for the first time, he wishes he were back in harness. He does not lack confidence in Vance, but the Mideast was the stage most suited to the virtuosity that became his trademark.

During the latter half of his tenure, Kissinger was frequently accused of fashioning policies of concession and retrenchment to fit the pessimism he was said to feel about prospects for the West. Today he is, in his fashion, mildly optimistic.

KISSINGER BELIEVES that the Soviet Union has no solution to the central problem of Communist societies. It has no role for the Communist Party. Mao Tse-tung, Kissinger notes, confronted the same problem. And Mao could find no response other than periodically kicking over the furniture.

But what Kissinger does not say is that Mao was a revolutionary to the end. And the current Soviet leadership is composed of creaky old bureaucrats unacquainted with revolution.

The Soviet Union is saddled with a meddle governing class that is itself governed by the inexorable slowing of the annual economic growth rate to about 3.5 per cent. The Soviet Union is increasingly dependent on Western technology and credit and will become more so as Western societies become even more dynamic relative to Soviet society.

BY THE MID-1980S, Kissinger thinks the restless classes in the Soviet Union will be growing even faster and asking more insidently why, after 70 years in power, the Communist system is still producing results increasingly inferior to those produced by Western European systems.

Time, Kissinger believes, can be on the side of the United States if for the near future (probably for the duration of the Carter Presidency) U.S. diplomacy aims not at great breakthroughs but at containing Soviet power, allowing time to do its work of widening the cracks in Soviet society.

SCOTT'S

Party Parade

Want informed opinion? Write Walter Scott, Parade, 733 3rd Ave., New
quested. Volume of mail received makes personal replies impossible.

riter Alexander Solzhenitsyn
riter in the world? Do you
wealth?—B. Y., Ann Arbor,
Solzhenitsyn left Moscow for
ed to Swiss tax authorities an
d savings of $1.8 million. In
departed Switzerland, he re-
5,000 and gross assets of
h. Solzhenitsyn, now settled
way for "humanitarian pur-
personal fortune. He is by
charitable man. He is cer-
er in the world.

SARA DYLAN

ow much it cost singer Bob
Sara? How long were they
en?—L. G., Hibbings, Minn.
arried for 11 years to Sara.
ylan once wrote in a song,
leave me, don't ever go."
nted a divorce, the division
him and his wife was left
ver the past 15 years has
opular songs in the nation.
hese are jointly owned. It
ara Dylan's divorce settle-
mum of $5 million.

the rounds in Europe that
of Iran dispatches a plane
him "the blonde of the
—F. Daniels, Philadelphia.
was a playboy in his youth,
sown most of his wild

Q. Who wrote the book "Blind Ambition"—John Dean, who exposed Richard Nixon and Watergate, or ghostwriter Taylor Branch?—S.T., Buffalo, N.Y.

A. Simon & Schuster paid Taylor Branch $20,000 to rewrite and restructure John Dean's version, which they considered unpublishable in its original form. The book may therefore be regarded as a collaboration, although Taylor Branch as a ghostwriter received no credit.

Q. Sylvester Stallone, the star of "Rocky"—was he ever the star in a series of porno films?—F.K., Brooklyn, N.Y.

A. According to Stallone, he appeared in one porno film, "Party at Kitty and Stud's." He was 21 at the time, "and I was starving and lived for five days in the New York Port Authority Bus Terminal. I didn't eat for most of that time. I was cold, sick, broke, on the brink of committing a criminal act when I got this offer to do a movie. They wanted to know if I'd take my clothes off. I said, 'Why not? I take them off for free every night.' I didn't think the movie would ever be released. Now I hear they're marketing that piece of scum in Hollywood. It makes me sick."

Q. How much was actress Faye Dunaway paid for her role in "Network" with Bill Holden and the late Peter Finch? And what is her salary today?—Dee Klein, New York City.

A. Dunaway was paid $200,000 for "Network," has a $1 million offer to star in a film called "Eyes."

FAYE DUNAWAY AND WILLIAM HOLDEN IN "NETWORK"

Q. Is Governor Jerry Brown of California still carrying on with singer Linda Ronstadt?—George H., Los Angeles.

A. They enjoy dining in Mexican-type restaurants and other mutual pleasures.

© WALTER SCOTT 1977

ESTER editor, JESS GORKIN publisher, WARREN J. REYNOLDS

N, HERBERT KUPFERBERG, DAVID PALEY

assistant publisher, JAMES D. HEAD

ARTHUR ROTHSTEIN, MARTIN TIMINS, L. H. WHITTEMORE

CULBERT, AL TROIANI

BOORE, DORIS SCHORTMAN

cartoon editor, LAWRENCE LARIAR

L GINN, CODY SHEARER

ALKER australia, PATRICIA ANGLY

N.Y. 10017. All rights reserved under international and Pan American
of any article without permission is prohibited. PARADE®; Marca Reg.

017. Although reasonable care will be taken, Parade is not responsible for unsolicited material.

[L.C]

earning $250,000 from Hertz, at Lord Olivier for garnering more than that from Polaroid? And how about golfer Jack Nicklaus, Goldwater's 1964 running mate, William Miller and ex-Sen. Sam Ervin of Watergate fame doing spots for the American Express Co.?

Are we to condemn Jim Dash, Leon Jaworski, John Dean, Sam Maguder, John Ehrlichman and all the rest of the Watergate authors?

Richard Nixon was the first ex-President to hire a Hollywood agent—in his case, Irving “Swifty” Lazar—to market his wares. Lazar has done fabulously well for Nixon with his Warner paperback, his Grosset & Dunlap hardcover deals and his David Frost TV bonanza. Nixon will gross more than $3 million.

Gerald Ford was the second ex-President to hire a Hollywood agent. In Norman Brokaw of the William Morris Agency, he has one of the best—not only for himself, but for his wife Betty, sons Jack and Steve, and daughter Susan. The oldest Ford son, Mike, has to date resisted the agent's call.

## Kissinger, too

But former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger has not. He, too, has hired a theatrical agent, Marvin Josephson of International Creative Management, to represent him in a variety of money-making deals with Little, Brown—the publishing company owned by Time, Inc.—and NBC, the TV network owned by RCA. They total about $5 million.

At a recent press conference in San Diego, Cal., Lester Crystal, NBC's executive vice president in charge of news, was asked to explain and justify his network's policy of hiring two partisan politicians like Ford and Kissinger.

One newsman asked if it was prudent for NBC to “abrogate the American tradition that a former President, having been honored with the highest citizen's post in the country, offers his advice for a lifetime free to his fellow citizens?”

Crystal's reply was that NBC had hired Ford and Kissinger for their experience and expertise. “We think,” he said, “that they have the opportunity to be heard and questioned. They are not going to be presented as commentators or journalists. That is not going to be their role.” Exactly what is, nobody seems to be able to clarify at this point.

## Carter and Vance?

At the Hillcrest Country Club south of Hollywood, where most of the film colony's leading talent agents gather, a current apocryphal gag has the former secretary of state signing a contract to plug “Kissinger's Knishes” for a chain of delicatessens. Could anyone have joked thus of Dean Acheson or Elihu Root or Cordell Hull? Is there any possibility that Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and Jimmy Carter will offend the public if

they follow in the commercial footsteps of Kissinger and Ford?

Jimmy Carter's family is one of the most commercial in Presidential history. His brother Billy makes personal appearances at $5000 a day. His sister Ruth has written two books, is working on a third. His mother Lillian and his sister Gloria signed book contracts with fat advances from Simon & Schuster. Jimmy himself has already earned more than $75,000 in royalties from his pre-Presidential autobiography *Why Not the Best?* and has another book, a collection of campaign speeches, on sale.

## Donates royalties

The question of Presidential propriety in commercial ventures was also raised at a Carter press conference in which he explained that he would keep the first $20,000 of his book royalties and donate the remainder to a trust that would supervise the building of a public library to hold his papers.

“I think,” Carter said, “that this is a policy I would like to pursue after I go out of office. I don't know what my financial circumstances might be then. I might find a need on occasion to derive some financial benefit from writing or from appearances of some kind. So I can't close the door completely to what I will do after I am out of this office. But I can describe to you what I have already done voluntarily to make sure that there's no financial reward coming to me because I happen to be in the White House. . . . I don't want to benefit financially from this status.”

## Age of television

The ancillary rights to the Presidency consist of more than Presidential memoirs. We take those for granted. But this is the age of television and the spoken word, and if some organization wants to pay Gerald Ford $5000 for a 30-minute speech and an hour of answering audience questions, is there any good reason why he should be accused of huckstering or of hiring the best agent he can find?

Basically, taste, principle and proportion are involved. Some celebrities—like Robert Redford, Marlon Brando and Paul Newman—will generally refrain from endorsing any product except their own. Others will endorse pretty nearly anything. They have no qualms about selling their celebrity to the highest bidder.

Perhaps Jerry terHorst is correct in writing that “all this huckstering and hustling and merchandising of the Presidency robs the office of something fine and decent.” But the truth is that the American Presidency has long been tarnished or commercialized by some of its occupants. It has never been sinful in the American ethic “to make a buck,” and who is wise enough to tell an ex-President where to draw the line?

[LC]

Two top agents who got top

PHOTO: WOMEN'S WEAR DAILY

Irving "Swifty" Lazar and wife Mary. He arranged Nixon's $2.5 million book deal and the $700,000 David Frost interviews on TV, says Nixon came to him.

In today's million-dollar book and TV market," declares Irving Lazar, "you can sell more than ex-Presidents.

"You can sell the memoirs of anyone who's had sufficient public exposure—Idi Amin, Leon Jaworski, Lauren Bacall, Sen. William Fulbright. The publishing business has become a branch of show business. It's a matter of economics. Big money—that's what's involved."

Irving "Swifty" Lazar, a lifelong Democrat, is the veteran Hollywood agent who engineered Richard Nixon's $2.5 million deal with Warner Paper-back books and Nixon's $700,000 TV interview deal with David Frost.

"It wasn't I," he explains, "who went to Nixon. It was Ron Ziegler, Nixon's ex-press secretary, who called me from San Clemente a couple of Augusts ago. He said Nixon had some business to discuss, so I drove down to his place at San Clemente. Nixon and I had a long lunch. When it was over, I had the rights to sell his memoirs, which I did."

A small (barely more than 5 feet tall) man of 70, bald, bespectacled, and always immaculately groomed, Lazar is known as "Swifty" in Hollywood because, in the words of the late Humphrey Bogart, "he puts together a fast deal for a fast buck. He's a swift."

Lazar is also a lawyer, the art-loving owner of some $2 million worth of Piécassos, Chagalls, Dalis, Rouaults and Diebenkorns, and head of his own talent agency.

## Famous clients

"I now represent," he says, "or have in the past, such clients as John Huston, Truman Capote, Clifford Odets, Irwin Shaw, Herman Wouk, L.B. Mayer, the Gershwins, Doc [Neil] Simon, Edna Ferber, Art Buchwald, Noel Coward, Lerner and Loewe. I was the fellow who sold the movie rights of *My Fair Lady* to Warners for $5.5 million and got another $350,000 for George Cukor to direct.

"The book-selling business," he explains, "and all its subsidiary rights has mushroomed into a giant. In many

cases non-fiction outsells fiction. U.S. Presidents, once out of office, have almost all written their memoirs—but until recently for very small markets. Now it's coming to the point probably where U.S. Presidents are going to sign up with an agent before they leave office—not only for themselves but for their families as well.

"As I told you before, what's involved is money—millions, not peanuts, but millions. Why do you think Jimmy Carter's mother, Miz Lillian, put together a book? Why do you think his sister or sisters are doing more books? Because they want to explain the peanut plantations of Plains?

"I think that with the Nixon deal I started the million-dollar trend for ex-Presidents. And now it's spread to other people of prominence. But for big money, the personality who writes a book can't afford to be shy or timid. The book's got to be revealing or shocking or startling. It's got to tell some truths, some information the book-buying public was unaware of.

## Go West, young man

A New Yorker who started out in the agency business in the 1930's as a night-club-booker for MCA, Lazar says his life changed dramatically as a result of World War II. He joined the Army Air Corps as a private, talked playwright Moss Hart, whose protégée he later became, into writing a play for the Air Corps. Hart wrote *Winged Victory*, which was later sold to the movies. Lazar was promoted to captain, and when the war ended he followed Moss Hart's advice and established his own agency in Hollywood.

Over the years, "Swifty" developed an expanding and loyal clientele of actors, actresses, directors, and writers.

In 1963 he married former model Mary Van Nuys, who looks after him with great tenderness. They have an art-laden apartment in midtown Manhattan but live most of the year in Beverly Hills, in an exquisitely furnished house high on Carla Ridge in the Tresdale Estates.

[L.C.]

## money for two ex-Presidents

Gerald Ford with Norman Brokaw, who is getting the ex-President and wife an estimated $1 million for biographies and about $1.5 million in TV deals.

Norman Brokaw is a blue-eyed, stocky, cherubic little man of 50 who has spent the last 35 years working for the William Morris Agency, of which he is now a vice president.

He started in Hollywood as a William Morris mail boy, worked his way up to handling the careers of movie stars.

Late in 1976—through the intervention of Don Penny, a gag writer who had joined Gerald Ford's speechwriting staff in the Presidential campaign—Brokaw moved in to augment Ford's $96,500 annual pension via a variety of literary and TV deals.

### Ford family deals

To date, Norman Brokaw has arranged the following deals for members of the Ford family, who will pay a 10 percent commission to the agency:

(1) For an estimated $1 million, Gerald and Betty Ford are writing their autobiographies in a joint venture which will be supervised by Harper & Row and Reader's Digest. Christine Chase, author of *How To Be a Movie Star*, is helping Mrs. Ford in her literary creation; Trevor Armbrister, author of books on the Pueblo incident and the Yablonski murders, is similarly assisting Mr. Ford. Chase and Armbrister are reportedly each receiving $100,000.

(2) For a sum "very, very close to $1 million," Gerald Ford has signed with NBC to star in one documentarian or news special per year for the next five years and to grant NBC the first option on his published memoirs.

(3)* For $500,000, Betty Ford has agreed to make occasional appearances on NBC's *Today* show and participate during the next two years in two specials on dance, mental health or other subjects on which she has expertise.

(4) Steve Ford was originally signed to act in Quinn Martin TV productions as a rodeo performer and actor, but he has found that acting is not his forte and has chosen to work part-time for CBS as a rodeo event commentator.

(5) Jack Ford, Steve's older brother, according to Brokaw, "not only works

for Outside magazine, a new publication sponsored by Rolling Stone, but is trying his hand at acting. I've booked him for several TV shows. He's already taken a screen test and is currently reading for movie parts."

(6) Susan Ford, who recently left the University of Kansas, has been signed as the still cameraperson for the film *Jaws II*. Brokaw says, "I made that deal on a plane trip back from New York, and I can tell you the studio is immensely pleased with her."

Brokaw is also immensely pleased with himself. "This is the first time in American history," he says, "where a theatrical agency has handled the post-Presidential media affairs for a President and his family. And I believe we've started a trend."

"Take someone like Jimmy Carter, who's a natural TV performer. When Carter leaves the White House, he's not going to retire. He'll be swamped by offers for all sorts of appearances, speeches and memoirs. He'll need someone to book him, to get him the best possible deals. A whole new career will open for him."

### 'Jimmy and Rosalynn show'

Brokaw points out that although Carter has been in the White House for less than a year, his brother, mother and two sisters "have already become involved in the media whirl, and the President has two books on sale."

Brokaw feels that "a Jimmy and Rosalynn show would be an easy TV sale once they leave the White House because they are both personable, warm and charismatic."

"The world of show business," Brokaw asserts, "now encompasses politicians as well as performers. If a politician has a pleasing, photogenic personality, he can be packaged and sold."

Norman Brokaw was born and reared in New York City, arrived in Hollywood in 1943. He is the father of five—three boys by his first wife and two girls by his current wife, the former Suzanne Weintraub. Like the Lazars, they live in the Trousdale Estates.

5

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REMARKS BY DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER
TO THE PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

August 16, 1977

**DR. KISSINGER:** The Secretary of State reviewed his trip to the Middle East and his plans for China and for Africa and his later negotiations with the Soviet Union. I was very grateful for his briefing and I am basically optimistic about the direction of our foreign policy.

**QUESTION:** Dr. Kissinger, now that you have been briefed thoroughly on the new Panama Canal treaty agreement, will you support it actively?

**DR. KISSINGER:** I intend to support it and I will make a statement tomorrow.

**QUESTION:** How about the Middle East? Are you happy with the direction of the policy there?

**DR. KISSINGER:** Well, I strongly favor efforts to achieve peace in the Middle East, and I think that the negotiations which the Secretary of State will conduct in October with the various foreign ministers should be very promising.

**QUESTION:** Mr. Secretary, you intend to support the proposed treaty on the Panama Canal. Is that stronger in your mind than your inclination expressed yesterday?

**DR. KISSINGER:** I escalated gradually (laughter). I am making a statement tomorrow.

**QUESTION:** Thank you.

Public transcripts of any private talks with Chinese leaders are a rarity.

These records, Zumwalt said, were made by his daughter Ann, a Catholic University graduate who accompanied him and served as note-taker. The time required for translation, she said, enabled her to produce virtually verbatim accounts. Zumwalt said a copy of the records was given to the State Department.

Zumwalt, a critic of past American policy on Soviet detente, or relaxation of tension, was one of a series of recent visitors welcomed to China as hard-liners on relations with the Soviet Union. He is a member of the Committee on the Present Danger.

The records he made available showed Deputy Chairman Li, while praising former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger for the Nixon administration's opening to China in 1971-72, said of Kissinger: "He fears the Soviet Union very much. I think the United States should be tougher with the Soviet Union."

Zumwalt, an arch-critic of Kissinger, agreed. He said Zbigniew Brzezinski, President Carter's national security adviser, "asked me to state that the present administration does not share the last administration's tragic view. It has an optimistic view of the future. It is prepared to compete with the Soviet Union if necessary."

Among the points Zumwalt reported his Chinese hosts made in the course of his month's stay were these:

* Chinese leaders have concluded that the Soviet Union is focusing its energies on Western Europe rather than on either China or Africa.

* African developments are going well from China's standpoint and Peeling will continue to support African nationalist aspirations.

* The idea of bartering surplus Chinese oil for American arms collides with current Chinese policy, but buying U.S. oil-drilling equipment does not.

The discussions revealed no new flexibility, however, on the central issue of China's unresolved demand that the United States sever official relations with the Nationalist Chinese government on the island of Taiwan.

Repeating these demands, which include abrogating the U.S.-Taiwan Mutual Defense Treaty of 1954, Li said, "On this question, the United States owes us a debt."

The Carter administration's hope has been that China would agree to give higher priority to coordination of global strategy, leaving the Taiwan dilemma to an evolving "process" that would permit some substitute U.S. ties to be developed there.

At the outset the conversation with Zumwalt, Li said in referring to the Soviet Union, "Yes, we must use joint efforts in dealing with the polar bear."

And at the end of their talk, Li said, "We do have a common point of understanding: concern over the expansion of the Soviet Union." But immediately added, in referring to Taiwan, "If relations between our two countries are not normalized, it will be difficult to expand the relations between our two countries."

In setting out Peking's version of the Soviet global challenge, Li amplified upon the recently expanding Chinese contention that Soviet strategy is not primarily aimed at China.

"Because in fighting when using two fires you always have a focal point. You can't use two fires at the same time if you have two different targets."

"Do how is it possible," Li asked, "to use one fist against China and one against Europe? Because the Soviets would scatter strength. Because if they should attack China, their forces would be knocked down in China,

and Moscow...

"In our view," Li continued, "the focus of the Soviet Union lies in Europe. It was not in Africa in the past and it is not in Africa at the present. As far as China is concerned, the ambitions of Soviet revisionists to subjugate China will not last..."

In discussing Africa with Zumwalt, Deputy Chairman Li said, "We think the situation in Africa is good," and said China would continue to work toward uniting Africa.

"The Sudan, and of late Somalia, have grudges against the Soviet Union because the Soviet Union supports Ethiopia. And, of course, there are a lot of contradictions in the Red Sea region: Sudan against Ethiopia, Somalia against Ethiopia, struggles between certain Arab countries.

"But I do not think," Li continued, "that it is possible for the Soviet Union to get control of the whole of Africa. Some countries of Africa are close to the Soviet Union. But some day these will see through the Soviet skin. For example, once relations between Egypt and the Soviet Union were good. They even had a treaty of friendship."

"We hope the affairs of Africa will be settled by the Africans themselves and that the African people will be united. And now the problem is South Africa and Zimbabwe. The majority is dissatisfied with the rule of the minority. And I think it is much better if you settle the problem by acceding to the demands of the majority."

Prime Minister Ian Smith of Rhodesia and John Vorster of South Africa, Li said, "stick to racial discrimination. This raises the majority to resistance. The Soviet Union currently has its way in Angola. But there is great turmoil in Angola. About 10,000 Cuban troops are stationed in Angola. Do you think the Angolans are happy about that?"

Zumwalt, who was chief of naval operations from 1970 to 1974, said in an interview about his month-long trip, which began June 29, that he sensed Chinese leaders would accept American arms if the deal could avoid the appearance of dependence.

Several times Zumwalt suggested that the Chinese exchange their surplus oil for American arms. But the responses were either opposed or noncommittal.

"We have not considered this before," Li remarked when Zumwalt said American oil companies that helped bring China's offshore oil into production could be paid by getting a share of the oil.

"Generally speaking," said Li, "we do not want to introduce the concept of joint development of our resources. But I believe that in the future we can operate through commercial channels to purchase equipment from the United States. At present we cannot consider the question of joint development."

"Even if our relations are normalized," Li continued, "such an idea is not realistic. The reason is that the Chinese people do not consider it to be good to permit foreign investments or other forms of foreign access to our resources..."

Zumwalt at another point in his conversation with Li said Brzezinski "asked me to make clear" that the Carter administration has not decided to bar weapons sales to China.

A New York Times story that effect "was not an accurate report," Zumwalt said, because it was based on a working draft of arms sales policy from which such a restriction was later removed. Responded Li:

"We have read such a report. We do not attach much importance to such questions because the question of arms technology for us does not arise. We should each act in our own way."

nonst

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