The State

AMBROSE G. HAMPTON, Publisher

BEN R. MORRIS
Co-Publisher

ARTHUR D. COOPER
Associate Publisher

WILLIAM E. RONE JR.
Editorial Page Editor

CHARLES WICKENBERG JR.
Associate Editor

WILLIAM D. WORKMAN JR., Editorial Analyst

ROBERT A. PIERCE, Managing Editor

2-B

Columbia, South Carolina, Sunday, September 23, 1973

Secretary Kissinger:
An Able, Adroit Man

THE CONFIRMATION by the U.S. Senate of Dr. Henry A. Kissinger as Secretary of State was as much a certainty as it was a formality. He is the most qualified man in the nation for the post.

In his five years as national security adviser, Dr. Kissinger's accomplishments in foreign policy affairs have reshaped the relationships among the great powers. He has gained prestige at home and abroad. The Senate could hardly have rejected him.

While Dr. Kissinger's role in developing the policies that have brought us to a detente with the Communist powers is well known, he has appeared in Peking, Moscow, and Paris as an emissary of the President.

As Secretary of State, Dr. Kissinger is now clothed with responsibility as the nation's spokesman in foreign affairs. If he has not been one of the more powerful men in the world, he is now.

While we term the exercise in gaining the approval of the Foreign Relations Committee and the Senate a formality, it has not been without value to the Administration and the Congress. The relationships between the two have been strained badly.

In his appearances before the Foreign Relations Committee, Dr. Kissinger encouraged greater communication between the Department of State and the committee. The lack of information and consultation has been a source of resentment in the committee. There is no question that the Senate's role in foreign policy has deteriorated since Franklin Roosevelt's administration.

To whatever degree Secretary Kissinger makes good on his desire for improved communications, the relationships between the Executive and Legislative branches will be bettered.

Beyond that, in terms of our foreign policy, a cooperative Congress is essential. In many matters, such as the most favored nation status which the Soviet's now seek, legislative action is required. An assertive Congress can impair the President's foreign policies. It did so in forcing an end to the supportive bombing in Cambodia.

Secretary Kissinger has showed himself to be adroit in handling difficult affairs whether they be with senators or heads of state. The nation is fortunate to have him, and, perhaps, the world is also. He is a most able man in the cause of peace.

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

September 24, 1973

No. 343

ADDRESS BY
THE HONORABLE HENRY KISSINGER
SECRETARY OF STATE
BEFORE THE 28TH UNITED NATIONS ASSEMBLY
SEPTEMBER 24, 1973

CORRECTED COPY
AS DELIVERED
TEXT

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary General, Distinguished Delegates, Ladies and Gentlemen:

I come before you today -- confirmed in office but two days ago -- as probably the world's most junior Foreign Minister. That President Nixon should ask me as my first official act to speak here for the United States reaffirms the importance that my country attaches to the values and ideals of the United Nations.

It would be idle to deny that the American people, like many others, have sometimes been disappointed because this Organization has not been more successful in translating the hopes for universal peace of its architects into concrete accomplishments.

But despite our disappointments, my country remains committed to the goal of a world community. We will continue to work in this Parliament of Man to make it a reality.

Two centuries ago, the philosopher Kant predicted that perpetual peace would come eventually -- either as the creation of man's moral aspirations or as the consequence of physical necessity. What seemed utopian then looms as tomorrow's reality; soon there will be no alternative. Our only choice is whether the world envisaged in the Charter will come about as the result of our vision or of a catastrophe invited by our shortsightedness.

The United States has made its choice. My country seeks true peace, not simply an armistice. We strive for a world in which the rule of law governs and fundamental human rights are the birthright of all. Beyond the bilateral diplomacy, the pragmatic agreements and dramatic steps of recent years, we envisage a comprehensive, institutionalized peace -- a peace which this Organization is uniquely situated to foster and to anchor in the hearts of men.

This will be the spirit of American foreign policy.

This attitude will guide our work in this Organization.

We start from a bedrock of solid progress. Many of the crises that haunted past General Assemblies have been put behind us. Agreement has been

For further information contact:

PR #343

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reached on Berlin; there is a ceasefire in the Middle East; the Viet-Nam war has been ended. The rigid confrontation that has dominated international life and weakened this Organization for a quarter of a century has been softened.

The United States and the Soviet Union have perceived a commonality of interest in avoiding nuclear holocaust and in establishing a broad web of constructive relationships. Talks on strategic arms limitation have already produced historic accords aimed at slowing the arms race and ensuring strategic stability; we have, today, resumed negotiations on this subject. The positive results we hope for will enhance the security of all mankind.

Two decades of estrangement between the United States and the People's Republic of China have given way to constructive dialogue and productive exchanges. President Nixon has met with the leaders of that nation; we have agreed to an historic communique that honestly sets forth both our differences and our common principles; and we have each opened a Liaison Office in the capital of the other.

Many other countries have seized the initiative and contributed -- in substance and spirit -- to the relaxation of tensions. The nations of Europe and North America are engaged in a conference to further security and cooperation. The two German states have taken their place in this Assembly. India, Pakistan and Bangladesh have begun to move toward a welcome reconciliation. North and South Korea are at last engaged in a dialogue which we hope will lead to a new era of peace and security.

Yet these achievements, solid as they are, have only made less precarious the dangers and divisions inherited from the post-war era. We have ended many of the confrontations of the Cold War; yet, even in this room, the vocabulary of suspicion persists. Relaxation of tensions is justified by some as merely a tactical interlude before renewed struggle. Others suspect the emergence of a two-power condominium. And as tension between the two original blocs has eased, a third grouping increasingly assumes the characteristics of a bloc of its own -- the alignment of the non-aligned.

So the world is uneasily suspended between old slogans and new realities, between a view of peace as but a pause in an unending struggle and a vision of peace as a promise of global cooperation.

In 1946 James Byrnes, the first Secretary of State to address this Assembly, spoke of how the United Nations could help break down habits of thinking in national isolation and move toward "universal understanding and tolerance among all peoples."

The United States will never be satisfied with a world of uneasy truces, of offsetting blocs, of accommodations of convenience. We know that power can enforce a resigned passivity, but only a sense of justice can enlist consensus. We strive for a peace whose stability rests not merely on a balance of forces, but on shared aspirations. We are convinced that a structure which ignores humane values will prove cold and empty and unfulfilling to most of mankind.

The United States deeply believes

-- that justice cannot be confined by national frontiers;

-- that truth is universal, and not the perculiar possession of a single people or group or ideology;

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-- that compassion and humanity must ennoble all our endeavors.

In this spirit we ask the Assembly to move with us from detente to cooperation, from coexistence to community.

Our journey must begin with the world as it is and with the issues now before us. The United States will spare no effort to ease tensions further and to move toward greater stability.

-- We shall continue, in the spirit of the Shanghai Communique, our search for a new relationship with the People's Republic of China.

-- We shall work to promote positive trends elsewhere in Asia. The uncertain peace in Indochina must be strengthened; the world community cannot afford, or permit, a relapse into war in that region.

-- We shall continue to pursue vigorously the building of constructive relations with the Soviet Union.

-- We shall strive to promote conciliation in Europe. In the negotiations beginning next month we shall seek a reduction of the military forces that have faced each other for so long across that divided continent.

-- We shall give new vigor to our policy of partnership in the Western Hemisphere.

-- We shall honor our pledge to promote self-determination, economic development, and human dignity across the continent of Africa.

-- We shall press on with strategic arms limitation talks. We consider them crucial for security and stability in this period.

-- We shall search for solutions to the worldwide problem of conventional weapons, which drain our resources and fuel the fires of local conflict.

In these efforts, the United States will be guided by fundamental principles:

-- We have no desire for domination. We will oppose -- as we have consistently opposed throughout this century -- any nation that chooses this path. We have not been asked to participate in a condominium; we would reject such an appeal if it were made.

-- We will never abandon our allies or our friends. The strengthening of our traditional ties is the essential foundation for the development of new relationships with old adversaries.

-- We will work for peace through the United Nations as well as through bilateral relationships.

We recognize our special obligation, as a Permanent Member of the Security Council, to assist in the search for just solutions in those parts of the world now torn by strife such as the Middle East. While we cannot substitute for the efforts of those most directly involved, we are prepared to use our influence to generate a spirit of accommodation and to encourage the parties toward practical progress.

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But progress on the traditional agenda is not enough. The more we succeed in solving political problems the more other and perhaps deeper challenges emerge. As the world grows more stable we must confront the question of the ends of detente. As the threat of war recedes the problem of the quality of life takes on more urgent significance.

We are in fact, members of a community drawn by modern science, technology, and new forms of communication into a proximity for which we are still politically unprepared. Technology daily outstrips the ability of our institutions to cope with its fruits. Our political imagination must catch up with our scientific vision. This is at the same time the greatest challenge and the greatest opportunity of this Organization:

> The pollution of the skies, the seas and the land is a global problem.

The increased consumption of cereals and protein has reduced world food reserves to dangerously low levels.

The demand for energy is outrunning supply, and the need for technological innovation is urgent.

The growth of the world's economy is inhibited by restrictive trading blocs and an insufficiently flexible international monetary system.

The exploitation of the resources of the ocean beds which is essential for the needs of burgeoning populations requires global cooperation lest it degenerate into global contention.

Challenges of this magnitude cannot be solved by a world fragmented into self-contained nation states or rigid blocs.

I do not intend, today, to cover the whole agenda of international cooperation. Rather, I shall speak briefly of some illustrative areas of common action. I pledge the readiness of the United States to solve these problems cooperatively and to submit proposals aimed at their resolution.

## 1. A world community requires the curbing of conflict.

The United Nations, in its 28-year history, has not always been idle in this sphere. In Indonesia, the Indian subcontinent, the Middle East, the Congo, and in Cyprus, it has shown its ability for effective fact-finding, mediation and peacekeeping missions. This central aspect of the United Nations' work must be strengthened. On a small planet, so bound together by technology and so interdependent economically, we can no longer afford the constant eruption of conflict and the danger of its spread.

Yet, in recent years, we have found ourselves locked in fruitless debates about the inauguration of peacekeeping operations and over the degree of control the Security Council would exercise over peacekeeping machinery -- an impasse which ensured only that permanent peacekeeping machinery would not come into being. Each peacekeeping unit we have formed to cope with an emergency has been an improvisation growing out of argument and controversy.

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We should delay no longer. The time has come to agree on peacekeeping guidelines so that this Organization can act swiftly, confidently and effectively in future crises. To break the deadlock, the United States is prepared to consider how the Security Council can play a more central role in the conduct of peacekeeping operations. If all countries concerned approach this problem with a desire to achieve a cooperative solution, the United Nations can achieve a major step forward during this session.

2. A world community must have the widest possible membership.

The exclusion of any qualified state denies representation not only to governments, but to peoples. Membership in this body should be a step toward reconciliation, not a source of conflict. The time has come for North and South Korea to be offered their rightful places here, without prejudice to a future evolution toward unification.

In this spirit also, we support the permanent membership of Japan in the Security Council.

3. A world community must assure that all its people are fed.

The growing threat to the world's food supply deserves the urgent attention of this Assembly. Since 1969, global consumption of cereals has risen more rapidly than production; stocks are at the lowest levels in years. We now face the prospect that -- even with bumper crops -- the world may not rebuild its seriously depleted reserves in this decade.

No one country can cope with this problem. The United States therefore proposes:

-- That a World Food Conference be organized under United Nations auspices in 1974 to discuss ways to maintain adequate food supplies, and to harness the efforts of all nations to meet the hunger and malnutrition resulting from natural disasters.

-- That nations in a position to do so offer technical assistance in the conservation of food. The United States is ready to join with others in providing such assistance.

4. A world community cannot remain divided between the permanently rich and the permanently poor.

Let us therefore resolve that this Assembly, this year, initiate a search -- drawing on the world's best minds -- for new and imaginative solutions to the problems of development. Our search must be candid and realistic, but it must also be free of peremptory demands, antagonistic propositions, ideological confrontation, or propagandistic rhetoric -- or we will surely fail.

The United States is prepared to join in this new search, providing freely of the experience gained over two decades. We have learned not to exaggerate our capacity to transform nations -- but we have also learned much about what progress is possible.

PR #343

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We will participate without preconditions, with a conciliatory attitude and a cooperative commitment. We ask only that others adopt the same approach.

In this spirit the United States is willing to examine seriously the proposal by the distinguished President of Mexico for a Charter of the Economic Rights and Duties of States. Such a document will make a significant and historic contribution if it reflects the true aspirations of all nations; if it is turned into an indictment of one group of countries by another it will accomplish nothing. To command general support -- and to be implemented -- the proposed rights and duties must be defined equitably and take into account the concerns of industrialized as well as of developing countries. The United States stands ready to define its responsibilities in a humane and cooperative spirit.

5. Finally, a world community must harness science and technology for the benefit of all.

We must begin to match our remarkable technological skills with our equally remarkable technological needs. We must find the means for the cooperative and judicious development of our energy resources. We must responsibly confront the problems of population growth, which are fast pushing humanity towards the limits of what our Earth can sustain. We must embark on a new scientific revolution to increase agricultural productivity in all lands. No field of human endeavor is so dependent upon an open world for its advancement, no field is so in need of international cooperation to cope with its potential dangers.

Mr. President, fellow delegates:

Are we prepared to accept the imperatives of a global society and infuse our labors with a new vision? Or, shall we content ourselves with a temporary pause in the turmoil that has wracked our century? Shall we proceed with onesided demands and sterile confrontations? Or, shall we proceed in a spirit of compromise produced by a sense of common destiny? We must move from hesitant cooperation born of necessity to genuine collective effort based on common purpose.

It is a choice no country can make alone. We can repeat old slogans or strive for new hope. We can fill the record of our proceedings with acrimony or we can dedicate ourselves to dealing with man's deepest needs. The ideal of a world community may be decried as unrealistic -- but great constructions have always been ideals before they can become realities. Let us dedicate ourselves to this noblest of all possible goals and achieve at last what has so long eluded us: true understanding and tolerance among mankind.

**********

PRESS
DEPARTMENT OF STATE

September 24, 1973

No. 343

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* * * * * * * * * *

impossible to stop.

Baird said the epidemiology of eastern equine encephalitis is still poorly understood. Malathion, he said, is relatively innocuous, but effective, and not very long-lived. Its damage probably will be limited to killing an unknown number of bees, fish and possibly some birds.

Dr. Robert Mobbs of Wilmington, a member of the State Pesticide Board, said malathion has been proved toxic to humans, especially those involved with the aerial spraying. Even though only three ounces

of water be monitored in workers, he warned.

The physician said, however, that he endorsed the spraying because of the public health emergency.

At the Lakeville Encephalitis Field Station, Supervisor Herbert Maxfield said that since 1966 the Legislature has appropriated some $45,000 a year for the station's operation. Mayfield claims that the funding is only about half that needed and that mosquito control "is the only method by which we can control this disease."

mosquitoes from which the encephalitis virus has been isolated, Maxfield said. The station is continuing research to determine when and where to spray.

William Dann, assistant director of the Public Health Dept. said that "if you can minimize human exposure as well as the mosquito population, you are doing all you can with all available methods to prevent the spread of the disease to humans."

Dann said initial spraying was conducted after an outbreak of the disease in New Hampshire during

Dr. William Waind, a member of the Cape State College Mosquito Control Project, said: "We don't know what mosquito transmits encephalitis in Massachusetts . . . there are three or four strains of the virus. Unless there is a careful monitoring you may be doing a wonderful job by spraying, or you may be accomplishing nothing."

The biologist said that unless there are check stations, there would be nothing to prove whether the spraying is helping or harming the environment.

# Offshore drilling hearing over but questions remain

By Jonathan Fuerbringer
Globe Staff

President Nixon's Council on Environmental Quality held two hearings last week on the environmental impact of oil drilling in Georges Bank off the Massachusetts coast. Instead of answers, the hearings produced confusion.

"What we have said in Massachusetts is that we want the facts on the table," Gov. Francis W. Sargent told the council.

"We want to know the benefits and the costs. We want to know what we will have to pay financially, environmentally and socially before we permit refineries, nuclear plants, deepwater ports or offshore (oil) wells," he said.

But he, and others, probably won't get answers.

The council was charged last April with determining the environmental impact of drilling off the Alaska and the Atlantic Coasts. Georges Bank is one of the three "oil hopes" off the Atlantic coast.

The biggest obstacle to doing this environmental analysis is that the council is not collecting the information to undo the confusion. It is not doing the research necessary to determine which statistic, claim or comparison for or against offshore oil drilling is legitimate.

Chairman John Busterud said the council's purpose was not to do original research, but to gather what facts on oil technology and development are available and to savor public sentiment.

This is a sample of what Buste-rud and Dr. Beatrice Willard heard last Tuesday and Wednesday:

Rawleigh Warner Jr., chairman of the board of Mobil Oil Corp., said "the only effective relief I can see from increased reliance on Middle East imports with all its attendant

in the North Sea indicates that substantial job opportunities would result" from offshore drilling in New England.

The MIT Georges Bank petroleum study, which was cited in testimony for and against the offshore drilling, concluded that few jobs would be created by discovery of offshore oil.

The report did say that development of regional refineries would create significant employment. But it warned that the loss of regional income because of the increase in oil spills associated with refinery development could be greater than the income increase generated by the refineries.

David P. Hoult, representing the American Petroleum Institute, interpreted the MIT study and concluded that "according to the best estimate, commercial fisheries on Georges Bank will not be damaged" by oil spills.

But Hoult, in an apparent contradiction, also said: "There is as yet no viable 'system model' for the Georges Bank area fishery. Hence, estimates of damage to fisheries amounts to a listing of direct effects only. It is not known just how good this approximation is."

John A.S. McGlennon, regional director of the US Environmental Protection Agency, said a refinery and an offshore tanker "port" could be built in New England with minimum environmental damage. His biggest fear is offshore drilling.

The council's final report is due in April, but the staff plans to have a draft ready in January for review by the National Academy of Sciences. The council budget is $650,000.

Sargent, Atty. Gen. Robert H. Quinn, Rep. Michael Harrington and others all doubted the council's ability

N.S., and site of first reported oil or gas discovery in US or Canadian Atlantic waters.

# Urged for nuclear reactor safety

The Cambridge-based核能 group based demand on a Sept. 10 released by theission's Advisory committee on Reactor

still be made and should be made."

The Nader group also said the committee report "is now urging a 'recall' of nuclear power plants and

As for the "recall" recommendation, the committee phrased it like this:

"When ... studies indicate that a significant safety improvement

# Kissinger takes oath in White House

★ CEREMONY

Continued from Page 1

policy it is that at an early age I have seen what can happen to a society that is based on hatred and strength and distrust and that I clearly understand what America means to other people, its hopes and its ideals," he said.

The goal of peace, he said, should be "with justice, compassion and humanity" and as America "fulfills man's deepest needs, it will be fulfilling itself."

Following the ceremony and a champagne reception in an anteroom, Kissinger and his family gathered for a private lunch. In the evening, he planned dinner with close friends and associates.

Dr. Kissinger will fly to New York this evening and will deliver a major foreign policy address to the United Nations General Assembly tomorrow morning.

# Changes

who could provide for himself through insurance or could easily obtain a private loan, would be entitled to a $2500 free grant from the government and an additional loan at only one percent interest. Alternatively, he could forgo the grant and obtain a loan for the full amount at only one percent interest."

"A poor family could qualify for the same aid under this bill, but it is unlikely they would require as large a loan as other families," the President said.

Mr. Nixon further argued that the rejected measure "would slow the federal government's ability to respond to disasters by creating an administrative nightmare for those agencies charged with providing assistance." He did not elaborate.

# The Telecast?

This match to be the great men's tennis. We've got a don't have to be defensive were upset when Bobby Court so easily." Court is 1 this year. "We didn't

Challenges for Dr. Kissinger

As he assumes his role of Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger will be confronting problems that are qualitatively different from those in which he was involved during Mr. Nixon's first term.

In that earlier period, as the President's foreign policy advisor, Dr. Kissinger was concerned with mending the breech between the United States and its Russian and Chinese "cold war" adversaries. He manipulated the tension between the two Communist giants to the advantage of this country and in a way that has had a measurable impact in reducing world tensions.

Now he will be concerned with shorting up relations with friends, in Europe and Japan chiefly, but also in Latin America, an area which despite President Nixon's promise of a new era in relations, has suffered from a sort of benign neglect.

The problems are qualitatively different because the impediments that must be overcome are in a way far more difficult than making detente with Communism.

Europe and Japan have emerged as economic giants which are cautiously reappraising their role in the world and, in particular, their relationship to this country.

While the United States is still seen in the role of military protector it is no longer seen as economic benefactor. The huge economic growth in Europe and Japan have reduced the disparities that once led to dependence on the United States as leader of the free world.

Dr. Kissinger will be confronting a Europe vastly stronger but also more sensitive to directions the United States takes in foreign and economic policy. The problems of monetary reform, trade and European defense are intricately related and are at the core of the current difficulties in that uneasy alliance.

The question today is not so much a common defense against world Communism as a defense against breakdown in the delicate relationship between free world economies. The prospect of Oil blackmail in the Middle

East should compel closer unity in finding new energy sources and sharing those that are available.

Negotiations in trade and monetary reform must be pursued simultaneously since solution in one depends on solution in the other. Barriers to trade must be reduced as a key element in building mutual trust.

These are not problems given to secret diplomacy or realpolitik but to painstaking efforts to reduce points of friction — in trade, monetary reform and defense — that continue to jar relations. In a certain sense the demands upon Mr. Kissinger's expertise and patience will be far greater than before.

In a separate category stands the Arab-Israeli conflict which continues to defy solution. The ramifications for world peace and, more recently, for the free world's energy supplies, point up the need for some solution there.

The appointment and confirmation of Dr. Kissinger are more than just a credit to the man whose brilliant diplomacy has helped ease the cold war. It is also a reassuring reflection on the openness of American society that a German-Jewish immigrant should attain the ranking cabinet position in the United States Government, the first naturalized citizen to do so.

Richmond Times-Dispatch

DAVID TENNANT BRYAN, Chairman and Publisher

ALAN S. DONNAHOE, President and Associate Publisher

JOHN E. LEARD, Executive Editor ALF GOODYKOONTZ, Managing Editor

EDWARD GRIMSLEY, Editor of the Editorial Page

Sunday, September 23, 1973

X=1.2

Confirmation

In view of the nominee's impec-
cable credentials, the Senate's
approval Friday of Dr. Henry
Kissinger as the new secretary of
state is hardly a great surprise.

What is remarkable is the wide
support Kissinger still gets from
both ends of the ideological
spectrum after nearly five years
as the President's national-
security adviser dealing with
highly-controversial policies.

Pera

Kissinger

It is a tribute to Kissinger's
savoir-faire that the only potential
stumbling block to his confirma-
tion that materialized during
hearings of the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee and in the
Senate's debate was essentially a
matter extraneous to the making
of foreign policy: the placing of
"national security" wiretaps a few
years ago on telephones belonging
to some of Kissinger's subor-

dinates and certain newsmen. Af-
ter privately studying an FBI sum-
mary of the wiretaps, a Senate sub-
committee concluded that
Kissinger's role "was not such as
to bar him from confirmation by
the Senate."

Remarkably enough, the floor
leader for Kissinger's confirma-
tion was Sen. J. William Fulbright,
D-Ark., who, as chairman of the
Foreign Relations Committee, has
frequently been an acerbic critic of
the administration Kissinger
serves. Additionally, the leading
"conservatives" of the Senate fell
in line behind Kissinger.

This is not to say that President
Nixon's foreign-policy chief
hasn't had a hand in some policies
that at different times have drawn
the ire of liberals and cons-
vatives. The seven votes cast
against him Friday ranged from
Sen. George S. McGovern, D-S.D.,
on the Left to Sen. Jesse Helms,
R-N.C., on the Right. Kissinger's
use of raw power as a negotiating
lever in Indochina bothered some
liberals, and his accommodation
with Communist China and Russia
worried some conservatives.

But generally speaking the
foreign policies that Kissinger has
helped construct have been
recognized as a sagacious
balance of strength and con-
ciliation. As a respected intellec-
tual, Kissinger undoubtedly is the
person who has the best chance
right now to restore at least some
semblance of bipartisanship to the
conduct of our world affairs.

To the Point

THE HOUSTON POST

SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1973

Page 3/A

Kissinger poses with son, daughter, parents and Nixon, right

—AP Wirephoto

# Kissinger takes oath as secretary of state

WASHINGTON (P) — Henry A. Kissinger Saturday took the oath as secretary of state and pledged to work for "a world not based on strength but on justice."

President Nixon beamed his approval as Kissinger was sworn in by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger in the East Room of the White House.

Nixon said Kissinger assumed the office "at a watershed time in American foreign policy, at a time when America is at peace for the first time in 12 years, at a time when we recognize that

the only thing more difficult than getting the peace is keeping it..."

Kissinger, 50, is the first Jew and the first naturalized citizen to serve as secretary of state. His father, Louis, his mother, Paula, and his brother, Walter, who fled with him in 1938 from Nazi Germany, were at the ceremony.

Mrs. Kissinger held the Bible for her son, a King James version presented and signed by the President.

"There is no country in the world where it is conceivable that a man of my origin could

be standing here next to the President of the United States," Kissinger said in his brief speech.

During the ceremony he received three standing ova-tions from an audience of about 250 persons that includ-ed Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller of New York, U.N. ambassa-dor John Scali, Democratic National Chairman Robert Strauss, 23 senators, Holly-wood personalities, and five fellow cabinet officers. His frequent date, Nancy Ma-ginnis and his children, Eliza-

beth, 14, and David, 11, also attended. Kissinger is di-vorced.

The White House listed Vice President Spiro T. Agnew as one of the principal invited guests at the ceremony for Kissinger, but Agnew did not attend.

There was no immediate explanation for the vice presi-dent's absence from a ceremony that drew a status-laden assemblage of adminis-tration and congressional leaders.

A spokesman for Agnew

said earlier the vice president was invited but that it was not certain whether he would attend. Agnew was spending the weekend in the city but had no official functions other than the Kissinger ceremony on his schedule, the spokes-man said.

Kissinger will work over the weekend on a speech to be delivered Monday at the U.N. General Assembly in New York. It will be examined in world capitals for any hint of change in American foreign policy.

Page 4/A

THE HOUSTON POST

SUNDAY, SEPTEMBER 23, 1973

# Detroit-area teachers' strike settled

## United Press International

A school teachers strike affecting more than 10,000 Detroit area children ended Saturday amid cheers of joy from dozens of parents who had barricaded the school board building since Wednesday.

The parents dispersed with the announcement that a tentative agreement had been reached between the board and the striking teachers in Highland Park, Mich.

Weary negotiators for both

sides were allowed to leave the building for the first time in four days.

Dr. Charles Mitchell Jr., school superintendent told the happy parents that the teachers union will vote on the agreement Sunday and that school will reopen Monday.

Terms of the pact were not announced. Teachers were reported holding out for salary increases of 9 per cent against a school board offer of 5.5 per cent.

About 60 men and women

had remained doggedly in front of the school board building. They vowed to man their blockade until a settlement was reached and they kept their promise.

The human blockade was thrown up at 7 p.m. Wednesday, and despite Friday night's heavy rains and chill winds appeared as strong as ever.

"We are not leaving," said Mrs. Matilda Foster, a mother of three school age children.

The Highland Park strike

was one of several across the nation that has left more than a half-million children out of school.

Teachers in Kenosha, Wis., voted Friday to accept a contract and end a strike that started Sept. 5, and a parents' boycott over the registration of 10 black children at a public school in Brooklyn, N.Y., was called off after a compromise settlement.

In Newburgh, N.Y., striking teachers defied a court order and refused to end a five-day-

old strike. A state supreme court justice scheduled a hearing Monday on a request by school officials for penalties against strike leaders.

A preliminary injunction Thursday ordered the teachers back to classes.

Forty-four schools, 23,000 students and 1,100 teachers were affected in a strike at Youngstown, Ohio, that started Sept. 4 in a dispute over the firing of 80 teachers.

In McArthur, Ohio, a strike idled 2,200 students and 113 teachers.

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## Braniff situation unsettled

### POST NEWS SERVICES

Braniff International stewards in Houston faced a possible midnight strike as negotiations aimed at avert-ing the walkout by 1,100 of the airline's flight attendants con-tinued in Washington Saturday night.

A Braniff spokesman in Dallas described the tone of the talks as "very optimistic" and added "we're very confident there will not be any strike."

Braniff flies to most major U.S. cities and its overseas routes include Central and South America.

Despite the company's opti-

Flame
sleepy

The issue will probably come to a vote on the Senate floor within a week or 10 days.

The Administration wants to spend about $1.5 billion for the new submarine this year — about double what was proposed last year.

But it has run into a major stumbling block in the Armed Services Committee, where several Senate moderates have raised serious objections.

AP Photo

McLean, Virginia

is two dogs are named Charlie and Nicky

Richardson

The Administration was moving too fast.

McIntyre is anything but a flag waving liberal on defense matters. He has been joined by other conservatives, such as Sen. Peter Dominick, R.-Colo., and Sen. Harry Byrd, I.-Va., The group has proposed to cut $885 million from the Administration's $1.5-billion request this year.

It hasn't proposed to cancel the Trident program, nor has it questioned whether the Trident is a good idea.

It has only proposed to build the new submarines somewhat more slowly than the Administration has requested — about two a year rather than three a year.

In fact, the group led by McIntyre proposes to follow a program with a 1980 target originally adopted by the Pentagon but abandoned for a speedup this year. McIntyre says this objective is only "to proceed in a more orderly way."

Boiled down, the question is whether the nation will have a new strategic submarine by 1978 or by 1980.

Says McIntyre: "The testimony before our committee demonstrated no military justification for the accelerated program.

"We looked very carefully into this, but none of the Defense Department's expert analysts could project a Soviet breakthrough in antisubmarine-warfare technology that would degrade our present Polaris-Poseidon fleet through the 1970s..."

The Pentagon's program calls for 10 Trident submarines at a cost of $1.3 billion per ship. "This may be the most expensive weapon system ever built by the United States," the Armed Services Committee noted in a report.

The new ships are considered desirable partly because Polaris and Poseidon submarines, the heart of America's "deterrent" strength, are getting old, partly because Trident missiles will have greater range, and partly because new motors are quieter, making the Trident more difficult to find.

June

Sunday

September 23, 1973

Volume CVII
Number 122
M

35c Single copy

Copyright 1973
Minneapolis Star and
Tribune Company

D 5255000ALL1M9011534
D ALLIN MORT
D ROOM 125 EOB
D THE WHITE HOUSE
D WASHINGTON ,DC 20500

grocers: They're robbed

s, six shots were fired on
Five came from the robber's
he was hit, but Cook would
bending over to pull his

Cook left a hole in the ciga-
rok's head usually is when he
store at 2438 Clinton Av. S.

on a peaceful tree-lined street
a place, it is a perfect tar-
young or very desperate rob-
ars in prison for $30 to $80 in

p no statistics on how many
00 armed robberies are com-
ated grocery stores, but Dep-
ees that such stores are favor-

Cook

Kearney

Johnson

Cook has been robbed eight times since he entered the grocery business in June 1971 — three times in his present location, five times in other stores. A nearby grocer, Paul Kearney, has been robbed 11 times in 3½ years. Another nearby grocer, who does not want his name used ("They'll think I'm an easy target"), claims 19 robberies in eight years.

In an informal survey of small grocers last week, the

Tribune learned that:

■ Most grocers feel they get adequate police protection. The police respond almost immediately to a robbery call, the grocers agreed, but most grocers would be happier if the police patrolled around their stores more often. The comment most often heard: "The police do all they can, but their hands are tied."

■ Most grocers are unhappy with the role of the courts in the criminal-justice system. They feel probation is too freely given. A typical comment: "Those guys are back out on the streets before the police have had time to write up their reports."

Deputy Chief Johnson agrees with that point of view. Looking through a Hennepin County Court Services report for the month of August one day last week, he found five convictions for robbery. All five were granted probation.

Statistics show that few robbers go to prison. Figures

Robberies continued on page 12A

Sources:
Vote funds

Stenvig holds
over Hofste

Minnesota

Copyright 1973 Minneapolis Tribune

Minneapolis Mayor Charles
tage-point lead over his Dem-
lenger, Albert Hofstede, acco-
the Minneapolis Tribune's M-

Alderman Gladys Brooks, a
third in the survey, taken ea-
olis.

Of those interviewed who
ber, the preferences are:

Stenvig ............
Hofstede ............
Brooks ............
Undecided ............

Regardless of personal pro-
feeling among likely voten-
ember, and his backers ar-
out of four Stenvig suppo-
only 59 percent of Hofste-

Cartier Design © 1973

Cinnamon

8k gold pend-
with white, blue
yellow. Aldo
the 18k gold link

Giuseppe Garibaldi was a
grand master in 1864.

THE NEW YORK TIMES

229 West 43d St., N. Y. 10036

(212) 556-1234

Published Daily, Second-class postage paid at New York, N. Y., and at additional mailing offices.

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Rates to other countries on request.

The Associated Press is entitled exclusively to the use for republication of all news dispatches credited to it or not otherwise credited in this paper and local news of spontaneous origin published herein. Rights of republication of all other matter herein are also reserved.

The masonic fraternity, active in Italy since the early 18th century, has been excommunicated by eight Popes. It also played an important role in the nation's unification more than 100 years ago.

Giuseppe Garibaldi, the national hero, was a grand master of the Masons in 1864, and political leaders of the unified Italy were members of the order. The Fascists persecuted the Freemasons and drove them underground.

Yet, for all its history, Italian Freemasonry hardly caused a ripple with the announcement this week that it had healed a split that began in 1908 over religious instruction in state schools, then an exploitation

calls itself the Grand Lodge of the Grand Orient of Italy. It claims a membership of 20,000 in 400 lodges.

The Grand Master of the re-united fraternity is Lino Salvini, a professor of medicine at Florence University, who headed the larger one of the two branches that have made peace. The smaller one was

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The Salt Lake Tribune

First Section

Saturday, September 22, 1973

# Senate's Confirmation Hearings Found Dr. Kissinger Qualified

Among his recent and major achievements, Dr. Henry A. Kissinger had the least trouble gaining Senate confirmation for his nomination to be U.S. Secretary of State. The almost unanimous endorsement from the Senate Foreign Relations Committee was testimony to Dr. Kissinger's diplomatic abilities.

Several committee members have differed strenuously with President Nixon's past foreign policy moves and at one stage in Dr. Kissinger's confirmation proceedings it appeared a civil liberties issue might complicate matters. That was when senators dwelled on telephone taps approved by Dr. Kissinger early in his stint as National Security Council chairman.

A fuss was made about the bugging, to the extent of prying FBI information from the U.S. Attorney General, and hearing room questions took Dr. Kissinger over the jumps of the secret Cambodia bombings and the U.S. "tilt" toward loser Pakistan during the short India-Pakistan war. But nothing could demolish the obvious respect committee members had for Dr. Kissinger's past and promised performance.

Even Sen. George McGovern, who cast the lone vote against confirmation, said he did so as a "symbolic" gesture, apparently in line with his harsh criticism of Nixon Indo-china policy while Democratic presidential candidate last fall. However, Sen. McGovern added he would be pleased to see the full Senate approve Dr. Kissinger's nomination because the former NSC chief had pledged

public cooperation with the Foreign Relations Committee.

Among the many aspects of the committee hearing, it was Dr. Kissinger's apparent willingness to concur with several pointed inquiries poked at him that could raise doubts about his sincerity. At times he verged on contrition when he could have just as well fired back from the barricades of precedent.

On the other hand, he resolutely defended previously stated administration purposes behind Cambodian incursions and the choice made between Pakistan, India or absolute neutrality at the time of the Bangladesh rebellion. And looming always in the background was his contribution to the U.S. withdrawal from Vietnam, the new opening to Communist China and less hostile relations with the Soviet Union. All, to some degree, are preferred policies of Nixon detractors on the Foreign Relations Committee.

Beyond that, the Committee knows the rules of this game. Only the President can nominate a Secretary of State; the Senate examines the candidate's competency. There may be room for political or academic differences, but that isn't the Senate's prerogative to judge. On that score, it's the President's choice.

Nothing elucidated during the Foreign Relations Committee hearing showed Dr. Kissinger to be incompetent for the job. The full Senate had no alternative but to confirm him.

decision, one which unnecessarily jeopardizes law enforcement efforts in this city."

Gribbs tried to soften the blow and to minimize the conflict between him and the man he named to the top police job three years ago by praising Nichols in a public statement and in an official letter.

"This action was taken with regret, because he has served the city very well . . . ," the mayor said in his statement. He insisted, however, that his firing of Nichols was in the best interests of Detroit citizens and of the Police Department.

"Let me emphasize very strongly that this decision should not be viewed in any way as a reflection on his (Nichols') record as police commissioner," Gribbs added.

In his letter to Nichols, officially notifying him that he had been fired, the mayor said:

"You will surely be judged as one of the finest police commissioners in Detroit history."

Gribbs said he was "looking at everyone, everywhere" for a likely successor to Nichols. But he added pointedly that he was not overlooking his own staff or those in the ranks of the Police Department.

Tannian, Gribbs' executive secretary and a top aide and adviser to the mayor since 1970, asked for the police commissioner's job when Patrick V. Murphy quit. But Nichols, then police superintendent, was Gribbs' choice.

Tannian, Gribbs' liaison with the Police Department and the mayor's main advisor on police matters, was at Gribbs' side before and after the stormy meeting with Nichols.

He was diplomatically silent when asked about a possible successor. But police work has always been his chief interest and he has told friends that his main ambition is to head a big city police department.

Tannian, a native Detroiter and a 1963 graduate of the Detroit College of Law, was an FBI agent in Washington, Baltimore, Philadelphia and Detroit, specializing in the field of organized crime. His FBI partner on assignments here was William L. Lucas, now Wayne County sheriff.

Before joining Gribbs' staff, he was an administrative aide to Wayne Prosecutor William L. Cahalan.

Tannian was an unsuccessful candidate (he ran 20th, missing nomination by two places) in the City Council primary. As Gribbs' aide, he has been credited with developing the city's emergency ambulance service, reorganizing the Police Department and installing the new 911 police and fire emergency telephone system.

He is respected as a capable, get-it-done administrator, but his blunt, demanding, driving, non-

Gribbs told Police Supt. Anthony Bertoni yesterday to continue to administer the Police Department until he could choose a new commissioner. As the "top cop" under Nichols and as first deputy commissioner, he does that anyway in Nichols' absence.

Bertoni said he anticipates "absolutely no changes" in police administration and policies. He praised Nichols as "the finest police commissioner this city and this department ever had."

Asked if he would consider the commissioner's job himself, Bertoni, a 26-year veteran of the force, grinned and replied, "Well, no one has offered me the job." But then he added:

"No way would I consider resigning from the department at this time." He would have to resign or retire to take the commissioner's job, and then would face the likelihood of being replaced by the new mayor in January.

Nichols led the primary race for mayor Sept. 11 and faces State Sen. Coleman Young in the general election Nov. 6.

(Concluded on Page 10A)

# Controversy

## 'Uncle John' as Detroit

By ROBERT M. PAVICH

News Staff Writer

Former Detroit Police Commissioner John F. Nichols was one of the most controversial commissioners in the city's history.

At the same time, however, "Uncle John," a he was affectionately referred to by many members of the department, was one of the most popular and respected commissioners with his men.

Nichols, one of the few commissioners in the

INDIANAPOLIS STAR

SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 22, 1973

WORLD IN BRIEF

# Kissinger Confirmed; Will Take Oath Today

Washington (AP)—The Senate yesterday confirmed Henry A. Kissinger as secretary of state by a vote of 78-7.

Kissinger

The 50-year-old Kissinger, the first naturalized United States citizen to hold the post, will be sworn in by Chief Justice Warren E. Burger in the White House today.

President Nixon, who named his national security adviser to succeed William P. Rogers in August, will attend the ceremony in the East Room along with Cabinet members and members of the capital diplomatic community. Rogers and Vice-President Spiro T. Agnew also were invited.

In the three-hour Senate debate Senator J. W. Fulbright (D-Ark) said that the detente policy toward the Soviet Union which Kissinger helped shape appeared to be coming apart.

The seven senators who voted against confirmation were George S. McGovern (D-S.D.), Gaylord Nelson (D-Wis.), Harold E. Hughes (D-Iowa), Lowell Weicker Jr. (R-Conn.), Floyd K. Haskell (D-Colo.), James Abourezk (D-S.D.) and Jesse Helms (R-N.C.).

Kissinger Receives Oath

By John R. Cauley

Chief of The Star's Washington Bureau

Washington-President Nixon said today that Dr. Henry A. Kissinger as secretary of State is "superbly qualified" to take advantage of the great opportunity to build a lasting peace in the world.

The President spoke at a colorful ceremony in the East Room of the White House, where Chief Justice Warren E. Burger administered the oath of office to Kissinger. The mother of the new secretary of State, Mrs. Polly Kissinger, held the Bible on which Dr. Kissinger placed his hand during the oath.

At the ceremony were many members of Congress, government leaders and friends of the new secretary.

Kissinger was confirmed as secretary yesterday by the Senate in a vote of 78 to 7.

The President said Kissinger is assuming office at a water-shed time in U. S. foreign policy, when there is peace for the first time in 12 years. However, Nixon said, it is sometimes more difficult to keep peace than it is to obtain it.

Nixon added that the successes of Kissinger did not come from one person, but from a dedicated team.

In response, Kissinger re-

called that five years ago Nixon had asked him to serve as foreign affairs adviser. He said that the President had commissioned him to help achieve a lasting structure of peace, and among other things not to avoid new departures in foreign policy.

"The objectives of the President have never wavered," Kissinger said.

The new secretary said that when the President recently asked him to become secretary, Nixon again stressed that his goal was a lasting peace, one that transcends administration and goes beyond political parties.

"No goal is more noble than to bring mankind closer to a lasting peace," Kissinger said.

The White House had listed Vice-President Spiro T. Agnew as one of the principal invited guests at the ceremony for Kissinger, but Agnew did not attend. There was no explanation for his absence from a ceremony that drew a status-laden assemblage of administration and congressional leaders.

A spokesman for Agnew said earlier it was not certain he would attend. Agnew was in the city.

New Title

Henry A. Kissinger was sworn in today as secretary of State, the 56th man to hold the office but the first foreign-born, naturalized U.S. citizen in that position. He was confirmed by the Senate yesterday. (Wirephoto)

Fort Scott, Kan. (AP)—Lightning struck a natural gas pump station about 5 a.m. today, igniting a spectacular fire and forcing the utility to cut off gas to Fort Scott and Prescott, Kan. and Nevada, Mo.

A Fort Scott fireman said the fire, on the south edge of Fort Scott, blazed for about 90 minutes. It was extinguished when workmen for the Cities Service Gas Company shut off the gas flow.

No injuries were reported. Residents in the immediate area of the explosion were evacuated, firemen said.

There was no estimate of how long the communities would be without gas.

## Wife Charged With Murder Of Husband

Mrs. Jeri Jackson, 20, of 1612 Missouri, was arraigned today in magistrate court on a second-degree murder in connection with the fatal shooting of her husband, Sylvester Jackson, 24, at 1:10 a.m. today.

The shooting occurred at their residence. He was pronounced dead at the General Hospital. He was shot in the chest.

Mrs. Jackson was freed after posting $10,000 bond. The homicide was the 61st of the year in Kansas City, compared to 55 at this time last year.

the newspapers or the striking Teamsters Union Local No. 610 yesterday. Both sides are awaiting the results of a National Labor Relations Board investigation of a newspaper complaint charging the union with violating the National Labor Relations Act. Talks initiated by the Federal Mediation and Conciliation Service broke off Sept. 14.

## Woman's Dodge Ends in Injury

A 40-year-old woman was injured about 3:40 a.m. today when she was struck by a tractor-trailer truck on U.S. 71 near 127th in Grandview.

Mrs. Bertha L. Clement, of 1422 E. 66th, was in serious condition at Baptist Memorial Hospital with a hip fracture and internal injuries.

Grandview police said the woman had stepped from a car in which she had been a passenger. She stood in the middle of the northbound lane of U.S. 71 watching the car drive away when the driver of the tractor-trailer truck swerved toward the left shoulder of the road to avoid the woman.

The woman, however, ran toward the left shoulder to escape the path of the truck and was struck by the left fender of the truck. The driver of the truck was James Schooley, 31, of 6025 Freeman, Kansas City, Kansas.

Phone Sunday Want Ads in before 11 a.m. Sat., 221-5500—Adv.

cated the union and management were too far apart to expect a settlement before that time.

Miss Burns said a strike would ground all Braniff flights. The association expects other unions to honor its picket lines, she said.

The main issue, she said, is reduction of flight time. The stewardesses want air time (actual time aloft) reduced from a maximum of 85 hours a month to 80 hours, she said.

A Braniff spokesman in Kansas City said early this afternoon that negotiations were still in progress but would make no comment on the state of the talks.

## East German, Philippine Relations

United Nations (AP)—East Germany and the Philippines announced today they were establishing diplomatic relations. East Germany now has diplomatic relations with 96 countries.

Below normal

6.08

## Topeka Architect Dies of Cancer

Topeka (AP)—Oscar S. Ekdahl, Topeka architect, died yesterday in a Topeka hospital of cancer.

Ekdahl, 65, was the senior partner in the firm of Ekdahl, Davis, Depew and Presson. He designed several schools in Topeka and buildings at the University of Kansas, Washburn, Kansas State and Baker universities, and hospital structures in Hiawatha and Ottawa. Services will be at 11 a.m. Monday.

September 22, 1973, Vol. 94, No. 5

The Kansas City Star every morning, evening and Sunday (13 issues a week) suggested home delivery rate, $3.50 a month. By mail, postage prepaid, morning, evening and Sunday (13 issues a week); in Missouri and Kansas, 85 cents a week; elsewhere in the United States and United States possessions, 95 cents a week; in foreign countries, $1.30 a week. Morning and Sunday or evenings and Sunday (7 issues a week) suggested home delivery rate, $2.85 a month. By mail, postage prepaid morning and Sunday or evening and Sunday (7 issues a week) in Missouri and Kansas 70 cents a week; elsewhere in the United States and United States possession, 80 cents a week; in foreign countries, $1.15 a week. Second class postage paid at Kansas City, Mo. Kansas City, Mo. 64108.

## INDIAN MADE JEWELRY
Special... Squash Blossom Sale

Discount to the public on all items. Many signed pieces from the finest Indian Craftsmen. Direct from the Navaho, Zuni and Hopi Reservations. Showing Sept. 21, 22 and 23 at the Plaza Inn, Kansas City, Missouri.

Confirmed by Senate, 78-7

BOSTON HERALD AMERICAN 9/22/73

# Kissinger to Be Sworn in Today

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

(C) New York Times News Service

WASHINGTON—Henry A. Kissinger who emigrated with his family to the United States 35 years ago to escape the Nazi persecution of Jews, was confirmed by the Senate yesterday as President Nixon's next Secretary of State. The vote was 78 to 7.

Chief Justice Warren E. Burger will administer the oath of office to Kissinger this morning at the White House. Kissinger will be the first naturalized citizen and the first Jew to hold the senior cabinet position.

Sen. Jacob K. Javits, (R-N.Y.) said in the two-hour Senate debate that preceded the vote that Kissinger's nomination was "a miracle of American history."

"He has proved not only to America but to the

whole world that this still is an open society," Sen. Charles Mathias Jr. (R-Md.) said, praising the 50-year-old former Harvard professor who joined Nixon in 1968 as his national security adviser, a job he will retain with his new assignment.

One of those voting against Kissinger's confirmation was Sen. Jesse A. Heims (R-N.C.), a conservative, who said he had considerable doubt about Mr. Kissinger's policies, particularly his role in improving relations with Russia and China.

He strongly criticized the wheat deal with the Soviet Union.

"I greatly fear that his other much-lauded agreements will also end up with the Soviets taking us for a ride," he said. "The issue is one of competence, and

(Continued on Page Twelve)

HENRY KISSINGER ... praised in Senate.

AP Photo

The isolettes are connected to electrocardiograms and other devices to check constant checks on heart rate, body temperature, oxygen flow and pressure, and carbon dioxide levels.

FOR A PATIENT who is just needing blood around and nothing more, do the rest," said Battaglia. "You're giving shells of support for them."

The Stanek babies are expected to gain in the high-risk nursery until they weigh about five pounds, sayital spokesmen. They aren't excited to be sent home from the hospital possibly six weeks.

At birth the sextuplets were estimated to weigh from just under three pounds to under four pounds each.

## Money Bill

The new four-year farm law covering grain and grain set a $20,000-per-farmer ceiling on subsidy payments withing the 1974 crops, instead of

the government disclosures.

The junta has shown increasing signs that it expects a lengthy tenure in office and envisages a permanent role for the armed forces in government.

Congress has been suspended indefinitely since the day of the coup, and today a government spokesman said that even non-Marxist political parties would soon be placed in "indefinite recess."

"The main function of the parties is in congress anyway," said the official. "There will be no need for political reunions or party gatherings, and demonstrations are already forbidden."

In another news conference, Gen. Gustavo Leigh Guzman also a member of the junta, disclosed that a new constitution would soon be put into effect.

"There is a committee of distinguished jurists working on a new constitution for Chile, based on a general outline indicated by the junta," Leigh said.

According to Leigh, the armed forces want the new constitution to broaden their role in the country and to assure them "representation in legislative bodies."

"We want to participate in the development and progress of the country," he declared.

Leigh, the Air Force commander in

Secretary
Kissinger

New Republic

9/22/73

by Stanley Karnow

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee had been trying for years to bring Henry Kissinger into an open session in order to probe the Nixon administration's conduct and intentions in the field of foreign affairs. But Kissinger, apparently fearful that his special brand of secret diplomacy would be jeopardized, repeatedly refused to appear. Within the past week, however, the committee finally got its chance as he came up for confirmation as secretary of State, and, as it turned out, his fears were groundless. Facing the senators in the ornate caucus room, the familiar scene of the Watergate show, he once again demonstrated that he may be the most articulate man in Washington. His confrontation was vastly simplified, though, by the fact that the senators who had roared like lions in anticipation of the feast revealed themselves to be lambs. Thus Kissinger's vow to "explain our philosophies, purposes and policies to the public" remains, at least for the present, an unfulfilled promise.

The main issue at stake in the hearings was not whether Kissinger would be approved. That was a foregone conclusion. Yet the hearings could have been significant in several respects. They could have investigated in depth Kissinger's role in the wiretapping of his aides and other dubious administration activities. They could have reviewed in detail the President's past and current policies on subjects ranging from Indochina, the Middle East and Latin America to arms control and international monetary matters.

They could have explored such grand strategies as the Nixon Doctrine and Kissinger's balance of power concept, whose real meaning has never been fully clarified by official spokesmen. They could have examined at length the respective responsibilities of the White House and the Congress in foreign affairs, and, in particular, in the authority to wage war. And, most importantly from its own point of view, the committee could have used the meeting to set up guidelines to govern the future relationship between the executive and legislative branches in the foreign policy realm. In short here was an opportunity to take advantage of Kissinger's pledge of candor. Time was no problem, since, as committee Chairman J. William Fulbright noted, Kissinger had long been "functioning forcefully" as secretary of State without the title. But the senators chose instead to skim the surface, with the result that the hearings offered little solid evidence to substantiate Kissinger's claim, made last month, that

there will henceforth be "a greater institutionalization of foreign policy than has been the case up to now."

It seemed to me as I watched the hearings that even the more dynamic members of the committee are, despite their rhetoric, essentially less interested in challenging the President than in sharing his power in foreign relations, and they therefore treated Kissinger gently as a way of signaling their receptivity to a truce with the administration. Kissinger had perceived this attitude, and, conforming himself to it comfortably, he appeared to undergo a complete transformation. No longer would foreign policy be shaped by the "esoteric initiatives of a small group of specialists," he told the senators. He would rely on the "dedicated professionals" of the State Department and seek to infuse them "with a sense of participation, intellectual excitement and mission." He would also work out means to have the committee participate "more fully in the design of our foreign policy" in order to achieve a "broad consensus" in a "climate of mutual trust," and, consistent with that promise, he assured the senators that he would "testify formally" on all his activities. In response Fulbright shelved his former complaints and voiced the hope that "we begin a new era." With that tone set the interrogation that followed lacked a cutting edge.

The only real problem in the hearings arose over the wiretapping of 13 administration officials and four newsmen that went on from the spring of 1969 through early 1971, and that was eventually resolved when Attorney General Elliot Richardson conceded to showing a memorandum on the subject to two members of the committee. Kissinger indicated to the senators that the taps were not his idea even though he considered them necessary. But the senators did not raise his equivocal statements of last May, when he first denied knowledge of the taps and soon afterward admitted that he had supplied the names of those to be bugged. Nor did the senators cite the disclosure in May of William Ruckelshaus, then acting FBI director, who said that the effort to discover leaks through the use of electronic surveillance stemmed from an "initial conversation" in the spring of 1969 between Kissinger and the late J. Edgar Hoover. In reply to one senator at the hearings Kissinger asserted that he opposed future wiretaps without legal court order, but he added that he would "like to leave scope for overwhelming danger" to national security. Nobody asked

Conversations in the Court

What's In a Name?

"Kissinger Opts for 'simple' title"

The Washington Post, August 23, 1973

Counsellor Laird:

Lord Kissinger, for your new role at State,
Your choice of title, "Excellency," strikes
The ear and mind as not quite right.

Lord Kissinger:

Indeed? Consolidation of tasks
Beyond our shores is my fair fate.
While Richard wrestles night and day
With soggy problems of the realm
Domestic, I steer, on his behalf,
The ship of state through troubled waters.
I know not where I'll go or whom I'll meet.
In interchanges with the sultans and the
potentates,
How best for me to be addressed, to show
at once
My noble place, or rank the equal of all
save one,
Our Royal Grace?

Counsellor Laird:

"Excellency" lacks a certain touch.
"Prince of Peace" would suit you well, but
long
Another's had that name. A proper title
to please
The peasant's ear and not offend the King
Is difficult to find.

Lord Kissinger:

The English language lacks the range
And nuance of some other tongues, but
Let it be. I will confess that "Prince"
Has crossed my mind.

Counsellor Laird:

The hint of royal succession bars it from
An easy use, remembering that but one
Head fits Richard's Crown.

Lord Kissinger:

The title is a tedious thing, and
Unavoidably, must soon be chosen.
For the nonce, Bold Mel,
How would it be,
To call me just plain Henry.

Robert J. Myers

him who would determine the "overwhelming danger." Similarly the senators accepted Kissinger's claim that he was unaware of the tricky doings of David Young, a former assistant recently indicted as one of the White House "plumbers." Last month, though, former Central Intelligence Agency Director Richard Helms testified that Young had told him that Kissinger and John Ehrlichman accorded the "highest priority" to the preparation of a CIA "psychological profile" of Daniel Ellsberg.

The issue of Kissinger's part in or knowledge of the administration's illicit maneuvers is serious, even though the committee tended to treat it as symbolic. For, as Daniel I. Davidson suggests in the article that follows, the relationship between a cabinet officer and the bureaucracy in a modern state must be based on trust. The bureaucrats leaked because they were ignored by the White House and so sought other outlets in which to express their views. The administration responded with wiretaps and even lie detector tests, further demoralizing the bureaucrats. As the President's national security adviser, Kissinger scarcely trusted his own small staff. For him to place his faith in the huge State Department, as he promises, would indeed be a big change.

Replying to the senators Kissinger defended his October 26 press conference in which he said that a Vietnam peace was "at hand," explaining that his aim at the time was to "salvage the negotiation." The senators did not query him on the need for the intensive bombings of North Vietnam that were launched late last year after the Vietnam talks temporarily broke down. He also declared himself in agreement with the secret bombing of Cambodia beginning in the spring of 1969, explaining that the action had the acquiescence of Prince Norodom Sihanouk, then Cambodian chief of state. But the senators did not ask him to define the authority vested in the President that permits him to undertake military action even with the accord of a foreign ruler. Nor did the senators ask him to describe the "delicate" negotiations that were supposedly taking place early in the summer as the administration was attempting to dissuade the Congress from stopping the US bombing of Cambodia by August 15. And what are the practical benefits of the administration's détente with the Soviet Union and China? Why, with this tremendous accomplishment, is the President calling for the biggest defense budget in history? Those were other questions the senators failed to pose.

Despite these and other ambiguities in the hearings, Kissinger may well carry out his pledge to pursue a truly bipartisan policy with the active cooperation of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. Here again, however, it was not at all clear during the hearings whether the members of the committee have carefully considered bipartisanship—even if Kissinger can really accommodate to it. Consensus during the days

OBER 22, 1973

Senator Vandenberg contributed to the Cold War, and, as Stanley Hoffmann has pointed out, it was the Cold War consensus that led to the Tonkin Gulf Resolution and the involvement in Vietnam. Difficult as it is, continued debate in the foreign policy sphere may

be a healthier alternative. But if the hearings augur the future, Kissinger could conceivably serve as secretary of State with neither the encumbrances of consensus nor the challenge of sharp opposition—which is basically the way he has been operating so far.

## Kissinger's Problem: Mutual Trust

John F. Kennedy came to the White House determined to give the State Department one last chance. Richard Nixon, who had had long experience with the Foreign Service, assumed the presidency determined that the department had had its last chance: Henry Kissinger was his alternative. Now Kissinger has been given the assignment of leading and revitalizing the department he publicly emasculated and for whose abilities he has barely disguised contempt. ("It is no accident," Professor Kissinger once wrote, "that most great statesmen were opposed by the 'experts' in their foreign offices, for the very greatness of the statesman's conception tends to make it inaccessible to those whose primary concern is with safety and minimum risk.") Aside from his disdain for the bureaucrats, Kissinger has made it harder to develop a trusting relationship by the unprecedented and illegal wiretapping of men he had known for years and selected for his own staff. It has not escaped notice that Richard Pedersen, former counselor of the department and the closest associate of Secretary Rogers, was reportedly wiretapped shortly after the invasion of Cambodia, without Rogers' approval or knowledge.

A self-described loner, a man fearful of leaks who often jokes about his "paranoia," Kissinger has cut members of his chosen elite, the National Security Council staff, off from information they consider necessary to do their jobs. If a man on Kissinger's personal staff in the White House was shifted to the nearby NSC staff, his access to cables was considerably reduced. To those working blocks away at State, it became a major feat to get the text of a backgrounder (such as the one explaining the Nixon doctrine) that was given to newspaper reporters.

The bureaucracy retaliated as best it could. Midway through Kissinger's term as presidential adviser, I remarked to a diplomatic reporter that it was my impression that most national security leaks originated either in the Pentagon or the White House. He said that had been true during the Johnson years, but that the warfare between Kissinger and State had reached the point that when State came into possession of a document capable of damaging Kissinger, he, the journalist, was likely to receive a call.

If Kissinger is to be not only a skillful diplomatic virtuoso but also a successful secretary of State, he must make his peace with the bureaucracy. In theory, this should not be difficult. The bureaucracy is trained to obedience and longs to serve an influential secretary of State. Its price for devotion is some degree of information, and at least the appearance of influence. If Kissinger consults the bureaucracy, even if consultations are as superficial as meetings he often holds with former officeholders and academics, State will serve him loyally. Whether he's able to keep bureaucracy happy is not, of course, the main point; it is whether the bureaucracy will be allowed to make its proper contribution. For instance, if the State Department had been consulted on the President's China trip, it would have urged the necessity of informing the Japanese, even if, as seems likely, Japan was deliberately misled to avoid the possibility of a leak that might make the President's live television announcement less dramatic. While the average level of talent in the department is below that of Kissinger's NSC staff, there are officers of outstanding ability at State; Kissinger's staff includes a substantial number of men from State.

Inevitably, Kissinger and his personal staff cannot make all the decisions or even effectively monitor the full range of State Department operations. The bureaucracy, whether informed or not, will continue to take actions which in the aggregate will make foreign policy. So Kissinger would be well advised to moderate his dread of leaks and his distaste for dealing with a cumbersome organization, and to keep his department and embassies as fully informed as possible. If he does not change his style and becomes the only "informed source" at State, the prospect of the department as an institution playing a major role in the shaping of foreign policy will have vanished. And policy will suffer. As Secretary of State Stimson used to say, the way to make men trustworthy is to give them trust.

Daniel I. Davidson

MR. DAVIDSON, formerly a member of the US delegation to the Vietnam peace talks in Paris, worked on Henry Kissinger's National Security Council staff through mid-1969. His telephone was reportedly tapped during his NSC staff tenure.

Henry Kissinger Sworn In
As 56th Secretary of State

KISSINGER, From A1

strength and distrust, and
that I experienced then
what America means to
other people, its hope and
it's idealism."

The secretary pledged
that "in achieving a struc-
ture of peace . . . we will
strive not just for a prag-
matic solution to this or that
difficulty, but to recognize
that America has never
been true to itself unless it
meant something beyond it-
self."

As Kissinger spoke, some
of his critics in the Senate
appeared to be taking men-
tal notes. There has been
concern expressed that Kis-
singer practices "chessboard"
politics and does not give
sufficient regard to human
liberties, particularly in the
case of Soviet Jews seeking
to emigrate and Soviet in-
tellectuals seeking freedom of
expression.

Cabinet officials and dozens of senators of both parties were present. But Vice President Spiro T. Agnew, although invited, did not show up.

Agnew's press secretary,
J. Marsh Thomson, said the
Vice President's absence
from the ceremonies had no
significance.

"He just didn't come into
the office," Thomson said.
"There's no real significance
that he didn't show up be-
yond the fact that he de-
cided to spend the weekend
on personal and private
time."

Another who was absent
was Kissinger's predecessor,
William P. Rogers, who was
long overshadowed by the
President's foreign policy
adviser. For years Kissinger
was considered Secretary of
State in everything but
name. Yesterday he got the
title while keeping his post

as head of the National Se-
curity Council.

In what appeared to be an
effort to prove Kissinger's
intentions to mold a biparti-
san foreign policy, Senate
Majority Leader Mike Mans-
field of Montana and House
Speaker Carl Albert of
Oklahoma were seated in
the center row, directly be-
hind the family. Even Demo-
cratic National Chairman
Robert S. Strauss was in-
vited.

One of the first telegrams
to Kissinger came from So-
viet Foreign Minister An-
drei Gromyko, who congrat-
ulated the new Secrettery of
State and expressed "the
hope for further develop-
ment of relations between
the Soviet Union and the
United States for the good
of the peoples of the two
countries and in the interest
of strengthening interna-
tional security and universal
peace."

Kissinger is to meet with
Gromyko at the United Na-
tions this week. In the Sen-
ate Friday Foreign Rela-
tions Committee Chairman
J. W. Fulbright (D-Ark.) ex-
pressed concern that the de-
tente was "unravelling."

At the end of the formali-
ties the President and Kis-
singer posed for photo-
graphs with Kissinger's par-
ents and Kissinger's two
children, Elizabeth, 14, look-
ing a bit self-conscious, and
David, 12, smiling broadly.
Then Kissinger's brother,
Walter, and his family,
joined the group for more
additions to the family al-
bum.

The President, with his
new Secretary of State,
greeted all the guests as
they entered the reception,
holding conversations sev-
eral minutes long with a
number of them. The Presi-
dent was overheard telling
former Commerce Secretary
Peter G. Peterson that they

would have to get him to
"do something," apparently
some kind of official mis-
sion, and telling Robert J.
McCloskey, currently am-
bassador to Cyprus but long
a spokesman for the State
Department, which he has
come back to serve tempo-
rarily, that he was "always
on the firing line."

While Kissinger looked
toward his future job, fig-
ures out of his past filed by.
There were Gov. Nelson
Rockefeller and his wife,
Happy. Kissinger was drawn
into the world of politics
years ago as Rockefeller's
foreign policy adviser.

There was Fritz Kramer,
another man who had left
Germany, but out of con-
science, not persecution,
who had won the reputation
as the "discoverer" of Henry
Kissinger's intellectual po-
tential.

There were professors
from Harvard University,
where Kissinger was a stu-
dent and later a teacher.

And there was Nancy
Maginnes, Kissinger's long-
time friend.

Kissinger gave a small
luncheon for family and out-
of-town guests in the White
House mess. When the re-
ceiving line was over, the
President told Kissinger to
use his office in the Execu-
tive Office Building for
cocktails. "And get out the
good scotch," he said.

In the evening Kissinger
invited "a few friends"—
fewer than 20—to the Em-
press for dinner, his taste
for Chinese food apparently
still undiminished by his sev-
eral visits to Peking.

Although Kissinger has
promised a more open for-
eign policy, the President
announced after yesterday's
formal ceremony that re-
freshments would be served.
"Then," said the President,
"he will probably take a trip
—I don't know where."

# Teachers Rescued

## Survivors Are Removed From Capsized Sailboat

SAN FRANCISCO, Sept. 22 (AP)—Two Seventh Day Adventist teachers were reported in high spirits today after a British vessel rescued them from a two-month odyssey of hunger and death aboard a capsized sailboat in the Pacific Ocean.

The survivors, James Fisher, 26, of Auburn, Wash., and Robert Tininenko, 34, of Longview, Wash., told rescuers Friday that Tininenko's wife, Linda, 24, died Aug. 11—one month after the 31-foot tri-maran capsized in heavy seas off Cape Mendocino in Northern California.

The cause of death was not immediately known and the body was to aboard the homemade, tri-hulled Triton—bound for missionary work in Central America.

"The death is under investigation. But we don't want to bring on a relapsed condition by mentioning it now. We speculate the body was jettisoned," said a Coast Guard spokesman here.

The two lived on canned sardines, peanut butter and rainwater as they huddled under a canvas shelter rigged between the main hull and one of the side pods, the Coast Guard said. Apparently they dived under the hull to get the canned goods.

They were rescued by the British container ship Benalder.

Lt. Cdr. John Lynker said the two were not even sunburned. "If they had been exposed all that time to the sun, they never would have made it. They probably used

a little canvas from a sail to catch some rainwater."

The wreckage nearly was bypassed by the ship under the assumption there were no survivors. The Triton had been the object of a 275,000-square-mile search after it was reported lost in July.

They were rescued about 900 miles southwest of San Francisco, between San Diego and Honolulu. The Coast Guard said the two would be taken to Midway Island Monday, then flown to Honolulu and later to San Francisco for medical treatment.

The three left Tacoma, Wash., July 2 for Costa Rica where Fisher, who also has a wife and children, hoped to join a church mission. Both survivors are faculty members at the Seventh Day Adventist Academy in Auburn, Wash.

Friends said Fisher built the craft himself and had only about 100 hours sailing time on Puget Sound near Seattle.

## Drug Offender Gets 'Persistent' Sentence

BUFFALO, Sept. 22 (UPI) — A 60-year-old Buffalo man has received Erie County's first "persistent offender" sentence.

State Supreme Court Justice Frederick M. Marshall sentenced Joseph A. Williams to 15 years to life in prison after Williams pleaded guilty to fifth degree possession of a dangerous drug.

Marshall said that Williams had been arrested 12 times since 1933. Five of those arrests were on felony charges, he said.

INVENTORS

Scotts

# Kissinger's Debut

It was an auspicious coincidence of timing that led Henry Kissinger to the United Nations General Assembly yesterday for his first official act as Secretary of State. The opening words of his formal address only heightened the sense of anticipation for what this respected scholar-diplomat could present before the world forum.

"The anguish, the turmoil and the promise of the real world have frequently been obscured by rhetoric and distorted by slogans," he began. "Beyond the bilateral diplomacy, the pragmatic agreements and dramatic steps of recent years, we envisage a comprehensive, institutionalized peace—a peace which this organization is uniquely situated to foster and to anchor in the hearts of men."

Secretary Kissinger's rhetorical vision found little expression in the unnecessarily modest proposals which he laid before the diplomats assembled. A renewed call for the admission of Japan to permanent membership in the Security Council is certainly a realistic updating of the world power structure as it has evolved since the founding of the United Nations. The time has also come, as Mr. Kissinger suggested, for North and South Korea to be admitted to membership. The two German states are already incorporated into the General Assembly. It was noteworthy that Secretary Kissinger found no way to point to any U.N. role in developing postwar relations between the two halves of another divided nation, Vietnam.

Perhaps there were good reasons not to use the General Assembly podium for outlining American ideas to prod Israel and the Arab states toward the peace agreements that have so long eluded diplomatic ingenuity. "We are prepared to use our influence to generate a spirit of accommodation and to encourage the parties toward practical progress," Mr. Kissinger said. But does this familiar-sounding sentiment mean anything? The coming weeks of private discussions with the Middle Eastern parties will tell.

The Secretary's push for "peacekeeping guidelines" contains some potential for reinjecting the Security Council into disputes around the world, though the French and the Russians, among others, will need far more explanation of the American ideas before this long-stalled aspect of the U.N. dream can be revived.

"My country remains committed to the goal of a world community," Secretary Kissinger declared. "We will continue to work in this parliament of man to make it a reality." The new Secretary of State may say he regrets rhetoric and distortion by slogans, but if for too long "words were the only reality" at the United Nations, Mr. Kissinger's own debut at the General Assembly showed little readiness to entrust the world organization with realities other than words.

12

U.N.

UNITED NATIONS, N.Y. (AP)-DIPLOMATS FROM AROUND THE WORLD ARE LOOKING TO HENRY KISSINGER TO BRING SOMETHING NEW AND EXCITING TO THE U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY'S GENERAL DEBATE, TOO OFTEN DULLED BY DREARY RECITALS OF FAMILIAR POSITIONS.

KISSINGER WILL SPEAK TO THE 135-NATION ASSEMBLY MONDAY MORNING IMMEDIATELY AFTER BRAZILIAN FOREIGN MINISTER MARIO GIBSON BARBOZA OPENS THE ANNUAL ROUND OF POLICY STATEMENTS IN WHICH 120 GOVERNMENTS SO FAR ARE LISTED TO TAKE PART.

THE SPEECH WILL BE KISSINGER'S FIRST SINCE BECOMING SECRETARY OF STATE AND HIS FIRST EVER AT THE UNITED NATIONS.

KISSINGER WILL CONFER WITH UN. SECRETARY-GENERAL KURT WALDHEIM BEFORE HE ADDRESSES THE GENERAL ASSEMBLY, GIVE LUNCHEONS MONDAY AND TUESDAY FOR REPRESENTATIVES OF AFRICAN AND ARAB COUNTRIES, RESPECTIVELY, AND ATTEND WALDHEIM'S DINNER FOR THE BIG FIVE FOREIGN MINISTERS WEDNESDAY NIGHT.

AG 346PED SEPT. 23

22 SEP 1945Z WJ/MA

FBIS 22

GROMYKO CONGRATULATES KISSINGER

L221055 MOSCOW TASS IN ENGLISH 1051 GMT 22 SEP 73 L

(TEXT) MOSCOW SEPTEMBER 22 TASS--THE FOREIGN MINISTER OF THE USSR ANDREY GROMYKO HAS CONGRATULATED U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY KISSINGER ON HIS APPOINTMENT TO THE POST.

THE TELEGRAM EXPRESSES THE HOPE "FOR FURTHER DEVELOPMENT OF RELATIONS BETWEEN THE SOVIET UNION AND THE UNITED STATES FOR THE GOOD OF THE PEOPLE'S OF THE TWO COUNTRIES, IN THE INTEREST OF STRENGTHENING INTERNATIONAL SECURITY AND UNIVERSAL PEACE".

22 SEP 1949Z WJ/MA

Everything'

VOICE OF THE PEOPLE:

Henry A. Kissinger? No!

The Inquiring Reporter asked: "How do you feel about Henry Kissinger becoming Secretary of State?"

My answer is: "No!"

As the Sept. 3, 1973, issue of Newsweek reported on Page 41, the Soviet Union and Red China greeted the news with "glowing satisfaction" and hailed the nominee as an "old friend." Page 31 of the same issue shows him consorting with Mao, Chou and Brezhnev, a trio of staunch pro-Americanites if ever there were such.

Instead of being proposed for Secretary of State he should be nominated for the "Order of Lenin," Soviet Russia's top award.

Anyone who professes to believe a "detente" with Red China and the Soviet slave empire can possibly be beneficial to the United States is either an idiot or a traitor.

The last time I looked at our sadly neglected Constitution, that glorious document specified that the President and Vice President must be native-born. Frankly, I fear for the security of the United States with foreign-born Kissinger in any position of authority.

Kissinger has stated he favors the abandonment of "institutions based on the concept of national sovereignty" which is merely an intellectual paraphrase of the fact he is for pro-world (pro-Soviet) government.

I would sooner shake hands with a rattlesnake than try to deal with Soviet Russia. But even more repulsive have been the negotiations with Red China — the Mao regime is the biggest producer of opium, morphine and heroin in the world. One of the "not too secret" weapons utilized by Peking in Vietnam was the massive infusion of heroin to blow the minds of our GIs.

To turn our attention once again to our playful playmates, the mass murdering Soviets, the brilliant doctor executed an equally brilliant coup in arranging the sale of wheat to Russia at approximately $1.65 a bushel so the Soviet sharpies could resell it for about $5 a bushel with the grain in some instances never leaving the United States.

I also understand some of the wheat was sold to Italy at a substantial profit. To add further insult to injury we loaned our loyal Soviet friends the necessary funds at ridiculous rates to buy the wheat from us at subsidized prices.

What price lunacy?

We stupidly financed the Soviet Revolution in Russia. Let's pray that America calls a stop to financing its own destruction.

Kissinger for Secretary of State?

A shoe-thumping "Nyet!"

JOHN J. O'CONNOR JR.

The News American invites the opinions of its readers. Clear, brief, easy-to-read letters are preferred. Letters must be signed, although initials will be used upon request. Phone number and address must be included for possible verification. We reserve the right to edit all letters.

ace

Side of the James Bay Water-
north of Montreal — a 12-year,

60
KISSINGER (TOPS 53)
BY BARRY SCHWEID

WASHINGTON (AP)-- HENRY A. KISSINGER WAS SWORN IN TODAY AS SECRETARY OF STATE AND PLEDGED TO DEVOTE HIMSELF TO "A WORLD BASED NOT UPON STRENGTH BUT UPON JUSTICE."

THE 56TH MAN TO HOLD THE OFFICE, KISSINGER WAS SWORN IN BY
CHIEF JUSTICT WARREN E. BURGER IN THE EAST ROOM IN THE WHITE HOUSE.

KISSINGER'S HAND RESTED ON A KING JAMES VERSION OF THE BIBLE
PRESENTED TO HIM BY PRESIDENT NIXON AND HELD BY KISSINGER'S MOTHER,
MRS. PAUL KISSINGER OF NEW YORK.

THE PRESIDENT, WHO NAMED HIS NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER TO SUCCEED WILLIAM P. ROGERS A MONTH AGO, HAILED KISSINGER'S "POISE AND STRENGTH" AND SAID "HE CAN HANDLE HIMSELF UNDER CONSIDERABLE PRESSURE."

VICE PRESIDENT SPIRO T. AGNEW, WHO HAD BEEN AMONG THE OFFICIALS LISTED TO TTEND THE CEREMONY, DID NOT APPEAR. THERE WAS NO IMMEDIATE EXPLANATION FOR HIS ABSENCE.

CB1155PED SEPT 22

62

WASHINGTON--ADD KISSINGER (60)

NEITHER THE PRESIDENT NOR KISSINGER, 50, MENTIONED HIS RELIGION--HE IS THE FIRST JEW TO HEAD THE STATE DEPARTMENT--ALTHOUGH THE NEW SECRETARY REFERRED TO IT INDIRECTLY BY RECALLING HIS FAMILY'S FLIGHT FROM NAZI GERMANY IN 1938.

"THERE IS NO COUNTRY IN THE WORLD WHERE IT IS CONCEIVABLE A MAN OF MY ORIGINS COULD BE STANDING NEXT TO THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES," HE SAID, HIS VOICE GROWING HUSKY WITH EMOTION. GENERALLY, THE CEREMONY WAS BRIGHT AND CHEERFUL, AND THE AUDIENCE ROSE THREE TIMES TO GIVE HIM AN OVATION.

AMONG THE GUESTS WERE KISSINGER'S FATHER, LOUIS, HIS CHILDREN ELIZABETH, 14, AND DAVID 11; HIS BROTHER, WALTER KISSINGER OF HUNTINGTON, N.Y., AND NANCY MAGINNIS, A FREQUENT COMPANION OF KISSINGER.

GOV. NELSON ROCKEFELLER OF NEW YORK, DEMOCRATIC PARTY CHAIRMAN ROBERT STRAUSS, SEN. J.W. FULBRIGHT, D-ARK., SEN. HUBERT HUMPHREY, D-MINN., AND KIRK DOUGLAS, THE ACTOR, ALSO ATTENDED.

SR1224PED SEPT 22

Secretary
Kissinger

by Stanley Karnow

Conversations in the Court

What's In a Name?

Counsellor Laird:

Lord Kissinger:

Counsellor Laird:

Lord Kissinger:

Counsellor Laird:

Lord Kissinger:

Robert J. Myers

OBER 22, 1973

Daniel I. Davidson

UPI022

(KISSINGER)

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- SECRETARY OF STATE-DESIGNATE HENRY A. KISSINGER HAS TOLD SEN. EDWARD M. KENNEDY, D-MASS., THE UNITED STATES WILL BE FLEXIBLE IN DECIDING WHETHER REPRESSION OF HUMAN RIGHTS ABROAD SHOULD AFFECT AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY.

KISSINGER, WHOSE NOMINATION IS EXPECTED TO BE CONFIRMED BY THE SENATE TODAY OR TOMORROW, RESPONDED WITH WRITTEN ANSWERS TO A SERIES OF QUESTIONS BY KENNEDY.

"THE UNITED STATES STANDS EMPHATICALLY FOR SUCH BASIC PRINCIPLES AS HUMAN LIBERTY, INDIVIDUAL RIGHTS, FREEDOM OF MOVEMENT AND FREEDOM OF THE PERSON," KISSINGER SAID. "ON THE OTHER HAND, THE PROTECTION OF BASIC HUMAN RIGHTS IS A VERY SENSITIVE ASPECT OF THE DOMESTIC JURISDICTION OF THE GOVERNMENT WITH WHOM THE UNITED STATES HAS TO CONDUCT FOREIGN POLICY.

HE SAID THE U.S. SHOULD NEITHER ACQUIESCCE TO THE SUPPRESSION OF HUMAN LIBERTIES ABROAD NOR MAKE DOMESTIC POLICIES OF OTHER COUNTRIES A DIRECT OBJECTIVE OF AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY.

UPI 09-29 09:37 AED

Chuck Stone

## Arab Bloc's Criticism Of Kissinger Faulty

I CAN THINK of several reasons why Henry Kissinger should not be confirmed as secretary of state. And none of them have anything to do with the irrational objections being raised against him by the Arab bloc or the psychotic letter writers to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

"Pressure tactics of another Zionist not needed," read a telegram to Sen. McGovern, Georgia Lt. Gov. Lester Maddox reportedly wrote criticizing Kissinger's "foreign origins" and his ties to "international czars of finance."

The political and economic clout of America's Jewish community is a fact of life. But it had little, if anything, to do with Kissinger's appointment.

ANOTHER REALITY is the political limitations imposed on the conduct of American foreign policy by any administration. President Nixon, who wanted to continue his war in Southeast Asia, was thwarted by massive public demonstrations and a war-weary Congress.

Kissinger's ethnic background did not pre-ordain his shake-downs of the Vietnamese. Nor did Kissinger's ethnicity in any way influence his power brokering with the Chinese. He is simply an extraordinarily gifted historian and brilliant negotiator.

Far more important, Kissinger has been governed by the dictates of his President. If Nixon had not decided the time was ripe to respond to the subtle peace feelers out of Peking, Kissinger could hardly have changed Nixon's mind.

Under the circumstances, the Arab reaction to Kissinger's appointment reflects a gross misunderstanding of America and the give and take of the democratic process.

No country deliberately pursues a self-destructive foreign policy. The economics of Arab oil are as much a part of this country's survival as are the politics of Jewish citizenry.

I worry more about Kissinger's political morality. Any man who believes in bombing children, wiretapping his closest associates' telephones, and defending the Watergate thieves will not make the most honorable Secretary of State.

Senate Unit Recommends
Kissinger's Confirmation

NVM 9/17/73

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Sept. 18—
The Senate Foreign Relations
Committee voted 16 to 1 today
to recommend the confirmation
of Henry A. Kissinger as Secre-
tary of State. The full Senate
will probably approve the nom-
ination on Thursday or Friday.

The committee also decided
to take steps to provide more
effective overseeing of wiretaps
carried out on national security
grounds—a direct outgrowth of
the controversy over Mr. Kiss-
singer's role in the wiretapping
of the phones of 4 newsmen and
13 officials from 1969 to 1971.

The House Ways and Means
Committee, meanwhile, post-
poned for another week Mr.
Kissinger's scheduled appear-
ance today to defend the Ad-
ministration's efforts to extend
improved tariff terms to the
Soviet Union, without linking
them to unrestricted emigra-
tion by Soviet Jews. A vote on
the highly emotional issue—set
for tomorrow—was also post-

poned for a week.

Yesterday, the Senate ap-
proved an amendment to an
appropriations bill that ex-
pressed "the sense of the Sen-
ate" in support of dissident
Soviet intellectuals, including
Andrei D. Sakharov and Alek-
sandr I. Solzhenitsyn.

The amendment, which was
sponsored by Walter F. Mon-
dale, Democrat of Minnesota,
called upon President Nixon
"to impress upon" the Soviet
Government "the grave con-
cern of the American people
about conditions in the Soviet
Union.

The only Foreign Relations
Committee vote against Mr.
Kissinger's confirmation was
cast by Senator George Mc-
Govern, Democrat of South Da-
kota, who said that it was
"symbolic testimony" to his
opposition to Mr. Kissinger's
role in shaping American policy

Continued on Page 12, Column 1

The Washington Post

September 19, 1973

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

Congress and Dr. Kissinger

The Senate Foreign Relations Committee's vote to approve Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State was no less deserved for being a foregone conclusion. He is not only the best available man the President might have chosen but a figure uniquely qualified by experience, competence, stature and promise. The committee realized that in a narrow sense it had no choice: to reject him would be to ensure that he continue to run policy from the White House, where he would not be available to the Congress in the manner which both it and he profess to desire. The committee chose, moreover, not to press Dr. Kissinger hard on matters of substantive policy. Evidently, it accepted that no answers he might give could add much to the record he has made in five years as Mr. Nixon's national security adviser, and evidently it hoped to establish an accommodating framework within which to deal with him as Secretary of State. But these considerations aside, he is still the right man for the job. We trust the full Senate will confirm him with dispatch.

If the hearings shed no significant light on past or future turns of policy, they did cut through much of the amiable nonsense that has enveloped the concept of an "open" or "bipartisan" foreign policy. By amiable non-sense, we mean the idea that somehow the President should seek detailed advice and guidance from the Congress as an institution, or from his critics and rivals in Congress in advance of every difficult and sensitive foreign policy decision, much as he seeks advice from his Secretary of State. Too often this is what some in Congress seem to have meant by asking that their "role" or "voice" be enhanced. Chairman Fulbright spoke the plain truth on Monday when he noted that the Secretary of State-designate, for all his estimable qualities and intentions, remains the President's man. "These things become imbedded in the system," he added. No doubt there is a good deal that a conscientious Secretary of State can do in the way of offering information, "consulting" Congress, and holding its hand—if the President has the good sense to recognize the value of these practices. But there are inherent limitations to "consultation"

"and it is just as well that there be no illusions about it.

For a case in point one need look no further than the committee's deliberations on Dr. Kissinger's role in the wiretapping of some of his subordinates and certain newsmen. The committee did receive the FBI wiretap summary it sought but apparently that summary did not establish—or the senators could not agree—whether Dr. Kissinger's concern was to plug leaks or to check on the loyalty of his staff, or for some other purpose. Not wiretaps *per se* but "abuses of surveillance," whatever that may mean, drew a committee frown. Nor could the committee assure—or agree—that a procedure will be set up to govern wiretaps in national security cases. In this important matter, the Executive branch simply remains beyond the committee's reach—though not necessarily beyond the reach of whatever new wiretap laws the Congress might see fit to enact in the wake of Water-gate.

In foreign policy matters where the Executive needs the consent of Congress *in legislation*, the relationship of the two branches remains uncertain. The most conspicuous current case is the sharp conflict over the terms on which trade with the Soviet Union should take place. The administration, including Dr. Kissinger, has seriously underestimated the concern of Congress for human rights in Russia, the political steam energizing that concern, and the widespread feeling on Capitol Hill that on human rights the Russians have played the administration for a patsy. On its part, the Congress has revealed only the faintest understanding of the ways the trade issue can help or hurt other aspects of Soviet-American relations. In fact, this is the kind of issue that can be satisfactorily treated only by deep and continuous communication between the two branches. Until Dr. Kissinger has had the opportunity to establish such communication, it would probably be best to put off a decision on the divisive and delicate issue of foreign trade.

Wiretapping Is Ruled
No Bar to Kissinger

Washington Post
Sept 18, 1973

By Marilyn Berger

Washington Post Staff Writer

Henry A. Kissinger's role in the wiretapping of several of his subordinates and newsmen "was not such as to bar him from confirmation by the Senate" as Secretary of State, a Foreign Relations subcommittee reported yesterday.

The tentative bill of health appeared to clear the way for Foreign Relations Committee approval of the nomination today. Senate action is anticipated Thursday or Friday.

Chairman J. W. Fulbright (D-Ark.) said that the full committee took no action on the special subcommittee's report, submitted by Sens. John Sparkman (D-Ala.) and Clifford Case (R-N.J.). But he said no one on the committee took exception to the report.

Fulbright also told reporters it appears that wiretapping will continue to be used for national security purposes. "I would hope for a procedure" to govern it, he said.

The committee spent much of the closed session yesterday discussing how to define

"national security" and how to develop such procedures. Fulbright said that in domestic cases a judicial order is required while in national security cases anybody could re-

See KISSINGER, A8, Col. 1

HENRY A. KISSINGER
... tentative bill of health

# Senate Panel Finds Wiretapping
No Bar to Confirming Kissinger

## KISSINGER, From A1

quest a tap. "No one was inexactious enough to say this is the way it should be handled," Fulbright observed. "I said this shouldn't be left alone to the Attorney General."

The chairman said the committee would issue a "sanitized" transcript of the session excising the names of persons involved in the tapping issue. Since the committee discussed the FBI memorandum on the tapping of Kissinger's aides and newsmen, the transcript is expected to provide some glimpse of the procedures followed.

Kissinger has disclaimed any responsibility for proposing particular methods of preventing the leak of national security secrets, but has expressed deep concern about such disclosures.

Kissinger appeared before the committee for two-and-one-half hours yesterday morning and an equal amount of time in the afternoon. By Fulbright's account most of the morning was spent on the wiretap issue and much of the afternoon on future procedures for the making of foreign policy.

The chairman said there was no question that Kissinger's views of policy—on issues such as the use of troops abroad—differed from his own and some other committee members'. That, however, was not an issue in deciding whether to confirm the nominee, he said. Thus the committee spent a good deal of time discussing how policy would be made in the future and particularly how Congress—which has been left out in the past—would be included in policy determination.

"I can't say I'm optimistic that everything is going to run smoothly at all," Fulbright said after the closed session. "These things become imbedded in the system and it's hard to change."

He said that Kissinger gave assurances as far as anyone could. "He assured us of his willingness to cooperate with the committee. . . . If there are serious differences I'm not

sure we'll be able to cope with it," Fulbright said.

During his public hearings Kissinger promised to discuss a number of substantive issues in the privacy of executive session. But the committee spent very little time on substantive issues such as China and detente with the Soviet Union, Fulbright said. Kissinger said nothing different in private, according to the chairman; the difference was "in degree and emphasis only."

Fulbright said the 10-minute limit, intended to give every member a chance to question the nominee, virtually precluded deep probing.

The one-page subcommittee report on the wiretapping expressed appreciation for the administration's willingness to

make available an FBI summary report on the 17 wiretaps related to national security:

"The subcommittee believes this is a good omen for the development and continuation of the mutual trust which must exist between the Department of State and the Executive Branch in general and the Congress if the foreign policy of the nation is to have maximum support of the American people."

The report said the committee was "right in insisting on full examination of the circumstances of the surveillance" and noted agreement with Attorney General Elliot Richardson that "the action has raised the 'threshhold of sensitivity' to the danger of abuses of surveillance."

Wiretaps Termed No Bar
To Approval of Kissinger

NT
9/18/73

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Sept. 17—A special Senate Foreign Relations subcommittee reported today that Henry A. Kissinger's role in the wiretapping of 17 officials and newsmen from 1969 to 1971 "was not such as to bar him from confirmation" as Secretary of State.

The subcommittee's findings, made public after the full Foreign Relations committee questioned Mr. Kissinger for five hours behind closed doors, seemed to clear the way for an expected favorable vote by the full committee tomorrow and Senate confirmation later in the week.

Mr. Kissinger's involvement in the wiretapping of the phones of four newsmen and 13 officials, several of them important members of his staff, was the most controversial issue raised during the 10 days that the committee, headed by

Senator J. W. Fulbright, considered his nomination to the senior Cabinet position.

A special two-man subcommittee of Senators John J. Sparkman, Democrat of Alabama, and Clifford Case, Republican of New Jersey, was permitted last week by Attorney General Elliot L. Richardson to examine a Federal Bureau of Investigation report on the 17 wiretaps, after Mr. Richardson reversed an earlier decision by the Justice Department to keep the report secret.

In a one-page "summary and conclusions," the subcommittee said:

"In the circumstances, as revealed by the F.B.I. report and as presented orally by Dr. Kissinger and Messrs. Richardson and Ruckelshaus, the subcommittee is of the opinion that

Continued on Page 11, Column I

9

KISSINGER L.L.
BY HARRISON HUMPHRIES

HAIC

SCOWCROFT

-- MCGOVERN SAYS HE'LL VOTE AGAINST
CONFIRMATION AS SYMBOLIC GESTURE.

WASHINGTON (AP)-- THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE IS EXPECTED TODAY TO RECOMMEND CONFIRMATION OF HENRY KISSINGER AS SECRETARY OF STATE.

KISSINGER IS TO RETAIN HIS POSITION AS ASSISTANT TO PRESIDENT NIXON FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS.

CONFIRMATION BY THE FULL SENATE COULD COME WITHIN THE WEEK.

THE NOMINATION WAS CLEARED FOR A COMMITTEE VOTE WITH A REPORT MONDAY BY A TWO-MEMBER SUBCOMMITTEE THAT KISSINGER'S ROLE IN NATIONAL SECURITY WIRETAPPING "WAS NOT SUCH AS TO BAR HIM FROM CONFIRMATION BY THE SENATE."

THE REPORT WAS FILED BY SEAS. CLIFFORD CASE, R-N.J., AND JOHN SPARKMAN, D-ALA., WHO RECEIVED AN FBI SUMMARY OF ELECTRONIC SURVEILLANCE OF 13 GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS AND FOUR NEWSMEN BETWEEN MAY 1968 AND FEBRUARY 1971.

KISSINGER TOLD THE COMMITTEE PUBLICLY THAT THE TELEPHONE TAPS WERE RECOMMENDED BY THE FBI AND THE ATTORNEY GENERAL TO DETERMINE THE SOURCE OF LEAKS OF NATIONAL SECURITY INFORMATION, AND THAT HE WAS REQUIRED TO IDENTIFY INDIVIDUALS WHO HAD ACCESS TO INFORMATION OF THE TYPE LEAKED.

CO911PED SEPT 18

18

WASH--ADD KISSINGER (9)

SEN. GEORGE MCGOVERN, D-S.D., ANNOUNCED HE WOULD VOTE AGAINST CONFIRMATION AS "SYMBOLIC TESTIMONY AGAINST KISSINGER'S ROLE IN THE NEEDLESS PROLONGATION OF THE INDOCHINA WAR, AS WELL AS THE 1971 TRAGEDY OF BANGLADESH."

HE SAID KISSINGER AND PRESIDENT NIXON HAD "CLOSED THEIR EYES TO THE SLAUGHTER OF HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS OF BENGALIS" DURING THE 1971 WAR FROM WHICH THE NATION OF BANGLADESH EMERGED.

NEVERTHELESS, HE CALLED KISSINGER A TALENTED MAN AND SAID: "ON PRAGMATIC GROUNDS, IT IS PROBABLY WELL THAT HE BE CONFIRMED BECAUSE THE CONGRESS WILL BE ABLE TO CROSS-EXAMINE PUBLICLY THE MAN WHO IS REALLY DIRECTING AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY IN HIS PRESENT POST AT THE WHITE HOUSE."

KB952AED SEPT. 18