28

1875

As a regal to the Bermuda
whiles the last of which do
just come out in the "Atlantic"
I preserve this, which was printed
in the paper last left.

## A TRAMP OF THE SEA.

### A MYSTERY OF THE OCEAN.

#### Queer Conduct of a Schooner Manned by Blacks.

AN EXPLANATION BY MARK TWAIN.

NEW YORK, Sept. 18.—A Wilmington, N. C., dispatch says that the schooner Jonas Smith, with a black crew of thirteen and only one white man, was spoken by Pilot Joe Burris, twenty miles south of Cape Fear, last Friday. They claimed to be from Boston for Savannah, out three weeks and had lost their bearings. Burris gave them the bearings, and the vessel squared away for the south. As it did so and the backs of the black crew turned from him, the white man on board made signals for Burris to return. On Saturday the cutter Colfax sailed in search of the schooner, and returned on Monday, and will not give any account of her trip. A schooner named the Jonas Smith, was reported off Faulkner's Island, August 18, with her foreboom patched and mainsail torn, since when nothing has been heard of her.

To the EDITOR OF THE COURANT:-

The above appeared in the telegraphic columns of our evening papers yesterday. THE COURANT's telegrams from Wilmington add some particulars, this morning:-

Some of her sails had been blown entirely away, while others hung in shreds from the masts, only a few being at all serviceable. Near the water line weeds and grass a foot long were growing from the hull, evidencing that she had been a long time out of port.

The affair has caused considerable discussion here, and there are many surmises as to the character of this vessel and her ultimate destination; but the opinion most generally received is that the crew of negroes are mutineers, and that the white man seen on board was retained by the crew when they mastered the vessel for the purpose of naving her.

It sounds like a dreadful mystery, but I can throw some light upon it which may dispel some of its darker features. These poor fellows are not mutineers. I know them to be men of good character. Four months and a half ago I was at sea, with Rev. Joseph H. Twichell of Hartford, in the steamship Bermuda, Captain Angrove. We had sailed from Hamilton, Bermuda to the Queen's birthday, May 24. At 4 p. m., May 25, twenty-four hours out, our position was 250 miles northwest from Bermuda. When I read the above telegrams, I said, 'Here is something I have been watching the papers for during a great many weeks.' I hunted up my old note-book of our Bermuda

voyage and turned to the date May 25. There I found a rude pencil sketch of a disabled vessel, and this note concerning it:-

"Friday, 25.—Jonas Smith, ten days out from Bermuda, 250 miles. Signal of distress flying (lag in the main rigging with the Union down.) Went out of our course to see her. Heavy ground swell on the sea, but no wind. They launched their boat, stern first, from the deck (amidships) course it filled with water at once), and then a man took hold of a rope that was rove through a block at the starboard end of the foreyard arm, and swung himself off over the sea like a spider at the end of his thread. The vessel's deck stood up as high as a house, she was so empty. Naturally, she rolled fearfully in the ground swell. That man would swing far out over the waves and then go rushing back again like a pendulum and slam against the ship's side. The boat never was there when he arrived. However, he made his strip at last, and began to bail out. Two others followed him in the same precocious spider fashion. They pulled off to our ship, and proved to be two colored men and a Portuguese, who was blacker than both of them put together. They said they had sailed from Bermuda for New York ten days before, with five days' provisions! They were about out of everything now—had a little bread left and a cask and a half of water. The vessel had an absurdly large crew—we could see as many as a dozen colored men lying around taking it easy on her deck. We loaded four barrels of potatoes into their boat, together with some 300 pounds of salt junk and a great quantity of sea-biscuit, but no water, for it was slowed where we could not well get at it. We saw the sun go down on the rolling and tumbling hulk, and later caught a final glimpse of her, black and ragged in the broad track of the moon. Shall we ever hear of those negroes again?"

One of the three men who came to us in the boat was the captain and owner of the hulk. We questioned him freely, and all that he said was confirmed afterwards by three of our passengers who knew all about the matter. The poor old tub had been condemned officially in Bermuda and sold at auction—and queerly enough, not as a whole, but piece-meal, as one may say. For instance, one man bought the top-masts (and all the sails, I think); another had bought an anchor; another such odds and ends as sky-lights and such things; and this colored man had bought what was left, viz., the empty hulk and the stumps of the fore and mainmasts. He paid £42 for his bargain. Then he bought three old rags, and made one do duty as a spencer on the mainmast, another as a jib, and the third as a sort of flying-jib, or jib-

stay sail, whichever you please to call it. These had become rags indeed, when we saw them, and poetically appropriate to the wandering, food-soliciting ocean-tramp which the poor old outcast has been all these months that have since dragged by. One of our passengers said that the new owner of this solemn property was offered a sufficiency of ballast for his purposes, for $25, but he was not able to afford it, and so went to sea in all his perilous emptiness. His idea was to take the creature to New York and sell her at a profit, either as a coaster or to be broken up.

We did not hear of any white man being on board, but of course there may have been one. (I don't count that Portuguese.) But there were fifteen colored men at first, if I remember rightly. I asked Captain Angrove how he could account for that extraordinary crew when five men would have been more than enough. He said it was easily explained: it was a great thing for those colored islanders to go abroad and see the world—that is to say, New York; that without doubt their only pay was their pleasure excursion.

So this four months' horror is a Pleasure Excursion—imagine that!

I said I should think that unless the winds were very favorable those rags would not enable the hulk to overcome the ocean currents; that when she struck the Gulf stream she might be carried south; that the provisions would soon run out again, and so, taking all things into consideration, that crew might be looked upon as doomed, perhaps. But Captain Angrove said that their main trouble would be their danger of getting out of the track of vessels; if they could manage to keep in that, they could borrow food and water and extend their excursion indefinitely.

Your telegram says: "Near the water line, weeds and grass a foot long were growing from the hull, evidencing that she had been a long time out of port." One easily perceives from this that when Captain Burris thought the hulk's skipper said he was from Boston (where he hadn't been at all,) the real word used was "Bermuda"; and that when the skipper seemed to say he was "three weeks" out, he really said three months. You know how the winds distort a message at sea when the speaker can afford no better speaking trumpet than his cylindered hands. I remember that the colored skipper used no trumpet when he spoke us. I wonder he didn't tell Captain Burris he was three years out instead of three week; it must have seemed about that long.

1875

29

What that poor fellow probably said, was that he was from Bermuda and was trying to make Savannah—for he had found out that he wasn't going to make New York and was very anxious to get to the nearest port he could find.

What an excursion it is! Four months ago the hulk was 10 days out and was 250 miles northwest of Bermuda; a week ago she was 250 miles south of that position, and when Captain Burris spoke her she was 500 miles from Bermuda and directly west of it! She was then 4 months and 1 week out from port.

I have heard of a good many dismal pleasure trips, but this one heads the list. It is monumental. The hulk was spoken just a month ago, off Faulkner's Island. If we could overhaul the log-books of the mercantile marine, we should doubtless find that she has been spoken and relieved with provisions a dozen times during her strange voyage. It is a great pity the cutter Colfax did not continue to chase her up till she found her. That hulk can't run; she can only drift her lubberly and unmanageable way down the Gulf Stream. There can be small difficulty about finding her. And if ever the tired old tramp is found, I should like to be there to see him in his sorrowful rags and his venerable beard of grass and sea-weed, and hear those ancient mariners tell the story of their mysterious wanderings through the solemn solitudes of the ocean.

MARK TWAIN.

Hartford, September 19.

THE REVIVAL IN HARTFORD.

BY THE REV. JOSEPH H. TWICHELL.

When Professor Park, in reply to some one who, speaking of Mr. Moody, commented on the great things the Lord could bring to pass by a very humble instrument, said,—as he is reported to have said, and it sounds exactly like him,—“I would not be wanting in respect for the Lord, but I call Mr. Moody a very great man,” he said what a good many people must have thanked him for. For it explained something to them over which they had labored, and so brought a certain relief to their minds.

The fact is, Mr. Moody's moral and spiritual quality is so impressive, and so much more manifest than anything else about him, that we are apt to assume at once, and without looking farther, that therein is the whole, or, almost the whole, account of his success. And therein certainly is the chief account of it, no doubt of that. It is just what the grace of God has wrought in him that makes Mr. Moody's greatness. Nevertheless, he is a very great man besides. There is no doubt of that either. His first birth-endowment was an exceptional one. What-ever he had undertaken to do in life must have been done in a mighty way. He would have made a great merchant, or a great politician, or a great—yes, a magnificent—general.

In all his work as an evangelist; his eminent supernatural gifts everywhere co-operate with natural gifts no less eminent. To begin with, there is not one man in a hundred thousand possessed of his physical powers of nerve, voice, endurance. One of our resident Chinese gentleman who went to hear him observed that he had a very long voice. Then he is a master of organization and management. In particular, he recognizes the external condi-

tions of accomplishing his results, and insists on their being fulfilled to the last and least detail. He will keep five hundred people waiting outside the doors in a storm while Mr. Sankey sings, or prayer is being offered, rather than have the effect of these exercises weakened by the noise of their coming in. On one occasion, in Hartford, he called out, half humorously, to an usher who, during the sermon, opened a creaking ventilator in the roof (he didn't see him in time to stop him): "There, you've spoiled my illustration!" And again, he one day forbade the removal of a fainting person till he could finish what he was just then saying: and did it so as to raise the idea that what he was saying was too important to be interrupted by anything, and to gain a corresponding attention to it. He will, not infrequently, turn an incident that would defeat most speakers into an advantage.

When he was preaching in Brooklyn one evening, an excited man rose up in the midst of the sermon, right in front of him, and cried out, "That's it, Mr. Moody; that's what I want!" like one beside himself. It was startling, and people began to stand up to look all over the house. Instantly, with wonderful address, and by a kind, calm word or two, Mr. Moody quieted the man, and then lifted up his voice and proclaimed, "It's nothing. Please to sit down. It's nothing but a poor sinner that wants salvation; and he can have it, and so can anybody that wants it!" And amid a profound sensation he resumed his discourse with a perceptibly heightened degree of interest on the part of the audience.

Another thing, Mr. Moody is a very great orator. He has in an exceedingly high degree all the natural qualifications for the platform or pulpit—sympathy, imagination, the gift of dramatic description. And he has learned, unconsciously but none the less perfectly, the art of eloquence. His plainness, and his want of literary culture in the ordinary form, prevent people from recognizing this readily. It is, in one respect, rather a trying thing for ministers to have Mr. Moody around. It puts their grace to proof; for it will be strange if every other friend they meet does not stop them to say, "There! that's the way to preach! That's what people want—that simple, earnest," etc. "Why don't you preach that way?" Dearly beloved, if you think it is so easy, try it yourselves. A youth who heard Wendell Phillips for the first time remarked: "Why, he never said a word that I couldn't have said myself—if I'd thought of it." These good folks that want their pastors to preach as Mr. Moody does, do not consider that they have been listening to a man whose genius for public speaking is of the very rarest order. But they have, nevertheless.

We have not, of course, been understood to imply that Mr. Moody's strength resides, except in a secondary way, in his natural abilities and acquirements. His Christianity is the mighty thing in him. He works under the compulsion of faith and love, by which necessity is laid upon him. His weapon is the truth of Christ, for the most part in the precise language of the Bible. "Oh, how he did

52

stand by the word of God!" exclaimed one of his hearers, as the great audience was breaking up one day. The manner and the substance of his preaching everybody knows. He believes and therefore speaks of the gospel which he presents; he does not know the philosophical how and why. As he declares again and again, he cannot reason it out and does not care to; but he knows, for he has found it out, that, as a matter of fact, it is the power of God unto salvation; it will surely work. Every sermon is a cavalry charge. He does not pause to fence with doubts, even the few that he sees. He hurls a good solid text at them, and rides them down.

So far as the system of his teaching is concerned, his lack of that coherent view of truth which we call theology is practically supplied, to a very great degree at any rate, by the results of his experience and observation. He so divides and proportions the truth that the great first things are kept to the front.

In some respects one might criticise him adversely if he were required to. But the more one hears him, the less he feels like it. It were an ungracious task at best, and would seem too much like steadying the ark of the Lord to be relished. So true, sturdy, sincere, manly a soul one had rather love and praise God for, and stop there. We have all felt that our dear Dr. Bushnell, had he lived to see him, would have taken him to his heart.

Mr. Moody—and that means Mr. Sankey too, of course, —began his work in Hartford, January 6, and continued with us five weeks. During that time he conducted three services a day, with the exception of Saturdays, when he gave us an entire rest (he did not seem to need any), and Mondays, when he let us off in the afternoon. These services—save the noon prayer-meetings, for the first few days—were held in the Skating Rink, which, with a seating capacity of a trifle over three thousand, could contain, without bursting, an audience of full four thousand. It happened more than once that this utmost limit of repletion was reached so soon after the doors were opened, that Mr. Moody appeared and opened the service half an hour before the time appointed. While the bulk of the attendance was from the city, large numbers regularly came in from the neighboring towns. Special trains were run on some of the railroads, and the long line of country wagons was one of the sights about the Rink.

Mr. Moody's welcome among us was, we think, general and hearty to a remarkable degree. On the part of churches, ministers, and the press, he had a countenance and support that left little to be desired. There was no opposition worth naming. In fact, as he himself pleasantly remarked, "there wasn't opposition enough." A great many Roman Catholics went to hear him. One of their principal men spoke to the writer in terms of strong approval of his sermon on "Immediate Conversion." Not a few of them found their way to the inquiry meetings,

53

which perhaps accounts for the fact—though it may not, —that a noted Jesuit preacher soon arrived in the city and inaugurated a fortnight's "mission" in our largest Catholic church.

One thing that Mr. Moody has usually to contend with in going to a new place is his fame, which, making a "show" of him, operates for a time, till people have had their stare at him, to stand in the way of his gospel. But for a month previous to his coming here, and in preparation for it, there had been held a Daily Union Prayer-meeting, that from day to day grew in numbers and earnestness, and had the effect, in his judgment, to so set the good work ahead that the wall of curiosity was broken through, and signs of spiritual impression began to develop considerably earlier than would have been the case otherwise. At any rate, he found reason to appoint inquiry meetings almost without delay, and thence onward as long as he stayed. It was marvelous how he was resorted to, not only there, but more privately elsewhere, by many souls seeking the way of life.

The results, even those that are called immediate, it is not yet time to estimate. There were about a thousand who, at the last meeting before he left, took their place with those who felt that (as he put it) they "had been blessed." Among them were not wanting examples of that class of conversions in which believers recognize the mighty work of God, and of which no sensible person whatsoever can make light.

But there certainly has come to be a state of things in religious matters, both in the churches and in the community, that did not exist before, and that is very hopeful. Hundreds of Christian hearts are warmer in faith and love and zeal than they have been for a good while. The usual barriers to private religious communication are, for the time, largely removed; a great many are realizing an unwonted freedom in saying to their neighbor, "Know the Lord," and are surprised to find both how they enjoy doing it, and how kindly and gladly their word is received. You will hear it remarked again and again, that it was of itself well worth Mr. Moody's coming, to bring about this happy and most auspicious liberty of speech.

Mr. Pentecost, who with his co-laborer, Mr. Stebbins, took up the work where Messrs. Moody and Sankey left it, has now been with us a fortnight. It must suffice to say, that he seems every way competent to the succession,—which is, indeed, saying a great deal.

1753. LINONIA. 1878.

LINONIA HALL, April 3d, 1878,

7.30 P. M.

ADDRESSES BY

President Noah Porter, '31,
Prof. Cyrus Northrop, '37,
Rev. Jos. H. Twichell, '39,
Prof. Sim. E. Baldwin, '61,
Prof. W. G. Sumner, '63.

Pres. Porter: We will now hear from Mr. Twitchell.

Remarks by Rev. Mr. Twitchell.—I heard before I came to town this evening a story, and I will tell it at this point lest I forget it by putting it off. It was when the Hon. William Walter Phelps—my classmate and also associate in the Board of Trustees of the Corporation of the College, we stare at each other across the table, in mutual astonishment that we are there—was President of the Brothers in Unity. This was in the days of the decline of both these old Societies. It appears there was a man who seemed to be determined, so long as there was a last kick left in the Brothers, to avail himself of the benefits of the institution. He was always present, and he was always very faithful to perform any duty—the performance of which he seemed to take upon himself whenever he properly could. A Freshman he was, a light-haired man. The President of Brothers cultivated the acquaintance of this man most assiduously, and encouraged him in every way. Sometimes it happened that he and this almost sole remaining active member of Brothers were the only persons present in this hall. (Laughter). Well, that Freshman or Sophomore, perhaps he was at this time, has had a career that has made all his friends proud of him. Indeed, you would not know him by his hair now any more than you would know me by my hair now. Our hair changes as we grow older—but his name was Sumner. (Loud laughter and applause).

Prof. Sumner: Who did you say told that story, Twitchell?

Mr. Twitchell: Well, I can give you the name of the person who reported it to me.

When I received an invitation to be present this evening I wished to accept, and as soon as I found I could, I did—because I am very glad that this movement has been made. But I expected to contribute nothing here to-night but the insignificance of my presence, and my poor benediction for what that is worth. Like Prof. Sumner and all the other speakers upon the floor here to-night except the President, I was a Brother in Unity—but I never was aware of any grammatical error in "Brothers in Unity" until this present hour. I came to College, I remember, intending to join Linonia.

Prof. Sumner: You got gobbled! (Loud laughter and applause).

Mr. Twitchell: Well, it is for us Brothers to make merry. It is hard to tell whether this is a resurrection or a funeral—it is a funeral included in a resurrection. Like Prof. Sumner, I was a most ardent member of Brothers. My affection and loyalty to that Society is one of the grandest passions of my life—my hostility to Linonia, as it was, is the counterpart to it.

I say I went to College with the purpose of joining Linonia. But, as Professor Sumner surmises, an acquaintance of mine, a mere acquaintance whom I met soon after arriving in the city, addressed me with such an exuberant and astonishing friendship, and nourished my body with such a spirit, feeding me with food convenient and inconvenient, and exhibiting with such ability the splendors of Brothers' Hall and the magnificence of the great men that at that time adorned the membership of Brothers that I was convinced of the error of my intentions, brought to a sense of reason, and became a member of the Brothers; and from that hour, as long as I was in College, though with rather fading passion at the very last I will own, I was from head to foot, and all over, a Brother. And to me, therefore, Linonia was Nazareth—no good thing could come out of it.

I don't suppose those old times of conflict will ever be fitly celebrated. They were Homeric struggles and the shields and bodies of brave men were thrown into the Simois as a result of the battles that were fought. They were vastly interesting in their time—soul-filling, I like to recall them. I like to recall many of my sensations in connection with them. I never shall see any great men in this world that look so great to me.

55

as the giants that used to stride across the floor of that Broth-
ers Hall. I never shall hear any eloquence that will seem so
lofty to me as their eloquence. I never shall see any men that
will altogether affect my sense of reverence as they did. I can
call up some of them. There in the number was Joseph
Cook Jackson and Perkins—a great man in his day; I do not
suppose you know who he was. And in this part of the build-
ing there were great men, too. McClelland, the first President,
Robinson, Sam. Scovill. These Linonians were great men to
me, although my tribute to their greatness was wrung from me
as a matter of generosity—it was not spontaneous. And
when it came to the tug of war, when the electioneering was
on hand, all the resources of the College, of a certain kind,

were put in requisition. The strategy that was used was
amazing, in capturing a Freshman. I have heard it told—I am
afraid it was true—that men were brought up here, Freshmen
just arrived in town, candidates for membership in the Fresh-
man class—they used to take them before they had passed
their examinations, the conspiracy having been beforehand pre-
pared by men in this hall. Men that were intending to enter
Brothers (laughter), were led by the speeches offered, and by
every word spoken, to suppose that this was Brothers Hall, and
were sworn in. (Laughter). And then afterward they were
assured—and their morals were apt to be tender—that it
would be entirely dishonorable in them to retreat. They could
not retreat from the binding affects of that oath. I remember
we used to be sent far and near, i. e. Juniors and Seniors, to
capture men.

Once I was despatched by the first President, who had money
in his pocket, for members, to Bridgeport, to Day's School, to la-
bor with a man who was there shaken in the wind. I went down
very slyly, marched up Golden Hill to Day's School, and there,
upon the veranda of the school, sat a mocking row of
three of my classmates, Linonians! (laughter) who had gone
down on the same train in the last car, jumped off before the
train arrived and were waving that man triumphantly in my eyes.
I remember that when we were Sophomores, Ned Carrington
(he afterwards laid down his life for his country—I have named
my eldest boy after him) had a Freshman in charge. They met
a member of the Senior class by the name of Joseph Jackson,
whom Ned held in the greatest awe—this man was a Brother—
and taking his life in his hands Ned addressed him in
terms of the greatest familiarity, to the full conviction of the
Freshman. He carried his point. Electioneering of various
kinds was going on all over the country. After the men were
all garnered, there came the "Statement of Facts," so-called.
The original title remained long after there was any reason
other than the fact that it was established for its being so re-
tained. Like some pious-named Old Testament dissolute
King. The "Statement of Facts" was held in my time in
Brewster Hall (turning to the President) over the Post Office,
is it there now?

The President. Oh! no, no.

Mr. Twitchell. It was in Chapel street, across the Bridge.
The hall would hold five or six hundred persons. There was
first the President of each Society, the Senior orator and the
Junior orator. They delivered their respective orations to a
packed audience, which had to fight its way into the hall,
because a grand emphasis was lent to the occasion by a *rush*
at the door, in which they were pushed in man by man more
or less undressed. Chapel street was fairly strewn with ap-
parel. Why, it was an audience in the utmost excitement—
prepared for oratory. (Laughter.) And these speakers had an
easy time of it, for they were honored with the stimulus of
extreme encouragement or discouragement, there was either
the liveliest encouragement or the liveliest discouragement.
There was no dullness there. Well, what facts did these
orators present? Well there was a great parade made of the
illustrious past members of the two Societies. Each orator,

they divided the work among themselves, but the orator
whose part it was, gave in a most eloquent manner a brief
account of the exploits of the heroes of his part. The method
 conventionally employed was to begin a good ways off, not to
let the audience know who was coming, gradually rounding
out the hero, building him up, and after having constructed
him to say lastly, "His name was *John Smith* and he was a
Linonian." That was the signal for the audience; for ten
minutes nobody could get out a word.

The great fight used to be over John C. Calhoun, which both
sides claimed. There was a letter that they used to read on
that platform, testifying that John C. Calhoun was a Linonian.
I think I have forgotten which side the letter came on, one
side or the other. As Michael and the Devil contended about
the body of Moses, these orators used to contend over the
body of John C. Calhoun, but when the war of the Rebellion
broke out, we were willing to pass him over. Well, I could
go on all night, if it were allotted, (applause) but as Professor
Sumner has very truly said, the effect of this great feverish
feudal campaign was to draw away from the Societies that
energy, it was to divert into these illegitimate channels the
energy that ought to have been developed otherwise, I sup-
pose there were few men, very few men indeed, and they grew
fewer and fewer, that really made use of the Societies, al-
though there were some to the very last like himself. There
were some who saw the value of the exercises, there were
some who supported the Society in these exercises, and I do

most heartily rejoice that now at last there has been a revival.
I hold, and I am glad I do,—it is a sign that I am not very old
—I hold still a degree of that passionate loyalty to the
Brothers, and I lay something on the altar when I come here
and say that I rejoice in this resurrection, and I am willing the
new Society should be called Linonia, and I hope success to
the venture. (Applause.) I believe very much in these early
enthusiasms. They are very genuine. They are very un-
sophisticated and true. When I was a Freshman and Sopho-
more I was most sincere in my opinion of a Brother, that
he was the good man and the Linonian was the bad. (Laughter.)
And I remember well how incredible it seemed to be when I
heard the first President of the Brothers say, that we should
scorn personal contempt. Why, it seemed to me the right
thing! I remember hearing a speech in Brothers, to the effect
that those electioneering never should commit the untruth of
acknowledging the merits of Linonia, because she had none and
it was generosity that went beyond veracity. I say I think
well of these early enthusiasms, they are like those first affec-
tions that are called puppy-loves. They are apt to be as un-
selfish as any sentiments of life. I hope we shall all cherish
the memory of them. My prejudices are in favor of Brothers.
It would have seemed to me, twenty years ago, I cannot say it
does now—it would have seemed to me that to revive from
the ashes of both Societies a new one to be called Linonia,
would be on the principle of a "Living dog is better than a
dean lion." It would be Jonah swallowing the whale, or a
lion lying down with the lamb—inside of him. One of those
figures would express one aspect of my opinion of the pro-
cedure. I very heartily rejoice in the action that has been
taken. I second every word that President Porter, Professor
Baldwin and Professor Sumner have said. Those young men
in College who neglect the opportunity of learning how to
speak, to set forth their views in shape and in a cogent form
before audiences, neglect one of the very best opportunities
they have here. One of the very best hopes of effect in life is
involved in possession of that accomplishment, and any man
can possess that accomplishment. Very few men can become
orators. Very few have the divine gift of eloquence. That
cannot be obtained. But there is no man of average ability,
who cannot acquire the power to state the thoughts that he
has to others in such a manner that they shall come before

1848

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It will be news to many of our readers to hear that the Chinese Government is maintaining in the City of Hartford, at an annual expense of $100,000, a school where more than a hundred Chinese boys are going through an educational course that is to last fifteen years. But even many who have known of the existence and objects of this institution can hardly have been made acquainted with the romantic history of its inception. This is to be found on another page, in the lecture delivered last night by the Rev. Joseph H. Twichell, of Hartford, before the Kent Club of the Yale Law School. The hero of the story which Mr. Twichell tells in such a simple, unaffected way, and yet so pictur esquely, is Yung Wing, who had the good fortune to be brought to this country to get an education, and who conceived, at seventeen, the plan which it took him twenty years to carry into effect. It is the old story of men with great ideas—long years of wait ing without a chance to work, long years of working without result, sudden reverses which put him back where he began. A young man so far Americanized that he took prizes at Yale for English composition, and had to learn Chinese again on going back to China, his task was to press upon the most conservative people in the world what seemed a radical, if not a revolutionary, project. He succeeded at last, in a country where the death of an offi cial's mother can delay an enterprise for three years, and rose with the triumph of his idea. Yung Wing is now a mandarin of high degree, and the school he has founded will in a few years send back across the Pacific a hun dred young men who, in China, will be statesmen and philosophers. Mr. Twichell is right in calling this "one of the most remarkable "institutions of the age," and right in calling Yung Wing "one of the most significant "characters of modern civilization."

3

THE HOPE OF CHINA.

ADDRESS BY THE REV. J. H. TWICHELL.
HISTORY OF THE CHINESE EDUCATIONAL MISSION
IN THE UNITED STATES—ONE HUNDRED YOUNG
MEN TRAINING FOR THE GOVERNMENT SERVICE
—THE LIFE WORK OF COMMISSIONER YUNG
WING.

[BY TELEGRAPH TO THE TRIBUNE.]

NEW-HAVEN, Conn., April 10.—The fifth lecture of the course before the Kent Club of the Yale Law School, was delivered this evening by the Rev. Joseph H. Twitchell, of Hartford. His subject was “The Chinese Educational Mission in the United States.” After some preliminary remarks concerning the manner in which he had come in possession of the story of the mission, and his reasons for being specially interested in it, the lecturer said:

THE ADDRESS.

A visitor to the City of Hartford, at the present time, will be likely to meet on the streets groups of Chinese boys, in their native dress, though some- what modified, and speaking their native tongue, yet seeming, withal, to be very much at home. He will also occasionally meet Chinese men, who, by their bearing, will impress him as being gentle- men of their race.

These gentlemen are officers, and these boys are pupils of the Chinese Educational Mission, altogether one of the most remarkable and significant institutions of the age, on the face of the whole earth. The object of the Mission, now of nearly six years' standing, is the education in this country, through a term of fifteen years, of a corps of young men for the Chinese Government service; that Government paying the whole cost—an annual expense of about $100,000. The number of the officers is five, viz.: the two Imperial Commissioners in charge, a translator and interpreter and two teachers. The function of the teachers is to direct the Chinese education of the pupils, which proceeds pari passu with their Western education. The number of pupils was originally 120, but is now 112, one having died, and seven having for various reasons returned to China. A fine, large house recently erected by the Chinese Government in the western part of the city, at a cost of fifty thousand dollars, is the headquarters of the Mission. There are the offices of the officials, and there is lodged the class that is present for examination and instruction in Chinese studies. For this purpose the pupils are divided into classes of about twenty, one coming as another goes, each staying at the Mission House two weeks at a time. A small part only of the whole number are permanently located in Hartford. Most of them are in other places, though not far away, generally two together, attending school or receiving private instruction in families.

They came in yearly companies of thirty, beginning with 1872, and the last detachment is still chiefly engaged in learning our language.

The plan is to afford these boys the advantages of our best educational institutions—academies, colleges, and, to some extent, professional schools—to assign them, by and by, as they shall develop aptitude, to various special courses of study and training

67

1878

["72", "his own previous acquisitions in that science. This astronomer was an officer of the great Tsang Koh Fan, viceroy of Kiang Su and Kiang Nan provinces, generalissimo of the Imperial forces, and one of the very most prominent and leading men in the whole Empire. Through representations made to him by the astronomer, he soon sent a message to Yung Wing desiring to see him and hinting a desire to take him into his service. Though returning a favorable reply to the message, under all the circumstances and for reasons that cannot be explained, Wing delayed responding to it in person for a considerable time. The situation was a delicate one, requiring extreme caution and circumspection on his part.", "But at length he paid Tsang Koh Fan the promised visit. He felt the occasion to be a critical one, and when ushered into the great man's presence found it difficult to retain his composure. Tsang Koh Fan first bent upon him a long, intense, piercing gaze. As Wing says, he had never been looked at in his life as he was then. Then causing him to be seated, he required of him an account of his history, which he gave. He then questioned him as to his views respecting China, her needs, her outlook, her public policy, and so on. A long conversation followed in which the Viceroy disclosed his views, to which Wing listened with amazement. For, behold, here was a man such as he had not supposed existed in that country—a man reared in China—and not a young man either—who had light in his head; who recognized the causes of many of the disadvantages China was contending with in taking her place among the family of nations; a man of marvellously liberal and progressive sentiments.", "MADE A MANDARIN.", "The result of the interview was that Wing entered his service, and was made a Mandarin of the fifth rank, there being nine degrees of that dignity in the Chinese official system. At this time the great Taiping rebellion was at its height, and Tsang Koh Fan was in the field. In fact, the interview had taken place at his camp in Ngankin, on the Yang Tse River. The Viceroy first tendered Wing a military command, which, on the score of lack of qualification, he asked leave to decline. He was then, shortly after, in 1864, at his own suggestion, dispatched abroad to purchase machinery for the manufacture of arms, for which purpose the expenditure of a large sum of money was intrusted to him. On this errand he visited France and England, as well as the United States, but finally gave his orders here. On returning with his purchases to China in 1865, what he had done was so satisfactory to his chief that he was advanced to the next higher grade of official rank, viz., the Fourth. The machinery he had bought was the foundation of the Shanghai Arsenal. It is curious to remark that the first work of a man whose supreme ambition it was, from Christian motives, to set his country forward in civilization, should have been the establishment of an arsenal. But it quite consisted with Yung Wing's ideas, which were intensely patriotic.", "From 1865 to 1870 he was variously employed, in different places, being under command now of one superior and now of another. Among the work that he did during this period, that of translation was prominent. He translated into Chinese Parsons's Law of Contracts, and a book of English law. He also translated large portions of Colton's Geography, showing that geographical knowledge was as likely to prove beneficial to his countrymen as any.", "But the thing that lay nearest his heart, and that was continually before him, was the question of how to accomplish the plan he had so many years held in hope. He now had ample opportunity to expound and advocate it, and he did so with inexhaustible perseverance. The main argument", "73", "he used was this: China, in her international relations, in her commercial and other intercourse with foreign peoples, suffers disadvantage and much detriment, from want of men capable by education of acting as her representatives. She is forced to employ, in many most important places, that ought to be occupied by her own citizens, that ought to be foreigners, by whom her interests are liable to be neglected or betrayed. Her forts, her ships of war, her military forces, her Customs, are largely in her hands; and foreigners. How was it proper, he asked, that Anson Burlingame, an American, should be her chief agent in arranging a treaty with his own country and other Western Governments? This was his general line of reasoning.", "The most to whom he brought the matter heard him with indifference. But there were three men upon whom he made an impression—all men of high rank and commanding influence. They were the great Viceroy, Tsang Koh Fan, already named; Li Hung Ghang, now Viceroy of the capital province of Chilli, and the foremost of Chineseinces of Chilli, and the foremost of Chinese statesmen, and Ting Yi Teheaver, then Governor of the Province of Kiang Su. Yet these men convinced as they were by Wing's reasons and avowedly favorable to his project, with all their elusivity and position and their influence, were not eminence of position and their influence, ready to venture the attempt to carry it through with the Imperial Government. All the forces of conservatism would be opposed to it; the obstacles were too many; the risks were too great; the time for it had not come.", "In 1867, however, the Governor Ting, who was the most willing of the three, had made representative of an Imperial Minister named Wan Cheang, on the strength of which he was advised to address a memorial on the subject to the Imperial Council, at Peking. Wan Cheang under-taking to commend it to the attention of the Council, and then to the juncture moderately hopeful. But before the memorial reached the Council, the mother of Wan Cheang died, by which event he was, under the law of Chinese high official etiquette, retired from public life three entire years, and the whole business was set back to where it had been. These were years of great trial to Yung Wing. He was prospering, in great trial to Yung Wing. He was prospering

Marlford Daily Times.

MONDAY EVENING, SEPT. 30, 1878.

THE EVERLASTING LIFE.

A Sermon by the Rev. J. H. Twichell.

Preached Before the Asylum Avenue Congregational Church, Sunday Morning, September 29th.

And now abideth faith, hope, charity; these three.
I Cor. xiii. 13.

My dearly beloved, I propose this morning not so much to preach a sermon, as to relate an experience, a personal experience, which, under the circumstances, is, I trust, of a less questionable propriety than it ordinarily would be.

Traveling in what we call the "old" world, one finds himself subject at times, or, indeed, at one and the same time, to two opposite and conflicting impressions—the impression, on the one hand, of permanence, and on the other of decay. The venerable relics and monuments which he encounters, and upon which he muses, so venerable that they seem practically to have been always in their places, awaken his sense of the enduring and unchangeable. How old—how old they are! he cries to himself, as, struck with a kind of awe, his chained but halting imagination struggles back over the centuries, the histories, which they recall and revive.

But now, to his heart and mind thus communing, there arises, by contrast, another vision, and a most pathetic one, of the transitoriness and insignificance of human lives. How many, many generations of them have come and gone here since these stones were raised! And into what a fathomless oblivion have they passed!

I know of nothing that can make a man sigh "What is life?" and "What is my life?" so deeply as to stand in the street of an ancient city and watch the crowd pass by, and reflect that for hundreds upon hundreds of years that living tide has been ceaselessly flowing there. Somehow it discovers to him his own mortality in a peculiarly vivid light, and not only so, but it predicts for him the speedy perishing of his name and every vestige of him from this scene of his joys and griefs, his hopes, loves and labors, and makes him smile at the idea he may have had of being known and remembered here after he is dead. Suppose he is remembered by some for a few years. Suppose, even, he is remembered by many, for more than a few years. What of it? "Soon, very soon, thou wilt be ashes or a skeleton, and either a name or not even a name; but name is sound and echo." So spake the Emperor Marcus Aurelius to himself.

And if it was true of him, how much more true of me! Yet, really, no more true, after all. In either case it is the same as if he were not. And as between these two impressions, thus mingling and contending in one's thoughts, it is the latter that prevails, i. e., the impression of that which perishes; for, as one meditates, the lasting things begin to melt and give way—there is nothing that abides. Even those very monuments, by whose age the mortal generations are measured, down into such a breath of existence, are themselves likewise mortal, and have their generations. One can see the visible signature of decay upon them. They come and go, too. They are only relatively old. They stand in a succession. They have not always been and will not always be. Stone turns to dust as well as flesh. You mark this too. Fame, which had its long, bright, once apparently endless day, merging gradually with oblivion, fading at last within the veil of that vast forgetfulness which absorbs and blots out all memories. "Nothing on earth abides," you murmur, "least of all, I."

It was while, a few weeks since, I wandered in and out among the ancient ways of one of the old European cities, I was revolving these things with myself, and in a somewhat downcast mood (for it! is bitterness to forecast the to-morrow so near, when no trace of you whatsoever will be left in this world), that there rose in my mind, like a light from behind a cloud, these words of Holy Writ: "Now abideth faith, hope, charity—these three." I did not call them—they came. But they were very welcome, for they brought a certain sweet calm and comfort with them. I did not at first think of them as peculiarly appropriate to my use then and there. If I had been going to pick out a text for the occasion, myself, I should very probably have taken some other. However, I let it have its way with me, and I got a world of good cheer out of it. I scarcely knew how or why. I did not inquire into the logic of it. I did not try to analyse it, but I tasted it. "Now abideth faith, hope, charity." The words took possession of me, as you know a snatch of verse or melody often will—a meaning, undefined, as I say, but no less really distilled from them, and flowed in around the heart, that was exceedingly grateful. It seemed a satisfactory response from the clear word of God, self-ministered, to a sort of half question that was gloomily forming there as to whether a life that amounted to so neally nothing was worth having, or, if pushed into being, was worth much caring for.

and fruit and ready for work.
The welcome I received from my
family it will make my heart
to reenter a part of my life,
Sept. 27. Gathering of the People
in the chapel to make hands
with the pastor. God keep me
to love my flood very tenderly
for Christ, make

Sept. 29. Sunday.

Preached a sermon which I wrote
on the "Bothnia" under difficulties
so great as to claim for it
the charity it needed.
I preserve it here, to prove to
myself hereafter that I came home
in a humble Note, a I would not
have allowed it to be printed.

Cfarmed

100

1878

OCT. 12-14. A visit from our dear friends Dean and Sarah Sage, who when they left us took away our Italia with them for a fortnight, visit in Albany and Brooklyn.

OCT. 18 To Litchfield, with 7 chinese gentlemen, on a visit to Mr Starn's "Echo Farm". Had a personal call from Waterbury to Litchfield and back.

OCT. 28 H. with Eddie and the three younger children went to New London to visit her parents.

OCT. 31. I followed, and the next day (not) were celebrated (without ceremony) the 13th anniversary of our marriage.

NOV. 14. Gen. Conference of Cong. Churches at New Britain.

Read our paper on "The Religion Experience of Children". Printed in the Religion Herald of Dec. 19. (as follows).

101

## The Religious Experiences of Children.

BY REV. JOSEPH H. TWICHELL.

In speaking on this theme, I limit childhood to those years in which the subjects of religious experiences, if there are such, are not able to recognize those experiences as religious.

First, then, what are religious experiences? But before that, what is religion? It is a divine life, a life from God, in the soul of man. That is the substance of it, the nature of it. And religious experience, therefore, is the experience of divine life in the soul. May children, then, have religious experience? Yes, if they have souls. But how young may children have religious experience, that is, who are properly children in the case?

It is our habit to divide the age of childhood into two periods. First, the period of infancy; second, the period extending from the close of infancy, wherever that may be, onward to the beginning of youth, wherever that may be. The principle on which the division is made seems to be as vaguely determined as the point at which it is made. As regards all the elements of our compound human nature, there is no difference between infancy and the rest of childhood, except difference in the degree of development. The child six years old has nothing that the child six months or six weeks old has not, except teeth—no, not teeth, for the least babe has teeth hid in its jaw and uses them, before they come out in extracting the sincere mother's milk whereby it grows. I do not see how or where you can draw a separating line through the ranks of childhood, that has any warrant whatever or that is of any significance in relation to the matter before us. Either all children are capable of religious experience, or none are.

Now, when the proposition is brought forward that an infant is capable of religious experience it is apt to seem to us, having at least one eye on our theology, very absurd at first, in fact almost a trifling with the subject of religion.

To be sure, Christians have always, as by instinet, prayed for the descent of spiritual gifts upon their little children. What our Lord did and said when he blessed the infants that were brought to him, has ever been accepted as authorizing such a prayer. It is a very precious faith of the heart, wrought into the lullaby that I suppose was sung over most of us in our cradles, that there are "heavenly blessings" for babes, that is, spiritual blessings—but religious experience—it is going too far to speak of that. And yet, my dear friends, if an experience of spiritual blessings is not a religious experience, what is it?

Of course, the realm of infancy, in its spiritual phase is, in one sense, an unknown region to us. We can enter it neither by memory, nor by observation, nor by communication. Still, we may probably infer some things about it. Going back to the definition of religion, we set out with— that it is the life of God in the soul—and considering furthermore, that, in all cases, religious experience is a divine work, I cannot see why infancy should be held outside the pale of it. Suppose it is an unknown region to us; it is not therefore so to God. Suppose we lack the power of spiritual communication with it, being not great enough to stoop so low, is God detained by the same inability? Why should not God, by his Spirit, have to do with the soul of a little child? It cannot be said that there is nothing for Him to operate upon. For, in the first place, is an intellect, in a germ state it is true, but an intellect, with rudimentary thoughts. And, then, there is also a germinant moral nature, with a rudimentary will, and it is to be presumed, conscience, or if you please, moral sense,—everything, the whole moral apparatus, not wholly undeveloped, but only relatively undeveloped. And though we are not great enough, God is great enough to enter into transaction

102

with the inner being of that child. He can
perfectly adapt himself to its capacity, to
the small measure of its mind and heart;
he can talk with it and make himself under-
stood by it. Is it hard to believe that he
does it? Harder, it seems to me, not to
believe it.

Do you pity a little child? Answer the frequent sigh of the happiest mother as she muses upon the babe at her breast, thinking of the liabilities, the exposures, of the life before it. And does not God pity it? Moreover, it is his way to descend. Littleness and weakness appeal to Him with very special force as we are assured. And so the hypothesis of a divine spiritual ministry to the age of what we call unconscious infancy, resulting in experiences that are in their nature religious, has very much to support it. That we cannot presently mark or describe these experiences is nothing against the fact. If it be said that the passive condition of infancy precludes the idea of that spiritual cooperation with God, upon which the work of his grace depends, I reply or repeat that it is not passive, but only relatively passive. There is a will on the human side in the case.

But is the measure of the spiritual gift of God ever determined by the measure of the action put forth to acquire it? By no means. We do not pretend that we, any of us, know what to pray for as we ought. God alone comprehends all that salvation means—all that it requires. It is our joyful belief, drawn from God's word, that where the heart is yielded to him he enters in to do for us exceeding abundantly above all that we ask or think. The fact is, none of us is practically any larger than an infant to Him.

But leaving infancy, let us pass on to
that stage of childhood, in which, in its
moral phenomena, it is somewhat open to
our observation, and is morally somewhat
more within our reach. I shall not add
much under this head. All that has been
advanced applies still, as I look at it. For
the childhood I speak of is, let me say
again, not old enough to understand itself
religiously. If there are spiritual opera-
tions in this period they will be the work
of God's Spirit, cooperated with now more

apparently, though not more really, by
human agency on the part both of the child
and its elders, yet not recognized by their
subject as religious. They will take place
in the child's thoughts, in the exercises of
his mind and heart on the moral occasions
his child-life furnishes; they will be man-
ifest in the child's character. Well, to
cut the matter short, can any sufficient
reason be given why a child's obedience, a
child's truth, a child's resistance to tempta-
tion, a child's repentance, are not to be
regarded as the fruit of the grace of God?
true religious experiences, therefore, enter-
ing properly into the account of the relig-
ious life.

But, suppose this to be granted, what
follows? A number of things follow.

1. It gets us rid of the idea that has been and still is the source of so much spiritual obstruction and so many difficulties, that childhood is a kind of spiritual no-where. The trouble with the "nowhere" is and always has been, to get out of it, to get the children out of it, to describe to them, when at last the time comes when they can have religious experience, what their spiritual status is. One of the pitifulest spectacles in the world is that which we not infrequently witness, the struggle of a conscientious boy or girl to become a Christian. I have known more than one such to wish he had been brought up wickedly for the sake of having repentance, coming to Christ, change of heart, made to mean more, made plainer things to accomplish, and more practicable.

2. The theory that extends the field of
the moral history back to the outset of life
involves a recognition, at a very early
stage, the earliest possible stage, of the
marks of the grace of God. For my part,
I believe that many children emerge from
infancy with these marks upon them. It
involves judging children as to their spir-
itual character, by the same practical rule
by which we judge adults. That seems
very reasonable does it not? Yet many
people seem to think that the only moral
traits in a child that signify any thing as
to its spiritual status are those of deprav-
ity. Suppose you applied the same rule
to adults, and who could stand? Who of

us is there who does not carry signs of his
deprevity? I believe again that there is a
large class of children whose right princi-
ple appears in their character and life no
more obscured and mingled with unsancti-
fied elements, to say the least, than is the
case of the great body of adult believers.

3. The theory of true religious experi-
ence by the operation of the grace of God,
preceding the age of moral self-conscious-
ness, as it is termed, (though the term is
inaccurate) involves also the use of an
argument with childhood, that is, when
it applies, very different from that which
is accustomed to be addressed to it. It
changes the counsel, "Do thus and so in
order that you may become a Christian,"
implying "a Christian you are not now,"
into "Do thus and so because you are a
Christian." There are multitudes of instan-
ces, I am fully persuaded, to which this form
of counsel is applicable, and in those cases,
the application of it is enjoined by the
command, "Take heed that ye offend no
against one of these little ones." What
greater offence can there be than to tell
one of Christ's little ones that he is not so,
or not to tell him that he is os?

4. Finally, the theory of so early a
religions experience possible and probable,
if it be accepted, signifies a great deal to
Christian parents. There is no view that
invests the office and relation of the parent
with so much consequence. The farther
back my child's spiritual history dates, the
farther back dates my responsibility and
accountability for it, the farther back my
spiritual ministry to it. For the fact that
God operates in grace upon the soul of an
intant before I can cooperate with the work
by speech, does not by any means deny
me a part in it. I am more than a mere
bystander. I am God's instrument in it
all. The children that Jesus blessed were
brought to him. And so must all children
be brought, and not alone by prayer and
the covenanting act of faith. There

is a bringing that consists of the putting forth of personal influence. There is nothing in the world so subtle in its operation, so penetrating, as personal moral influence. If a little child is morally impressible, as we have supposed, the most pregnant circumstance of its present situation on the earthward side is contained in the character of those who are around it—in the temper and dispositions in which they live, in the moral atmosphere they create. There must proceed therefrom hindrance or help to any moral being within range—that which tends to frustrate the grace of God or that which furthers it. We have inevitably a moral effect on our children from the day of their birth according to our spiritual quality. And so our theory that childhood is the scene of religious experience is a call to holy living in families, and I do not know of any other call to it that is more persuasive or imperative.

105

112

1878

together a great deal. I after wear
with him to Georgetown College where
he had been instructor and was
altered there with great kindness.
I also visited friends his in
Pennsylvania with him, while we were
taking case of the wounded at
Gelphorp - notably friends at Conewago
where there is room for an ecclesiastical
establishment and where he had fared
part of his "novitiate." He once
went home with me to Plantationle
to see our family.

After the war he was stationed in Boston
where, then, in the Sen. at Andover,
I occasionally called on him.
Of late years he has been President
of the Holy Cross College at Worcester
and I went there to spend a night
with him, and he has dropped in
on us here in Hartford a number
of times.

I learn that he has been in four
health and ease the voyage in
the midst of what he was called

from earth, or that account

It is a race of deep regret who
that I was not permitted to see
him once more. He was. I suppose,
not for four 48 years old.

His death waters a thousand years, and reviews all my care for him.

FATHER O'HAGAN.

To the EDITOR of THE COURANT—

HARTFORD, Jan. 2, 1879.

SIR:—A California dispatch published in
your issue of last Saturday announced the
death at sea, between Panama and San Fran-
cisco, of the Rev. Joseph B. O'Hagan S. J.,
president of the Holy Cross college, Worces-
ter, Mass. I have since learned that he was
making the voyage on which he died for the
benefit of his health, which had of late be-
come seriously impaired.

Father O'Hagan had been for seventeen
years one of my dearest friends, and this sud-
den intelligence of his untimely decease—for
he was in the prime of life—has touched me
with profound sorrow. Our friendship was
formed under circumstances in the highest
degree favorable to its intimacy and our mu-
tual enjoyment in it. We were chaplains in
the same brigade of the army of the Potomac
and for the space of two years worked to-
gether side by side, and to some considerable
extent hand in hand. For whole months we
were daily companions, and we often slept
under the same blanket. As Christian minis-
ters we were continually thrown together in
scenes that had the effect to make us forget-
ful of our differences in religion and mindful
only of our sympathies.

He was one of the best and kindliest of men
and one of the most delightful of comrades.
He had a bright, happy wit; no discomforts
could overcome his cheerful temper, and his
generosity was boundless. His society was
ever an unfailing antidote alike to the medium
of the camp and the hardships of the field.

His devotion to duty was unflagging, and
bore him through great fatigues, not infre-
quently into great perils. He was as brave
as he was tender-hearted and faithful. I

never saw any reason to doubt; on the con-
trary, I saw every reason to believe, that the
motive of his earnestness was his desire to
serve God.

Father O'Hagan exercised a strong, good
influence among the soldiers, especially those
of his own faith, and he was widely known
and much respected throughout the army.
His abilities and acquirements were of a high
order. He was an accomplished scholar. Be-
fore the war he had been a member of the
faculty of Georgetown college. There are
many who will recall his eloquent address
before the Irish Brigade on St. Patrick's day,
1863.

But now that he is gone, it is most pleasing
to dwell upon those private virtues which en-
deared him in personal relations, and which
won from me an affection which the flight of
years has had no power to alter or abate.

He has occasionally been at my fireside
here in Hartford, always bringing with him
the same genial spirit of good fellowship and
good will that beguiled so many hours, other-
wise uncheered, in the old never-to-be-for-
gotten days, now left so far behind. What
days they were! The sad news of his death
brings them all back, in a flood of memories
with the most imperishable of which he is as
associated. He was a good man and worthy to
be lamented. It gives me a mournful pleasure
to speak of him thus, and to testify to the ad-
miration and esteem in which I held him—to
the love I bore him and bear him still. The
grave in which he lies buried at Acapulco,
Mexico, is the grave of a patriot, a gentle and
true friend and a sincere Christian.

Yours, etc.,

JOSEPH H. TWICHELL.

113

1878

16

1879

Jan 25. Dried at Sen. Hawley's
with Sen. Terry of the regular army,
"Matters of Fort Fisker." Commanded
Bunce of the Navy, and Dr. Larvis.
Had a feast of talk on a
great many subjects, but memories
of the war held the first place.

Offense is a sin I preached on
my dear old army friend John E.
Vanar, whose death (pg 109) brought him
affectingly to mind.
I repeated it in the 1st Bapt. Church, and
the Times aded leave to print. I
with it was much, whether it
was right.

## Hartford Daily Times.

MONDAY EVENING, FEB. 3, 1879.

### IN MEMORIAM---JOHN E. VASSAR,

A Sermon by the Rev. J. H. Twichell.
Preached at the Asylum Hill Congregational
Church, Sunday Morning, December 22,
1878.

Ye are our epistle written in our hearts, known
and read of all men; forasmuch as ye are manifestly
declared to be the epistle of Christ ministered by us,
written not with ink, but with the spirit of the living
God; not in tables of stone, but in fleshy tables of
the heart.—II. Cor., III., 2, 3.

One of the meanings borne by the figure of
the epistle in this passage (for it has two) is
that most familiar one, of the showing forth of
the truth, power and beauty of the Gospel in
the visible aspects of Christian life.

Such living epistles in the persons of God's
saints we have all of us, I suppose, been privi-
leged to read. And I suppose, too, that they
have yielded us the most impressive proofs, and
produced in us the most moving convictions of
the great religious realities, that have come to
us. For surely nothing can teach our Christiau-
ity, nothing can exhibit its character, nothing
can recommend it like the living epistle. Nor
is there anything beside that can so renew and
maintain us in the faith of it—that can so de-
fend us against the incursions of unbelief—that
can furnish both mind and heart with such an
answer to doubt—as the living epistle. It is
the most winning of all evidences, the most un-
assailable of all arguments, the most stimulat-
ing of all incentives, the chief of all encourage-
ments, the sweetest of all comforters.

It is a good thing, it is one of the best things,
to perseve the living epistle, in some form, and
often to return to it. To do this is a part and
a very important part, both of private spiritual
culture and of the culture of the church.

It is in this thought that, somewhat departing
from the ordinary form of discourse, I devote
my address to you, this morning, to the re-
hearsal of certain memories and impressions
that abide with me, of a man who has been to
me as legible a living epistle as I have ever
known.

The immediate occasion of my thus making
him my subject is his recent death.

Very likely many of you did not notice in our
papers, a short time since, or, if you did, have
forgotten it, the announcement in two or three
lines, that there had died at Poughkeepsie, New

York, John E. Vassar, for many years a Chris-
tian worker in the capacity of lay evangelist or
colporteur. He is the man I speak of. I have not
unfrequently referred to him before in my
preaching.

Though the event of his departure out of
this life attracts so slight a measure of public
attention, there are thousands of people in the
country whom the news of it must have touched
very deeply indeed. There are thousands of
the ex-soldiers of the Army of the Potomac,
who could not have heard it without strong,
tender emotion; for it carried their thoughts
back, as it did mine, to scenes of other
days, a half-generation of time distant now
spiritual scenes, of holy memory, with which he
is forever associated.

The history of the man was remarkable. He
was a near kinsman of the late Matthew Vas-
sar, founder of the Vassar Female College, and,
up to his 37th year, was a superintendent
or foreman of the great brewery of which
Matthew Vassar was proprietor. He was
alert, energetic, prompt, of excellent business
capacity; very social in his disposition, a
mirthful man by nature, and a mirth-maker;
a famous story-teller; in his character what
is called "moral"; he had not a single
vice, as he has often told me; but up to the
time he became a Christian, entirely irreligious.
His conversion was one of those marked expe-
riences through which, for reasons known to
God, now and then—and only now and then,
and here and there—a son is born into the
kingdom. He had a sense of the sin of his irre-
ligion, and a view of his condition in conse-
quence of it that was an intolerable distress.
When, at length, he saw and accepted salvation
through the divine mercy, this was changed to
an equal overwhelming joy.

At this time he had no idea of making any
change in his occupation. He had no conscience
against the business of brewing, and he had a
family to support. He expected to go right on
as he was, and did so for awhile—a number of
years in fact. But from the first he betook
himself to Christian work as he had opportuni-
ty, and increased in it more and more. He dis-
tributed tracts; he talked with all his acquain-
tance, urging them to seek salvation; he ap-
peared in church meetings, exhorting Christians
to activity; he did a good many things, and did
them with his might. He was afire with zeal—
a zeal at this stage of his career probably not
always tempered with wisdom. And as a con-
sequence there was by and by a stir about him
in the community—such a stir as is apt to be pro-
duced in such cases. People, even good people,
were of two ways of thinking about him. Some
believed in him; some did not. To many he

— Of all men in the country Mr. Twichell is the person to give our readers an account of Yung Wing and the Chinese Educational Commission. He has given long attention to the subject for several years, and has made addresses in many of the churches in Hartford and vicinity on the matter that have delighted his audiences.

YUNG WING.

BY REV. J. H. TWICHELL, HARTFORD, CONN.

The first Chinese known to have been in the United States for education were three boys, who were in the short-lived Foreign Mission School at Cornwall, Conn., about the year 1825, and little more can now be learned of them, than that they were there.

The next were also a company of three boys, who were brought to this country in 1847 by their teacher, the Rev. S. R. Brown, Principal of the Morrison School at Hong Kong. Their names were Wong Fun, Wong Shing and Yung Wing. They were sent to Monson Academy, and were received into the family of Mr. Brown's mother who lived in Monson, and who is memorable in the church as the author of the hymn: "I love to steal a while away." It was probably due to their association with this saintly woman, more than to any other means of grace, that there at Monson they all became Christians.

Wong Fun after three years went, in 1850, to Edinburgh, Scotland, where he graduated in medicine with honor, and whence he returned to China in 1856 to establish himself as a physician in the city of Canton. His professional career was an extraordinary success. He soon became famous, alike for his ability and for his character; he was highly esteemed by all who knew him, and he died in October, 1878, widely regretted. Wong Shing was compelled by ill health to go back to China the year following his arrival in America. Having learned the art of printing in the office of *The China Mail* he became, in 1852 or 1853, connected with the press of the London Mission at Hong Kong, under Dr. Legge, now of Oxford University, and continued in that employment till quite recently. He is now an official interpreter of the Chinese Embassy to the United States, but for the present on duty with the Chinese Educational

Mission at Hartford. He was received a few weeks since into the Asylum Hill Congregational Church in Hartford, on the evidence of credentials which showed that he had been for thirty years a consistent member, and for fifteen years a faithful deacon, of the native church of Christ in Hong Kong.

If Brother Blaine of Maine should chance to be in Hartford, and in the Asylum Hill Congregational Church on a communion Sunday, when Brother Wong Shing chanced to be serving as substitute in the deacon's office at the Lord's Table—an incident not unlikely to occur—he might recognize an occasion for revising and perhaps somewhat qualifying his late verdict respecting the possibility of Chinese evangelization. It was one of Wong Shing's remarks, while Congress was voting that the Chinese must go, that he was very glad that no one would be shut out of Heaven who believed in Christ.

The youngest of the three, Yung Wing, for whom, as events have proved, Divine Providence had marked out so great a work in the future, was the only one who completed his education in this country. He entered Yale College in 1850, the first Chinese student the institution had ever seen. His life in college was full of interest, but cannot here be described. One circumstance that at the time attracted a good deal of attention to him was his twice gaining a prize for English composition. He graduated, with credit, in 1854, and at once sailed for China. It was like going to a strange land. He had been in this country so long that it was home to him. He had nearly forgotten his native tongue. He had become American in his thoughts, tastes, sympathies. He had many friends here, and here he would have dearly loved to spend his life. But he did not consider himself at liberty to do so. His sense of gratitude and of justice forbade it. He felt that his duty was to his own race. He had already formed the plan

142

of the educational mission. It had early become his conviction that the best thing he could do for his country was to procure for other Chinese youths the benefit of the same advantages that he himself had enjoyed. And though he knew not how it was to be brought about, he set his face toward China to wait on what God might there have in store for him.

Sixteen years passed before he accomplished his object. They were years of delay, patient endeavor, frustration, disappointment—of unconquerable perseverance, crowned at last with success. It would take long to tell the story of them in detail. The briefest outline of their contents is all the limits of the present article permit.

During the seven years from 1855 to 1862, Yung Wing was, successively, private secretary to the United States Commissioner, law student at Hong Kong, translator in the Custom's service at Shanghai, traveling inland agent of a great silk and tea house, and finally for a brief period merchant on his own account. But that which in all these changes he was constantly contriving how to compass, was such an access to persons of public consideration and influence, as would enable him to unfold and advocate his scheme for the education of native youth abroad, to some purpose. It is not easy to appreciate how difficult a matter this was. He had to begin with no *pou sto*, no foothold.

The conditions, in most particulars, were specially unfavorable, much more so twenty years ago than they would be now. But in 1862 he formed the acquaintance of a Chinese scholar of eminence, through whom he was brought to the notice of one of the foremost statesmen of the Empire, the Viceroy Tsang Koh Fan, at that time commander-in-chief of the imperial army and engaged in suppressing the great Taeping rebellion. At an interview to which he was invited with Tsang Koh Fan, at his headquarters in the field, Yung Wing made so favorable an impression upon him, that he was asked to enter the government service. He consented with joy,

and our graduate of Yale College became a Chinese mandarin of the fifth rank, there being nine grades of that dignity in the Chinese official system.

Declining the offer of a military command on the score of lack of qualification, he soon after this, in 1864, was dispatched to the United States to purchase the machinery that was the foundation of the Shanghai Arsenal. For the manner in which he discharged this important duty he received his first promotion in rank, which was to the next higher grade, the fourth. He was now in a position to do something for the furtherance of his educational project, and he improved his opportunity to the utmost. He was in frequent intercourse with many of the leading public men of his country, and he never wearied of urging upon their notice the subject that lay nearest his heart. He pleaded, especially, that it was for the interest of China—that it was her obvious necessity—in view of her rapidly extending commercial and political relations, to provide for herself a corps of young men, fitted, by foreign residence and study, to understand and handle international affairs. He took the patriotic ground that it was impolitic and unseemly that the public service should be so largely in the hands of foreigners. But good as his reasons were, and though he put them forth with all the enthusiasm of his nature, few had ears to hear them. There were three men, however, upon whom he made an impression—all men of commanding influence. They were the Viceroy Tsang Koh Fan already named, the Viceroy Li Hung Chang, the same who is now Chinese Prime Minister, and Ting Yi Tcheang, Governor of the Province of Kiang Su. Yet impressed and convinced as they were, they shrank from going forward in the matter. The time was not ripe; the obstacles were too many; the risk was too great.

Other years passed, bringing alterations of hope and fear, but whether encouraged or discouraged, Wing held to his purpose with unchanging constancy. He often doubted if he should live to see it achieved, but he never forsook it for one hour.

Tcheang

143

At last, however, the weary waiting came to an end, and in a manner that could not have been anticipated. In 1870, five Chinese representatives, appointed by the government, met a committee representing the foreign powers in diplomatic relations with China, to investigate the affair known as the Tientsin Massacre which had taken place a short time before, and to adjust the difficulties growing out of it. Three of these Chinese representatives—so it came to pass—were the very three men above named, on whom Yung Wing's hopes were chiefly placed; and Yung Wing himself was summoned to assist in the business.

The occasion was a most favorable one for striking a blow in behalf of his cause. It happened that the immediate circumstances were of a nature to illustrate and enforce the reasons by which he had thitherto supported it. And its friends were together. Wing perceived the opportunity and seized it. He once more earnestly restated his argument, and begged that steps be taken without delay to carry his views into effect. This time he prevailed. The three great men resolved to act. As the result, in August, 1871, by imperial decree the Chinese Educational Mission became a fact, and Mandarin Yung Wing was the happiest man on the face of the globe. To him the charge of organizing the enterprise was principally committed, and, with another promotion in rank, he was appointed one of the two commissioners entrusted with its establishment and direction in the United States.

It is now seven years since the first detachment of pupils, of whom there have been 120 in all, arrived to begin their fifteen years of life and study in America. Some have already entered college; a large number are in our best schools and academies, and all are doing well. Their average of talent is high. It is interesting to remark that in several instances amongst them Yung Wing's success in English composition has already been reproduced, and not a few of

them are natural orators. With scarcely an exception, their conduct has been not only good, but admirable. Much depends on them; no one can tell how much. Everything is to be hoped for from them. How thankfully and hopefully ought God's people to pray for them.

In December, 1876, Yung Wing was appointed associate minister with Chin Lan Pin, who was for two years commissioner with him of the Educational Mission to the United States, Peru and Spain. On this occasion he received his third promotion in rank, viz.: to the second grade, and was invested with the honorary title of Taou Tae (or Intendent) of the Province of Kiang Su. Last autumn he assumed the duties of his new office at Washington, though he still retains a general supervision of the Educational Mission, which it will readily be believed is to him the object of an uncommon affection.

In age, Yung Wing is in the near neighborhood of fifty, though looking much younger. Of medium stature, he is of extraordinary physical strength and activity. Although a Chinese official, he wears, except on occasions of ceremony, the English dress. He speaks English perfectly, with no foreign accent. Under the influence of great excitement, however, he will sometimes mix his words a little. In the summer of 1874 he was ordered by his government to visit Peru, and look into the condition of the Chinese coolies in that country, and thither the writer and another friend accompanied him. By what he heard and saw he was soon filled with burning indignation. One day in the city of Lima, as he was expressing his wrath more openly and freely than, under the circumstances, consisted with prudence, he was remonstrated with, and told that he was putting his life in peril to talk so. Whereupon he hotly replied: "Well, suppose I am! Why shouldn't a man put his life in peril? May be it would be the best use I could make of my life to lay it down right here in Lima! If I thought so, I would do it! I should have no delicacy about it at all!" He was assured that, however

it might be with him, his companions did feel considerable delicacy upon the subject, and wanted more time to consider it.

A man of high, true courage is Yung Wing, and not much afraid of men. When at the close of this same visit to Peru he was presented to the President of the Republic, Manuel Pardo, since assassinated, and the President, after an exchange of courteous greetings, said with the confident air of a superior: "Well, Mr. Yung Wing, I trust you haven't found your countrymen so very badly treated amongst us!" Wing replied politely but gravely: "I regret to be compelled to say, Mr. President, that I have found their condition much worse than I had expected, or that I had been reported to me;" and in the conversation that followed went on to say to His Excellency a number of most true things concerning the administration of law in Peru, which, however wholesome, it could scarcely have been agreeable to hear; while his friends, it must be confessed, sat out the interview on rather uneasy chairs, and were glad when it was over. Yet Senior Pardo, who was one of the best men Peru ever had, took it all apparently in good part; having, in fact, no reason to do otherwise.

Yung Wing was married in Febru-
ary, 1875, to Miss Mary L. Kellogg of
Avon, Conn., granddaughter on both
her father's and her mother's side
of Congregational ministers, and the
wedding was in the old parsonage
where one of them died. Viewing the
company assembled, the Chinese
friends of the bridegroom in their gor-
geous costumes mingled with the oth-
er guests; considering, too, the place,
an ancient New England village, and
the occasion, one could not help won-
dering what good Parson Kellogg
would have thought, if fifty years ago
a vision of the scene had passed before
him. Two sons are the fruit of this
marriage, the elder of whom was bap-
tized Morrison Brown, the first name
being that of the first English Protest-
ant missionary to China; and the sec-
ond that of the man to whom Yung
Wing feels that he personally owes
more than to any other.

The giving of these names to his
first-born, it will be perceived, elo-
quently declares his Christian faith
and gratitude. That faith he has kept,
and it has kept him. It was the source
and support of his patience through
all those years of trial and hope de-
ferred and lonesomeness in China. It
was nothing, he has often told the
writer, but his conviction that God
had a purpose of good for his country
to execute through him, that saved
him many and many a time from de-
spair. Again he has said that in his
prayers the thing he ever asked, was
that in all he did he might play into the
plan of God. He is an intense patriot.
He loves China. He feels deeply her
burdens and her deficiences and her
wrongs. When he considers her wants,
he says he wishes that he was a youth
again, that he might have a whole life
to give to her. He believes in her fu-
ture; and he believes that that which
at last is going to make her the great
nation she is capable of being, and is
destined to be, is what has given him
his manhood—faith in the living God.

A man of high, true courage is Yung Wing, and not much afraid of men. When at the close of this same visit to Peru he was presented to the President of the Republic, Manuel Pardo, since assassinated, and the President, after an exchange of courteous greetings, said with the confident air of a superior: "Well, Mr. Yung Wing, I trust you haven't found your countrymen so very badly treated amongst us!" Wing replied politely but gravely: "I regret to be compelled to say, Mr. President, that I have found their condition much worse than I had expected, or that I had been reported to me;" and in the conversation that followed went on to say to His Excellency a number of most true things concerning the administration of law in Peru, which, however wholesome, it could scarcely have been agreeable to hear; while his friends, it must be confessed, sat out the interview on rather uneasy chairs, and were glad when it was over. Yet Señor Pardo, who was one of the best men Peru ever had, took it all apparently in good part; having, in fact, no reason to do otherwise.

Yung Wing was married in February, 1875, to Miss Mary L. Kellogg of Avon, Conn., granddaughter on both her father's and her mother's side of Congregational ministers, and the wedding was in the old parsonage where one of them died. Viewing the company assembled, the Chinese friends of the bridegroom in their gorgeous costumes mingled with the other guests; considering, too, the place, an ancient New England village, and the occasion, one could not help wondering what good Parson Kellogg would have thought, if fifty years ago a vision of the scene had passed before him. Two sons are the fruit of this marriage, the elder of whom was baptized Morrison Brown, the first name being that of the first English Protestant missionary to China; and the second that of the man to whom Yung Wing feels that he personally owes more than to any other.

The giving of these names to his first-born, it will be perceived, eloquently declares his Christian faith and gratitude. That faith he has kept, and it has kept him. It was the source and support of his patience through all those years of trial and hope deferred and lonesomeness in China. It was nothing, he has often told the writer, but his conviction that God had a purpose of good for his country to execute through him, that saved him many and many a time from despair. Again he has said that in his prayers the thing he ever asked, was that in all he did he might play into the plan of God. He is an intense patriot. He loves China. He feels deeply her burdens and her deficiencies and her wrongs. When he considers her wants, he says he wishes that he was a youth again, that he might have a whole life to give to her. He believes in her future; and he believes that that which at last is going to make her the great nation she is capable of being, and is destined to be, is what has given him his manhood—faith in the living God.

## COMMITTEE OF ARRANGEMENTS.

SELECTED BY THE CITIZENS OF HARTFORD.

### GENERAL COMMITTEE.

Richard D. Hubbard,
George G. Sumner,
E. H. Owen,
James G. Batterson,
Marshall Jewell,
William Faxon,
Mark Howard,
Roland Mather,
A. E. Burr,
H. W. Conklin,
E. S. Tyler,
Rowland Swift,
H. T. Sperry,
Henry C. Robinson,
Samuel H. Huntington,
L. B. Merriam,
E. G. Parkhurst,
E. S. Brown,
Milo Hunt,
George S. Gilman,
Charles M. Joslyn,
Charles H. Prentice,
Charles S. Davidson,
J. T. McManus,

George B. Fisher,
Eugene L. Kenyon,
L. L. Ensworth,
John R. Hills,
Roswell W. Brown,
C. B. Boardman,
David Abern,
James Abern,
Isaac Cross,
Abram Hollander,
Thomas F. Galvin,
Calvin Day,
David Clark,
William H. Green,
W. P. Chamberlain,
C. S. Weatherby,
James Kennelly,
Edgar T. Welles,
John M. Ney,
J. N. B. Stevens,
S. R. McNary,
Alexander Harbison,
John E. Higgins,
Joseph R. Hawley,

Leander Hall,
James Lockwood,
E. S. Cleveland,
James M. Dow,
S. A. Hubbard,
William H. Talcott,
George E. Hatch,
J. H. Bolton,
J. F. Morris,
F. M. Brown,
Levi Woodhouse,
John F. Jones,
W. E. Baker,
M. G. Bulkeley,
J. G. Rathbun,
Seymour Bunnell,
N. B. Stevens,
B. G. Baldwin,
H. P. Hitchcock,
Samuel Harris,
W. H. Burr,
Andrew Heublein,
C. M. Talcott,
L. A. Dickinson.

### SUB-COMMITTEES.

#### ON COLLATION.

General William H. Green, S. R. McNary, Leander Hall, John R. Hills, Andrew Heublein, E. G. Parkhurst, L. L. Ensworth, J. N. B. Stevens, J. H. Bolton, C. B. Boardman, Leman Oatman, Gurdon Robins, L. A. Dickinson.

#### ON FINANCE.

E. S. Cleveland, James G. Batterson, Rowland Swift, J. F. Morris, John M. Ney, H. P. Hitchcock, William Faxon, David Clark, C. M. Talcott, Roswell W. Brown, A. E. Burr.

#### ON DECORATION.

J. G. Rathbun, W. H. Burr, Thos. F. Galvin, L. B. Merriam, B. G. Baldwin.

#### ON PRESS.

A. E. Burr, S. A. Hubbard, H. T. Sperry.

#### ON SALUTE AND BELLS.

General C. H. Prentice, W. P. Chamberlain, Major F. M. Brown.

#### ON CARRIAGES.

Alexander Harbison, N. B. Stevens, George E. Hatch.

#### ON RAILROADS.

W. H. Talcott, C. S. Weatherby, W. E. Baker, E. L. Kenyon, Seymour Bunnell, J. T. McManus, J. F. Jones, C. S. Davidson, Levi Woodhouse.

#### ON INVITATION AND RECEPTION.

Hon. E. S. Cleveland, Gen. Wm. H. Green, J. G. Rathbun, A. E. Burr, Gen. C. H. Prentice, Alexander Harbison, Major W. H. Talcott, with Gen. Hawley, Chief Marshal.

## CHIEF MARSHAL.

BRIG. and BREVET MAJ.-GEN. JOSEPH R. HAWLEY, Hartford.

## STAFF.

BRIG.-GEN. L. A. DICKINSON (Majer 12th C. V.), Chief of Staff.

CAPT. JOHN C. KINNEY, Hartford (13th C. V.), Ass't Adjt. Gen.

LIEUT. J. C. ABBOTT, Hartford (Chief of Signal Corps).

COL. FRANCIS BACON, New Haven (Medical Staff U. S. A.).

MAJOR WM. M. MATHER, Suffield (Medical Staff U. S. A.).

CHAPLAIN H. CLAY TRUMBULL, Philadelphia (10th C. V.).

## AIDS.

COL. FRED. BARTON, New Haven (10th Mass.).

MAJOR WM. H. MALLORY, Bridgeport (Cavalry Squadron).

MAJOR JAMES B. BURBANK (3d U. S. Artillery).

CAPT. GEORGE M. HARMON, New Haven (1st Heavy Artillery).

CAPT. WM. H. TUBBS, New London (14th C. V.).

LIEUT. CHARLES E. DOTY, Norwalk (17th C. V.).

## ASSISTANT MARSHALS.

BRIG.-GEN. E. S. GREELEY, New Haven (10th C. V.).

COL. JOHN H. BURNHAM, Hartford (16th C. V.).

COL. RICHARD FITZGIBBONS Bridgeport (9th C. V.).

COL. WM. B. WOOSTER, Derby (29th C. V.).

COL. JACOB L. GREENE, Hartford (6th Mich. Cav.).

COL. JUSTIN HODGE, Riverton (Q. M. D.).

LIEUT.-COL. S. J. FOX, New Haven (27th C. V.).

LIEUT.-COL. JEFFREY SKINNER, Winsted (2d H. A.).

MAJOR JOHN SPEIDEL, Bridgeport (6th C. V.).

MAJOR THOMAS McMANUS, Hartford (25th C. V.).

MAJOR CHARLES H. OWEN, Manchester (1st H. A.).

CAPT. D. B. HAMILTON, Waterbury (5th C. V.).

CAPT. IRA E. HICKS, New Britain (7th C. V.).

CAPT. BENJ. WRIGHT, Greenwich (10th C. V.).

CAPT. GEO. N. BRIGHAM, Rockville (14th C. V.).

CAPT. EZRA SPRAGUE, Birmingham (20th C. V.).

CAPT. FRED. A. SPENCER, Waterbury (2d Colorado Cav.).

CAPT. H. J. BISHOP, New Haven (U. S. Marines).

LIEUT. LOUIS KINGSLEY, New London (U. S. N.).

LIEUT. FRED. N. STANLEY, New Britain (13th C. V.).

LIEUT. S. H. SEWARD, Putnam (14th C. V.).

LIEUT. CHAS. A. JEWELL, Hartford (22d C. V.).

LIEUT. FRANK M. WELSH, Bridgeport (54th Mass.).

N. JOSEPH R. HAWLEY, Chief Marshal.

CAPT. J. C. KINNEY, A. A. A. G.

## TRANSFER OF CONNECTICUT BATTLE FLAGS,

1879.

MARCHING THROUGH GEORGIA.

WORDS AND MUSIC BY

HENRY C. WORK.

(A HARTFORD BOY.)

Bring the good old bugle, boys, we'll sing another song,
Sing it with a spirit that will start the world along,
Sing it as we used to sing it fifty thousand strong,
While we were marching through Georgia.

CHORUS.—Hurrah! Hurrah! we bring the jubilee!
Hurrah! Hurrah! the flag that makes you free!
So we sang the chorus from Atlanta to the sea,
While we were marching through Georgia.

How the darkies shouted when they heard the joyful sound!
How the turkeys gobbled which our Commissary found!
How the sweet potatoes even started from the ground!
While we were marching through Georgia.

CHORUS.—Hurrah! Hurrah! etc.

Yes, and there were Union men who wept with joyful tears,
When they saw the honor'd Flag they had not seen for years;
Hardly could they be restrained from breaking forth in cheers,
While we were marching through Georgia.

CHORUS.—Hurrah! Hurrah! etc.

Sherman's dashing Yankee boys will never reach the coast!
So the saucy rebels said; and 'twas a handsome boast—
Had they not forgot, alas! to reckon with the host,
While we were marching through Georgia.

CHORUS.—Hurrah! Hurrah! etc.

So we made a thoroughfare for Freedom and her train,
Sixty miles in latitude—three hundred to the main;
Treason fled before us—for resistance was in vain,
While we were marching through Georgia.

CHORUS.—Hurrah! Hurrah! etc.

The Case, Lochwood & Brainard Co., Printers, Hartford, Conn.

EN. JOSEPH R. HAWLEY, Chief Marshal.

(SEPTEMBER 17, 1879.)

Hartford, September 16 1879.

R. G. E. J. M. W. M. R. A. H. H. S. L. E. F. M. G. C. C. C. J.

C

F

J.

W. B.

H.

So lately, sweetly well:
She who had tasted bliss,
A mother's virgin kiss,
Rich gifts conferred to bless
With costliest happiness,

IV.

Broken the golden band,
Severed the silken strand—
Ye sisters four:
Still to me two remain
And two have gone before.
Our loss her gain—
And He who gave can all restore,
And yet, O why,
My heart doth cry,
Why take her thus away?

V.

I wake in tears and sorrow;
Wearily I say
"Come, come, fair morrow,
And chase my grief away."
Night-long I say,
"Haste, haste, fair morrow,
And bear my grief away."
All night long,
My sad, sad song.

VI.

"Comes not the welcome morrow,"
My boding heart doth say;
Still grief from grief doth borrow,
"My child is far away."
Still as I pray
The deeper swells my sorrow.
Break, break!—the risen day
Takes not my grief away.

VII.

Full well I know
Joy's spring is fathomless,—
Its fountains overflow
To cheer and bless,
And underneath, our grief
Wells forth and gives relief.
Transported May!
Thou couldst not stay;
Who gave, took thee away.
Come, child, and whisper peace to me;
Say, must I wait, or come to thee?
I list to hear
Thy message clear.

VIII.

"Cease, cease new grief to borrow!"
Last night I heard her say;
For sorrow hath no morrow,
'Tis born of yesterday.
Translated thou shall be,
My cloudless daylight see,
And bath, as I, in fairest morrows endlessly."

A. BRONSON ALCOTT.

Concord, January 4, 1880.

162

1879

and happy. Miss Hillie Bogert had caught then during our absence, and ale had gone smoothly and profitably. But home seemed very, very long and attractive to her, even when returning from school. Favourable a jamp. We felt happy for all we had enjoyed away, and for all we came back to.

The Paper I read at the anniversary was printed in the Advance, and is here inserted.

When I was ordered to prepare it last summer, I wanted to deliver it to H. Pres. Porter and C. D. W.ung. We not to do so (it was vacation time, in the Adirondacks) and now I am very satisfied that I accepted the duty, though the paper is not at all what I wish it had been.

1879

163

THE UNITED STATES AND CHINA—THE SITUATION.

BY REV. J. H. TWICHELL.

Sailing up the Pacific, near our coast, one summer evening five years ago, Yung Wing, of China, leaning against the steamer's guards, and looking across the moonlit waters to the westward, said to a friend who stood by, "Yonder lies my country, next land to this." It is of the relations existing between us and our next country that I am here to speak.

Apart from the special causes that have arisen to bring her into notice, China is, for some reasons, the most remarkable object of contemplation the world affords. Her domain extends over a third of the continent of Asia, or a tenth part of the habitable globe. She is the Mother of about a fifth of the human race: and is, with one exception, the largest state that ever was. She is also by far the oldest nation on the face of the earth. Her authentic annals date back beyond the time of Abraham. She was a venerable empire when Rome was founded. She was substantially what she is now, and what she had been for at least three thousand years, when the shores of Britain echoed the first war-cry of our invading barbaric fathers. Centuries before the Christian era she possessed a literature that was then ancient, comprising works of philosophy, poetry, mathematics, medicine, the masterpieces of five hundred different authors and scholars. It was the work of her most illustrious sage, the great Confucius, who died before Socrates was born,—all that he claimed to do—to revive the wisdom of an earlier age, remote in antiquity.

Elsewhere famous kingdoms and empires—successions of them—have meanwhile arisen, shaken the earth, culminated, decayed, perished; but there always China has stood in her place, unchanged amid the shifting scene. She alone has lived. It is the marvel, as it is the unique example, of history—this majestic survival.

One explanation of it is found in the circumstance of China's geographical isolation. The barriers of nature have made her comparatively secure of her territory. By this she has been peculiarly advantaged in the struggle for existence. Yet this is not the whole, nor the chief, explanation of it. It is equally unjust and unscientific not to refer the phenomenon of China's august longevity to the causes to which we ascribe the preservation of national life through long periods of time in other cases, viz.: to the salt of her civilization; to the virtue of her intelligence and her morals, as embodied in political and social institutions. I lately heard a Christian Chinese gentleman, attach of the Chinese Embassy to the United States, say, that inasmuch as China, while knowing not God, has yet, through all her generations, obeyed the Fifth Commandment of his law, "Honor thy father and thy mother," God has kept with China, though she has not known him, the promise annexed to that commandment, and made her days long in the land he gave her.

Nevertheless, as far back as history remembers, China has been, as she is to-day, among the inferior nations. It is evident that at some point in the distant past, her growth ceased. From that point onward down to the present age, she presented a spectacle of arrested development. She did not retrograde; she did not weaken; she simply came to a halt, and for centuries upon centuries stood in her tracks marking time. The people that could invent printing and gunpowder, and discover the mariner's compass, could not go on in literature, remained a child in art of war, and never sent a ship across the ocean. And what accounts for it? Into the field of discussion which here opens, I shall not enter, save to say that doubtless the one fact that comprehends in itself most reasons of the great pause and stagnation that took China out of the race of human progress and held her in her stationary and stereotyped condition, is the same fact that explains her survival, viz.: her isolation.

It is the experience of the world that nations are set forward and kept on in the way of a great career, invariably by large communications of impulse from without—by infusions from time to time of new ideas and new blood. And wherever, as in the middle ages in Europe, civilization has lost its headway, and come to a stand, it has, as in that instance, revived and moved forward again through the operation of a fresh contact and intermingling of populations. To name the examples that illustrate this law, would be to call the roll of the nations past and present that have led or that lead the race. No nation was ever permanently sufficient to itself. It is because China was not sufficient to herself that she revolved into that long cycle of barrenness. She had her domestic vicissitudes, it is true, yet less than any other nation was she moved upon by strong tides of external influence. When the stock of her native force was spent, it was not replenished; therefore her civilization became a stunted tree. And it has been in the infirmity of an ignorance, a conceit, a lethargic content, naturally resulting from this condition, and answerable in its degree to the time it had in which to root itself, that China, if she could, would have made her great misfortune perpetual.

But that she has not been permitted to do. By the events of the fifty years past, especially, she has experienced an unprecedented incursion from the live world; and at last, her isolation is forever at an end.

The Nineteenth Century has effected a landing and a lodgment upon her shores. It has been rudely done,—to far too great an extent unrightously and shamefully done also. But it was not possible that it should be a gentle process. It had to be an intrusion. It has been a bitter cup to China—this passage of her history,—bitter, but wholesome. Her immemorial slumber has been broken by it; her drowsy sight, at any rate, partially cleared. She has begun to see and understand. All her delusions are shaken. She has gained, and is gaining, an unwelcome, but salutary knowledge—self-knowledge in particular. It is all working for her good. Even the wrongs she has suffered have wrought compensating benefits, they have revealed her weakness to her, and have roused her spirit. While her huge mass is not perceptibly from a distance greatly

conscious of the change, it is manifest that her head and brain are conscious of it. She is developing a new leadership for her new epoch. A class of men are emerging in her high places,—strong men,—who, however reluctantly they may accept the situation, accept it intelligently. And these men are doing great things for their country, and are in the way of doing still greater things. They are the men by whom, for example, Yung Wing, a native of foreign education,—a graduate of Yale College, and a Christian, is accredited assistant Imperial Minister to the United States,—by whom, for another example, there are to-day, within our borders, more than a hundred Chinese youth in course of preparation for the Chinese public service, at government expense. Through their courage and enterprise has China by her equipment at home, and her diplomatic establishment abroad, qualified herself in a measure that a short time ago, would have been deemed incredible, to take her place and act her part in the ranks of the great states of the world. She is becoming a power. Her friendship and her hostility are matters worth considering. Germany thinks so, and is agitating the subject of forming an alliance with her. Russia thinks so, for China has lately recovered stolen territory from her with a strong hand. The United States thinks so, England would better think so, as some of her leading publicists are now showing, and so would all governments that have anything to gain or lose in Asia. For lo, the fossil among nations stirs! The China of to-day is not the China of yesterday; and never can be again; she has stopped marking time and has begun to march.

Yet what China has thus far received from the impingement of the outside world upon her is to be regarded as more than anything else a demonstration of her receptive capacity, and a preparing of receptive conditions. These two things it certainly is; and by them China makes her appeal to Christendom and the Church. It would seem, at first thought, that this preparation had come to pass in a way to make it as effectual an unpreparation as could be, for the gospel. No one can review the political and official transaction of China with Christendom hitherto, and stop there, without so judging. It has not been all rapacity and over-reaching on the Christian side, nor have all parties on that side been equally unchristian in their dealings with her; and she has had well wishers and friendly counselors under the flags of her foreign legation; still, first and last, it must be owned, her commercial and state relations with Christendom have given China great reason to respect the name of Christ. But, thank God, commercial and state relations have not been all. During the period we are speaking of, another and far different approach has been made to China than that of the Christian governments. I refer to the approach by

CHRISTIAN MISSIONS.

and, without willing disparagement of the charity in which the Romish church has long abounded toward that land, I may say that Protestant Christian missions, for these latter are more specially related to the new situation,—certainly as we are concerned with it. It has not been a very large army, but it has been an exceedingly noble one, an exceedingly strong one in its ability and devotion—the band of Protestant Christian Missionaries, men and women who, from near the beginning of the present century, have spent their lives in gospel labor on the soil of China. Never in the world was a work more necessary, more happily interposed, more effective for the conservation of the largest public interests, than theirs. What they have done for China and for Christendom in China at this critical juncture, is past all measuring. It is they who have entered farthest in. They have accomplished a vast personal

visitation of the Chinese people. With millions upon millions of them, in their cities, in their villages, in their houses, have they stood and spoken face to face with love in their hearts and on their lips.

They have been ministers of healing to the sick, and of suc-
cor to multitudes perishing with famine. They have taught
thousands of their children, and shed abroad the light of a
secular, as well as a spiritual knowledge. Nearly all the many
books now used in China for instruction in the various scien-
ces, are the contribution of missionaries. Their service has
been manifold and liberal. The voice of their friendship
has been heard far and wide throughout the nation. It
has penetrated beyond the sound of hostile bombardments
along the coast and made another testimony. And these men
and women have been better representatives of Christendom
than the embassies have been. They have done very much to
antidote the impression of foreign injustice and violence. While
England was earning the infamy of the Opium War, there
were sons and daughters of England in China, who with tears
of grief and indignation, for themselves repudiated their coun-
try's deed, and bore witness, public and private, that the Chris-
tianity of England was not in it, which was true. And such wit-
nesses for righteousness and for the gospel of human brotherhood
have kept the way of the Lord open in China when the gov-
ernment would have closed it. The most competent observers
amongst them,—and in their honored ranks are to-day not a
few men of finest intelligence,—are of the opinion that in the
estimate of the conditions of a new career that have been
modernly wrought out in China, is to be included a wide and
solid preparation for the inflow and conquest of that spiritual
divine truth by which alone either individuals or nations are
regenerated. It is the belief of these observers that through
large regions of the Empire a state of things is reached
which portends extensive religious movement in the near
future.

SPECIAL CALL TO THE UNITED STATES.

Much as anterior conditions and causes have to do with it,
the great opportunity now maturating in China for the ingress of
renovating influences from without, has been pre-eminently
shaped by Protestant missions. And in the nature of the case,
it devolves on Protestant Christendom the highest obligations
to meet it, that circumstances can create. To no other nation-
however, does such a share of this opportunity and correspond,
ing obligation fall, as to the United States. For we sustain
relations to the Chinese government and to the Chinese people
that are, in important respects, singular. To begin with, there
is the relation of neighborhood, before suggested. Between us
and China, between our two realms, the one so old, the other
so young, for a thousand miles of coast on either side, nothing
intervenes but the sea, which no state owns, and that is
continguity. Along so great a boundary America and China
may be said to touch, yet without possibility of territorial dis-
pute. And this nearness is one feature of our special oppor-
tunity.

A second and more pregnant feature of it is to be noted in
the good will, that in a peculiar degree, characterizes the relations
of our two countries, in the past, and in the present. This may
seem a strange thing to say just now, but the truth of it will
appear on a brief survey of facts. Probably it is less our merit
than our fortune, but it is certainly the latter, that through the
whole stage of that unhappy, though largely unavoidable col-
lusion of China with the foreign powers, by which she was forced
off from her intolerable policy of exclusion, our government
was the least conspicuous of the principal aggressors,—less so
than France, less so than England, less so than Russia. To the
several treaties in which the collision issued, that with the
United States, and that alone, contained the express provision

that the parties to it and their peoples respectively, should
"not insult or oppress each other for any trifling cause, so as
to produce an estrangement between them." There has been,
and is, less bitter remembrance of us on the score of that con-
flict than of the other belligerents engaged in it. Again, while
we have subsequently had men in the various ranks of our di-
plomatic service in China who have hurt us there, and have
them still, we have probably given least offense on that score.
No thanks to our civil service want of system, but in the Prov-
idence of God, we have had more than our proportion there of
men who have helped our good fame. Eighteen years ago we
sent thither a minister, one result of whose six years of
official life there was, that at the end of that time, jealous Pe-
king had come to recognize in him, what he truly was, a friend
of China. I mean, of course, Anson Burlingame, of Massa-
chusetts. For his friendship, China offered to his acceptance
honors never before, or since, conferred on a foreigner. She
freely committed to his hands a trust of supreme magnitude.
She made him her ambassador to all the western peoples. In
that capacity he came home to his own country and framed
with us the first of that new series of treaties in which China
gave and received the pledge that made her a member on equal
footing of the family of nations. And that treaty, the work of
our own citizen, large minded enough to value the capabilities
of that great people, large hearted enough also to make his sym-
pathy felt by its rulers, still stands, and is going to stand. But
this most remarkable and luminous paragraph of history—is
there another such between China and any other nation but
ours?

Finally, as if to supply the last term required to complete
our relationship for all possible service to the Chinese race, as
if to openly designate and summon us to the office of aid-
ing its emergence into a new life, especially of ministering
to it the holy faith, which is the best gift we have to impart,
the one secret and source of our happier lot, for us and
for us alone, of all Protestant Christendom, by bringing
to our soil, to the presence of our institutions, to our church
doors, a multitude of the Chinese people themselves, God pro-
vided the condition of personal contact. That was the round-
ing and perfection of our opportunity.

But, it will naturally be inquired, is not whatsoever exception-
al advantage gained for us in the past, mostly annulled by the
later and recent record of social and political hostility here at
home, which stands against us in our account with China? I
think not. This new record of inhospitality toward the chil-
dren of a race, whose hand we have clasped in covenant, thus
become strangers within our gates, is indeed nothing to be
made light of. The whole Chinaphobia episode, whether en-
acted by local mobs, municipalities, and legislatures, or by our
national Congress, has been an atrocity of injury and insult,—
and as proceeding from us, peculiarly aggravated.

But in computing the weight which this, in itself, most de-
plorable factor has, in the case of our relations with China,
there are several things to be observed. There is one thing that,
though it cannot be stated with any the least degree of com-
placency, still comes into the reckoning; and that is the fact
that spite of the wanton slap in the face which China, in the
persons of her poor subjects sojourning with us has received,
her grievance against us of that kind is not so great as it is
against the other communities in this quarter of the world in
which her subjects have also dwelt. The principal emigration
from China to the West during the past twenty-five years has
been to the United States, Cuba and Peru. American slavery,
at its worst, was a humane, beneficent institution, compared
with the system of Chinese contract labor as it has existed in
Peru. By the way, no labor of that description—contract,
coolie labor—ever came to this country. All representations to
the contrary are false.

168

And the hell of abominable oppression and Spanish cruelty which the bloody haciendas of Peru have proved to the hapless Chinese laborer has had its hideous counterpart in the sugar plantations of Cuba. In French, Dutch, and even English Guinna, and in Brazil it has been the same, though on a smaller scale.

The shameful truth is, China is wonted to the ill treatment of her subjects on foreign Christian soil, and if we have furnished no exception to the rule, our outrage has been milder than she is accustomed to. So that, after all that has happened to wound her feelings here, there still remains to us the benefit, though it is nothing, I repeat, to be proud of, of comparison with worse doers.

## COMPENSATIONS OF ANTI-CHINESE AGITATION.

I am glad to pass to a pleasanter topic, and to remark next, that there are certain incidental consequences of the anti-Chinese agitation, and, as well, certain circumstances felicitously contem poraneous with it, that have operated to offset and countervail the injury which that agitation may be supposed to have in flicted on our relations with China,—that have done more than that.

First, it has developed, and brought out into expression a vastly preponderant public opinion adverse to the whole move ment. The argument for it has been heard and canvassed, and not without sympathy; for it was presented by our own coun trymen, and it was not to be questioned that they were in a measure of honest difficulty of some sort, with the matter they brought to trial. But I think it is entirely true to say that the event of the discussion has been that the argument is answered. It did not stand as to its facts. I believe that all the main counts of the indictment against Chinese emigration, and the Chinese emigrants, were severally disproved to the public satis faction.

But beside this aspect of the case, and to a great extent inde pendently of it, the judgment asked for, viz., the adoption of the policy of exclusion, was considered. Whereupon it appear ed that it was the proposal of an act no less serious, no less forbidden, than to disown and repudiate a principle, the main tenance of which, more than any other thing, distinguishes us as a nation, which our fathers built into the foundation of our government, which we have always advocated to the world in every publication of our political creed,—a principle which we have ever claimed to be one of natural right, which we have persistently endeavored, from the outset of our national exist ence, to persuade other governments to recognize as such, and which we had particularly emphasized in the very treaty of which this act, if consented to, would be the violation. It ap peared, furthermore, that it was a proposal that we take toward China the very attitude which we had helped force China out of, as towards ourselves and other nations, i. e., that we borrow a page of cast-off Chinese politics and insert it in our law —that it was a proposal to return from the Nineteenth to the Eleventh Century, and convert to the use of a modern free Republic, something in the likeness of a medieval edict against the Jews; that finally, it was a proposal to go back upon our selves, to revoke our own most recent step of advance in civil ization, and restore that doctrine of race discrimination which we had lately put away.

And when this was seen, the country said No! Legislatures, Chambers of Commerce, institutions of learning, benevolent organizations, united in the protest. The general voice, was that whatever evil there was to be remedied, must be dealt with in some other way. A Congressional committee, indeed, brought in a report not warranted by the evidence it had heard, favorable to the policy of exclusion,—the lamented Morton dis senting,—and Congress itself passed the anti-Chinese Bill. But that was Congress, which has reasons of its own for what it does sometimes, not very mysterious in this instance. But the

169

report for the people, which the people with little distinction of party gratefully and audibly accepted, was made by President Hays in his strong veto.

Of course the Chinese government through its representatives at Washington, is accurately informed of all this. And besides, the Chinese government reads the papers.

Thus an attempt which had it succeeded, would have de stroyed our friendship with China, has not only failed, but has been the occasion of such an expression of the national senti ment of good will toward her as never had been made before, and as could not have been made otherwise.

A minor but very much to be noted result of the affair has been the disclosure of the actual state of things in California. It has shown how, and where, the anti-Chinese movement start ed, how low its origin was, and how it grew, by what means, by what management it drew into it such respectable elements as it did, that it was fomented by the press operating in the field of State politics,—that it was mainly a worked-up irration al furor kindling by contagion, and did not really signify what it seemed to. It was shown that much of the best part of Cali fornia was not in it. Why, the evidence for the defense on which the country, balancing it with the other evidence heard, found its verdict aforesaid, was, all of it, the evidence of Cali fornia men,—men from the first rank of citizenship. It trans pired that there was in California a not inconsiderable party on the poor Chinaman's side, not forbearing to denounce and oppose the violation of his rights, and to testify in his favor, that much as had been said and done there against him, a good deal in the name of Christian benevolence and humanity and justice had been said and done for him.

And so in the upshot of the public trial of the case, it has come about that the offense of California is mitigated by it.

## MR. BLAINE ANSWERED.

And to the affront perpetrated in the halls of Congress in ad dition to the offset furnished by the public attitude, there has been a special one, too remarkable not to be mentioned. It was a most lamentable spectacle to see a man like James G. Blaine, of New England, in the eminence of his position, his great gifts and his reputation, stand up in the United States Sen ate and before the world turn the power of his rare eloquence against the cause of the weak. It was too bad. It cannot be excused. But not only did his utterances call out replies from the most capable and influential sources, notably from Dr. S. Wells Williams, long resident in China, but now of Yale Col lege, than whom there is no higher authority on China and Chinese affairs living; from Henry Ward Beecher, in a splendid address given in Philadelphia on the 3d of last March, and from William Lloyd Garrison, in a noble letter of protest, his dying deliverance, the last shot the old warrior for humanity fired; not only, I say, did Mr. Blaine provoke these replies by which he was convicted of ignorance and fallacy and his argument throughout annihilated; but it happened that almost at the same time he was misrepresenting both China and us at the Capitol, another citizen of this country, in the eminence of a still more illustrious fame, was in the far East, on the confines, and, you might say, in the audience of China herself, speaking our true mind for us. For it was to a delegation of the Chinese merch ants of Penang that in the month of April of the presen year, Gen. Ulysses S. Grant, in that felicity of well chosen and straight-forward simple speech that is characteris tic of him, said: "The hostility of which you complain does not represent the real sentiment of America, but is the work of demagogues. . . . I do not doubt, and no one can doubt, that in the end, no matter what effect the agitation for the time being may have, the American people will treat the Chinese with kindness and justice, and not deny to the true and deserving people of your country the asylum they offer to the rest of the world." And may God bless him for saying it. Moreover, in

the month of June following, this same man of great deeds and
weighty speech, in an interview with certain of the highest
officials of the empire at Peking, and at their request, offered
counsel, which a few weeks later, on a like request, he repeated
in an interview with the Emperor of Japan, to the effect that
the time had now arrived when the two nations of China and
Japan, in peace and close alliance with one another should no
longer submit as they had done to the interference and dicta-
tion of foreign powers in their affairs, should assume control
of their own commerce, and together stand for their independ-
ence and their proper rights, as it became so great nations to
do, and as they were able to do against the world. God bless
him for saying that too! It was the most seasonable word, next
to the gospel, that has been spoken on that side of the world
in this age. And I, for one, am thankful and proud that it was
an American who had the breadth of vision and the magna-
nimity to speak it. It made good and more than good the evil
of the defection of Mr. Blaine and the few others of our prom-
inent men, who like him had too much local dust in their eyes
to see the size and bearings of one of the greatest matters that
has been or ever will be submitted to their action.

The Chinese know. When Gen. Grant, who after he had
spoken that good word soon turned his face once more home-
ward, landed at San Francisco on the 20th of last month, they
were to greet him. In the vast procession that welcomed
and celebrated his return, the Dragon Flag appeared, and it meant
much that it was there. And the sound of that extraordinary
ovation in the midst of which he is still moving and is to be
moving, I apprehend, for some time to come, is heard across
the Pacific, and understood, as we would like to have it under-
stood. The nation is much obliged to Gen. Grant for doing so
much to set us right with our neighbor.

THE QUEUE-CUTTING ORDINANCE.

I must not pass by, though I can give it only a word, yet
another event tending to the same effect, which likewise stands
in fortunate conjunction with the anti-Chinese movement. The
interposition of our Government between the Chinese on our
shores and legal wrong, through our national judiciary, was in-
deed no new thing; but the most signal instance of it,—the most
signal because the wrong concerned was the meanest of its
kind and the most galling to its victims,—opportunely occurred
on the 7th of last July, when Presiding Justice Field, of the Su-
preme court, delivered from the bench of the circuit court of
the United States, in California, an opinion in which the ordi-
nance of the city and county of San Francisco, called the Queue-
cutting ordinance, by which Chinese prisoners were subjected
to the indignity of what amounted to a personal mutilation, was
pronounced unconstitutional. This opinion, as published, is a
grand document, worthy of the high place whence it issued.
It contains such declarations as these: "It is not cred-
itable to the humanity and civilization of our people,
much less to their Christianity, that an ordinance of this
character was possible." "In our country hostile and
discriminating legislation by a state against persons of any
class, sect, creed or nation, in whatever form it may be ex-
pressed, is forbidden." "The government of this
country extends protection to all persons within its jurisdiction,
and every blow aimed at any of them, however humble, come
from what quarter it may, is 'caught upon the broad shield of
our blessed constitution and our equal laws.'" Concerning the
ordinance in question, after calling it again "unworthy of a
brave and manly people," it says, in closing: "against such
legislation it will always be the duty of the judiciary to state
and enforce the paramount law of the nation." It was a fortu-
nate coincidence, indeed, that there was such a judgment as
this so expressed, proceeding from the supreme legal authority

of the land, to go into the dispatches forwarded by the Chinese
embassy here to the foreign office at Peking, at that time.

Thus, in so many and various ways, it will be seen that the
force of those circumstances in themselves tending to impair
the relation of good will between us and China has been even
more than neutralized.

And we owe devout and humble thanks to God that He has
not permitted the wide-open door of our opportunity toward
China, existing in that relation, to be closed. May He continue
 door is closed, we shall have taken ourselves out of the line of
prophecy and promise marked out for us by our sages, poets,
statesmen, from the beginning. We shall even have abdicated the
rank assigned us by Providence. We believe that for the sake
and benefit of the whole human race, for every branch of which
alike his Son was incarnate, God has appointed leaderships
among the nations—leaderships determined and indicated by
the gifts of His special favor. We believe that to such a lead-
ership we have been called. But as sure as God is God, our
leadership is to be retained only as we accept and fulfill its
office, the highest function of which is the function of service.

It will not do for us to fall back on our strength, our re-
sources, our extraction, or on anything but obedience to the law
of Heaven that is over us, to maintain us in our high degree,
"Think not to say within yourselves" is the word of the Lord
to America, "we have Abraham to our father"—we are of the
Anglo-Saxon stock and we may trust our blood to keep us for-
ever in our place, "for I say unto you, that God is able of these
stones," of these inferior peoples that now sit so far below you,
yes, even of these poor Chinese themselves, "to raise up chil-
dren unto Abraham."

To estrange from us as a nation the heart of a fifth portion of
the human race, were a long step toward putting away our
crown from us, and constraining divine Providence to raise up
another head on which to set it.

And now there remains to be spoken of an outcome of good
from the anti-Chinese agitation that is of more immediately
practical consequence than any other. It has been the occasion
of calling universal and earnest attention, such as had not been
drawn to it before, and such as it is scarcely conceivable could
have been drawn to it otherwise, to the fact of the presence with-
in our borders of so many of the Chinese people. The nation
at large is now aware of them and informed with respect to
them. While it is not yet settled what is to be done with them
politically, and while no doubt there will be further contention
over them, it does seem to be settled that they are not to go by
a violent dismissal. Here they are, then, more than an hundred
thousand souls of them, and here they are to stay. They are an
object of the very highest interest, and that for more reasons
than one. Not only are they such in themselves, but they con-
stitute by far the most vital point of our contact with that great
nation beyond the sea, and afford the most available means and
medium of reaching it that we possess. And we are interested
in them on our own account. By their presence we have already
been put to the test in one way, and we are still to be tested by
them in other ways. We are to be tested as to the capacity of
our civil institutions, and as to the power of our religion—no,
not as to the power of our religion, but as to our power in it.

It is one of the most humiliating confessions that can be made,
to say that these people cannot be granted room on our soil,
with liberty and justice under our laws, with safety to ourselves.
It is a still more humiliating confession to say that the attempt
to Christianize them is a hopeless one.

Is it so that in their case we have come to the end of our re-
sources, for securing men the exercise and enjoyment of their
few inalienable rights under our government? Then they are
vastly less than we had thought. Is it so, that the encounter of
our Christianity with heathenism in the persons of a few score

172

thousand pagans, here on our own ground, within hearing of
our Sabbath bells, is too much to be ventured, lest heathenism
win the day? Then there is not enough to our Christianity to
make it much matter.

It is all absurd to say such things. It is not indeed to be ques-
tioned that the problem of dealing with this strange element
thrown in upon us is a perplexed and difficult one. But it is
not the first perplexed and difficult matter we have had to ac-
commodate, nor is it the last. Our labors as a nation are not
over. The time when there will be no perilous or incommoding
exigencies arising to disturb our ease as citizens is far distant.
Who thinks it not so is greatly mistaken. As other vexing prob-
lems in the past have been solved, so with patience this Chinese
problem can be without sacrifice of principle.

It is a work in which the state and the church must co-operate.
But we are here to-day to look especially to the part which the
latter has in it—as servants of Christ and as representatives of
the Christian community to attend to the cry of the poor that
come to us from the Pacific coast, and to consider how we shall
respond to it.

The one thing which we are disallowed, be it first of all ob-
served, is to deem that our principal duty in the premises is dis-
charged by giving hard words to California. We are not to sit
in judgment on California. We are not in a position to do so,
and I trust we are not disposed to do so. There are reasons
which the rest of the country does not perceive, certainly does
not feel as California does, why the presence in her population
of this unassimilated foreign mass is very undesirable and very
trying. Not a doubt of it.

We may with propriety, in view of some reasons, on the
other hand, that naturally enough we see more clearly than they
do in California, plead with our fellow-citizens there to try and
discern the larger aspects of the situation and to bear whatso-
ever ills it entails upon them till they can be remedied in the
way that is best for all of us and for all men. If I had the ear
of the Irish citizens of California, I would plead with them, as
lately foreigners themselves, and as sons of a Church that for
more than five hundred years has befriended China through
her missions, and is still doing it, to regard these new foreigners
with more kindness.

California is a grand State—splendid in her youthful prime,
—a queenly figure sitting there on her golden shore,—our own
flesh and blood. Our warmest sympathies, our best hopes, are
with her. To look upon any fault of hers with less than a gen-
erous charity is out of character; and besides, in the present
instance it is nothing to the purpose. The only course for
Christian America to take at this juncture is to offer Califor-
nia our Christian service. That we can do, and the way of it
is plain. There are faithful brethren and faithful churches in
California, ready and waiting for help in the work already by
them inaugurated, and carried on sufficiently far to prove beyond
cavil the practicability of its success, of bringing these Chinese
thousands under the sway of the gospel of Christ. Some help
we have sent them, but not enough. There ought to be abund-
ance of it; not only abundance, but sufficiency,—all that can
be used to advantage. This is a mission that ought to be lav-
ishly supported—that ought not to be stinted as respects either
money or men. And the time to push it is now. If the churches
of the country will encourage and assist the enterprises in a free
handed, free-hearted, neighborly way,—the church, of our
order through the agency of this vigorous and patriot'c Asso-
ciation,—the Chinese question will ere long be satisfactorily
and permanently disposed of. Nothing would be so effectual to
modify and reshape the public sentiment of California upon
it as such a Christian demonstration. Nothing would more
effectually contribute to the evangelization of China. Nor is
there anything at present within our power that would appar-
ently do more to hasten the conversion of the world.

DR. J. H. TWICHELL'S PAPER ON CHINA AND THE UNITED STATES.

This paper, by J. H. Twichell, of Hartford, Conn., was a document of unsurpassed excellence, both in respect of matter and manner. By its preparation and publication a capital service is rendered not only to the Society, but to interests which are of national, and more than merely national consequence. It is not easy to characterize it, it had so many points of excellence. And the scope of it was so comprehensive, it is not possible here to give even an abstract of it. We must content ourselves with saying: Read it! If Senator Blaine after reading it (as he certainly will read it) feels proud of the part in that immeasurably dishonorable epidemic of Chinaphobia which seized so many of the politicians not long ago, he is not the man we take him to be. Mr. Twichell's fitting allusions to the magnificent service to China, to humanity, rendered by Anson Burlingame, the noble utterance of Gen. Grant in China on the Chinese question, and the timely veto of President Hayes, were all fittingly responded to by the audience with hearty rounds of applause.

## THE UNITED STATES AND CHINA.

We present below the principal portions of an address upon the mutual relations of the United States and China, by the Reverend J. H. Twichell, of Hartford, Connecticut. The length of the original forbids its entire reproduction here, but we have endeavored to omit nothing that is essential to the substantial argument of the speaker, or that fortifies his earnest appeal for the observance of all that justice and honor demand on the part of the American republic. Mr. Twichell is a master of the subject he discusses. His association with distinguished Chinese, and his familiarity with the various phases of Chinese emigration, to the United States and elsewhere, have caused him to be long regarded as an authority upon all questions of the external experience, grievances and rights of the great Asian empire.

He was a leading member of the commission despatched some years ago, by Chinese authority, to investigate the condition and treatment of the Mongol laborers in Peru; and the terrible results of his inquiries and observation, on that occasion, added fresh energy to the determination,—already abundantly strong,—that no effort of his should be wanting to prevent the continuance of such inhumanity in the southern continent of America, and to resist the imitation of so foul an example in the northern half. There is no possibility of mistaking the admirable spirit of his utterances, as there is no power to deny their truth and honesty:—

176

1879

Nov. 30. To New Haven a exchange with Dr. Barlow the College doctor. H. with me. We stayed with my classmate Prof. Tom. Farnsworth of the Scientific School.

Dec. 1st

Funeral of a Chinese Student.

The funeral of the Chinese student who died at Troy, N. Y., on Saturday last, was attended from the Chinese Commission building on Collins street Monday at 3 o'clock p. m. A large number of neighbors and friends were present, as well as about forty of the students residing in Hartford and a few from out of town. Rev. Mr. Twichell conducted the services, which were in accordance with the American custom, the deceased student being a professing Christian and having requested that his remains be buried here. The remarks of Mr. Twichell were very appropriate, and those addressed to the students as to their duties, the necessity of being prepared for death, the fact of their ranks being broken, and their being in a land far away from home, affected many to tears. The services were very touching.

The bearers were six of the older boys, and the remains were followed by a long line of carriages containing the officials, students and many friends. The body was buried in Spring Grove Cemetery, where the Chinese Commission have a burial lot.

Yung Wing was not present, his duties in Washington having prevented his attendance as also being present at the burial of his beloved friend, Prof. D. E. Bartlett.

The deceased student came to this city seven years and six months ago, at the age of 10 years, with the first company of Chinese boys, graduated at the Norwich Free Academy, and stood high in his class at the Troy Polytechnic Institute.

He was in his eighteenth year, and an only child.

(77)

Dec 5. Having to furnish "entertainment" for a social gathering of our compression, I gave in a potluck, family may my recollections of Gen. Hooker with a watch of his life.

To my surprise I found the following, very defective and in some respects inaccurate, report of my lecture in the next days "Evening Post." I was not aware that anybody was taking notes. I prefer the report, without attempting to connect any of its misstatements with it, may someday be interesting to look over.

"FIGHTING JOE HOOKER."

Rev. J. H. Twichell's Personal Reminiscences of the Old Commander.

At the chapel of the Asylum Hill Congregational Church, Friday evening, the pastor, Rev. J. H. Twichell, gave some interesting personal recollections of Gen. Joseph Hooker, which entertained an audience nearly filling the room. The substance of his remarks was as follows:

In October last, without any warning, I received news of the death of Gen. Hooker at his home at Garden City, Long Island. Only three or four days before, I with my wife had stood at a street corner in New York and debated whether we would run over and call on him, and some trivial circumstance had decided us against it. And now he was gone.

* * * I well remember the first time I saw the old General. It was in the autumn of 1861. McClellan had just been put in command of the army, and we at Washington were informed that our division was under Hooker. Ah, that review when he first met his command. He was then forty-six

years old and as splendid a sight to look upon as my eyes ever beheld. There was truly a magnificent man—shapely, very graceful, stately, superb. A smooth face, with that ruddy clear complexion which was a distinguishing beauty, and which he kept to the last. A large, deep blue eye, full of majesty and grace.

I was then twenty-three years old—ardent, impulsive, ready for hero worship, and this man instantly became my hero, and remained so till the day of his death. Gen. Hooker was born in Hadley, Mass., in 1815, graduated at West Point in 1837, and served in both the Seminole and Mexican wars with great bravery, and was breveted on the field, first captain, then major, then lieutenant-colonel. In the interval before 1861 he passed some years in California, engaged in farming, and also in government employment, until the war broke out, when he was made a brigadier general. A characteristic anecdote is related of him as occurring at about this time, but before his appointment as brigadier general. In company with a certain California Senator he called upon the President, and when he rose to go, Mr. Lincoln, engrossed with business so that he had not been able to pay much attention to his visitors, said "Well, good night, Capt. Hooker." "Col. Hooker, if you please," immediately responded the gallant Colonel, "and a mighty sight better General than most you've got!"

His name was Ming Chung Pian

["Hooker went through the Peninsula campaign in the spring of 1862, but was not conspicuous. He appeared an educated soldier, this all. But all those near him contracted for him the warm affection and hearty admiration which he called out from all who knew him well. He was at Williamsburg in May, '62, at the evacuation of Yorktown, and started in hot pursuit after the retreating enemy. At Fort Magruder he engaged them in a battle which resulted in great loss on both sides, but no particular advantage. All day they struggled, an immense concourse of troops, 30,000 soldiers within hearing. Hooker was alone in command at this battle until 4:30 p. m., when aid arrived.", "The ill effects of this engagement led to a coldness between Gen. Hooker and Gen. McClellan, which lasted for life, and which even several cordial overtures by McClellan's part did not overcome.", "On the 26th and 27th of June was fought Mechanicsville, or Cold Harbor, with our army defeated, and then followed the disastrous seven days' battles on the way back to the Potomac. Hooker was prominent in all of it, especially at Malvern Hill, which was really a victory, and would have had the weight of one if it had not been so connected with an unfortunate campaign. Hooker's career then began to shine. McClellan was relieved of the command and Gen. Pope came in, and in August, 1862, Hooker went to assist him at Cedar Mountain. Hooker's division was last in the advance. He came riding proudly along, erect and soldierly, and an Irish soldier, observing his stately and somewhat stern bearing, cried out to his comrades, \"There's thrubble ahead, for do ye know how stiff the old man's collar is!\"", "And he prophesied aright. Soon we meet the enemy, and, as the battle was being put in order parties of the soldiers worn out and tired down to rest. One company sat down on a log which contained a hornet's nest, and the angry insects swarmed out and attacked them. There are few things so funny to an observer as a man fighting with hornets, and the sight of a whole company in that predicament was ludicrous to the lust degree. Anyhow in the present instance it served its purpose to restore the troops to good he nor—excluding perhaps those who were stung. There was a certain captain in our regiment—I won't say his name, as he may be known to many of you—who had been an actor by profession, and a very clever one, but he was exceedingly conceited. He stood leaning on his sword making all manner of fun at the jig-dancing soldiers who were striving to ward off the hornets, and loftily proclaimed that their misfortune was owing to their manner. If they only wouldn't act afraid, he said, the hornets wouldn't touch them, and he could go up and sit on that log, calmly, and not one of the insects would harm him. The boys, seeing more fun ahead urged him to go on and try it. So Capt. Donaldson—(laughter) well, he marched in and was stung in twenty places in a moment, and he too executed a grand war-dance, to the infinite amusement of the soldiers, who fairly rolled on the ground in the ecstacy of the hilarity. They were", "roused to soberness by the call to arms, and the deadly battle at Briston Station, and in ten minutes many of them were dead. Oh, how those scenes come back to me. * * * Then came the second Bull Run, in the last of August, ending in our defeat.", "Hooker's command was now enlarged and again under McClellan he went to fight at Antietam. He accepted his command with the request that his division—which was ever after called Hooker's old division and which everyone of his troops was proud to belong to—might be left behind to be recruited and restored. And they needed it. Out of the 13,000 men with which he began the campaign, besides two new regiments afterward added, he now drew rations for only 4,000. To be sure all the missing were not slain—some were in hospital, some were off on furlough, and there had been deserters; but they were pretty well used up.", "At Antietam in September, he did suspicious and capable service, and it was here he received his first wound. He had discounted to make closer observations, and was re-mounting when he was struck by a bullet in the foot. He was now obliged to retire from the field, but not before he had given the most detailed orders for the conduct of the battle. I saw him in the hospital at Washington, and as he sat there with his bandaged foot raised on a chair, and he surrounded by the flowers with which his lady admirers had decked his room, and all anxious to serve him, to me, being a boy and a hero-worshipper, he looked like the very god of war taking his repose.", "Then the Army of the Potomac was divided, the left grand division being commanded by Gen. Franklin of Hartford. Later Burnside's head fell off and Hooker was put in command of the Army of the Potomac. During the winter he got the army in preparation for spring work, showing great power in his executive ability, and then came the battle of Chancellorsville, another misfortune, another disaster. He had planted most of the army in the rear of Gen. Lee, between him and Richmond, by fording the Rapidan, and things began to look brighter for our side, but Gen. Jackson made a grand detour and crushed and destroyed our right wing, and in two or three hours upset the whole of Hooker's plan, and back our army went across the river. Then many began to doubt his ability, and he himself had to confess that his first great manoeuvre was at least unsuccessful. He petitioned Halleck, the Commander-in-Chief, to let him take the 11,000 troops who were stationed at Harper's Ferry, but was denied them. So much did he feel the need of an increase in his command that he petitioned for them the second time, accompanied by the request that if he was not granted them he might be relieved of his command altogether. He was removed, and Gen. George Mead of Pennsylvania acceded to his command, and the order that appointed him gave him command of the 11,000 troops at Harper's Ferry for which Hooker had asked in vain. Then came Gettysburg, and Hooker always", "claimed a share in this victory, in that to him he was due in a good measure, the getting together of the vast number of troops that met the Southerners on that bloody field.", "In the fall the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps were put together and called the Twentieth Corps, and Gen. Hooker was put in command, and sent to Grant at Chattanooga. Then he fought the Battle above the Clouds, when he drove Bragg from his apparently impregnable position at the summit of Lookout Mountain. There were many Connecticut troops in that command, who well remember old \"Fighting Joe Hooker.\"", "He did not altogether like his superior officers, nor did they him. He fought well in the campaign that ended in the capture of Atlanta, but when the young and gallant Gen. McClellan fell, Sherman recommended to the Pherson, Howard and not Gen. Hooker, President Gen. Howard and not Gen. Hooker, to succeed him, and he was appointed, and Hooker, in rath and disgust, demanded his discharge.", "This was the end of his active service in the field, and in 1868 he was retired from the service with full pay and rank of major general.", "So much for his career; now for the man. There is no doubt he was conceited; he had an overwinning self-esteem which detracted somewhat from his other splendid qualities. As a strategist he was superb. He never had a first-class opportunity to prove his strategic qualities, as Grant had, but his maneuvers were well executed, and showed what his capabilities were.", "As a fighter he had an impetuity rarely equalled. He had no temerity, was not rash, but was bold, audacious, and ready to engage his enemy at once, and many of his advantages were gained in that way. Gen. Kilpatrick used to say that a cavalry commander ought to pitch into his enemy the moment he sighted him, and that by that course often he could whip a troop of twenty times that he could have managed by slower movements. Well, it was the advice of rashness, and yet Kilpatrick won some splendid victories, but it was not Gen. Hooker's way. Nor was he like Gen. Phil Kearney, who was dashing and suspicious in battle, dressed superbly, and rode about waving his sword, shouting wildly and incited his troops by a great clamor and noise. Hooker was calm as a May morning in the midst of the most dreadful carnage, would write his orders carefully and untremblingly, and speak to those about him in precisely the same tone as if he were sitting at his fireside.", "As a commander of men he excelled. He had all the qualities and popular ways which go to make up a commander and a popular man. He had a sun-like and majestic gravity which won man to him. He was the idol and supreme admiration of all the young men who composed his staff. It has been said of him, and truly, he would lift his hat to a whole army so graciously, and with such royal courtesy, that every man would think that he was bowing to him in particular.", "I remember the time when his Division met him at Fredricksburg after his return from", "hospital. As soon as he appeared in the distance there began to arise cheers and shouts of \"Here he comes,\" and as he came fairly into sight, riding proudly a dozen paces ahead of his staff, mounted on his well known white horse, the clamor waxed and increased, until finally he was apprised of the approach, and rode slowly down the line, and his old soldiers saw his wounded foot still in the bandages, it was yet unleashed, the roar of cheers and shouts rolled down that line of 30,000 men, and there went up a sound that made the very heavens echo and the earth tremble. And he rode before them, hat in hand, and his face beaming until it fairly, a commander who could inspire his troops to such ecstasies of admiration could lead them. And then he was called the old general of the familiar way he was called to the general.", "What was he a man? It was not my taste to criticize him or to point out his faults, but as his friend I must photograph him as he was. He had a magnificent countenance, and took off a kind of a rode slowly down the line, and his old soldiers saw his wounded foot still in the bandages, it was yet unleashed, the roar of cheers and shouts rolled down that line of 30,000 men, and there went up a sound that made the very heavens echo and the earth tremble. And he rode before them, hat in hand, and his face beaming until it fairly rose. A commander who could inspire his troops to such ecstasies of admiration could lead them. And then he was called the old general of the familiar way he was called to the general.", "Gen. Hooker was a man who cherished antistates on the slightest provocation. He always had a good many quarrels with his men; not bitterly, but in a careman and a man of his own; not only, but in a careman and a man of his own; not only