Low-Key But No Dud

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, the new U. S. Secretary of State, made his international debut as holder of that title by delivering a discreetly tempered and understated speech before the 28th session of the United Nations General Assembly last week.

It was generally seen as a disappointment by most of his audience. The 135-nation forum, worried by clearly waning U.S. regard for the UN, had hoped for a vigorous reaffirmation of American support and the announcement of new initiatives within it.

They got neither. In his half-hour address Dr. Kissinger almost routinely declared that the U.S. would continue to work with the UN, but called on its members to stop their bickering. Only in the most general way did he urge the nations to join in more cooperative efforts to achieve further harmony in the world.

In essence he said all the proper things — philosophically — but offered very little that was specific. Disappointment was evinced by the mere 20 seconds of token applause which followed. It was not joined in by the delegates of Red China, Cuba and Albania.

In view of present international uncertainties,

and in view of recent UN paralysis in the face of various crises, the Kissinger speech — we think — was far from the anti-climactic dud it seemed to many listeners. Second thought suggests that its basic absence of controversy is precisely what the UN needs most, as suggested.

The speech, in a word, amounted to a low-key warning that the world body has great but unrealized potential for world peace; that the U.S. recognizes and will encourage that potential, but meanwhile intends to continue its own major efforts to that end largely by outside negotiations.

This was obvious in the stress placed by Dr. Kissinger on the success of American initiatives toward the Soviet Union and Red China — and by his unmistakable suggestion that he intends more or less to bypass the UN in making another attempt to resolve the Mideast mess.

"My country seeks true peace," he said, "not simply an armistice. We strive for a world in which the rule of law governs and fundamental human rights are the birthright of all."

We have no doubt that our new secretary of state believes those soft-spoken words with all his heart, and will continue his great work to make them come true. For its own good, and for the good of the world, the other members of the UN should heed them well.

SECTION SEVEN

Bob Considine

# Kissinger's policies 'inherited' by Nixon

Irony was a foot thick in the White House when President Nixon presided proudly and emotionally over the swearing-in of Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State. There was a period in the 1950's and 1960's when Kissinger, working for his friend and patron Nelson Rockefeller, did all in his power to keep Richard Nixon out of the White House. Yet it was Nixon, not Rocky, who made Kissinger unique in our annals.

The association between Gov. Rockefeller and the Harvard professor from Germany began in 1956 when Rocky, prime mover in setting up a Special Studies Project supported by the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, hired Kissinger as its director. Purpose of the study was to map a proposed course the U.S. should follow at home and abroad over the next 10 to 15 years.

Kissinger served for two years and was the author of the project's best-known paper, "International Security; The Military Aspect." He remained as a consultant to the group after Nelson Rockefeller turned over the chairmanship to his brother Laurance. Rocky, by then bitten by the presidential bug, a sting for which there is no antidote, began to lean more and more on his friend's massive scholarship in the field of international relations.

He remained close to Rockefeller after returning to his teaching post at Cambridge, and also during his curious experience as a part-time consultant to the White House during fellow-Harvard man John F. Kennedy's tragically short tenure. Apparently, the intellectuals around JFK — Kissinger friends such as Arthur Schlesinger Jr., McGeorge Bundy and Dean Rusk — were never able to "sell" their brilliant, marceled dialectitian to the young President.

graduate student at Harvard with Kissinger, tells his friend's inability to get through to the inner circle around JFK. He suggests that the President, who had his parochial streak (he once said of his indomitable sire, "my father is a Taft Democrat") thought of Kissinger as a Republican within the ranks — though Kissinger had been and still is aloof of partisan politics.

Whatever, Graubard writes in his fascinating study of a man who has had a profound influence on the lives of a couple of billion persons, "Kissinger's Harvard life continued in its somewhat frenetic manner till that tragic November day in 1963 when his secretary rushed into his office to tell him that the President had been shot, and, a few moments later, that he had died.

"Kissinger mourned an unlucky man who had been cruelly treated by fate; he did not believe that a remarkable and gifted leader had been lost to the nation. Try as he would, Kissinger was never able to make Kennedy, his hero. . . . He admired the energy. . . . He doubted the substance of many of the accomplishments."

The new Secretary of State served President Lyndon Johnson, too. He was curiously silent — while parts of the U.S. stormed — about LBJ's desperate investment in Vietnam, which Kissinger was destined to help withdraw under still another president.

Kissinger's biggest pitch was trying to help his old friend Rockefeller get the GOP nomination in 1968. He wrote scores of position papers for the bouncy governor of New York. Rockefeller was heard to say that the Vietnam settlement had to be achieved in the context of cooperation among the great powers — there would be no clear victory for either side; that the U.S. must find some way to open a detente with Communist

attention in the media or among the Republican politicians who had all but booed the governor off the platform four years earlier at the San Francisco convention that nominated Barry Goldwater. The historic pitch was also blunted by Rocky's early support of George Romney as his choice for the GOP nominee, his own on-again, off-again, on-again, off-again attitude toward running, and his failure to notify one of his firmest supporters, Governor Spiro Agnew of Maryland, that he was finally throwing in the towel.

"Kissinger left Miami Beach with the knowledge that he had served Rockefeller well," Graubard wrote. "He had done as much as any man could to outline in a serious way an alternative foreign policy for the nation. If the news media had given scant attention to his handiwork, and if foreign policy proposals had virtually no influence on delegate votes, that was a comment on the party system."

Nixon sought Kissinger, not vice versa.

Near the end of a book which will become required reading through the world, Graubard writes:

"In November 1968, when Richard Nixon asked Henry Kissinger to join him as his national security affairs adviser, newspaper editors did not think to rummage through their old campaign files to see what Kissinger had written for Rockefeller.

"Had they done so, they might have been less surprised by events that occurred in 1971 and 1972. Kissinger developed in the spring and early summer of 1968 the principal planks of a foreign policy intended for Rockefeller's use. It became instead the first of Nixon's inheritances, Nixon secured what others had asked for; he was Rockefeller's legatee."

Kissinger served for two years and was the author of the project's best-known paper, "International Security: The Military Aspect." He remained as a consultant to the group after Nelson Rockefeller turned over the chairmanship to his brother Laurance. Rocky, by then bitten by the presidential bug, a sting for which there is no antidote, began to lean more and more on his friend's massive scholarship in the field of international relations.

He remained close to Rockefeller after returning to his teaching post at Cambridge, and also during his curious experience as a part-time consultant to the White House during fellow-Harvard man John F. Kennedy's tragically short tenure. Apparently, the Intellectuals around JFK — Kissinger friends such as Arthur Schlesinger Jr., McGeorge Bundy and Dean Rusk — were never able to "sell" their brilliant, marveled dialectician to the young President.

In his first-rate biography of Kissinger, "Kissinger — Portrait of a Mind," published by Norton, Stephen R. Graubard, who was a

"Kissinger mourned an unlucky man who had been cruelly treated by fate; he did not believe that a remarkable and gifted leader had been lost to the nation. Try as he would, Kissinger was never able to make Kennedy his hero ... He admired the energy ... He doubted the substance of many of the accomplishments."

Kissinger's biggest pitch was trying to help his old friend Rockefeller get the GOP nomination in 1968. He wrote scores of position papers for the bouncy governor of New York. Rockefeller was heard to say that the Vietnam settlement had to be achieved in the context of cooperation among the great powers — there would be no clear victory for either side; that the U.S. must find some way to open a detente with Communist China and the Soviet Union.

Curiously, all of these Kissinger-inspired theories expressed by Rocky gained little

"Had they done so, they might have been less surprised by events that occurred in 1971 and 1972. Kissinger developed in the spring and early summer of 1968 the principal planks of a foreign policy intended for Rockefeller's use. It became instead the first of Nixon's inheritances. Nixon secured what others had asked for; he was Rockefeller's legatee.

Hearst Headline Service

(Bob Considine's column also appears in the daily Boston Herald American.)

FBIS 30

PRAVDA NOTES KISSINGER SUPPORT FOR MOST-FAVORED-NATION STATUS

L011542 MOSCOW PRAVDA IN RUSSIAN 28 SEP 73 P 5 L

(TEXT) NEW YORK, 27 SEPTEMBER--TASS--SPEAKING AT A PRESS CONFERENCE HERE, H. KISSINGER, U.S. SECRETARY OF STATE, DWELT ON A NUMBER OF FOREIGN POLICY PROBLEMS WHICH THE U.S. ADMINISTRATION IS NOW WORKING TO RESOLVE.

H. KISSINGER DEVOTED CONSIDERABLE ATTENTION TO QUESTIONS OF U.S. RELATIONS WITH THE COUNTRIES OF WEST EUROPE. HE CONFIRMED THAT THERE IS FOUNDATION FOR RUMORS OF THE POSSIBLE POSTPONEMENT OF PRESIDENT R. NIXON'S TRIP TO WEST EUROPE, BUT REPORTED THAT THIS VISIT WILL NEVERTHELESS TAKE PLACE IN THE NOT TOO DISTANT FUTURE. AS IS WELL KNOWN, THE UNITED STATES HAS RECENTLY BEEN MAKING ACTIVE EFFORTS TO SETTLE ITS RELATIONS WITH WEST EUROPEAN STATES; THESE RELATIONS HAVE BECOME STRAINED IN CONNECTION WITH DISAGREEMENTS ON TRADE AND FINANCIAL PROBLEMS.

H. KISSINGER ACKNOLEDGED THAT "MANY ASSUMPTIONS ARE NOW BEING MADE BASED ON THE FACT THAT THE UNITED STATES AND THE EUROPEAN (COUNTRIES) HAVE BECOME OPPONENTS IN A DISPUTE AND THAT IT IS VERY DIFFICULT TO REACH AGREEMENT." THE SECRETARY OF STATE TRIED TO DISPEL THIS IMPRESSION. THE UNITED STATES IS STRIVING TO IMPART A NEW DYNAMIC NATURE TO THESE RELATIONS, HE SAID.

REPLYING TO QUESTIONS, H. KISSINGER CATEGORICALLY OPPOSED A REDUCTION OF U.S. ARMED FORCES IN WEST EUROPE, FOR WHICH MANY U.S. CONGRESSMEN HAVE LONG BEEN PRESSING.

DURING THE PRESS CONFERENCE THE SECRETARY OF STATE DWELT ON SOVIET-AMERICAN RELATIONS, NOTING THAT THE U.S. ADMINISTRATION ATTACHES GREAT IMPORTANCE TO THEM. ON THE WHOLE, THE STATE OF SOVIET-AMERICAN RELATIONS NOW ENABLES US TO "LOOK AT THINGS OPTIMISTICALLY," HE DECLARED.

H. KISSINGER EXPRESSED HIMSELF IN FAVOR OF GRANTING THE SOVIET UNION MOST-FAVORED-NATION STATUS IN TRADE IN CONNECTION WITH THE U.S. CONGRESS DEBATE ON THIS QUESTION. THIS POINT, HE SAID, IS "PART OF THE GENERAL AGREEMENT WITH THE SOVIET UNION REACHED DURING TALKS SPREAD OUT OVER MANY YEARS." IF THIS IS NOT IMPLEMENTED NOW, H. KISSINGER NOTED, "THE VERY SERIOUS QUESTION WILL ARISE OF THE EXTENT TO WHICH OTHER COUNTRIES--IN THIS CASE, THE SOVIET UNION--CAN RELY ON TALKS WITH THE UNITED STATES AND ON ITS ACTIONS DURING THE PERIOD FOR WHICH IT ASSUMES COMMITMENTS. REFUSAL TO GRANT THE USSR MOST-FAVORED-NATION STATUS IN TRADE, HE STRESSED, "WOULD UNQUESTIONABLY MEAN A SERIOUS SETBACK FOR THE POLICY WHICH WE ARE PURSUING.

1 OCT 1922Z SKIP/TM

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DEFENSE 2 WASHINGTON

KISSINGER, THROUGH A STATE DEPARTMENT SPOKESMAN, CONGRATULATED THE NATO COMMITTEE FOR ITS "THOROUGH AND CONSTRUCTIVE" ASSESSMENT AND SAID HE LOOKED FORWARD TO DISCUSSIONS WITH NATO ALLIES ON THE COMMITTEES RECOMMENDATIONS.

THE 45-PAGE COMMITTEE REPORT WILL BE PRESENTED TO THE NATO ASSEMBLY MEETING IN ANKARA ON OCT. 21.

KISSINGER, IN HIS REACTION TO THE REPORT RELAYED BY STATE DEPARTMENT SPOKESMAN JOHN KING, STRESSED THE U.S. VIEW THAT THE NATO DEFENCE BURDEN SHOULD BE SHARED MORE EQUITABLY.

KISSINGER "SHARES THE COMMITTEES STRON BELIEF THAT THE RELATIONSHIP (BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND WEST EUROPE) MUST BE STRENGTHENED THROUGH MORE EQUITABLE DEFENSE BURDEN SHARING AND A SOUNDER UNDERSTANDING OF THE INTERPLAY BETWEEN OUR SECURITY, POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC RELATIONS," THE STATE DEPARTMENT SPOKESMAN SAID.

THE UNITED STATES IS CURRENTLY PRESSING ITS EUROPEAN ALLIES TO AGREE ON A JOINT STATEMENT REDEFINING THE U.S.-EUROPEAN RELATIONSHIP.

SEVERAL EUROPEAN COUNTRIES OPPOSE THE U.S. VIEW THAT THERE SHOULD BE A LINK BETWEEN MILITARY AND ECONOMIC QUESTIONS, FEARING THE UNITED STATES WOULD USE IT TO EXTRACT ECONOMIC CONCESSIONS IN EXCHANGE FOR AMERICAN MILITARY PROTECTION.

DR. KISSINGER, IN WELCOMING THE NATO COMMITTEE REPORT, AGRESSED THAT THE ATLANTIC PARTNERSHIP "REMAINS VITAL IN THIS PERIOD OF TRANSITION IN WORLD AFFAIRS."

MORE JS/MIT 1610

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DEFENSE 3 WASHINGTON

THE REPORT, besides DISCUSSING FUTURE SECURITY MEASURES, EXPRESSED SCEPTICISM ABOUT DEFENSE WITH THE SOVIET UNION AND CALLED FOR IMPROVED ECONOMIC COOPERATION AMONG NATO MEMBERS AND JAPAN.

DISCUSSING FUTURE TRENDS, THE REPORT SAID: "THIS IMPLIES AN INCREASE IN WESTERN EUROPEAN MILITARY SELF-ALIANCE; AND IT CALLS FOR THE GRADUAL AD ORDERLY DEVOLUTION OF CERTAIN DEFENSE RESPONSIBILITIES FROM THE UNITED STATE TO THE WESTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES -- PARTICULARLY INTO THE COUNTRIES OF THE EMERGING EUROPEAN UNION -- OR TO INSTITUTIONS THAT THEY COULD USE OF DEVELOP.

AMERICAN SOURCES ON THE COMMITTEE SAID SOME EUROPEAN MEMBERS HAD RESISTED ACKNOWLEDGING THE NEED FOR TRANSFERRING MORE DEFENSE RESPONSIBILITIES TO WESTERN EUROPE.

COMMITTEE MEMBERS ARE: SEN. JACOB JAVITS (R.-N.Y.) LORD HERLECH, BRITAIN; SEN. JOHN AIRD, CANADA; SEN. MANLIO BROSIO, ITALY; MICHAEL HABIB-DELONCLE, FRANCE; PROFESSOR WALTER HALLSTEIN, WEST GERMANY; WAYNE HAYS, UNITED STATES; HALFDAN HEGTUN, NORWAY; AND DR. IVO SAMKALDEN, HOLLAND.

MORE JS/MIT 1618

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DEFENSE 4 WASHINGTON

SEN. JAVITS SAID HE FELT THE UNITED STATES SHOULD FAVOUR A REAL SENSE OF INDEPENDENCE ON THE PART OF EUROPE AND SHOULD MAKE IT CLEAR THAT EUROPE SHOULD NOT BE TIED TO THE UMBILICAL CORD OF AMERICAN DETERRENCE IF IT DID NOT WANT TO BE.

"THIS IS AN ALLIANCE OF EQUALS," HE SAID.

HAYS, A SENIOR MEMBER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE, SAID: "IT IS TIME WE RECOGNIZE THAT NATO IS NO LONGER A SERIES OF FRAGMENTED COUNTRIES. NATO SHOULD NOT HAVE TO DEPEND ON THE UNITED STATES TOTALLY."

THE COMMITTEE RECOMMENDED THAT THERE BE GREATER COOPERATION BETWEEN THE NATO MEMBERS WITH NUCLEAR WEAPONS - THE UNITED STATES, BRITAIN AND FRANCE.

IT ALSO SAID THE ALLIANCE MUST RETAIN AS A DEFENSE OPTION THE POSSIBILITY OF USING TACTICAL NUCLEAR WEAPONS AGAINST AGGRESSION.

"THERE IS NO DETERRENT IF IT BE KNOWN IN ADVANCE THAT THE DETERRENT WILL UNDER NO CIRCUMSTANCES BE EMPLOYED," IT SAID.

MORE JS/MIT 1623

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DEFENCE 5 WASHINGTON

THE COMMITTEE SAID: "SOVIET MILITARY POWER IN ITS PRESENT DIMENSIONS ON WESTERN EUROPE'S BORDERS WILL POSE A THREAT UNTIL THERE IS FURTHER EVIDENCE OF A DURABLE DETENTE WHICH ALSO REQUIRES, AS TIME GOES ON, A GREATER DEGREE OF FREEDOM FOR THE COUNTRIES OF EASTERN EUROPE.

IN AN APPARENT REFERENCE TO VOTES IN THE U.S. SENATE TO REDUCE THE NUMBER OF AMERICAN TROOPS IN EUROPE, COMMITTEE SAID:

"THE COMMITTEE BELIEVES THAT NO MEMBER NATION STATIONING ABROAD IN THE COMMON DEFENSE SHOULD SUFFER SIGNIFICANTLY IN ITS BALANCE OF PAYMENTS DUE TO THE FOREIGN EXCHANGE COST OF SUCH DEVELOPMENTS. A SOLUTION OF THIS PROBLEM, WHICH BEARS IMPORTANTLY ON THE LEVEL OF THE UNITED STATES TROOPS TO BE MAINTAINED IN WESTERN EUROPE, CAN AN SHOULD BE NEGOTIATED THROUGH EXISTING INSTITUTIONS."

THE REPORT WAS DRAFTED BEFORE THE SENATE PASSED YESTERDAY A DEFENSE DEPARTMENT BUDGET BILL CONTAINING AN AMENDMENT CALLING FOR A REDUCTION OF 110,000 IN THE U.S. F REE $564,000 MEN STATIONED OVERSEAS BY THE EN OF 1975.

THE NATO COMMITTEE ALSO CALLED FOR CLOSER COOPERATION WITH JAPAN AND OTHER NATIONS SUCH AS AUSTRALIA, NEW ZEALAND, SINGAPORE AND ALSO WITH LATIN AMERICA. DURING THE 1980S A COMMUNITY OF INTEREST WILL EMERGE WHICH MUST BE RECOGNIZED AS A SIGNIFICANT WORLD FORCE -- ESPECIALLY TO CLOSE THE GAP MORE RAPIDLY BETWEEN INDUSTRIALIZED NATIONS AND THE DEVELOPING STATES, IT SAID.

REUTER GS/MIT 1626

THE WORLD

LEE ROMERO—CAMERA S

KISSINGER WITH CHINA'S HUANG HUA

AT DINNER FOR GROMYKO

GREETING CHANCELLOR BRANDT

UNITED NATIONS

# Kissinger's Plea for Peace

That annual rite of fall in Manhattan —the convening of the U.N. General Assembly—got off to a celebrity-studded start last week. The undisputed star of the show was Henry Kissinger.

In his first week as Secretary of State, he seemed determined to touch bases with as many of the 135 member nations as possible. When he led off the week with an address before the General Assembly, the mood was one of almost tangible excitement. Ushers noted with surprise that all copies of the text had been snatched up beforehand.

"The anguish, the turmoil and the promise of the real world have frequently been obscured by rhetoric and distorted by slogans," Kissinger declared. "Beyond the bilateral diplomacy, the pragmatic agreements and dramatic steps of recent years, we envisage a comprehensive, institutionalized peace—a peace which this organization is uniquely situated to foster and to anchor in the hearts of men."

It was an auspicious beginning, but on the whole his plea for a stable peace was a bit too cautious to ignite his hopeful audience. In addition to his broad statement of principles, Kissinger made two specific proposals: 1) that the Security Council establish more effective peace-keeping guidelines so that the U.N. can play a useful role in future crises, and 2) that a world food conference be convened in 1974 to discuss ways of stockpiling adequate supplies to deal with natural disasters. Both proposals won praise.

Kissinger seemed more in his element in an intensive round of private meetings. Most effective was his luncheon for 15 Arab envoys. It was a clear sign that he intends to give the Middle East top priority. Denying a report from London that he had already worked out a plan for peace, Kissinger told the envoys that the U.S. was ready to assist in a settlement but that they should not expect any "miracles."

With European diplomats, Kissinger sought to leave the impression that President Nixon's trip is still a possibility this year. No dates were mentioned, however, and Western envoys are now more or less resigned to the likelihood that the constitutional crisis over the Watergate tapes and the plight of Vice President Agnew will force Nixon to postpone his visit until 1974.

Kissinger looked over a draft proposal outlining long-range Common Market goals and priorities and politely suggested that the nine nations try for something more specific than vague generalities. Both the U.S. and the members of the European Economic Community would like to have a formal agreement to sign, if and when Nixon goes to Europe.

Kissinger gave a dinner for Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko in his Waldorf Towers suite and told him of congressional and public concern over Soviet treatment of dissident intellectuals. In a press conference before returning to Washington, Kissinger again criticized congressional attempts to link "most favored nation" status, which would give the Russians trade concessions, to Soviet emigration restrictions. If M.F.N. is blocked, he warned, other countries would doubt whether they "can rely on U.S. performance." Besides, he suggested, no matter how the U.S. feels about the "human values at stake," U.S. foreign policy cannot necessarily impose them on others.

**Moral Aspects.** Different speakers at the U.N. warned the Soviet Union that it will have to pay a price for the kind of détente it seeks. Chancellor Willy Brandt's speech, marking West Germany's entrance into the U.N., was primarily devoted to a plea for peace, justice and an end to poverty. He pointedly spoke of "the moral aspects of international coexistence. It is peace that benefits if people and information can move as freely as possible across boundaries," he declared. British Foreign Minister Sir Alec Douglas-Home also echoed that theme. Gromyko's answer was adamant. "We shall allow nobody to interfere in our internal affairs."

Later in the week, Gromyko had a private session with Richard Nixon, who promised that his administration would make a "diligent" effort to overcome objections to improved trade status for the Soviet Union. Initially it seemed as if the U.S.S.R. was seeking to placate Congress when Moscow announced that it had belatedly ratified two 1966 U.N. General Assembly covenants on human rights. One of them declared that "everyone shall be free to leave any country, including his own." But there was less in the Russian action than met the eye. Analyses of the covenants in *Pravda* and in *Novoye Vremya*, a weekly publication dealing with international affairs, argued that the wording of the U.N. documents justified the Soviet Union's right to limit not only emigration but the free flow of ideas and information as well.

MEETING JORDAN ENVOY ABDUL HAMID SHARAF

TIME, OCTOBER 8, 1973

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INTERNATIONAL

UPI

The swearing-in: President Nixon with three generations of Kissingers

A Stately Kissinger

The award had been announced some time ago, but when Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin sidled up to Henry Kissinger at a black-tie dinner last week in New York, where the new Secretary of State received the Project HOPE Award for International Understanding, he couldn't resist a wisecrack. "Congratulations, Henry," the Russian said. "Imagine, in office only 24 hours and already winning prizes." Not to be outdone, Kissinger replied with one of his famous deadpanners: "That, Mr. Ambassador, is the American way of life."

If it could only happen in America, America's first German-born, Jewish Secretary of State made it happen in a uniquely Kissingerian way. His first week on the job was a virtuoso performance that brought to diplomacy all the excitement of a Broadway opening. Women's Wear Daily ran a photo spread that showed the Secretary chatting with Happy Rockefeller, while his mother, father and 11-year-old son David basked in the unaccustomed limelight. When Kissinger went to Secretary General Kurt Waldheim's residence for dinner, he took along frequent companion Nancy Maginnes, who wore a slinky black gown with a slit. And his maiden speech at the General Assembly drew a standing-room-only audience that smiled appreciatively at a typical one-liner: "I come before you today—confirmed in office but two days ago—as probably the world's most junior Foreign Minister."

The new boy struck a new image in his U.N. speech, and the pragmatic practitioner of balance-of-power politics sounded almost Churchillian. "The Unit-

ed States," he said, "will never be satisfied with a world of uneasy truces, of off-setting blocs, of accommodations of convenience." Rather, he called for "a comprehensive, institutionalized peace" that the United Nations is "uniquely situated to foster . . . in the hearts of men." He said that the Security Council (with Japan as a permanent member) should play "a more central role." And he advocated the convening of a world food conference next year.

**Gesture:** The reaction to the speech was predictable. "Nations which got top billing were pleased," said one U.S. diplomat. "Those that didn't, weren't." One group that was particularly disgruntled was the Arabs, but Kissinger moved quickly on that front to put some water on the troubled oil. For the first time ever, an American Secretary of State sat down with the Foreign Ministers of the Arab world—or such as would come (Libya, Syria, Algeria, South Yemen and Iraq declined)—and although nothing of substance came of it, the luncheon was an important icebreaking gesture (following story). At a meeting with Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, Kissinger had the more delicate task of warning that Congress had the votes to deny Moscow trade privileges as long as the furor over Soviet treatment of Jews and dissidents continues to create a crisis of conscience in the West (page 56).

It wasn't until his sixth day on the job that Kissinger got around to moving into his new office in Foggy Bottom—and he quickly made it clear that the tempo at the State Department was about to change. Before the day was out, secre-

AP

Opening week: Yawning at U.N....

AP

... partying with Nancy Maginnes; chatting with Happy Rockefeller

Women's Wear Daily

Newsweek, October 8, 1973

47

INTERNATIONAL

G.I. Kissinger in Germany: 'We haven't come for revenge'

MEMORIES OF 'MR. HENRY'

He rode into town behind the wheel of a gleaming white 1938 Mercedes that he had confiscated from a Nazi manufacturer of baby powder. He made his way past the bombed-out Rathaus and the medieval town houses, swung into a narrow alley and came to a halt in front of the local tax office. Taking two stairs at a time, he bounded to the top floor and nodded curtly to the German guard left behind by the advancing U.S. Army. "I'm Mister Henry from the Counter-Intelligence Corps," he said. "And I'm taking over this floor."

That was back in 1945, and "Mister Henry" was a 21-year-old corporal in the U.S. occupation army by the name of Henry Kissinger. In the weeks that followed, Kissinger was promoted to sergeant, and in that capacity his Bavarian-accented word was virtually law in Bensheim, a hillside town of some 17,000 people in the West German state of Hesse. Last week, as Kissinger was sworn in as the new U.S. Secretary of State, NEWSWEEK'S Bonn bureau chief Milan J. Kubic traveled to Bensheim and reminisc ed with the townsfolk about Mister Henry. Kubic's report:

"Just what kind of a story do you want to write?" asked a retired journalist named Emil Milo Blust. "We don't want any articles about the 'dark side of Henry Kissinger.' That man is very respected here." And, true enough, the townspeople who recall Kissinger's days in Bensheim still hold him in the highest esteem. Only seven years before his arrival, Kissinger and his family had fled as Jewish

refugees from Fürth, 110 miles to the east, to a haven in the United States. But his attitude toward the defeated Germans was one of public tolerance. "I remember," said his former secretary, Mrs. Elisabeth Heid, "that he used to say: 'We have not come here to take revenge.' You know, in those days right after the war, this sort of attitude was far from taken for granted."

Even then, other Bensheimers recall, Kissinger was fond of the good life. He took over the largest hillside villa in a posh suburb called, of all things, "Adolf Hitler." And his white sedan was often seen at the Sunday soccer matches in the neighboring villages. But Sergeant Kissinger was also well known for his zealousness in rounding up Bensheim's Nazis and for sticking strictly to the rules of non-fraternization. "He was a master of keeping his distance," recalls Mrs. Heid. "He was completely self-assured, and he exuded so much authority that even his American friends would never dare to put their feet on the desk in his office."

More than a quarter of a century after his relatively brief stay in their town, the Bensheimers share in the general German pride in Kissinger's rise to fame in the U.S. "He was so impressive that I thought of him frequently even before he became a famous figure," says Mrs. Heid. And one local newsman put his feelings about Dr. Kissinger even more forcibly. "Einstein helped you win the war, Von Braun to get to the moon, now we have given you Kissinger—it is our contribution to America's greatness."

taries were being recruited to work a new shift in Kissinger's office—6 p.m. to 2 a.m. Heads have not yet begun to roll, but the only person in the top echelon firmly ensconced in his job is Deputy Secretary of State Kenneth Rush. Under Kissinger, he will take on many of the Secretary's traditional duties. Secretary of State William Rogers, for example, never missed the annual meetings of the Southeast Asia Treaty Organization, even when that meant traveling to Bangkok, Canberra or Manila, but Kissinger sent Rush to last week's SEATO meeting—in New York.

**Legerdemain:** While he spends less time standing on ceremony, Kissinger will push hard to improve the Administration's relations with Congress. Last week, he invited William Fulbright, chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, over to the State Department for lunch. Kissinger is deeply concerned that in the euphoria over détente, Congress may now feel that the U.S. can bring many of its troops home—a feeling reflected in a Senate vote last week calling for a 40,000-man cut in U.S. overseas troop strength by next June, and another 70,000 reduction by the end of 1975. Kissinger thinks unilateral U.S. cuts would sap Washington's bargaining position in its upcoming mutual-troop-cut talks with Moscow.

He was given high marks on his first week as Secretary of State, but it would appear unlikely that Kissinger can pull off new feats of legerdemain comparable to the China breakthrough. Even his vaunted reputation is now working against him. Rumors (roundly denied) that he has already worked out a Middle East settlement excite expectations that cannot be realized. But to a great extent, Kissinger thinks the requirements of American diplomacy have changed since he first joined the administration.

In 1969, he said last week, "we faced a series of emergency situations which had to be dealt with by emergency measures." Now, he sees the need to institutionalize foreign policy-to channel diplomacy through the State Department. And while he is clearly hoping to duck many of the largely ceremonial functions of the Secretary of State to continue to concentrate on the big problems of the day, Kissinger says, almost convincingly: "I do think it is important that foreign policy in this phase not be identified with one individual-or virtuo-so performances."

The Borscht Circuit

When Henry Kissinger held a lunch for Arab foreign ministers at the United Nations last week, one of the guests especially invited by the U.S. Secretary of State was NEWSWEEK Senior Editor Arnaud de Borchgrave. Below, de Borchgrave's report on the meeting:

It was the first lunch ever given by a U.S. Secretary of State for Arab foreign

48

Newsweek, October 8, 1973

INTERNATIONAL

Slaughterhouse in Santiago

Pablo Neruda, Chile's Nobel Prize-winning poet, was dead of cancer, and even as his body was lowered into its grave, his countrymen set about trying to murder his words. Books of all kinds, not only Neruda's but those by Mao and Marx and Marcuse, were seized by the tens of thousands from homes, bookstores and libraries and then fed to bonfires in the streets of Santiago. And the military junta that has ruled Chile for three weeks didn't stop there. Chilean universities, once proud bastions of independence, were purged of suspected leftists, and ordinary people learned to dread the midnight knock on the door. All that was bad enough, but NEWSWEEK correspondent John Barnes

young and, judging from the roughness of their hands, all from the working class. A couple of them were girls, distinguishable among the massed bodies only by the curves of their breasts. Most of their heads had been crushed. I remained for perhaps two minutes at most, then left the building.

The next day I returned to the morgue with a Chilean friend so that I would have a witness. I also took along a camera. As I walked through the swing doors of the corridor, the sickly sweet smell of the decomposing bodies almost knocked me back. There were more bodies, perhaps 70, and they were different from the day before. Just as I was pulling the camera from my jacket,

ministers, and over borscht, lamb chops, Brie, strawberry mousse and champagne, Kissinger made full use of his legendary charm. "When I first came to the White House in 1969," he told his guests, "I had never read U.N. Resolution 242 [calling for Israeli withdrawal from Arab territories in exchange for Arab recognition of Israel's right to exist]. And I was one of the few who didn't understand what it meant." The remark was intended as self-deprecatory humor, but although it drew appreciative chuckles from the State Department underlings present, the Arabs sat in stony silence.

Kissinger implied that the U.S. was damned if it proposed a Mideast settlement and damned if it didn't, and he said Washington's predicament reminded him of "the old story of the police informer at a Communist meeting. When the police broke in to make a few arrests, the informer protested that he was an anti-Communist. 'I don't care what kind of a Communist you are,' said the policeman as he hit him over the head." The Arab next to me was not sure what the story meant, but he thought Kissinger was trying to say he was not a Zionist.

**Miracle:** Kissinger then told his guests not to expect any major U.S. policy declarations on the Mideast. "We understand your concern and your anguish," he said. "We know the present situation cannot be accepted . . . and that no permanent peace is possible from the present position. We accept our responsibility in helping to promote a just solution . . . Even though you come from an area that has produced many miracles, you cannot ask us for miracles. [But] we are prepared for serious discussions with all sides to make progress toward peace. We have always valued our relationships with Arab governments, and we will keep an open attitude as we proceed."

Then Mahmoud Riad, the Secretary-General of the Arab League and a former Egyptian Foreign Minister, replied to Kissinger on behalf of all the Arabs present. The Arab states, he recalled, have always had good relations with the U.S., "until we concluded that you supported only Israel . . . The main obstacle —no, the only obstacle [to the restoration of friendly U.S.-Arab relations]—is the aggression committed by Israel. [A just peace] means that Israel must withdraw to the 1967 frontiers and the Palestine question must be tackled in a way that Palestinian rights will be respected."

Kissinger listened to all this in silence. Perhaps the closest the two sides came to agreeing on anything was when the Secretary of State raised his glass of champagne and proposed a toast to peace. Everyone solemnly intoned: "To peace."

Slpahtoglu—Llaitson

A dead amputee in Santiago: The reign of terror was worse than anyone imagined

discovered last week that the reign of terror has already gone much further than most people thought. Below, Barnes's report:

The military junta will not admit that there have been mass executions since the overthrow of Salvador Allende's Marxist government. "We have executed perhaps eight people since then for shooting at troops," Col. Pedro Ewing told newsmen. But that simply is not true. Last week, I slipped through a side door into the Santiago city morgue, flashing my junta press pass with all the impatient authority of a high official. One hundred and fifty dead bodies were laid out on the ground floor, awaiting identification by family members. Upstairs, I passed through a swing door and there in a dimly lit corridor lay at least 50 more bodies, squeezed one against another, their heads propped up against the wall. They were all naked.

Most had been shot at close range under the chin. Some had been machine-gunned in the body. Their chests had been slit open and sewn together grossingly in what presumably had been a pro forma autopsy. They were all

a man in a white coat walked through the doors at the other end of the corridor. "What do you want?" he asked. "I'm looking for the bathroom," I said. "Come with me," he said. As I followed him, I took a sharp right and ran out of the building. He shouted after me but did not try to follow. I did not have the courage to try again. Later, in my hotel room, my friend burst into tears. "These were my countrymen," he cried. "My God, what has happened to us?"

**Bodies:** Workers at the morgue have been warned that they will be court-martialed and shot if they reveal what is going on there. But I was able to obtain an official morgue body-count from the daughter of a member of its staff: by the fourteenth day following the coup, she said, the morgue had received and processed 2,796 corpses.

No one knows how many have been disposed of elsewhere; a gravedigger told me of reports that helicopters have been gathering bodies at the emergency first-aid center in central Santiago, then carrying them out to sea to be dumped. One priest informed me that on the Saturday after the coup he had managed to get into the City's Technical University

Newsweek, October 8, 1973

53

INTERNATIONAL

ty, which had been the scene of heavy
fighting, on the pretext of blessing the
dead. He told me he saw 200 bodies,
all piled together. Tales like that abound
in Santiago, and though information is
almost nonexistent for the rest of Chile,
the presumption is that the executions
have followed a similar pattern in other
cities. But the morgue count alone sets
the regime's kill rate at an appalling 200
Chileans a day-just for the capital.

With hardly an exception, the victims
come from the poblaciones—the slums
that encircle Santiago and house half the
city's 4 million inhabitants. During the

three turbulent years of
Salvador Allende's admin-
istration, the poor of the
poblaciones never wav-
ered in their support of
his government, for the
fact was that the rotos
(broken-down ones, as
they are contemptuously
called by the more afflu-
ent) had never had it so
good. Despite the soar-
ing inflation, they earned
enough money to buy un-
dreamed-of luxuries like
new clothes, radios, tele-
vision sets, refrigerators.
Community food-distribu-
tion centers in the pobl-
ciones were always well
stocked, while the shelves
of stores elsewhere re-
mained barren. Presuma-
bly, the junta believes that
since the poblaciones pro-
vided the former govern-
ment's main support, they
must be terrorized into ac-
cepting the fact of its de-
mise. So the local leaders
are now paying with their
lives for their love of Al-
lende. Not one población
has escaped the terror.

**Roundup:** I spoke with three women from the Pinoya población. One of them, a mother of two, had just found out that she was a widow. She told me this tearful story: "Soldiers raided our población last Saturday at 8 in the morning. In the

section where we live, they rounded up
about 50 men and held them until a
police lieutenant came to take his pick.
When the lieutenant saw my husband,
he made him step forward and told him:
'Now you will pay for all you people
have done.' The carabineros took him
and a few others to the police station,
and the rest were arrested by soldiers.'
For three days, she and the other
women of Pinoya searched for their
men in police stations and the two soccer
stadiums where thousands are incarcer-
ated. It was only after they heard that a
17-year-old boy from their block had
been found at the morgue-shot in the

head and chest—that they made the
journey to see the lists of the dead.
There they found her husband, Gabriel,
as well as every adult male from one
block of their población.

I joined a funeral procession of weep-
ing families following three coffins to
burial. Carabineros, I was told, had raid-
ed a home in the Parque Santa María
población and had picked up three petty
thieves aged 18, 19 and 20. A sergeant
told them they would be released if they
paid 7,000 escudos-only $5, but a lot of
money to the población poor. Their bar-
rio raised the money and the youths re-

turned home. But two hours later, a
carabinero patrol came back to get them.
That was the last their families heard,
until they found their names on the
morgue list. One of the boys was so rid-
dled with bullets that they could hard-
ly dress him for burial. But the fate of
the other two was worse. Coffins in
Chile have small window doors over the
face of the dead, and the women
opened them for me. There were no
heads inside.

Orlando Contreras, who lives with his
wife and seven children in the José
María Caro población, is in daily dread
of an official knock at his door. He is a

laborer who worked in Santiago's office
of social development, a particular tar-
get of the new regime. And he is well
aware of the danger he faces, should the
soldiers come after him. On the day the
coup took place, he told me, he and one
of his sons saw ten high-school students
marched from their school, their hands
over their heads, after a brief skirmish
with carabineros. They were forced to
lie face down on the ground, and then
a policeman walked the line of prone
youngsters, spraying them with machine-
gun fire.

The stories of atrocities are endless,

and by now, inhabitants of
the poblaciones are utterly
terrified. "I am too afraid
to look for him," says a
woman from the Ultima
Hora población, whose
husband was last seen
covered with blood being
hauled away in a police
truck. "I am afraid that
they will take me, too, and
what would happen then
to my four children?"
Many are now afraid even
to associate with families
that had any connection
with Allende's regime—
whether as party members,
union leaders or employ-
ees in the food-distribution
centers. "They can kill
whomever they want to
kill," says Contreras bitter-
ly. "There is nothing, ab-
solutely nothing, that we
can do about it."

Because of the total
censorship of domestic
reporting, most middle-
and upper-class Chileans
have no idea what is hap-
pening. They hear ru-
mors, but their hatred for
Allende compounded by
their historic contempt for
the rotos leaves them lit-
tle desire to verify them.
Many do not believe the
stories about slaughter in
the poblaciones; many
simply don't much care.
"Why should we?" a Chil-
ean lawyer asked me over
an expensive lunch in a

wealthy section of Santiago. "I don't be-
lieve the stories you tell me, but after
the things the supporters of Salvador
Allende have done to Chile, they de-
serve whatever happens to them."

ARGENTINA:

Spoiling the Show

During his long years of exile in Ma-
drid, Juan Domingo Perón counted heav-
ily on Argentina's urban guerrillas to
pave the way for his return to power.
And when the Peronistas finally ousted
the nation's military junta at the polls

Sipahloglu-Liaison

Retrieving a corpse: No one knows how many died

54

Newsweek, October 8, 1973

ZZ
RNR84
LEAD KISSINGER NO PICKUP (RNR64)
(CHANGING D'TELINE)

WASHINGTON, OCT. 3. REUTER - "S. SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY KISSINGER WILL VISIT PEKING FROM OCT. 26 TO 29 AND WILL ALSO GO TO TOKYO ON A DATE STILL TO BE DETERMINED, PRESIDENT NIXON ANNOUNCED TODAY.

THE PRESIDENT MADE HIS ANNOUNCEMENT AT A PRESS CONFERENCE 20 MINUTES AFTER PEKING RADIO HAD ANNOUNCED THE DATE FOR KISSINGERS TRIP.

NIXON SAID THE VISIT WOULD BE PART OF THE CONTINUING DIALOGUE BETWEEN THE PEOPLES REPUBLIC OF CHINA AND THE UNITED STATES, WHICH BEGAN WITH HIS VISIT TO CHINA IN FEBRUARY, 1972.

THE FORTHCOMING DISCUSSIONS WOULD INCLUDE TRADE IN WHICH NIXON NOTED, THE SIX MILLION DOLLARS WORTH OF COMMERCE BETWEEN THE TWO NATIONS IN 1971 WOULD GROW TO AN ESTIMATED 800 MILLION DOLLARS THIS YEAR.

SCIENTIFIC AND CULTURAL SUBJECTS WOULD ALSO BE A MAJOR SUB-ECT FOR KISSINGERS TALKS AS WELL AS MATTERS OF MUTUAL CONCERN TO THE TWO NATIONS, HE SAID.
MORE JH/AS/BC1251

ZZ
RNR85
LEAD KISSINGER TO WASHINGTON :

IN ADDITION, THE PRESIDENT SAID, KISSINGER HAD BEEN INVITED BY THE JAPANESE FOREIGN MINISTER, MR. MASAYOSHI OHIRA, TO STOP IN JAPAN ON HIS VISIT TO THE FAR EAST AND WOULD DO SO.

KISSINGER, WHO REMAINS PRESIDENT NIXONS ADVISER ON FOREIGN AFFAIRS, HAD BEEN EXPECTED TO MAKE HIS TRIP TO CHINA LAST AUGUST BUT THE TRIP WAS DELAYED, PARTLY BECAUSE OF SENATE HEARINGS ON KISSINGERS NOMINATION AS SECRETARY OF STATE.
REUTER JH/RGC/NW/BC1253

THE ECONOMIST - 29 SEPTEMBER 1973(10/3)

Not one of the great years

That was the year of Europe, that was. Although Mr Kissinger said on Wednesday that President Nixon would visit Europe "in the near future", it seems unlikely to happen in 1973. This demonstration that there is still such a thing as an Atlantic community has had to wait. Of course, the President has good reasons for not wanting to get too far away from Washington in the next couple of months: the end of October and the beginning of November, the time when it was once thought he wanted to visit Europe, could be just when the argument about the Watergate tapes reaches its climax in the Supreme Court. But his own political troubles are not the only reason why what was meant to be the cornerstone of the foreign policy of his second administration has not been laid in place. The fact is that Europe, too, shares in the responsibility for the failure of the year of Europe.

The policy that Henry Kissinger designed and Richard Nixon put into practice between 1969 and 1972 still has a hole where its most important part should be. The relationship between the United States and western Europe is the necessary foundation of anything that either the Americans or the Europeans may hope to achieve with the world's other great powers; without knowing where they stand with each other, they cannot know where they stand with Russia or Japan or even China. But the European community has not been able to assemble itself into the European pillar that would have given a new shape to the Atlantic relationship. In April Mr Kissinger proposed a declaration of shared principles within which the Europeans and the Americans could work out the answers to the particular problems of trade and money and defence they are trying to negotiate about. The European community gave its reply, very late in the day, at its foreign ministers' meeting in Copenhagen on September 10th; and the reply was not good enough to entice Mr Nixon across the Atlantic. Maybe it was something to have got France to join in any sort of collective European statement at all; but the price of getting the French in was very high. The convoy, condemned to the speed of the slowest ship, is wallowing far from port.

Picking up the bits

Of course, the momentum of the Kissinger policy has not wholly vanished. The fashionable idea that American diplomacy has ceased to take much account of the United Nations lost some of its gloss this week. Sworn in as Secretary of State on Saturday, Mr Kissinger sped to New York and made his first speech in his new capacity there on Monday, in a jam-packed General Assembly hall. Within a matter of hours he had held talks with Mr Gromyko and Sir Alec Douglas-Home and given a lunch for a group of African foreign ministers, to whom he disclosed that he plans to make an African tour next year. The UN's value as a meeting place for just his kind of high-level and high-powered but discreet diplomacy was even more clearly demonstrated by his meeting on Tuesday with Denmark's Mr Knud Andersen.

As the European community's current chairman, Denmark had played host to the meeting on September 10th at which the nine foreign ministers agreed on a joint response to the virtual challenge that Mr Kissinger delivered to them in April. So it fell to the Danish foreign minister to open the dialogue with the new Secretary of State on the basis of the Copenhagen text, a dialogue that will develop as Mr Kissinger works his way through a series of meetings with other foreign ministers in New York.

The full contents of the Copenhagen text became known on Monday. The Nine propose a joint declaration that would fall a good way short of Mr Kissinger's original

ideas. Their text does show that France has modified the objections that it was still voicing only a month ago to the whole prospect of a transatlantic dialogue designed to produce a substantial statement of agreed policy. But the kind of declaration that the Nine are ready to make would hardly galvanise the American-European relationship into new vitality, nor would it conjure into being a whole new mechanism for resolving its differences. After all the grand talk about "the year of Europe", it would look distinctly dim. The most that can be said for the Copenhagen text is that it closes no doors: it should permit the transatlantic dialogue to continue. There will be chances to push it ahead, including the trip that will bring Mr Kissinger to London, and perhaps to other European capitals, in mid-October. There is, moreover, no lessening of the pressures that make it so necessary for the western partners to find some way of reaffirming their unity, and in something more than words.

One of the most visible of these pressures was freshly manifested in Washington this week when the Senate came to vote on the latest version of Senator Mansfield's familiar demands for swingeing cuts in the numbers of American troops stationed in Europe and other overseas regions. On Tuesday a rival motion framed in a "stop Mansfield" style and envisaging more modest reductions, to be made only if Nato's European members failed to make greater efforts to ease the foreign-exchange burden of the American protection of Europe (see page 42), was adopted by 84 votes to 5. But this did not prevent Mr Mansfield's supporters from mustering 49 votes on Wednesday to put through a motion calling for a 40 per cent cut in the American forces overseas, even if the Senate reversed this immediately afterwards. Nato's secretary-general, Mr Joseph Luns, was fully justified in warning its European members on September 23rd that "we cannot afford just to ignore the strong current of opinion in the United States in favour of troop reductions".

Even Mr Nixon himself might well accept the contention that, as things now stand, the question whether he is soon going to come to Europe is less important than the question whether large numbers of American soldiers are soon going to leave Europe. Admittedly, the end of next month is to see the long delayed start of the Vienna talks between Nato and Warsaw pact members about mutual cuts in the armies they keep in the central European region. But Mr Mansfield and his supporters have not been silenced by the President's pleas that they should show restraint in order not to weaken the western bargaining position in Vienna; and the Russians have shown, during the preparatory phases of the Vienna talks, every intention of stalling as long as they can over troop cuts, in the hope of getting their long-sought European security conference over first (see page 41) as well as of seeing unilateral cuts take their toll on the western side before bilateral cuts are even discussed.

The most conspicuous way in which the Copenhagen text failed to come up to Mr Kissinger's expectations was its relegation of defence questions to be covered in a quite separate declaration which, it is proposed, would emerge from discussions within Nato. All that the Nine offered was a vaguely worded pledge that they would "continue to make a contribution to peace" that would be commensurate with their resources. "Continue" is the word that particularly jars on American ears. If the Nine really want Mr Kissinger to cease and desist from badgering them about general declarations of policy, they will have to brace themselves to the task of increasing their contributions to the common defence burden, or, at least, undertaking to make such increases if the Russians cannot be brought to start taking mutual force reductions seriously.

6-F

HENRY J. TAYLOR

Kissinger's Big Job

10.3.73

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger has on his hands a State Department breathing as heavily as a beached whale — a stranded blubber-hulk demoralized and indecisive amid its paper-shuffling routine.

Mr. Kissinger goes about things with the precision of a prescriptionist. He is a man deeply thoughtful, measured, and unfailingly courteous; a man strong enough to carry the load, flexible enough to give a little. Clearly, as Mr. Kissinger has told me, he wants to befriend the world, not to shake it. But constructing foreign policy has a built-in peril.

Events have a way of discrediting policies and suddenly making them obsolete.

The State Department's task, however, is to foresee problems before they arise — to see patterns developing and thus solve them before they reach the festering stage. And Mr. Kissinger presumably knows that today State focuses intently on pressing "front-burner" issues while less pressing but often more important "back-burner" issues are left to simmer.

The best decisions are always made voluntarily, not defensively. They can be made only in terms of what you know while making them. Regrets in view of what you learned later are futile. Yet it is widely said within the State Department itself that it is so used to reacting that it has forgotten how to act.

One reason is the nearly fantastic disorganization — which is really over organization — within the department. It's as unsuitable for the global problems as dancing to Lester Lanin in a lifeboat.

Across many years the State Department has evolved into a vast and anonymous collective. There are many unsung heroes in it. They're as thrilling as flags flying in a stiff breeze. Others operate like Agamemnon putting the knife to Iphigenia.

Many in the department are in the middle echelon and this is to most of them, the worst possible place to be. It's where the hierarchy's tops put those who may go no higher but can still be of use. They are forever buried.

The department relies on the overstuffed bureaucracy to keep things going. Momentum: the product of mass multiplied by its velocity. But Mr. Kissinger will find

that operating it is like punching a pillow or pushing a truck uphill with a rope.

The department's bureaucracy is like any other bureaucracy — it takes very good care of itself. This includes faithfully following the entrenched bureaucratic principle of "don't stick your neck out."

So who really runs the department? Inertia.

Enter, at this point, the preposterous overabundance of committees — layers of committees upon committees. The State Department has an instinct for making the committees right by making them bigger. And there's a reason.

You hear internally a famous saying that "we have committees on top of committees so that everyone can duck the responsibility if something goes wrong." When everybody is responsible nobody is responsible. Mr. Kissinger will constantly get departmental opinions, but whose are they?

Coupled with the committee overabundance are the time-consuming policy clearances and concurrences. These can involve the State Department regional desks, the Office of International Affairs, the assistant secretaries, and Deptuy Secretary of State Kenneth Rush, an exceedingly able man. Then when concurrences finally reach Mr. Kissinger's level there are usually intergaency clearances to get.

Authority is technically concentrated in Mr. Kissinger as Secretary of State but responsibility is diffused.

Incredibly, 46 other U. S. Government departments and agencies are in varying degrees concerned with forming and implementing foreign policy. These conspicuously include the Pentagon, the CIA, and the Treasury and Commerce Departments. Then, finally, there is the National Security Council at the White House.

As retired Secretary William P. Rogers himself once told me, "Months may elapse before a decision can be made."

President Nixon having designated Mr. Kissinger Secretary of State as well as Chairman of the National Security Council, Mr. Kissinger may be able to reduce this time period — ordinarily appalling. But in taking over the secretaryship he faces a departmental problem which is enough to shatter the nerves of an astronaut.

Confidential

Foreign Report

Published by The Economist Newspaper Limited

25 St. James's Street, London SW1A 1HG

1313 3 October 1973

Contents

* Will Agnew upset Nixon's plans?

* The UN in the Kissinger era

* No Tory joy over Europe

* The Poles look for loans

President **Nixon** is more anxious than ever to visit Europe, but the odds against a trip during the 'year of Europe' appear to be growing. The most likely time now seems to be February, 1974. -

It was significant that, after his meeting with Mr Nixon on 29 September, **Herr Brandt** told reporters that the President would be welcome in Europe 'whether he comes now or in a few months' time'. This was generally interpreted as a hint that Mr Nixon's plans for a trip this month, or in November, have had to be deferred.
**Henry Kissinger** is now saying that a decision will be made on the timing around the middle of this month, when Kissinger arrives in London to address the Pilgrim Society and to confer with European foreign ministers, including Sir Alec Douglas-Home.

According to Kissinger's assessment, as given to correspondents at the United Nations last week, the process of reconciling the positions of the United States and the European Nine on a new Atlantic declaration of principles is 'now well under way'. But, Kissinger added, 'we are not setting any artificial deadlines'. (When Kissinger and other American officials speak disparagingly of artificial deadlines, it usually means that things are going pretty slowly. The differences – and tensions – between Kissinger and leading diplomats of the Nine were spelled out clearly by Mr David Binder, in a remarkably revealing despatch in the New York Times on 1 October.)

The picture of disarray in the west as a whole is disturbing; despite the claims made after the Copenhagen meeting last month, the Nine have not yet found their 'European identity', and relations between the Americans and the Nine are more strained than

1

ever. In particular, the United States is still pressing for more specific guarantees on trade and economic policy than the Europeans, and especially President Pompidou, are willing to give.

Meanwhile, the Agnew crisis is adding to the confusion over Mr Nixon's trip; the question is whether American public opinion would permit the President to be absent from the country if the Vice-President were under indictment on criminal charges.

There is no constitutional prohibition against this; but recent public opinion polls show an interesting and significant reaction that could seriously complicate Mr Nixon's travel plans. About two-thirds of those questioned were sympathetic to **Mr Agnew** in his present predicament – in which no formal charges have been placed against him. But the same surveys point to an almost complete turnabout if he should be indicted; about two-thirds said they thought he should resign immediately if he were officially accused of misconduct.

Mr Nixon's dilemma has been raised to a critical pitch by Agnew's defiance; for the Vice-President has burned the last of his fragile bridges to the White House by vowing that he will not resign if he is indicted. There is little doubt that, through a campaign of leaks by White House officials, Mr Nixon tried to force Agnew out as soon as the seriousness of the charges against the Vice-President became apparent. That would have given the President time to appoint **Mr John Connally** as Vice-President before leaving for Europe.

But these tactics failed; and Mr Nixon has suffered from a furious reaction from the conservative wing of the Republican party, which is convinced that he tried to stab Agnew in the back. (The fury of the reaction can be gauged by the fact that the 'elder statesman' of the conservatives, **Senator Goldwater**, has agreed to serve as a trustee of the Agnew defence fund.)

The President therefore reversed his tactics and Connally dutifully, if somewhat maladroitly, came to the Vice-President's defence. (In an embarrassing slip of the tongue, Connally said he hoped Agnew would be 'completely exonerated and ... found guilty'.) But although the White House now insists that it is completely neutral in the Agnew affair, Mr Nixon's real feelings have not changed. This was apparent a few days ago when a senior presidential adviser vehemently asserted, in a private conversation, that 'Agnew must resign'.

If Agnew is indicted but nevertheless refuses to resign, Mr Nixon's foreign policy quandary will assume serious proportions. Many people will argue that he cannot go abroad while his deputy is under indictment; and Mr Nixon's enemies would do their utmost to exploit the situation.

If, despite his defiant stand, at the moment, Agnew eventually does resign, Mr Nixon's position may not be greatly improved. Liberal Democrats in the House of Representatives and the Senate are mobilising for a last-ditch fight against the appointment of Connally as Vice-President – and they may well be joined by those Republican members who support the presidential aspirations of Governors Reagan and Rockefeller.

Agnew's strategy is to seek a court injunction forbidding the federal grand jury from indicting him, on the ground that he cannot be indicted unless he is first impeached and removed from office. The matter will probably be hurried along to the Supreme Court, and probably will reach the justices later this month, or in November. That will probably be about the same time that the court is ruling on the Watergate tapes. With two such issues before the high court, Mr Nixon would find it awkward, to say

2

the least, to be in Europe – and his authority, in the eyes of the European leaders, would be greatly weakened.

## Words of warning on Europe's defence.

Meanwhile, the 'European' problems facing Mr Nixon have been analysed cogently in the 'Report of the Committee of Nine,' published this week; this document gives Mr Nixon and the leaders of western Europe a lot to chew over.

[The Committee of Nine is a group of eminent statesmen and parliamentarians from western countries, set up by the North Atlantic Assembly in September, 1971. Under the chairmanship of Senator Javits, of the United States, it has been studying for the past two years the probable changes in the relations between North America and western Europe over the next decade. The report will be formally submitted to the North Atlantic Assembly for adoption at its meeting in Ankara on 21-27 October. Meanwhile, its recommendations are being studied closely by political leaders on both sides of the Atlantic.]

Mr Nixon's projected tour of Europe is dealt with, by implication. 'A majority of committee members believe that the present, very serious situation in European-American relations may require summit meetings in order to generate the political will required to co-ordinate national policies and carry the weight of authority sufficient to motivate public opinion. European-American summit meetings, if carefully prepared, are decisive; and, until the present serious situation is overcome, they would give the greatest impetus to solving current European-American problems. Such special meetings are compatible with west European summit meetings and would not diminish their importance or authority, either in intention or effect.'

This passage from the committee's report echoes the current Nixon-Kissinger line of thinking. What President Pompidou will think of it is another matter.

The full report of the committee covers the whole range of issues affecting European-American relations – trade and economic policies, the monetary question, the future role of Japan, and so forth. But the passage on future western defence arrangements is highly significant, especially in the context of the increasing Congressional pressures on Mr Nixon to cut the American forces overseas, illustrated by last week's Senate vote.

The Committee of Nine 'recommends that the European and North American members of the alliance should begin to plan now for the systematic coalescence of western Europe's defence capabilities – including nuclear arms – in order that western Europe can serve as an equal partner allied with the United States and Canada by the North Atlantic treaty in the continued commitment to common defence in the 1980s. This implies an increase in west European military self-reliance; and it calls for the gradual and orderly devolution of certain defence responsibilities from the United States to the western European countries – particularly to the countries of the emerging European union – or to institutions they could use or develop.'

This cautiously worded warning, particularly the reference to 'gradual and orderly devolution' of defence responsibilities, contains the rub of the whole issue. A large American military presence in Europe is still not merely desirable but essential. Nevertheless, the committee is saying, in effect, that some reduction in America's defensive shield is inevitable – whether this reduction be unilateral (as a result of Congressional pressures) or the outcome of the east-west talks on troop cuts.

The report serves as a quasi-official spelling-out of the realities of the international scene, at a time when these realities are often obfuscated in official statements. It is also a warning shot across the Europeans' bows.

3

The UN in the Kissinger era

The opening gambits of the major powers at this year's United Nations General Assembly demonstrate two things:

1. The United States is anxious to dispel the widespread impression that it no longer regards the UN as important.

2. Russia and China are still so preoccupied with their own quarrel that the effectiveness of each within the UN is appreciably impaired.

**Henry Kissinger's** assumption of office as Secretary of State on 22 September had been widely expected to usher in a new stage of American disengagement from the UN. He had shown no previous interest in the organisation and was strongly identified, in many minds, with the concept of 'backstage' dealings between great powers. But his first move after taking office was to spend a very active week in New York, which was not devoted simply to private talks with his great-power counterparts. On his first day at the UN he had lunch with a group of African foreign ministers; on his second day, with a group of Arab ones.

In his speech in the general debate, Kissinger declared that the world community must not 'remain divided between the permanently rich and the permanently poor'. Conceding that recent moves towards relaxation of tensions were not enough to overcome many suspicions, he called for an advance beyond bilateral diplomacy to 'a comprehensive, institutionalised peace'. More specifically, he argued that the long deadlock over UN peacekeeping operations must be broken, and, for that purpose, he offered to reconsider the American position about the Security Council's role in the conduct of those operations.

Fortunately for Mr Kissinger, the Americans won their battle at last year's assembly to get their share of the basic UN budget limited to 25 per cent. That victory mollified hostility to the UN in the Congress in Washington, and has made it easier for him to adopt a more positive posture. This, coupled with America's disengagement from Vietnam, ought to make things a good deal more pleasant for the American delegation at the UN this year.

But it will not necessarily bring the United States quick returns on specific issues. Kissinger's omission from his first speech of any reference to international terrorism suggests that the Americans do not expect to get much farther on this point than they did at last year's assembly, when the issue was effectively sidetracked by its relegation to a special 35-member committee.

His speech did include a brief mention of American support for Japan's claim to a permanent security Council seat, but here too the outlook is dim. The required charter amendment could be blocked by a Soviet or Chinese veto. The Russians and Chinese might hesitate to use the veto if there were overwhelming support for Japan's claim; but there is not. The African group has just come out publicly against the suggestion, on the ground that Japan is giving South Africa large-scale economic support.

But, at least, the Americans are not likely to have much trouble from the Russians during this assembly session. **Mr Gromyko's** opening speech was as mild as one would expect at a time when Russia is in obvious need of western economic aid. Indeed, Kissinger felt it necessary to devote part of his speech to rebutting the charge that America and Russia were jointly establishing a world 'condominium'.

In contrast, the Russians lost no time in shaping a deliberate collision course with China. As before, their main chosen battlefield is that of disarmament and arms

4

control. Last year they lined up 73 votes for a resolution purporting to ban all use of nuclear weapons and to commit all member states to the renunciation of all use or threat of force. The western powers were among the 46 members who abstained rather than endorse this piece of pious hokum; but China (together with Albania, Portugal and South Africa) voted against it, after a debate which the Russians used to launch venomous attacks on China.

This year Gromyko has demanded that the Security Council should take up the matter; his evident purpose is to manoeuvre the Chinese into using a veto in circumstances that would isolate them from the majority of the Asian and African states - and from communist states such as Rumania and Cuba, which would prefer to keep more or less balanced positions between China and Russia.

The Soviet proposal for 10 per cent cuts in military budgets was also aimed primarily at China. Gromyko made it clear that Russia would make no such cut unless all the other four permanent Security Council members did likewise; in fact, he made it reasonably clear that he counted on China to oppose the move and thus release Russia from any obligation. And once again he showed that he hoped to get the 'third world' lined up against China; hence his suggestion that funds released by the proposed cuts should be pledged to development aid.

Western reactions to his proposal have been quietly sceptical. It is the Chinese who have been most loudly denouncing it as a fake and picking on its most obvious flaw - the fact that Russia's officially revealed arms budget covers only a fraction of the real total of Soviet military expenditure.

At first, the Chinese played it cooler; but on Tuesday **Mr Chiao Kuan-hua**, the deputy foreign minister, launched a vehement counter-attack. The United States also came under fire - but the main target was the Russians. But as this will be only the second assembly session in which Peking's representatives have participated from start to finish, they are still making their relative newness to the scene an excuse for avoiding involvement in potentially embarrassing issues. But they have already fastened on to one handy issue that enables them to turn the tables on Russia by forcing it into a position opposed to that of most of the 'third world' - the question of Cambodian representation.

**Prince Sihanouk**, the deposed Cambodian leader now in exile in Peking (where he was Chou's guest of honour at the national anniversary celebrations on 1 October), has formally asked the UN Secretary-General to raise in the assembly the question of 'the restoration of the legitimate rights in the UN' of his government in exile. Mr Waldheim has replied that this matter can be raised only by member governments.

Last year Sihanouk's claims to the Cambodian seat were rejected; but now - as a result of the endorsement which he received at the recent 'non-aligned' summit conference in Algiers - he has a strong wind behind him. China is, of course, prominent among his sponsors, but, significantly, they include such countries as Rumania, Cuba, Jugoslavia and Egypt. And this is embarrassing to the Russians.

Russia not only recognises the existing Cambodian government in Phnom Penh, led by **General Lon Nol**, but has a mission actually accredited to it. The Cambodian dispute at the UN therefore puts the Russians under an unfriendly spotlight, with most of the non-aligned states, and even some of the communist ones, flatly opposing them.

Another significant move by Peking has been its application for membership of the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The Bank and Fund are UN specialised agencies, but are more independent of the main organisation than the other

5

agencies. The Taiwan government, ousted from those others since it lost its place in the UN proper, still retains the Chinese seat in both Bank and Fund – at least in theory. (In practice, there has been a good deal of quiet disengagement.) Russia has never been a member of either Bank or Fund, and has repeatedly shown its hostility to both agencies, which it regards as instruments of ‘economic imperialism’.

Peking's request for membership is, however, less a portent of the opening up of yet another Chinese-Soviet 'front' than a tactic to ensure that the Taiwan regime is ousted from its last footholds within the UN system.

## No Tory joy over Europe

One subject is conspicuous by its absence from the agenda of the Conservative party's conference in Blackpool next week: the common market. The conventional explanation is that as British membership of the EEC is now an accomplished fact, there is no point in debating it. But there is more to it than that.

From Mr Heath's standpoint, an enthusiastic rallying call at this stage for support of the European community does not suit his negotiating tactics in Brussels. On the contrary: with the decisive bargaining session on reform of the common agricultural policy (CAP) and the establishment of a regional fund now imminent, the British government has no desire to convey the impression to the other members of the Nine that, so far, the community has lived up to British expectations.

In fact, public disillusionment about British membership is beginning to be genuinely shared by a fair number of ministers and top officials – and not least by Tory back-benchers with their eyes on the next election. For Mr Heath one turning-point came with the rejection by other community governments (and particularly the Germans) of the British proposal in the spring that the community should move at once to the penultimate stage of monetary union, with the pooling of national reserves – and also, of course, national external balances. Cynical observers allege, rightly or wrongly, that the British Treasury drafted this proposal with an eye to its rejection, so that the pound would not have to return to the 'snake'. But the Prime Minister meant it seriously, and was correspondingly aggrieved when it was turned down out of hand.

Since then, other things have added to Mr Heath's feelings of irritation. On numerous occasions the Brussels commission has been felt to have embarrassed him politically, notably by querying the compatibility of the British government's aids to regional development and its restriction of steel price increases with community rules. So – according to well-placed sources in Westminster – the three ministers who will be directly involved in the autumn bargaining (Mr Godber on the reform of the CAP and on the question of Commonwealth sugar, Mr Rippon on the regional fund, and Mr Davies in a general co-ordinating role) have strict instructions to produce tangible results: 'or else'.

Such results will be hard to achieve. The fundamental restructuring of the CAP which Whitehall officials would really like is out of the question. Apart from anything else, too much bureaucratic capital in Brussels is invested in the existing system.

Arguably, when it comes to the cut-and-thrust of intricate bargaining, the easiest trick for British negotiators to turn will be the safeguarding of Commonwealth sugar producers. The French insistence on the expansion of European sugarbeet production is thought by many to be essentially a bargaining position. Since fulfilment of the

6

British government's pledges to the Commonwealth sugar producers would in practice be a British financial responsibility, and since a switch of community purchases from some of the poorest Commonwealth producers to some of the richest community farmers would presumably reinforce external criticisms of the CAP as a whole, the French may well surrender gracefully, after a hard fight - taking credit for a concession they had always intended to make.

The fiercest struggle, by contrast, will occur over the regional fund. Here the cards still seem to be stacked against Mr Heath. Whatever the figure that is ultimately placed upon the fund's resources, it will be denounced by the Labour opposition and Conservative anti-marketeers as inadequate. The British government's optimum objectives are (a) to offset as far as possible the financial contributions which Britain will be increasingly making to the CAP; (b) to secure a long-term commitment of community resources to regional development; and (c) to preclude community interference in the government's freedom to define the criteria for assistance within Britain. In brass tacks, Mr Rippon will be expected to return from Brussels in December (or possibly even January) with a firm pledge of community resources, amounting to at least £100m in the first year, and rising thereafter on a specified scale, for the British government to hand out to regions and industries of its own choosing.

Without being pessimistic, he is unlikely to get anything of the kind. The French will argue, claiming logic on their side, (a) that regional development policy is a concomitant of progress towards monetary union, (b) that the British, Italians and Irish cannot therefore expect their partners to come to the rescue of backward regions so long as they have opted out of monetary union by floating their currencies independently, and (c) that, if there is to be a regional policy, the criteria for, and scale of, help must be strictly defined at the centre, to avoid a Dutch auction. On both counts France will probably be supported by the majority of the commission, including the Germans, who have nothing to gain out of the regional fund and who are increasingly worried about their position in the community.

The most probable outcome will be the establishment of a regional fund to which resources will be firmly committed for one year ahead only. Conceivably, commitments thereafter will be subject to a return by all member-countries to the 'snake'.

Many pro-market Tory MPs make no bones about the fact that they are dreading the day when the press tots up the sums and proclaims to the world - or more precisely to the British electorate - that, after the first 12 months of membership, the British people are getting relatively little out of the common market.

Some observers are even whispering that Mr Heath will be under some pressure to play it rough and copy General de Gaulle's example, to the extent of threatening British withdrawal from the community and/or applying a boycott of community meetings. This is out of the question. Mr Heath has too much personal capital invested in British membership of the community to cast doubt on its value, and histrionic gestures of gaullist brinkmanship would be out of character for him.

What might conceivably happen, however, is that his dedication to the EEC would become diluted. Being a man who likes to concentrate all his energies on the achievement of one objective at a time, 'Europe' has been relegated in his personal priorities, since the 1972 summit. In 1974 (probably an election year), the battle with domestic inflation will have priority. Where community obligations clash with domestic policy requirements - in things like price control, trade union goodwill, and the pursuit of economic growth - community obligations may be more honoured in the breach.

7

Since such an attitude will probably be matched by the attitudes of other members of the Nine, the odds are that the community is in for another phase of crisis. The optimistic view is that each crisis acts as a crucible, out of which a new stage of European unity emerges. It will take a decade or two to tell whether the optimists are historically right. At the moment, the fissiparous, impulses within the community are disquieting.

## The Poles look for loans

The conference of the Polish communist party, to be held in Warsaw later this month, may put the spotlight on significant trends within the Gierek regime – both in the domestic and the international fields. Well-placed observers forecast that the conference will be used by the ruling politburo to raise the targets of Poland's present five-year economic plan.

On the surface, the plan has certainly worked out better than many observers expected. The real wages of the Polish workers have increased (beyond what was promised in 1971), the investment programme already implemented is larger than was originally envisaged, and the government has fulfilled its pledge not to increase the prices of basic foodstuffs. Yet many observers are still sceptical.

The real reason for the improvement in Poland's economic position in the past 2½ years has been the increasing flow of western credits. Last year imports from the west increased by 50 per cent; the figures for the first nine months of this year will almost certainly show an equally striking increase. This is not matched by any corresponding increase in Polish exports. Thus the trade balance with the west in 1972 showed a deficit of over £100m, and the projection for 1973 points to a much bigger deficit.

All this has its political undertones. Poland's biggest trade deficit with any single country is with West Germany; in the first half of the present year this amounted to DM559m, compared with DM179m from January to June last year.

The Poles are trying to redress the balance by securing a large, long-term low-interest loan. As a quid pro quo they are talking more seriously about eventual Polish concessions concerning the exit visas for the 200,000 ethnic Germans who want to return to West Germany. The two inter-related questions were discussed by the German-Polish mixed commission on emigrés, which met in Bonn three weeks ago; they will be discussed further when Herr Scheel visits Warsaw on 18-19 October.

But the fly in the ointment, to Gierek, is that Russia too wants large, long-term, cheap credits from West Germany; and in the course of the respective negotiations, the two bids could become competitive. And even Herr Brandt's scope as a donor of largesse is limited. The Bonn government – and West German businessmen – feel increasingly that the Russians should have priority. The Poles are being pre-empted.

In all this, there may be incidental bonuses for other parties. Disappointed with the Germans (and also to some extent with the French), the Poles are shopping around for credits and contracts. It is not coincidental that Mr Wisliewski, the deputy minister of foreign trade, is in London at the moment, and Mr Olszowski, the foreign minister, has accepted an invitation to visit Britain.

© WORLD COPYRIGHT RESERVED 1973 THE ECONOMIST NEWSPAPER LTD.
'FOREIGN REPORT' IS SUPPLIED ON THE CONDITION THAT IT IS REGARDED AS CONFIDENTIAL BY THE RECIPIENT.
IN NO CIRCUMSTANCES MAY THE CONTENTS BE REPRODUCED WHOLE OR IN PART.

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VIP

"Kissinger, who has said he likes period furniture, will be offered a choice of a late 18th-century or an early 19th-century writing table being brought for his on-the-spot approval."

# Kissinger's Secret Moves

By Maxine Cheshire

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger hasn't announced which of his former colleagues from Harvard will be coming to Washington to join his staff. But Kissinger spokesmen have been quietly trying to arrange housing. One of the people called was Barbara Howar, who has bought a new house in Georgetown and will be moving soon from the place she rents. . . . Kissinger still isn't settled into his new office at the State Department. White House curator Clem Conger is busily scouting the antiques market for just the right desk. Kissinger, who has said he likes period furniture, will be offered a choice of a late 18th-century and an early 19th-century writing table which are being brought for his on-the-spot approval. . . .

It was Rep. Thomas L. Ashley's great-grandfather, Rep. James Mitchell Ashley, who brought impeachment proceedings against Andrew Johnson in 1867. But the Ohio Democrat is resisting suggestions from colleagues that it would be an ironic twist to have history repeat itself. There is not "sufficient evidence" at this time, he says, for him to consider such a move. His ancestor acted too hastily, he points out, and was forced out of political life in the elections of 1869. . . .

A Nov. 17 date has been set for the wedding of the late Robert F. Kennedy's daughter, Kathleen, to Harvard graduate student David Townsend. . . .

Sen. Howard Baker was inspired to write a Washington novel by the literary endeavors of his late father-in-law, Sen. Everett Dirksen. The latter wrote a work of fiction which the English departments at both Princeton and the University of Tennessee have seen and recommended for posthumous publication. He also finished a non-fiction manuscript in the hospital before his death which will be published under the title: "So You Want To Be A Senator." It was planned as a two-volume memoir with a follow-up to be called: "So Now you Are A Senator". . . .

Eleanor McGovern doesn't harbor a grudge against everyone connected with her husband's losing presidential campaign. She took her former Secret Service contingent to dinner last week at La Contina d'Italia. . . . Mrs. McGovern's forthcoming book on her life in politics is running a little late. Scheduled originally for completion on Oct. 15, a more realistic date now is Christmas. The working title is "Welcome Places," not "Bits and Pieces" as she once jokingly suggested. . . . Watergate figure Egil "Bud" Krogh is keeping fit while he awaits trial on charges of breaking into the office of Daniel Ellsberg's psychiatrist. Last weekend he won the two-mile "Run For Your Life" event in the D.C. Roadrunners track meet for joggers. . . .

© 1973. The Washington Post/Chicago Tribune-New York News Syndicate

THURSDAY AFTERNOON, 4 OCTOBER 1973

WASHINGTON STAR-NEWS

Washington, D. C., Thursday, October 4, 1973

A-5

More Intelligence Changes

Considered

By Oswald Johnston
Star-News Staff Writer

In another phase of the administration's drastic shake-up of the intelligence establishment, Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger is giving serious thought to abolishing the State Department's small but influential Bureau of Intelligence and Research.

Kissinger revealed this intention last month during a closed-door confirmation hearing before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. According to informed intelligence sources, Kissinger has already begun to bypass his in-house intelligence bureau and has been giving the CIA assignments that the bureau normally would handle.

Kissinger's disclosure of his dissatisfaction with the intelligence bureau, known in the department as INR, came during a hearing Sept. 17 that otherwise concentrated on his role in initiating wiretaps on 13 government officials, including Kissinger aides, and four newsmen.

THE TRANSCRIPT, a declassified version of which was made available today, shows Kissinger musing out loud on whether INR should be abolished outright or merged with existing geographical bureaus in the State Department.

"From what I have seen of the intelligence product of the State Department, the present function is not satisfactory," Kissinger told the senators.

The new secretary of State is widely believed to have held a similar opinion of the national intelligence estimates which had been prepared under a 23-year-old system by the Board of National Estimates, an elite group within the CIA.

Early last summer, in one of his first official decisions, newly installed CIA Director William E. Colby ordered the abolition of the 10-man board, and, according to reliable reports, forced its director, John W. Huzenga, into retirement.

Other sources in the intel-

ligence community noted, however, that abolition of the bureau, if it takes place, would mark another breach in the wall between intelligence analysts and the operatives whose job it is to carry out policies which are supposedly based on "clean" and unbiased estimates.

In other sections of transcript of the closed hearings on Kissinger's nomination, these points emerged:

* A confidential FBI report on the 1969-71 wiretapping, which has not been revealed in full even to the committee, shows that Kissinger and the current White House chief-of-staff, Alexman INR bureau at State Army colonel, on Kissinger's National Security Council staff, personally requested three specific targets for the taps. But Atty. Gen. Elliot L. Richardson, who also testified in the closed session, insisted that this overstated Kissinger's role. He emphasizes that Kissinger did not "originate" the taps. Kissinger himself insisted that the idea originated with then-FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover and former Atty. Gen. John M. Mitchell and that the taps were ordered installed by President Nixon. At Kissinger's request, 49 consecutive pages dealing with the wiretap issue were deleted from the transcript.

* A top-level White House crisis team, the so-called Washington Special Action Group, was convened as soon as news of last month's coup in Chile was received here. But according to Kissinger, the group decided to avoid any appearance whatsoever of U.S. involvement and passed the word so forcefully that "everyone was afraid even to express sorrow" at the death of Chilean President Salvador Allende, reportedly a suicide day of the coup. This oversight was corrected the next day, but not before it brought the administration a worldwide bad press. WSAG decisions, Kissinger stressed, are personally approved by the President.

* Kissinger defended the

WASHINGTON STAR-NEWS - 4 OCTOBER 1973 Pg 5

Kissinger Explores
Israel Ties

By a Star-News Staff Writer

NEW YORK — Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger meets today with Israeli Foreign Minister Abba Eban in what may prove to be the key session among nearly a dozen diplomatic contacts he plans during his second visit to the United Nations.

The Eban meeting, alone among today's sessions scheduled for as much as an hour, comes at a time when U.S. support of Israel, normally unstinting and unqualified, is under close scrutiny as the Nixon administration seeks a re-examination of its commitments abroad.

The complexity that now marks U.S.-Israeli relations was symbolized yesterday by President Nixon's carefully qualified appeal to the Austrian government to reverse its decision to close transit facilities for Soviet Jews on the way to Israel.

NIXON, speaking at his White House news conference, referred sternly to

decision-making procedures devised for Nixon administration foreign policy as "much more systematic than those of President Johnson." But he promised soon to bring the State Department into policy making in a major way by reinvigorating its policy planning staff and thoroughly shaking up the higher echelons. "Some rather drastic moves will be made to bring younger men into key positions more rapidly," Kissinger told the committee.

The one reorganization he discussed in detail, however, concerned the INR and its probable abolition.

"THE ISSUE," Kissinger said, "is whether it is possible to have a separate intelligence function in the State Department - separated both from the geographical bureaus (in State) and from the other intelligence agencies - that can ever compete with the other agencies...."

"geopolitical grounds of the highest order," and warned that "we cannot have governments ... give into international blackmail by terrorist groups."

But Nixon tempered his appeal to Austrian Chancellor Bruno Kreisky with an expression of concern for the "painful decision" involved in Kreisky's yielding to two Palestinian terrorists by offering to close the Schoenau Castle camp, the main European transit point for Israel-bound Soviet Jews.

"I'm not going to put my friend, Mr. Kreisky, in the position of trying to dictate to him what should be," Nixon said.

Despite this ambivalence, the Nixon statement was the strongest any high U.S. official has come up with since the decision to close the camp was announced Saturday.

In Washington, it is no secret that the delicacy of the response has been in part dictated by the administration's wish to keep the issue of Soviet Jews from becoming an obstacle to the hoped-for detente with the Soviet Union.

AT THE SAME time, the administration is carefully seeking a way to maintain good enough relations with the Arabs to ensure a safe supply of oil as U.S. consumption, and import needs, rises.

As the implication of the Austrian decision has sunk in around the Arab world, official and semi-official newspaper commentators there have without exception praised it. Immigration of Soviet Jews to Israel is a subject of basic ideological importance to Arab leaders, who see an expanding Jewish population in Israel as a demonstration of Israeli intent to colonize and annex the territories conquered in the 1967 six-day war.

For the Israelis, the issue is equally fundamental, and it is presented as vital to Israel's survival as a Jewish state.

LOS ANGELES TIMES 4 OCTOBER 1973

# The Military Plays a Numbers Game

The code "SPN" followed by a number may be attached to any kind of military service discharge from honorable to dishonorable. The number may cover routine classifications like "expiration of term of service" or "hardship." The characterizations may be negative like "marginal producer" or "defective attitudes," or the information may be degenerative like "sexual deviate," "indebtedness," "theft."

The code listings for SPN—the Defense Department's "separation program designators"—spin out to incredible length. There used to be 530 categories; the department says that number has been reduced to 126.

It says its regulations forbid the military services from supplying any data on a veteran without his written consent, but the fact is, according to the critics of the system, the information has been widely available. Rep. Edward I. Koch (D-Liberal, N.Y.) says there is "unfortunately common knowledge as to what the code numbers designate." A spokesman for the Workers Defense League of New York, a legal-defense group, says some cor-

portions have had manuals to decode the SPN numbers of applicants for jobs.

Some information should be kept by the Defense Department on former servicemen, but it should be carefully restricted to categories like availability for future service, if needed, qualifications for reenlistment and eligibility for veterans' benefits.

Twenty-five members of the House of Representatives have cosponsored legislation to accomplish two reforms in behalf of veterans: one provision would bar the military from making information on a veteran available to any private person or entity other than the veteran himself; the other would eliminate any statement from a discharge certificate as to the cause of release from the service. A companion measure has been introduced in the Senate.

The legislation is needed. The confidentiality of a veteran's record should be supported by law. The coded information may be based on an arbitrary and inaccurate opinion of a serviceman's superior. Even if the information is accurate, a prejudicial SPN may be a never-ending handicap that forecloses to the veteran an opportunity to establish himself in civilian life.

WASHINGTON STAR-NEWS

4 OCTOBER 1973

# Defense and Detente

The Senate has once again confounded the soothsayers of one-sided detente. Hard-headedness, in the form of the $20.9 billion military hardware bill, has carried the day. For the first time in most people's memory, the Senate not only held the line against cuts, but also actually authorized $500 million more in military spending than the traditionally accommodating House of Representatives. Every weapons system the administration wants was left virtually intact. Production of the new nuclear Trident submarine and missile system is to be speeded. Omens also appear good for erasing the misplaced Senate move to dictate a 110,000-man cut in U.S. forces overseas.

Were the mood in Congress these days more balanced, we would be more confident of the real meaning of the Senate action. As it is, however, it would be rash, indeed, to trumpet any victory for President Nixon's game plan for negotiating with Moscow. True, the appearances of a triumph are there. Despite the portent of Watergate, his leadership has held in the vital field of national defense. The Kremlin should get that message. Congress appears to be backing up Nixon with a commitment to national strength which he can use as a bar-gaining weapon. The current talks in Geneva on a comprehensive treaty to control nuclear weapons and coming talks in Vienna on Soviet-American force cuts in Europe could be the chief beneficiaries.

But the over-all message coming from Capitol Hill unfortunately does not reflect any such reasoned approach to relaxation with Moscow. Distrust of detente predominates. The majority of Congress seems intent, not on backing up presidential initiatives, but on unravelling them. So it is with the trade agreement the White House put together with the Russians in 1972.

Today Congress is turning that agreement into a shambles. The powerful House Ways and Means Committee has scrapped provisions in the President's trade bill promising liberalized tariff treatment for Soviet imports here, in retaliation for Soviet restrictions on Jewish and other emigration. For good measure, a move is afoot to add a provision denying the Soviet Union further trade and investment credits, when the trade bill reaches the House floor. The results would almost certainly be calamitous. American investment and technology are a prime need for the sagging Soviet economy. In the long-run they hold the power to help shift Soviet industry to high-quality goods for export — away from heavy war production. Denied the American connection, however, the Kremlin hierarchy would retaliate. One victim would surely be the $722 million World War II lend-lease debt which the Russians agreed to pay as part of the trade deal.

The Congress has a right, even a duty, to help make detente a two-way street. Secretary of State Henry A.

LOS ANGELES TIMES

4 OCTOBER 73 Pg 2

Insurgent Cambodian units pushed government troops back across the Prek Thnot River along the southern defensive perimeter 13 miles southwest of Phnom Penh. South-bank positions were abandoned to a force of mostly North Vietnamese and Viet Cong and some Khmer Rouge, officers reported. The Cambodian command said, however, that the government held positions elsewhere on the south bank. Meanwhile, Communist gunners routed a government attack by armored personnel carriers about six miles south of Phnom Penh.

Chancellor Willy Brandt, in a nationally televised debate in parliament, firmly defended Herbert Wehner, his aide who touched off a storm of controversy by criticizing West Germany's Eastern policy. Brandt also attacked opposition speaker Karl Carstens as irresponsible after he accused Wehner of weakening the government's negotiating position.

Kissinger has repeatedly indicated that congressional pressure for human rights has diluted some of the more oppressive Soviet policies — such as the obnoxious education tax on emigrating Jews. Admittedly, progress is slow, often uncertain. This quiet diplomacy is less spectacular than the head-on confrontation being courted in Congress by Senator Henry M. Jackson and Congressman Charles A. Vanik in their amendment to the Nixon trade bill. But in the long run the undramatic approach is likely to be the more productive. It keeps alive the possibility of compromise, and that, in this nuclear age, must be the essence of detente.

3

Friday, Oct. 5, 1973

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X163

had full staging in New York.

In previous seasons, Miss Sills has had outstanding success in the roles of Queen Elizabeth I in "Roberto Devereux" and Mary Queen of Scots in "Maria Stuarda." The Doni-zetti trilogy was produced with grants from the Cor-bett Foundation of Cincin-nati, which has stimulated new opera production in a score of cities from coast to coast.

"Anna Bolena" is more impressive musically than its sister operas—indeed it is considered one of Doni-zetti's finest scores—and marked the first big success of the composer's career.

But it lacks the dramatic tautness, and the roles of Elizabeth and Mary offer more scope to an actress than Anne Boleyn.

Miss Sills was admirably backed by a small cast and the company's orchestra, di-rected with utmost finesse by Julius Rudel.

Few in the audience real-ized the cast had only five full rehearsals of the opera, due to the recently ended strike of the opera's musi-cians. But in opera, all's well that ends well, even if the heroine is headed for ex-ecution as the curtain falls. The audience got a chance to toast Miss Sills with champagne at a post-perfor-mance reception.

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THE TIMES-PICAYUNE, NEW ORLEANS; LA., THURSDAY MORNING, OCTOBER 4, 1973

NIXON LAUNCHES
QUIET CAMPAIGN

Soviet Jew, Intellectual
Policy Is Problem

By SAUL KOHLER

(c. 1973, Newhouse News Service)

WASHINGTON — Pressed by the nation's Jewish and intellectual communities and faced with the possibility that Congress would impose financial sanctions on the Soviet Union in defiance of the policy of detente, President Nixon once again has launched a campaign of "quiet diplomacy."

The result, White House ob-
servers believe, could be a com-

promise in the hard-line Jack-
son amendment to the foreign
trade bill in exchange for eas-
ing tight emigration restrictions
on Russian Jews and intellec-
tuals wishing to resettle in Is-
rael and elsewhere.

The Jackson amendment would deny "most favored nation" status — and the credits that go with it — to any country which has a policy of restricting emigration. The bill still is in the House Ways and Means Committee, but the amendment proposed by Sen. Henry M. Jackson (D-Wash.) appears to be the major point of debate.

"Most favored nation" status for the USSR is an administration commitment, and passage of the Jackson amendment would serve as a cause of some

embarrassment to the Presi-
dent.

TALK WITH GROMYKO

Nixon began his latest round of "quiet diplomacy" in a two-hour talk at the White House with Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko. He reportedly laid all the facts on the line and gave the Russian official a realistic prediction of what could happen on Capitol Hill — and the consequences.

There were reports that the
President advised Gromyko that
if the Soviets would ease the
restrictions, some compromise
could be worked out in Con-
gress.

The best guess is that admin-
istration forces would agree to
an amendment giving the Soviet
Union modified MFW status.

This would mean that the Rus-
sians would continue to enjoy
the credits so long as they ease
their emigration policies, and
that the situation would be re-
viewed periodically.

If the restrictions were tight-
ened — as they have been in
the past after a let up — the
MFN status could be lifted until
the next review.

KISSINGER WARNING

Secretary Of State Henry Kissinger, both a Jew and an intellectual, has warned of the inadvisability of interfering with the internal affairs of another power. The Soviets regard their policies toward intellectuals and Jews as internal matters and out of the scope of international relations.

But when Gromyko came to

Washington on Friday — incl-
dentally, it was Rosh Hashanah,
the second day of the Jewish
new year — the President
brought the matter up at a
two-hour talk.

Kissinger and Soviet Ambas-
sador Anatoly Dobrynin took
part in the meeting which White
House spokesman Gerald War-
ren described as a "broad gen-
eral review" of Soviet-American
relations. Admittedly, the meet-
ing was not set up because of
the foreign trade bill.

Gromyko has visited with the
President each year when he
comes to New York for the
United Nations General Assem-
bly, and this year was no ex-
ception. The foreign minister
conferred with Kissinger, who
set up the White House appoint-

ment.

Nixon saw Gromyko to his
limousine and the men an-
peared cordial after their talk.
The President then exchanged
pleasantries with Gromyko's in-
terpreter, who had served in the
same capacity at the two Nix-
on-Leonid Brezhnev summit
conferences.

"My wife and daughters are fine, and I'll remember you to them," the President told the Russian.

"The President outlined ad-
ministration efforts to achieve
most favored nation status for
the Soviet Union, the status in
congress and the administra-
tion's commitment to achieve
it," Warren said. "We use our
influence in every way possi-
ble."

Kissinger Assures Cambodians of Continued Support

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Secretary of State Kissinger assured Foreign Minister Long Boret of Cambodia yesterday of continued American support for the Government of President Lon Nol and said that while in Peking later this month he had no plans to meet with the rival Cambodian leader, Prince Norodom Sihanouk, who lives in the Chinese capital.

A State Department spokesman said, however, that Mr. Kissinger, during the 30-minute meeting at the Waldorf Astoria Towers with Mr. Long Boret, did not rule out the possibility of discussing with Chinese leaders ways of bringing the Cambodian conflict to a halt.

Mr. Kissinger arrived in New York Wednesday night for two days of consultations with foreign ministers here for the United Nations General Assembly session. This followed three days of similar meetings last week.

## Talks With Foreign Ministers

In addition to Mr. Long Boret, Mr. Kissinger met yesterday with the foreign ministers of Mexico, Spain, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, Israel, Indonesia and Singapore.

He was host last night at a dinner at the Metropolitan Museum of Art for virtually all the chiefs of delegations to an Assembly session and their wives.

On Wednesday President Nixon announced that Mr. Kissinger would be making another trip to China, from Oct. 26 to 29, with stops in Tokyo on the way to and from Peking.

There was some speculation from Hong Kong yesterday that the United States and China would upgrade their "liaison offices" to full embassies as the result of that visit. But Mr. McCloskey said there were "no plans" to elevate the status of the missions, which were established after Mr. Kissinger's last trip to China in February.

The main purpose of the latest Kissinger trip to Peking is to further cultural, scientific and trade relations, and to maintain contact with the top Chinese leadership, an American official said.

This will be Mr. Kissinger's first chance to discuss world issues with Premier Chou En-lai since the September Chinese Communist party Congress culminated several months of internal debate in China. American officials believe the Congress included a discussion of Chinese policy toward the United States.

At the moment, most American analysts believe that Mr. Chou's policy of improving relations with the United States has survived any challenges that might have been raised against it.

In his meeting yesterday with the Spanish Foreign Minister, Laureano Lopez-Rodo, Mr. Kissinger agreed to visit Madrid, probably in December, when he plans to attend the winter meeting of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization in Brussels, Mr. McCloskey said.

The Spanish have expressed interest in adhering to the declaration of principles being drafted in consultation between the United States and NATO and the Common Market. Spain is a member of neither group.

In his talks on the Middle East with Abba Eban, the Israeli Foreign Minister, and Un-

mar el-Saqqaf, the Saudi Arabian Foreign Minister, Mr. Kissinger planned to repeat that the United States had no "miracles" for solving the Middle East stalemate, but would do whatever it could to help promote a dialogue between Israel and the Arab states.

He said this at a luncheon he gave for Arab diplomats in New York last week.

On the problem created by Austria's decision to close transit facilities for Soviet Jews going to Israel, Mr. Kissinger was prepared to offer no new initiatives or alternatives, American officials said. Both Mr. Nixon and Premier Golda Meir of Israel have asked Chancellor BRUNO KREISKY of Austria to reconsider his move.

Commentary by Murray Kempton

MURRAY KEMPTON: It has been quite a while since an official of the government of the United States has been singled out for any public recognition except a grand jury subpoena. We should therefore be grateful to the Norwegians for having honored Secretary of State KISSINGER with half a NOBEL Prize. In the melancholy state of our government's reputation, it is somehow a relief to know that there is some corner of the earth where our sins have not found us out.

But offhand, I couldn't think of anyone who deserves half a NOBEL Peace Prize less than Henry KISSINGER, except Le Duc THO, the North Vietnamese negotiator, who got the other half. KISSINGER and Le Duc THO are unquestioning servants of two governments whose ardent dedication to destruction has turned three fair and fertile countries into deserts.

The United States and North Vietnam systematically competed for two decades in killing women and children to save their souls either for or from communism. Then they jointly signed a peace treaty unique in the history of diplomacy for having accomplished everything except the end of the fighting.

We know KISSINGER quite well while Le Duc THO is a stranger. But then to know KISSINGER is to know Le Duc THO. What after all are the acts of self-debasement demanded of a dedicated communist? To cooperate in wiretapping your friends on orders of your master would be one. To bomb a neutral country and then lie about it to your own citizens and to the world would be another. These two belong together. They are brothers in the same dirty trade, equally anxious to do whatever evil their masters demand of them and then to pretend that they have done a good.

I find it odd of the Norwegians to honor careers like these. But I am grateful somehow that they selected not one or the other, but

both these fellows. It would be a national embarrassment to have it suggested that our Secretary of State was not at least as constructive a world citizen as a North Vietnamese communist hack.

I'm. Murray KEMPTON.

QUINN: That's his opinion, not necessarily CBS' nor the stations you're watching.

Please note: "Liberty Lobby," Mutual Network, October 19, was devoted to the Volunteer Army. A complete transcript is available.

CHET HUNTLEY WAVA RADIO (SYNDICATED) 7:52 AM OCT 24

Commentary by Chet Huntley

CHET HUNTLEY: This is Chet HUNTLEY.

One of the most compelling campaign pledges of 1968 was candidate Nixon's promise to end the military draft and build an all volunteer military. At the time, the draft represented for the young the bitterness, the confusion and grief associated with the Vietnam war. The all volunteer military is getting its trial, and its future is uncertain.

More on this in a moment.

*****

HUNTLEY: There are those in the Congress who assert that the Pentagon has sadly underestimated the amount of money required for the volunteer manpower force. The General Accounting Office has said that the actual cost of the volunteer force may go as high as four billion extra dollars in fiscal 1974, the current year.

We do know that military manpower costs have shot up fourteen percent over the last four years, and they're going to go higher.

From 1968 to 1973, the manpower costs of the Pentagon rose to almost forty-two billion dollars, from thirty-two and a half billion. This represented an

5 Thursday, October 25, 1973

increase to fifty-six percent of
the total defense budget, from
forty-two percent.

Yet in that same period, the
active military force dropped
from three and a half million men
to 2.2 million.

Somewhat out of frustration
with these staggering manpower
costs, a number of senators and
congressmen have taken note of
the make-up of the armed services.
It has not escaped their atten-
tion that our present military
establishment, numbering about
one-fifth of the total manpower
in uniform in World War II, has
about four times as many officers
of the rank of colonel and above,
or that equivalent.

Thus, the demand is growing
for wholesale retirement of of-
ficers, and yet the military is
forced to offer advancement and
promotion if it is going to meet
its recruiting goals. And re-
cruiting is not going well by any
standard. Since the ending of
the draft calls last January, the
Army has failed to achieve even
one of its monthly recruiting
quotas. It has consistently
fallen ten, twenty and as high
as forty percent short of its
monthly targets.

Therefore, it continues to
spend more for recruiting bonuses,
advertising and facility moder-
nization in an effort to recruit
more volunteers.

The Navy once had a goal of
ninety percent high school gradu-
ates. But in the face of its
unrealized quotas, it has been
forced to lower its educational
standards. The Navy now has about
seventy percent high school
graduates.

The Marine Corps is still
below the fifty percent mark.

These figures cause the
critics of the volunteer concept
to argue that it's creating some
serious social inequities, that
if this trend continues, the
military will be made up of the
less educated, the less affluent
and the less white.

The defenders of the volunteer
military force argue, however,
that it's too soon to come to
any conclusion, that the system

is going to work because it has
to work. Conceding that manpower
is becoming the most expensive
item in the military budget, the
champions of the volunteer force
assert that these costs would
have to be borne even with the
draft still in effect. They point
to the Navy and Marine Corps and
Air Force meeting their quotas
and declare that the Army will
meet its quotas, as well, as soon
as it modernizes itself and opens
more positions for civilians and
women.

A footnote in a moment.

*****

HUNTLEY: We're going to hear
more about military manpower, and
one alternative to both the draft
and volunteer force would be
complete universal military train-
ing. Think that one over.

This is Chet HUNTLEY.

6 Thursday, October 25, 1973

144

KISSINGER (TOPS 57)

NEW YORK (AP)-A HINT CAME TODAY THAT SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER WILL FOLLOW UP HIS CURRENT SOUNDINGS OF MIDDLE EAST POSITIONS WITH A BID FOR SOME FORM OF ARAB-ISRAELI TALKS.

KISSINGER CONFERRED IN HIS HOTEL SUITE WITH FOREIGN MINISTRY OFFICIALS OF EGYPT, JORDAN, LEBANON AND MOROCCO, ALL OF THEM IN NEW YORK FOR THE U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY MEETING. HE TALKED THURSDAY WITH THE ISRAELIS AND SAUDI ARABIANS.

ZUHAYR ALMUFTI, JORDANIAN MINISTER OF STATE FOR FOREIGN AFFAIRS, WAS ASKED AFTER HIS 25-MINUTE CONFERENCE WITH KISSINGER IF THE LATTER WOULD TRY TO GET NEGOTIATIONS GOING "IN ONE WAY OR ANOTHER."

ALMUFTI REPLIED, "I HAVE THE IMPRESSION HE WILL DO HIS BEST."

BUT EGYPTIAN FOREIGN MINISTER MOHAMED H. EL-ZAYYAT INDICATED TO REPORTERS THAT KISSINGER HAD NOT PROPOSED ANYTHING IN THEIR HOUR-LONG MEETING. ASKED WHETHER THERE WAS A NEW AMERICAN MIDDLE EAST PEACE INITIATIVE, HE SAID, "THEY DIDN'T TELL ME."

ZAYYAT AND JORDANIAN U.N. AMBASSADOR ABDUL HAMID SHARAF, A MEMBER OF ALMUFTI'S PARTY, DESCRIBED BOTH MEETINGS AS USEFUL AND ZAYYAT SAID HIS TALK WITH KISSINGER WAS FRANK. BOTH SAID CONSULTATIONS WITH THE AMERICANS WOULD CONTINUE.

KB738PED OCT. 5

THE WASHINGTON POST

Saturday, Oct. 6, 1973

A 11

Kissinger Tells Latins U.S. Seeks New Dialogue

By Marilyn Berger

Washington Post Staff Writer

NEW YORK, Oct. 5—Secretary of State Henry Kissinger called today for a new dialogue with the nations of Latin America to develop a new policy based on “common needs.”

At the same time he paved the way for a refurbished dialogue with the nations of the Middle East. On Thursday he agreed to meet again in November with Israeli Foreign Minister Abba Eban. Today, he and Egyptian Foreign Minister Mohamed Zayyat also agreed during a 45-minute meeting to see each other again in November. Both meetings are to take place within the United States, probably in New York or Washington.

In effect, the decisions postponed any effective moves on the Middle East chessboard until after the Israeli elections Oct. 30.

Kissinger's pledge to the nations of Latin America was made at a luncheon he gave for the foreign ministers and ambassadors to the United Nations at the Center for International Relations on Park Avenue.

Voicing hopeful sentiments that have often been heard from Latin American diplomats, Leopoldo Benites of Ecuador, president of the General Assembly this year, said the luncheon was of “overriding significance,” that Latin America's response was “eminently positive” and that the day marked the “start of a new chapter in hemispheric

relations.” When Benites concluded his remarks Kissinger responded by enveloping Benites in his own version of the Latin abrazo, a hearty bear hug.

Whether a turning point in U.S. policy should be anticipated, however, is not clear at this time. It was recalled that early in his first administration President Nixon called for a re-examination of the relationship with Latin America, and just recently, Kissinger's predecessor, William P. Rogers called for an end to U.S. paternalism during his Latin American tour.

But Kissinger, and U.S. officials privately, sought to draw a distinction between what is happening now and past promises.

In his after-luncheon toast,

Kissinger told the diplomats: “We are serious about starting a new dialogue with our friends in the Americas.” In the past, he said, the relationship had been characterized by “alternating periods of what some of you have called intervention, with periods of neglect.” He added: “We are proposing to you a policy based on equality and mutual respect.”

U.S. officials said Kissinger's intent is to get away from the paternalism that has marked U.S. relations with Latin America in the past. In a sense, Kissinger asked for the kind of dialogue he proposed to the Europeans in April, when he called for a new Atlantic Charter, and sought to put new life in an old alliance. He was known to

be dismayed when the Europeans responded with one voice following little or no bilateral consultation directly with the United States.

Today he left it to the Latin Americans to determine how that dialogue would take place. He told his listeners that if the technologically advanced nations can ever cooperate “then it must start here in the Western Hemisphere.” In an apparent reference to the Organization of American States, he said no institution or treaty organization is “beyond re-examination” and added that the United States was starting an “urgent examination” of Western Hemisphere policy. The National Security Council has nearly completed such a study, U.S. officials said.

CSM. 10/6/73
# Kissinger tops White House power structure

Washington analysts rank
Haig, Shultz, Laird next

By Godfrey Sperling Jr.
Staff correspondent of
The Christian Science Monitor

Washington

The post-Watergate Nixon power structure can now be identified clearly for the first time.

The new Haldemans, Ehrlichmans, and Mitchells are emerging — although they are of an entirely different breed.

Power in Washington is constantly shifting and relates in large part to an official's ability to get the ear of the President on a regular basis — not on where he may stand in the table of organization.

The clear No. 2 today (counting the President as No. 1) is, the administration's superstar Henry A. Kissinger, who now doubles in brass as both top adviser to Mr. Nixon on foreign affairs and as Secretary of State.

Because of Dr. Kissinger's brilliant performances in Peking, Moscow, and in the latter negotiation stages of the Vietnam war, some say he has held the runner-up

Henry Kissinger heading for Europe, China, and Japan

Page 2

power position in government for some time. But H. R. Haldeman, the President's former chief of staff, was viewed by many observers as more powerful than Mr. Kissinger.

Mr. Haldeman exercised power in a most formidable way. Members of Congress and Cabinet heads were aware that Mr. Haldeman in many ways was Mr. Nixon's alter ego. Therein, through reflected glory, Mr. Haldeman was widely recognized, respected, and feared as Mr. Nixon's top mover and shaker.

No. 3 choice

No. 3: Alexander M. Haig Jr. The President's new chief of staff also enjoys a proximity to the President that automatically gives him a considerable amount of reflected clout. But he is exercising his authority with restraint.

General Haig tends to stand back gracefully in the background — unlike his predecessor. But anyone like General Haig who spends hours with the President almost every day still is a powerful presence.

Mr. Nixon is known to discuss many of his ideas with General Haig. Thus, Mr. Haig is powerful because he is in a position to help shape executive decisions on a wide variety of subjects. Observers see him as No. 3 in government today.

*Please turn to Page 7

★Kissinger tops new White House team

Continued from Page 1

No. 4 in the White House hierarchy is Secretary of
Treasury George P. Shultz.

Mr. Shultz, who started out as Secretary of Labor in
1969, soon won the confidence of Mr. Nixon. And by the
time he became head of the Office of Management and
Budget in the White House, Mr. Shultz was being
consulted on domestic problems across the board as well
as on the economy.

Policy shift

Mr. Shultz fell some in presidential favor, however,
about the time Mr. Nixon first moved toward economic
controls. In doing so, Mr. Nixon was turning his back on
the no-controls policy for which Mr. Shultz had long been
the chief and most persuasive advocate.

Now Mr. Shultz is back in the sun again, consulting
frequently with the President on economic and other
domestic matters.

Mr. Shultz, in fact, now occupies the position of
presidential confidante that was held for several years
by the then attorney general, John N. Mitchell. At that
time, Mr. Mitchell, because of his close ties with the
President, was obviously one of the most powerful people
in the nation.

John B. Connally Jr. also was extremely powerful
during those months when, as secretary of the treasury,
he was "selling" the President's economic-controls
programs. Mr. Connally had the ear of the President at
that time — and the political muscle that goes along with
it.

Rest of team

The remainder of the current Nixon first team, his "big
ten," follows:

No. 5. Melvin R. Laird. As the coordinator of the
President's domestic programs, Mr. Laird has the

position formerly held by the powerful John D. Ehrlich
man. And as former secretary of defense, Mr. Laird
came into the White House with more than a little
stature.

One of Mr. Laird's chief jobs today is to improve White
House relations with Congress and the Cabinet. He is
already making good progress in this direction. Mr.
Laird is expected to be moving up the power ladder in
very short order.

No. 6. Bryce N. Harlow, Mr. Harlow, as one of the
Counselors of the President, is regarded as Mr. Nixon's
"man of all seasons," the person the President feels he
can rely on to give him sound advice on a multitude of
subjects. Mr. Harlow is particularly good at putting his
finger to the wind and assessing what the public reaction
may be to a course of action that Mr. Nixon may have in
mind.

Weinberger and budget

No. 7. Caspar W. Weinberger. Anyone who has nearly a
$100 billion budget has to be reckoned with in assessing
presidential power. The President is quite aware of Mr.
Weinberger's heavy responsibilities as Secretary of
Health, Education, and Welfare. Hence, he stays close to
Mr. Weinberger and his operation. And hence, again, the
Weinberger power.

No. 8. James R. Schlesinger. When Mr. Laird was
secretary of defense, he was up near the top of the power
structure. But now the war is over and defense is
downgraded a bit.

Further, Dr. Kissinger really is the President's top
adviser on defense today as the two of them sit down and
map out their foreign-policy plans, but Secretary
Schlesinger still has a tremendous budget. And he is still
very powerful.

No. 9. Leonard Garment. J. Fred Buzhardt, and
Charles Allan Wright., as legal advisers to the President
on Watergate and related matters, this trio obviously is
powerfully influential at the moment.

Richardson last

No. 10. Elliot L. Richardson. The Attorney General's
extremely important role both in Watergate and in
handling the charges against Vice-President Spiro T.
Agnew would normally give him a higher power rating.
But there is a real question about the state of Mr.
Richardson's relationship with the President.

There is evidence that Mr. Nixon has cooled at least
somewhat toward the man he has moved over the years
from assistant secretary of state, to secretary of HEW, to
secretary of defense, and finally to the top spot in the
Justice Department.

A considerable scale in the United States and that treatment therapies have at the same time greatly improved.

While these developments justify optimism it had to be qualified as precarious," he cautions, because of the tendency of individuals who have been taken off heroin to resort to other kinds of drugs.

He is disturbed, also, by the new violence among drug traffickers which has made drug law enforcement "the most difficult and most hazardous form of law enforcement."

UPI photo

## Chile picks up the pieces

Workmen put up scaffolds this week as they begin to restore La Moneda Presidential Palace which was rocketed and attacked by tanks during the Chilean military coup of Sept. 11.

## Tourists' lure more tourists to Kenya

for Kenya's two marine national parks, which are washed, fed, and supplied by the warm waters of the Indian Ocean, and are an adjunct of the justifiably famous game parks that bring in a large part of the republic's national revenue each year.

### Small profit realized

The parks are enclosed by a section of the great coral reef that sweeps down near the East African coast. They were established in 1968 at the urgings of marine-life experts and snorkeling enthusiasts. They were the

first marine parks established in Africa.

Kenya's marine parks make a small profit on their activities. They are chalking up an annual rate increase of 10 percent. Last year was a peak year, with 33,000 visitors, and this year they expect to attract 43,000, including a growing number of local Kenyans.

There are two marine parks, at Malindi, the little Swahili town just north of Mombasa, and at nearby Watamu. They extend over 7.5 nautical square miles and serve as a

natural protected home for uncounted species of fish, shellfish, and other marine creatures, as well as the convoluted and intricate masses of rare and beautiful coral formations.

The coral gardens were started as a defensive operation against the growing exploitation of the reef's natural resources. Boatloads of tourists and professional shell collectors went out to explore the reef, and gradually the area was denuded of shells, rare corals, and tropical fish. Uncontrolled spearfishing took a heavy toll.

e:

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Kissinger Calls on Latins
To Join in 'New Dialogue'

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Secretary of State Kissinger called on Latin American governments yesterday to join with the United States in a "new dialogue" that would re-examine the structure and assumptions of the hemispheric alliance.

"If the technically advanced nations can ever cooperate with the developing nations, then it must start here in the Western Hemisphere," Mr. Kissinger said in a speech to foreign ministers and ambassadors from all Latin countries except Cuba.

"We in the United States will approach this dialogue with an open mind," he said. "We do not believe that any institution or any treaty arrangement is beyond examination."

Mr. Kissinger apparently was referring to the Organization of American States, the primary umbrella group for the hemisphere, whose value has been challenged in recent years both in the United States and in Latin America.

This was his first policy statement on Latin America and was meant to signal the start of a major effort by the Administration to work out a fresh approach to the problems in the hemisphere, Administration officials said.

The Secretary did not refer to Cuba in his remarks and gave no indication whether Washington was reconsidering its rigid embargo on all contacts with Cuba, a policy that has come under increasing

criticism in Latin America. During his confirmation hearing in the Senate, Mr. Kissinger said he wanted to discuss relations with Cuba with other Latin-American governments, but he held out no prospects of an early change in Administration policy.

Mr. Kissinger told his guests at a luncheon he gave at the Center for Inter-American Relations that as part of this call for a new dialogue, an "urgent

Continued on Page 2, Column 1

WHO really killed Robert Kennedy? "THE SECOND GUN" Tom'w. T.L. East.—Advt

elections.

The next day, and in apparent retaliation for Mr. Rucci's death, unknown armed men murdered Enrique Brimberg, 34, a leader of the leftist Peronist Youth.

On Wednesday, two armed men walked into the building of the newspaper El Norte in San Nicolás, 120 miles north of here, and killed José Domingo Colombo, a 38-year-old journalist.

THE NEW YORK TIMES

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NEW YORK TIMES 6 OCT 73

Thumbs
Down on
Kissinger

By C. L. Sulzberger

PEKING—It is a fair guess that when Henry Kissinger returns to Peking three weeks hence, one thing he will attempt is another try at ending the Cambodian war, Indochina's most feresting cancer. If so, he is unlikely to get any help from Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Cambodia's former king, erstwhile political chief of state, and now head of an émigré government situated here.

Prince Sihanouk's refusal to co-operate on any basis for settlement other than scuttling the Lon Nol regime, now backed by both Washington and Moscow, seemingly blocks hope of peace. For, although the Secretary of State is much esteemed by China's Premier Chou En-lai, Sihanouk is a far closer friend of the latter. Chou has shown tender hospitality, even building for him a heated swimming pool and badminton court in this austere city.

The Cambodian Prince, a solidly built and blazingly energetic little man, received me in his large, well-guarded residence, formerly the French Embassy compound. He told me he would categorically refuse to see Mr. Kissinger. He said that in 1972 he had three times proposed such a meeting through Premier Chou, and had each time been rebuffed.

Sihanouk insists that, having been cold-shouldered, it was no longer possible to meet the Secretary. He adds: "My proposals were spurned three times. Why should I accept a meeting now? Several months ago I received a message from our revolutionary leaders [known as the Khmer Rouge or Red Cambodia] 'telling me our honor or dignity should not be engaged again in such a project. Anyway there is very little chance of reaching an understanding."

He explained that it would be an immense loss of face for him now to see Mr. Kissinger after his initiatives had been ignored. It would give the impression of readiness to compromise "whereas we have always insisted— and still do—on chasing the neocolonial clique of Lon Nol from Phnom Penh." He describes his terms, in a nutshell, as an end to United States support for Lon Nol and his departure.

He would permit the "traitor" prime minister to flee with perhaps a dozen other, leading "traitors" and their families in an American plane and would also proclaim a general amnesty for everyone else. This is a shift from previous pledges to have his top opponents hanged.

He assured me that all North Vietnamese combat troops were out of Cambodia although acknowledging they still regularly crossed his country into South Vietnam along the southern stretch of the Ho Chi Minh Trail. There were also North Vietnamese "liaison units," military and ordnance advisers in territory controlled by the

PHILADELPHIA INQUIRER 6 OCTOBER 1973

Trident vote gave
impetus to Nixon

By WILLIAM S. WHITE

WASHINGTON. — Barring some unforeseen miscquence, President Nixon has now, in effect, already won his gravest battle of all this session of Congress, and indeed perhaps the gravest of his entire second administration.

The refusal of the Senate, long the cult-house of anti-Pentagonitis, to cut back the President's Trident nuclear missile-powered submarine program replaces substance for melodrama all over the national scene. It means all these things:

Item — If the doves, the new-isolationists and the simple economists would not beat Trident, the most vulnerable part of the President's entire, vast military budget, they are not going to be able to make any truly meat-axe reduction anywhere else in the budget.

Item — Neither Watergate nor whatever Vice President Agostin may or may not have done has destroyed or now can destroy the capacity of the President to govern with at least a tolerable effectiveness for the balance of his term.

The core of the whole Democratic strategy in this Congress, as determined by and centered in the Senate, has been to compromise (but never consciously to destroy) Mr. Nixon's power as commander-in-chief. The best and really the only way to do this was to take away his mastery of his own military budget. But this, as it turns out, he is going to hold.

Every major Democratic Presidential aspirant, save for Sen. Henry Jackson — who led, instead, for the project — committed himself to this climactic assault upon the Trident program. To be sure, most or all of them can claim that they were not against all of it all the time;

they were only against some of it at this time.

Politically, the argument may well wash — if by 1976 the current thaw with Russia has not been succeeded by the rise of new iceberg tips between here and Murmansk. If the icebergs do in fact appear, Jackson is farther along the way to the Presidential nomination. Conversely, the anti-Trident Presidential hopefuls, running from the somewhat McGovern-like Walter Mondale on the far left to the moderate Lloyd Bentsen on the comparative right, will be in trouble.

What has certainly been lost by the bulk of the Senate Democrats, in any case, is the best hope they ever had to cut down the President (considerably but not fatally) by the traditionally decent means of beating him on a grand issue — and not through smear-leaking grand juries or some such other means.

In the meantime — and this is enough to be going on with in the present climate — the important thing is this: The President of the United States in title (and never mind his name and never mind his partisan identification) is still the President of the United States in fact.

And that profound reality outweighs all others for now. None of the President's adversaries on Trident, or very few of them at any rate, will too much regret this aspect of the outcome of the fight. None of them in his heart wants a really crippled President at the head of this nation for three more years. And there was a chance, however small, that a defeat on Trident might indeed have truly maimed him, unintentionally severe though the wound would have been.

Khmer Rouge.

He complains North Vietnam doesn't provide enough aid, and every time Khmer Rouge troops besiege an important city, Hanoi deliberately chokes off its own and transiting Chinese supplies, making it impossible to capture objectives. The Prince attributes this tactic to North Vietnam's fear of losing promised U.S. reconstruction aid plus possible resumption of American bombing.

"We've learned not to rely on Hanoi," he says. "They prefer to avoid a decisive victory and follow the U.S. plan of letting us Cambodians fight it out."

The Prince became increasingly emotional as we sat side-by-side sipping beer and tea. His son-in-law, the young air force captain who bombed Lon Nol's palace last March and then fled here, remained with us throughout our long conversation, which was in French.

Sihanouk could see nothing but projected, continuing war. He saw no hope of settlement until Nixon's Presidential term winds up in 1976. He un-

abashedly hopes Mr. Nixon will be succeeded by a Democrat who might change American policy, dumping Lon Nol and resuming diplomatic relations with himself.

However, he says he won't stay on as chief of state when "independence is restored." He will retire, turn over power to the Khmer Rouge, and spend the rest of his life in China. "I am very fatigued, not so young, and disgusted with politics," the 51-year-old Prince explained.

He is most skeptical these days, detesting us, hating the Russians' for backing Lon Nol, distrusting his North Vietnamese friends. He doesn't believe it possible to neutralize Southeast Asia because its countries have too many contradictory interests and policies. He says he is no Communist but foresees full Cambodian "cooperation" with China if the Khmer Rouge wins.

Should the volatile Prince stick to his present resolve, it will be exceedingly difficult for Secretary Kissinger to find a way out of the Cambodian morass when he comes here Oct. 26.

5-F

275A

KISSINGER 10-5
2ND LD 250A

BY JOHN BARTON

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER, UNDER ORDERS FROM PRESIDENT NIXON TO "TAKE EVERY EFFORT" TO END THE LATEST MIDDLE EAST WAR, SUMMONED MILITARY, DIPLOMATIC AND INTELLIGENCE ADVISERS TO THE WHITE HOUSE SATURDAY NIGHT TO PLAN U.S. STRATEGY.

KISSINGER FLEW PACK IN MID AFTERNOON FROM NEW YORK CITY, WHERE HE HAD SPENT THE PAST WEEK CONFERRING WITH FOREIGN MINISTERS ATTENDING THE OPENING OF THE U.N. GENERAL ASSEMBLY, PARTICULARLY THOSE FROM ISRAEL AND ITS ARAB NEIGHBORS.

HE ALERTED THE PRESIDENT BY TELEPHONE IN KEY BISCAYNE, FLA., EARLY SATURDAY MORNING ABOUT INDICATIONS OF SERIOUS TROUBLE IN THE MIDDLE EAST AND, ONCE WARFARE ERUPTED, HASTENED TO WASHINGTON TO TAKE COMMAND OF U.S. PLANNING IN HIS OTHER ROLE AS NIXON'S SPECIAL ASSISTANT FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS.

A FEW HOURS AFTER KISSINGER'S RETURN, HE ACTIVATED THE WASHINGTON SPECIAL ACTION GROUP, AN INTIMATE CIRCLE OF TOP ADVISERS FROM THE STATE DEPARTMENT, THE DEFENSE DEPARTMENT, THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY AND KISSINGER'S NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL STAFF AT THE WHITE HOUSE.

THERE WAS NO CLEAR IDEA OF WHAT, IF ANYTHING, THE UNITED STATES COULD DO TO QUELL HOSTILITIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST. A KISSINGER SPOKESMAN INDICATED THERE WERE NO PLANS FOR A U.S. INITIATIVE TO CALL AN EMERGENCY SESSION OF THE U.N. SECURITY COUNCIL.

AS A PRECAUTIONARY MEASURE, THE COMMANDER OF THE U.S. 6TH FLEET IN THE MEDITERRANEAN CANCELED ALL SHORT LEAVES AND ORDERED AMERICAN NAVAL PERSONNEL STATIONED IN GREECE TO RETURN TO THEIR SHIPS. NO U.S. VESSELS WERE ORDERED TO SEA, HOWEVER.

KISSINGER FLEW INTO ANDREWS AIR FORCE BASE, MD., UNDER TIGHT SECURITY AND WAS WHISKED AWAY IN A LIMOUSINE HEADED DIRECTLY FOR THE STATE DEPARTMENT FOR A CONFERENCE WITH A SPECIAL TASK FORCE SET UP IMMEDIATELY AFTER FIGHTING BEGAN. KISSINGER WAS SEEN IN THE BACK SEAT OF THE CAR LEAFING THROUGH A STACK OF DOCUMENTS.

ROBERT J. MCCLOSKEY, THE STATE DEPARTMENT'S CHIEF SPOKESMAN, SAID NIXON GAVE KISSINGER ORDERS BY TELEPHONE TO "TAKE EVERY EFFORT TO SEE THAT IT (THE FIGHTING) IS BROUGHT TO A STOP."

PICKUP 6TH PGH: THE DEFENSE

UPI 10-06 06:49 RED

# Thumbs Down on Kissinger

By C. L. Sulzberger

PEKING—It is a fair guess that when Henry Kissinger returns to Peking three weeks hence, one thing he will attempt is another try at ending the Cambodian war, Indochina's most festering cancer. If so, he is unlikely to get any help from Prince Norodom Sihanouk, Cambodia's former king, erstwhile political chief of state, and now head of an émigré government situated here.

Sihanouk's refusal to cooperate on any basis for settlement other than scuttling the Lon Nol regime, now backed by both Washington and Moscow, seemingly blocks hope of peace. For, although the secretary of state is much esteemed by China's Premier Chou En-lai, Sihanouk is a far closer friend of the latter. Chou has shown tender hospitality, even building for him a heated swimming pool and badminton court in this austere city.

The Cambodian prince, a solidly built and blazingly energetic little man, received me in his large, well-guarded residence, formerly the French Embassy compound. He told me he would categorically refuse to see Kissinger. He said that in 1972 he had three times proposed such a meeting through Chou, and had each time been rebuffed.

## No Longer Possible

Sihanouk insists that, having been cold-shouldered, it was no longer possible to meet the secretary. He adds: "My proposals were spurned three times. Why should I accept a meeting now? Several months ago I received a message from our revolutionary leaders [known as the Khmer Rouge or Red Cambodia] telling me our honor or dignity should not be engaged again in such a project. Anyway, there is very little chance of reaching an understanding."

He explained that it would be an immense loss of face for him now to see Kissinger after his initiatives had been ignored. It would give the impression of readiness to compromise "whereas we have always insisted—and still do—on chasing the neo-colonial clique of Lon Nol from Phnom Penh." He describes his terms, in a nutshell, as an end to U.S. support for Lon Nol and his departure.

He would permit the "traitor" premier to flee with perhaps a dozen other leading "traitors" and their families in an American plane and would also proclaim a

## Troops Enter Country

He assured me that all North Vietnamese combat troops were out of Cambodia although acknowledging they still regularly crossed his country into South Vietnam along the southern stretch of the Ho Chi Minh Trail. There were also North Vietnamese "liaison units," military and ordinance advisers in territory controlled by the Khmer Rouge.

He complains North Vietnam doesn't provide enough aid and every time Khmer Rouge troops besiege an important city, Hanoi deliberately chokes off its own and transiting Chinese supplies, making it impossible to capture objectives. The prince attributes this tactic to North Vietnam's fear of losing promised U.S. reconstruction aid plus possible resumption of American bombing.

The prince became increasingly emotional as we sat side-by-side sipping beer and tea. His son-in-law, the young air force captain who bombed Lon Nol's palace last March and then fled here, remained with us throughout our long conversation, which was in French.

Sihanouk could see nothing but protracted war. He saw no hope of settlement until Nixon's presidential term winds up in 1976. He unabashedly hopes Nixon will be succeeded by a Democrat who might change American policy, dumping Lon Nol and resuming diplomatic relations with himself.

## 'Very Fatigued'

However, he says he won't stay on as chief of state when "independence is restored." He will retire, turn the country over to the Khmer Rouge and spend the rest of his life in China. "I am very fatigued, not so young and disgusted with politics," the 51-year-old prince explained.

He is most skeptical these days, detesting the U.S., hating the Russians for backing Lon Nol, distrusting his North Vietnamese friends. He doesn't believe it possible to neutralize Southeast Asia because its countries have too many contradictory interests and policies. He says he is no Communist, but foresees full Cambodian "cooperation" with China if the Khmer Rouge wins.

Should the volatile prince stick to his present resolve, it will be exceedingly difficult for Secretary Kissinger to find a way out of the Cambodian morass when he comes here Oct. 26.

> The International Herald Tribune welcomes letters from readers. Short letters have a better chance of being published. All letters are subject to condensation for space reasons. Anonymous letters will not be considered for publication. Writers may request that their letters be signed only with initials, but preference will be given to those fully signed and bearing the writer's complete address.

Mideast Fighting Threatens
U.S.-Soviet Aims in Detente

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

For the White House and
for the Kremlin the explo-
sion of new warfare in the
Middle East is an automatic
challenge to their ambitious
pattern of global detente.

It would be an ironic twist
in diplomacy if the specula-
tion that immediately arose
yesterday is borne out: that
the Egyptian-Syrian objec-
tive in the new warfare with
Israel is to force the super-
powers to impose a settle-
ment of the interminable
Arab-Israeli conflict, in or-
der to prevent the United
States and the Soviet Union
from being dragged into a
wider war.

This would presuppose
that it was Egypt and Syria
— armed with Soviet weap-
ons — that set out to breach
the Arab-Israeli cease-fire,
which they deny, charging
that Israel started the shoot-
ing. Israel — armed with

American weapons — ridi-
cules that claim. For years
Israel has opposed any ac-
tion that could lead to su-
perpower imposition of

terms for ending the **war**.

In either case, a war
launched by one side for
even a limited purpose can
readily expand beyond the
intended magnitude into to-
tal war.

Wherever the blame rests
for launching the new hos-
tilities, it has been the basic
premise of two years of
summit diplomacy that the
superpowers will act jointly
to prevent any other nation,
including their own allies,
from launching actions that
could spiral into a U.S.-So-
viet war.

This is fundamental to the
declaration of principles
signed by President Nixon
and Soviet Communist
Party leader Leonid I.
Brezhnev at the Moscow
summit in May, 1972, and re-
inforced by the declaration
on prevention of nuclear
war, signed at the Washing-
ton summit last June.

See DIPLOMACY, A8, Col. 1

HENRY A. KISSINGER
... phones Dobrynin

© 1973, Field Enterprises, Inc.

The Washington Post

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treated of 10 to 15 per cent
and 8,000 to 13,000 new pa-
tients a year. Keeping so
many patients alive could
easily mean 40,000 to 50,000
patients on dialysis in five
years for a $1 billion bill.

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treated by three members of
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story, found him in contem-
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but then suspended the fine
Gourley had to pay $35 in
court costs.

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Similarly, senior Pentagon officials say the plan envisions "at least a 50 per cent cut-back" in the dwindling number of active duty Air Force interceptor squadrons. The bulk of the air defense mission would then be left to reservists of the Air National Guard, flying F-102 and F-106 interceptors built in the '50s and '60s.

Officials cited these factors as contributing to the Pentagon decision:

* With both nuclear superpowers armed with thousands of long-range missiles—and with no defense against missile attack—maintenance of sizable defenses against a large-scale bomber attack is not rated as among the highest priority defense needs. Damage from missile attack would be so great that officials say the bombers wouldn't make much difference.

* The threat from the relatively small Soviet-long-range bomber force is described as "not. very great" by senior Pentagon officials who say the same thing that deters a Russian missile attack—namely maintenance of U.S. striking power—will deter a bomber attack.

* Army sources estimate that the Nike-Hercules reductions alone may involve as much as a 7,000-man cut in Army strength and possibly closure of the Army Air Defense Command headquarters in Colorado.

Thus, at a time of considerable scrambling within the Pentagon over money and manpower, the reduction might provide the Defense Depart-

Newsman Is Fined
For Seeking 'Leak'

LEXINGTON, Ky., Oct. 6 (UPI)—A young reporter for the Kentucky Post and Times Star of Covington was chutzpitzed by a federal judge Friday for telephoning grand jeurs and trying to get them to “leak” news of a kickback in vestigation.

"You are obviously ignorant of the law and the manner of most professional newspaper men," U.S. District Judge H. David Hermansdorfer told reporter Jay Gourley, 25.

Hermansdorfer, who was in-