6

CHICAGO SUN-TIMES, Sun., Sept. 16, 1973

Kissinger's hand already felt in State Dept.

By Thomas B. Ross
Sun-Times Bureau

WASHINGTON — Henry A. Kissinger has been moving with customary force and security, even before his confirmation by the Senate, to take the reins of power as secretary of state.

Between long public sessions with the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Kissinger has been meeting privately with the hierarchy of the State Department, deciding who will rise, who will say in place and who will be exiled.

Having turned the department into a eunuch while he was holding away from the White House, Kissinger is now determined to make the place an extension of his own diplomatic machismo. He has made it clear he will enlist the best and the brightest, even though they may have resisted his reach for power in the old days.

Robert J. McCloskey, loyal to former Sec. of State William P. Rogers in his most beleaguered periods, is expected to be recalled here temporarily to help Kissinger revive the department's relations with the press.

ROBERT J. McCLOSKEY

McCloskey, former deputy assistant secretary for press relations and now ambassador to Cyprus, is virtually the only high-ranking government spokesman to survive Vietnam and Watergate with his integrity and reputation intact. He fought Kissinger in the past, but his new boss is determined he will fight for him in the future.

Kissinger probably will be

confirmed by the Senate this week. The Foreign Relations Committee has put up a show of cross-examination, particularly on his role in the wiretapping of the press and members of his National Security Council staff.

But the senators' hearts are not in asking the really tough questions because even Kissinger's enemies contemplate the alternative to his confirmation.

"If we deny him confirmation," lamented Sen. George McGovern (D-S.D.), "he just stays there at the White House, and we are denied the opportunity even to question him."

Kissinger, the tiger of the bureaucratic suite, has been soft, sweet and mild in the hearing room, knowing that he will get his way. He will return for a final appearance in closed session Monday, but the foreign-policy machinery was operating last week as if he already were installed.

On Thursday, the new director of the Central Intelligence Agency, William E. Colby, let it be known that he has deferred to Kissinger's view of how the CIA should draw up its intelligence estimates.

At a background briefing for

a small group of reporters, Colby said he plans to replace the old board of national estimates, which was composed of generalists, with a new, 10-man team of specialists. For the last 20 years, the board has drawn up scholarly papers on a broad range of crisis issues, often challenging the policies of incumbent Presidents notably on Vietnam.

Kissinger has expressed dissatisfaction with estimates from the start of the Nixon administration contending they were too vague and failed to grapple with the day-to-day problems of the President.

The board's defenders suggested that the real difficulty was that the estimates did not always support the Kissinger position.

When Richard M. Helms was removed as CIA director, the White House put out the word that he had been found lacking in his estimates. Members of

Kissinger's staff persist in that explanation despite the widespread suspicion that Helms was really a victim of insufficient co-operation with the Watergate cover-up.

In any event, Kissinger now has a willing lieutenant at the CIA. At the Pentagon, his old antagonist, Melvin R. Laird, has been replaced as secretary of defense by a man of more agreeable views, James R. Schlesinger, who, as interim CIA director after Helms, began the changes now being affirmed by Colby.

At the three centers of power in the foreign-policy apparatus — State, Defense and

CIA—Kissinger has enforced his authority well in advance of his swearing-in.

HENRY A. KISSINGER

Sparkman Takes A Stand

Sen. John Sparkman of Alabama has acted to expedite the process of confirming Dr. Henry A. Kissinger's nomination for secretary of state by reporting that an FBI summary of wiretap information "completely supports" Kissinger.

Kissinger had said that he had no involvement in the wiretapping of his staff except that he had furnished names.

It is to be hoped that Sparkman's statement will speed up the confirmation and help put an end to Sen. J. William Fulbright's harassment of the nominee.

Sparkman's action as second-ranking member of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, which must approve Kissinger, is commendable.

It must be said, however, that it is rare

for Sparkman to take a public position on matters concerning the Foreign Relations Committee — especially insofar as it would oppose Chairman Fulbright.

Fullbright consistently has attempted to discredit administration foreign policy since the Johnson presidency.

Seldom — if ever — has Sparkman publically raised a dissenting voice.

For that reason, Sparkman's newly-visible profile on the Foreign Relations Committee is all the more appreciated.

Hopefully, Sparkman in the future will continue to be more visible in support of the official foreign policy of the United States — instead of silently consenting to the continuing attack upon that policy by Chairman Fulbright.

The Miami Herald

JOHN S. KNIGHT, Editorial Chairman

LEE HILLS, Publisher ALVAH H. CHAPMAN, Jr., President

GEORGE BEEBE, Associate Publisher

JAMES L. KNIGHT, Chairman

DON SHOEMAKER, Editor

LARRY JINKS, Executive Editor

RON MARTIN, Managing Editor

BEVERLY R. CARTER, Gen. Mgr.

JOHN D. PENNEKAMP, Associate Editor

6-A

Sunday, September 16, 1973

F

Confirmation of Kissinger
Would Be a Realistic Step

WHICH is the real Henry Kissinger?

Is he the man who can give gilt-edged guarantee that the Nixon administration will not engage in military combat without congressional approval? Or is he a dangerous dove who carried a phony olive branch from Peking and Moscow?

Is he the man who would sell out Israel for a pot of oil from the Persian Gulf? Or would he have a birthright bias ascribed to him by bigots?

No one of these, of course, is the real man. The questions simply represent the extremes of challenge from right and left at Senate committee hearings on Dr. Kissinger's nomination for secretary of State. The full Senate will take it up this week in predictably controversial circumstances.

We hope that the debate as such reflects credit on the constitutional process of advise and consent. And we need hardly emphasize the fact that President Nixon and the Senate together are filling what has become the second most important post of government.

Dr. Kissinger has some liabilities. He cannot, for instance, escape the fact that he was a party for years to the prolongation of a generally unwanted war. He is accused of cherishing a Metternich complex, or a keen appetite for power.

Who in public life, however, is free of this frailty?

If there is one issue which has heated the blood of certain senators it is the foolish wiretapping episode into which, we believe, Henry Kissinger was drawn more or less unwittingly.

The wiretaps, which the courts since have found illegal, were put on 13 government associates and four news-men in the name of national security. It was a name taken in vain, for it involved checks on individuals who had no connection with national security matters. Last week two senators were shown secret FBI reports on the 17 wiretaps, and one of them, Sen. John Sparkman of Alabama, said he found nothing that should delay Dr. Kissinger's confirmation. That is good enough for us.

All things being equal, a President is entitled to pick his own Cabinet without undue hindrance. By deed and by word under the scrutiny, at first skeptical, of the Foreign Relations Committee, Henry Kissinger has proved himself an accomplished thinker and doer in the affairs of State.

This, too. If a man is doing the job, he ought to have the title to it. Timely confirmation of Dr. Kissinger would do much to restore confidence in the structure of government and get on with the job itself.

Minding my business

X=P.R.

C.Trib. 9/16/73

# Kissinger: Foggy Bottom, foggy top

By George Morgenstern

Dr. Henry Kissinger, German-born, has been designated by President Nixon as Secretary of State. As such, he would be fourth in line for succession to the Presidency. Granted this is a long shot, it is also a constitutional impossibility, for Presidents must be natural-born citizens. People who write me also raise the question of what attitude Dr. Kissinger as a Jew [altho evidently a non-practicing one] would have toward Israel, toward which United States policy has already generated increasing resistance among the oil producing Arab states.

Dr. Kissinger's accomplishments as foreign relations adviser to the President and operating executive of the National Security Council [a position he will also retain] are well known. He produced a formula of sorts for ending the Indochina war, but the solution is tentative at best. He also designed the apertura a sinisira toward the Soviet Union and Communist China, followed by visits by President Nixon to both, and by a return visit by Chairman Brezhnev.

Now let us consider what meaning, if any, these rapprochements really have. In my opinion, their most dangerous consequence is to induce a hallucination among the American people that the Cold War is over, detente has been reached, we shall have "peace for our time" [Neville Chamberlain's phrase], and that we can accept a militarily inferior position to Russia thru arms and troop reduction accords. No available evidence sustains these hypotheses.

First, consider mainland China. The 10th National Congress of the Communist Party recently was concluded in Peking. It was wound up with Premier Chou En-lai damning with faint praise

the understanding with the United States as relations "improved to some extent."

Then followed the standard denunciation of Marshal Lin Piao, late minister of defense and, until his death Sept. 13, 1971, the designated successor of aging Chairman Mao Tse-tung. The official account is that, while trying to flee to the Soviet Union, his plane ran out of fuel and crashed in Outer Mongolia, killing all nine passengers and crew. Russian medical experts who examined the bodies said that all aboard were "bullet-riddled."

The Peking explanation is full of holes and American China experts have engaged in a lively debate over what did happen. The most plausible theory I have seen has been advanced by Prof. David Nelson Rowe of Yale, who thinks that Lin and his entourage of five were killed before they were placed aboard the plane and that the three-man crew were agents of Mao. He surmises that the pilot and crew were under orders to fly across the Outer Mongolian border, then stall the flight to await radio instructions, and were finally double-crossed when a Chinese fighter plane shot down their aircraft.

Dr. Rowe says that the process of traditional Chinese politics is conspiracy, whether dynastic or Communist. He says our current attempted relations with them can have no more stability than their own chaotic, shifting, and anarchic internal relations with one another allow the rulers of Communist China themselves.

"The only sensible and practicable attitude for us to adopt toward the Chinese Communist politics of paranoia and schizophrenia," he say, "is one of cold, self-contained neutrality, neither too hostile [but always defensively aware], nor too friendly. They don't need any

hostility from us to make them hostile toward us: They manufacture hostility out of friendship [ask the Russians]. As the late Mr. Nehru of India found out, there is nothing more vitally dangerous than an 'enemy' who pretends to be a 'friend.'"

Now to the Soviet Union. Who knows it better—Dr. Kissinger and Mr. Nixon or a Russian who has to live under the Communist tyranny? Obviously, the Russian. So we have the remarkable incident of a distinguished Russian physicist warning us and the rest of the world not to fall prey to our illusions.

At the risk of his liberty and his life, Andrei Sakharov, who developed the Soviet hydrogen bomb, summoned Western newsmen to his apartment and said that the United States and the West would be pushed into a position of surrender if, by proffering credit and technological know-how to the retarded Russian economy, they continued to tolerate the repression of Soviet society. They would, he said, only be building up "an uncontrollable burocratic machine" which would leave the world helpless "and contaminate the whole world with an anti-democratic character."

Detente on Russian terms, he said, "would mean capitulating before a real or exaggerated Russian strength. It would enable the Soviet Union to get rid of [economic] problems it cannot solve on its own and concentrate on accumulating strength. Nobody should ever be expected to live next to such a neighbor, especially a neighbor armed to the teeth." Russia, he said, is "a closed country where anything that happens is invisible to outside eyes—a masked country that hides its real face."

The State Department, because of its location, is known to Washington as "Foggy Bottom." Dr. Kissinger's policies make things even more foggy at the top.

UPIIIA

(WALDHEIM)

Disagrees with Dr. Kissinger on U.N.

UNITED NATIONS (UPI) -- SECRETARY GENERAL KURT WALDHEIM SAID MONDAY HE DISAGREED WITH A STATEMENT MADE LAST WEEK BY HENRY KISSINGER THAT THE MAIN USE OF THE UNITED NATIONS IS FOR ECONOMIC AND SOCIAL PROBLEMS.

"THE UNITED NATIONS WAS CREATED IN 1945 FOR POLITICAL REASONS," WALDHEIM TOLD A NEWS CONFERENCE. "IT IS EVIDENT WE HAVE TO STICK TO THIS PURPOSE EVEN THOUGH ECONOMIC, SOCIAL AND HUMANITARIAN ASPECTS HAVE CONFRONTED US WITH A NUMBER OF NEW PROBLEMS WHICH DID NOT EXIST WHEN THE UNITED NATIONS WAS CREATED."

ASKED IF HE PLANNED TO DO ANYTHING TO BETTER RELATIONS BETWEEN THE UNITED NATIONS AND THE UNITED STATES, WALDHEIM SAID:

"I AM VERY INTERESTED IN DOING EVERYTHING I CAN TO ESTABLISH A GOOD RELATIONSHIP WITH THE HOST COUNTRY AND OF COURSE WITH THE NEW SECRETARY OF STATE. I KNOW DR. KISSINGER PERSONALLY AND IT WON'T BE DIFFICULT TO CONTINUE THIS CONTACT. I AM LOOKING FORWARD TO A FRUITFUL RELATIONSHIP WITH HIM."

WALDHEIM SAID THE ADMISSION OF WEST AND EAST GERMANY, SCHEDULED FOR TUESDAY'S OPENING GENERAL ASSEMBLY MEETING, WOULD BE A MAJOR HIGHLIGHT OF THE ASSEMBLY. HE REFUSED TO SPECULATE ON OTHER HEADLINERS.

"I HOPE A CONSTRUCTIVE SOLUTION CAN BE FOUND FOR THE OTHER DIVIDED COUNTRIES SO THAT THEY CAN TAKE THEIR PLACES IN THE UNITED NATIONS," HE SAID.

WALDHEIM SAID HIS RECENT VISIT TO THE ARAB COUNTRIES AND ISRAEL GAVE HIM "A NEW INSIGHT" INTO THEIR POSITIONS AND PROBLEMS. HE REEMPHASIZED THAT HE MADE NO PROPOSALS AND THAT HE PLANNED TO CONTINUE HIS CONTACTS WITH MIDDLE EAST LEADERS DURING THE ASSEMBLY SESSION.

UPI 09-17 02:42. PED

UPI 075

(KISSINGER)

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- HENRY KISSINGER RETURNED TO THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE TODAY FOR A CLOSED MEETING TO WRAP UP HEARINGS ON HIS NOMINATION AS SECRETARY OF STATE AMID PREDICTIONS THAT CONFIRMATION WILL BE SWIFT AND SMOOTH.

SENATE DEMOCRATIC LEADER MIKE MANSFIELD AND REPUBLICAN LEADER HUGH SCOTT, BOTH MEMBERS OF THE COMMITTEE, AGREED THAT SENATE APPROVAL OF KISSINGER WAS NOW ASSURED.

PRIOR TO KISSINGER'S ARRIVAL, THE COMMITTEE MET FOR AN HOUR TO HEAR A REPORT FROM SENS. JOHN SPARKMAN, D-ALA., AND CLIFFORD CASE, R-N.J., DELEGATED BY THE PANEL TO READ A SECRET FBI REPORT ON KISSINGER'S INVOLVEMENT IN NATIONAL SECURITY WIRETAPPING.

MANSFIELD SAID HE WAS SATISFIED WITH THE REPORT AND "I EXPECT HIS CONFIRMATION COULD BE WITHIN THE WEEK."

SCOTT SAID HE EXPECTED THE COMMITTEE TO "COME TO THE CONCLUSION THAT DR. KISSINGER'S ROLE IN WIRETAPS IN NO WAY BARS HIS CONFIRMATION."

CASE AND SPARKMAN READ THE FBI REPORT LAST WEEK. IT CONCERNS KISSINGER'S ROLE IN WIRETAPPING AGAINST 13 GOVERNMENT EMPLOYES AND FOUR NEWSMEN IN 1969 AND 1970 DURING A WHITE HOUSE EFFORT TO FIND THE SOURCE OF NEWS LEAKS.

UPI 09-17 12:24 PED

BEATLES WALK IN 1982
FALLS IN THE EAGLE NAME -- ON HIS ABSTRACT
WITH ONE MORE WINE IN A CAN OF THE SAME COOLER -- AND

ZZ
RNR144

KISSINGER :

BY MICHAEL KRAFT

WASHINGTON, SEPT 14, REUTER - DR. HENRY KISSINGER, NOMINATED TO BE SECRETARY OF STATE, TODAY CAME UNDER ATTACK AS A DECEIVER AND A RACIST.

BUT SEN. GEORGE MCGOVERN, THE FORMER DEMOCRATIC PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE AND A LEADING CRITIC OF U.S. FOREIGN POLICY, SAID THAT CONFIRMATION OF KISSINGER IN HIS NEW POST WOULD AT LEAST GIVE CONGRESS A CHANCE TO CROSS-EXAMINE HIM.

KISSINGER HAS NOT HAD TO ANSWER TO CONGRESS AS FOREIGN POLICY ADVISER TO PRESIDENT NIXON.

THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE, WHICH MUST APPROVE THE APPOINTMENT, FRIDAY HEARD FROM 10 WITNESSES WHO OPPOSE THE KISSINGER NOMINATION.

ONE WITNESS, FORMER DEMOCRATIC SENATOR ERNEST GRUENING ACCUSED KISSINGER OF JOINING WITH PRESIDENT NIXON IN PERPETUATING AMERICAN INVOLVEMENT IN INDOCHINA.

REP. DONALD FRASER (D.-MINN.), CHAIRMAN OF THE AMERICANS FOR DEMOCRATIC ACTION, AN ESTABLISHED LIBERAL ORGANIZATION, TOLD THE COMMITTEE THAT KISSINGER WAS A PARTY TO THE DECEPTION INVOLVED IN THE SECRET U.S. BOMBING OF CAMBODIA IN 1969.

MRX BRONSON CLARK, EXECUTIVE SECRETARY OF THE AMERICAN FRIENDS SERVICE COMMITTEE, SAID APPROVAL OF THE KISSINGER NOMINATION WOULD "CONFIRM A FOREIGN AND MILITARY POLICY WITH A SHOCKING HISTORY OF WAR AND DECEIT."
MORE LFT/D1630

ZZ
RNR145

KISSINGER 2 WASHINGTON

KISSINGER, THE FIRST FOREIGN BORN PERSON AND FIRST JEW NOMINATED TO BE SECRETARY OF STATE, ALSO CAME UNDER ATTACK FROM SEVERAL WITNESSES BECAUSE OF HIS PERSONAL BACKGROUND.

A SPOKESMAN FOR THE FEDERATION OF AMERICAN-ARAB ORGANISATIONS, DR. WILLIAM SMALL, SAID: "DR. KISSINGER HAS STATED THAT HIS RELIGIOUS BACKGROUND WILL NOT AFFECT HIS POLICY DECISIONS, AND WE BELIEVE THAT HE IS, INTELLECTUALLY, HONEST IN SO STATING HIS POSITION. WE ARE NOT SO SURE THAT DR. KISSINGER, AS OTHER ZIONIST JEWS, CAN EMANCIPATE THEMSELVES, EMOTIONALLY, FROM THE TRADITIONAL LINK TO ZIONISM AND THE JEWISH STATE."

XXIX KREISKONKONSTANTNAY COL. CURTIS DALL, OF THE LIBERTY LOBBY, TESTIFIED HIS ORGANIZATION HAD DISTRIBUTED TO MEMBERS COPIES OF THE FAREWELL ADDRESS OF GEORGE WASHINGTON, THE FIRST AMERICAN PRESIDENT, WHO HAD CAUTIONED AGAINST "THE INSIDIOUS WILES OF FOREIGN INFLUENCE."

NICHOLAS CAMEROTA, OF THE NATIONAL YOUTH ALLIANCE, WHICH HE SAID REPRESENTED WHITE GENTI

ES, TESTIFIED HIS GROUP FELT NO PERSON FROM A MINORITY GROUP SHOULD BE SECRETARY OF STATE BECAUSE OF POSSIBLE DIVIDED LOYALTIES.

A SPOKESMAN FOR THE BLACK UNITED FRONT, THE REV. DOUGLAS MOORE, SAID KISSINGER HAD TAKEN A RACIST ATTITUDE BY IGNORING CHARGES OF OPPRESSION OF BLACKS IN SOUTHERN AFRICA.

"DR. KISSINGER HAS IGNORED OUR CRY FOR JUSTICE IN SOUTHERN AFRICA, BUT HE HAS MADE SURE THAT THE JEWS IN RUSSIA BE HEARD. THIS IS RACIST," MOORE SAID.

WHEN THE WITNESSES HAD HAD THEIR SAY, CONGRESSIONAL OBSERVERS SAID THERE WAS LITTLE DOUBT KISSINGER WOULD WIN OVERWHELMING APPROVAL OF THE SENATE COMMITTEE -- AND LATER THE FULL SENATE -- ON HIS APPOINTMENT. REUTER MK/LFT/D1635

Such eminent figures as composers

Minding my business

By George Morgenstern

Dr. Henry Kissinger, German-born, has been designated by President Nixon as Secretary of State. As such, he would be fourth in line for succession to the Presidency. Granted this is a long shot, it is also a constitutional impossibility, for Presidents must be natural-born citizens. People who write me also raise the question of what attitude Dr. Kissinger as a Jew [altogether evidently a non-practicing one] would have toward Israel, toward which United States policy has already generated increasing resiliency among the oil producing Arab states.

Dr. Kissinger's accomplishments as foreign relations adviser to the President and operating executive of the National Security Council [a position he will also retain] are well known. He produced a formula of sorts for ending the Indochina war, but the solution is tentative at best. He also designed the apertura a sinistra toward the Soviet Union and Communist China, followed by visits by President Nixon to both, and by a return visit by Chairman Brezhnev.

Now let us consider what meaning, if any, these rapprochements, really have. In my opinion, their most dangerous consequence is to induce a halucination among the American people that the Cold War is over, detente has been reached, we shall have "peace for our time" [Neville Chamberlain's phrase], and that we can accept a militarily inferior position to Russia thru arms and troop reduction accords. No available evidence sustains these hypotheses.

The Peking explanation is full of holes and American China experts have engaged in a lively debate over what did happen. The most plausible theory. I have seen has been advanced by Prof. David Nelson Rowe of Yale, who thinks that Lin and his entourage of five were killed before they were placed aboard the plane and that the three-man crew were agents of Mao. He surmises that the pilot and crew were under orders to fly across the Outer Mongolian border, then stall the flight to await radio instructions, and were finally double-crossed when a Chinese fighter plane shot down their aircraft.

At the risk of his liberty and his life, Andrei Sakharov, who developed the Soviet hydrogen bomb, summoned Western newsmen to his apartment and said that the United States and the West would be pushed into a position of surrender if, by proffering credit and technological know-how to the retarded Russian economy, they continued to tolerate the repression of Soviet society. They would, he said, only be building up "an uncontrollable bureaucratic machine" which would leave the world helpless "and contaminate the whole world with an anti-democratic character."

In an attempt to play on the antiwar sentiments of a nation that bore great sufferings in World War II and lost millions of its sons and daughters."

Diplomats and other experts here believe the Kremlin may have ordered the campaign stopped because of the damage it was doing to Soviet prestige in the West on the heels of stepped-up suppression against the other civil rights figures inside the Soviet Union.

The experts believe Soviet leaders are concerned over reaction to the campaign by Western and other Communist officials attending the first committee meeting of the European Security Conference Tuesday in Geneva and the World Congress of Peace Forces beginning Oct. 25 in Moscow.

Freer movement of people and ideas across state lines is one of the key issues up for discussion at the security conference.

"It looks as though they started the smear campaign in a routine manner, but called it off when they saw what was happening in the way of reaction in the West," said a veteran Western observer of Kremlin affairs.

"When they saw their friends, the Austrians and the neutral Swedes coming out against them, they may have said: 'Hey, wait a minute, Let's examine this once again.' It looks as if Solzhenitsyn was right when he said the East has a deadly fear of protests from public opinion in the West."

Among the stern reactions to the Soviet campaign from abroad were these:

* Austrian Chancellor Bruno Krealsky and Swedish Foreign Minister Krister Wickman, who said persecution of dissidents in the Soviet Union was doing nothing to further the cause of world detente.

* West German Chancellor Willy Brandt's Social Democratic Party, which issued a strongly worded protest against the "persecution" and "oppression" of dissident intellectuals.

* Rep. Wilbur Mills [D., Ark.], chairman of the powerful U. S. House Ways and Means Committee, and Dr. Phillip Handler, chairman of the U. S. Academy of Sciences, who said trade and scientific exchange and cooperation would be jeopardized by continued Soviet harassment of dissidents.

Varying shades of personal opinion on current issues

PHYLLIS SCHLAFLY
CBS RADIO NETWORK
SEPTEMBER 14, 1973

I'm Phyllis Schlafly.

The cartoonist Herblock recently published a cartoon which showed Dr. Henry Kissinger applying for a marriage license with his bride-to-be, "Miss Secretary of State." She was wheeling a baby carriage with a four-year-old child who was a miniature Henry. This cartoon told more eloquently than words the fact that the appointment of Dr. Kissinger as Secretary of State is the mere solemnizing of a 4 1/2-year-old living arrangement.

Dr. Kissinger has not only been running our foreign policy, but also our defense policy and our intelligence. It is time to evaluate his stewardship.

The principal alleged achievement of Dr. Kissinger's public service is the SALT Treaty, which was drafted under his close supervision down to the last fateful minutes before President Nixon signed it in Moscow with full television coverage at midnight on May 26 last year. This SALT Treaty abandons our national right of self-defense by forbidding anti-ballistic missiles to protect our people.

Although the U.S. Constitution states that to "provide for the common defense" is one of the first duties of our government, Dr. Kissinger has given us, in SALT, a treaty which leaves us defenseless against incoming enemy missiles, whether they be Soviet or Red Chinese, accidentally launched or deliberately launched. Like the emperor in the Hans Christian Andersen fairy tale called "The Emperor's New Clothes," we are naked and nobody talks about it. We are naked because we have no defenses against enemy missiles, and nobody talks about it because Henry Kissinger says we are clothed with a piece of paper signed by the Russians and with invitations to visit Red China.

Dr. Kissinger also has accepted complete control over all U.S. intelligence. He has accepted responsibility for the failure to discover the Soviet Union's disastrous grain harvest last year. If our intelligence had reported the true facts in time, we could have charged the Soviets the full price for the grain, instead of making the American taxpayers pay $800 million so the Russians can enjoy cheap bread at only 23-cents per loaf.

The Senate has a solemn obligation to make a thorough study of Dr. Kissinger's 4 1/2-year record.

I'm Phyllis Schlafly for Spectrum.

The diverse opinions expressed on SPECTRUM are those of the commentators themselves and should not be attributed to CBS or any of its affiliates

JEFFREY ST. JOHN
CBS RADIO NETWORK
SEPTEMBER 13, 1973

I'm Jeffrey St. John.

Congressman Wilbur Mills of Arkansas observed, "I cannot see the United States expanding commercial markets with the Soviet Union if the price is to be paid in the martyrdom of men of genius like Solzhenitsyn and Andrei Sakharov...."

Congressman Mills is the only man in Congress who can block the Nixon-Kissinger proposal for expanded trade with the Soviets. And, in effect, Mills has served notice that, unlike Mr. Kissinger, he regards the growing wave of repression of Russian intellectuals as bad business that cannot be dismissed.

Henry Kissinger, in his testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, was faced with the issue of advocating expanding trade with the Soviets while the Kremlin leaders jail and harass dissident intellectuals. In fact, Senator George McGovern asked Kissinger if by pursuing his policy of detente he had not given a green light to the Kremlin to do what it pleases to Soviet domestic troublemakers. Kissinger denied this.

We would have wished, however, that McGovern and other liberal members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee would identify what Kissinger is now proposing. Until Kissinger's testimony before the Senate committee, most liberals supported detente with the Soviets with the provision that it be accompanied by a policy of liberalization and a move toward more freedom. Now Henry Kissinger is arguing that liberalization is no longer important and that the principal reason for his policy of detente is to prevent a nuclear attack launched by the Soviet Union. Observe, nevertheless, that the Kremlin has made it part and parcel of its nuclear diplomacy to underscore, not minimize, the threat of nuclear war.

Adolf Hitler, in the 1930s, built a massive war machine and used the same type of blackmail against timid European leaders who then produced the Munich Pact.

We are faced with Henry Kissinger as a Secretary of State whose sole justification for being nice to the Russians is that they might -- I repeat, might -- launch a nuclear attack. In my view, this amounts to Kissinger and Nixon accepting Soviet nuclear blackmail.

Antony Sutton, in his just-published book, "National Suicide," warns that what we have in Henry Kissinger is a "fluent mystic." He then points out that Kissinger is the kind of intellectual and policymaker who has never had to pay "the cost of a wrong decision...and that may be one of the major problems."

I'm Jeffrey St. John for Spectrum.

The diverse opinions expressed on SPECTRUM are those of the commentator themselves and should not be attributed to CBS or any of its affiliates

SPECTRUM
Varying shades of personal opinion on current issues

JOHN K. JESSUP
CBS RADIO NETWORK
SEPTEMBER 13, 1973

I am John K. Jessup.

Two of the bravest men in the world today are Soviet citizens. They are Andrei Sakharov, the nuclear physicist who developed Russia's H-bomb, and Alexsander Solzhenitsyn, the Nobel-prize novelist. These men are conducting a lonely but spirited defense against the ideological tyranny of the Soviet system.

"Intellectual freedom is essential to human society," says Sakharov. Recently he warned the West that its growing detente with Russia would prove illusory, or even dangerous, unless it were accompanied by the democratization of Russian society. Similar warnings have come from Solzhenitsyn, who points out that trade and security agreements cannot be mutually beneficial so long as, "one of the parties resembles an immense concentration camp." For these outspoken views, which are never correctly quoted in the Russian press, both men have been subjected to weeks of official denunciation and harassment. They are accused of opposing the detente, even of warmongering.

In fact such men are not only loyal Russians, but the best friends a successful detente could have. The campaign against them poses a seeming but false dilemma for Americans. Henry Kissinger, for instance, has expressed his personal anguish over the Sakharov case, but says such domestic problems should not impede further government-to-government deals on trade and security. More useful, however, have been our public protests. Chairman Wilbur Mills of the House Ways and Means Committee said he would oppose trade liberalization "if the price is to be paid in the martyrdom of men of genius." And our National Academy of Sciences sent a powerful cable to the Soviet Academy of Sciences warning that Sakharov's harassment could prevent further collaboration between Soviet and American scientists.

Significantly, the Kremlin has recently eased up its harassment. The point is that Western protests, so far from endangering the detente, are likelier to check the return of neo-Stalinism. Solzhenitsyn himself has told us: "The East is not at all indifferent to protests from public opinion in the West. It has a deadly fear of them." Detente is a chance to make Russian society freer and more humane. We should so use it, especially when it involves authentic heroes like Sakharov and Solzhenitsyn.

I'm John K. Jessup with Spectrum.

The diverse opinions expressed on SPECTRUM are those of the commentators themselves and should not be attributed to CBS or any of its affiliates
Produced under the supervision of CBS News, 524 West 57 Street, New York, New York 10019 (919) 765-4391

Irrelevant Question

In trying to assess the impact of Vietnam and Water-gate, Henry Kissinger told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: "These traumatic events have cast lengthen-ing shadows on our traditional optimism and self-esteem. .Where we once ran the risk of thinking we were too good for the world, we might now swing to believing we are not good enough. Where once a soaring optimism tempted us to dare too much, a shrinking spirit could lead us to attempt too little."

These dangers cannot be ignored. But Dr. Kissinger's attempt to define them is misleading. The choice before the United States as a major world power is not simply between daring too much and attempting too little. It is rather between what is right and what is wrong, between honesty and deception, between adherence to principle and pursuit of Realpolitik.

When the United States joined her European allies in the liberation of Europe from Nazi domination, this country dared a great deal—as it did again with its Marshall Plan strategy of rebuilding a prostrate continent. It was not that the United States subsequently dared too little or too much. It was rather that the nation deserted its principles. There would have been no honor in the Bay of Pigs even had the venture succeeded. From the ill-considered foray into the Dominican Republic to the undercover C.I.A. skirmishes in Southeast Asia, the American posture contradicted American ideals. The military and moral disaster of Vietnam and Cambodia was the bloody end of a long wrong road.

It is not a question now whether the American people believe themselves too good or not good enough for the world. Successive Administrations have imposed on the world Big Power policies which the American people never were allowed to approve or disapprove. In that process, which culminated in the secret war against Cambodia and the carpet-bombing of Hanoi, Americans lost control over their destiny.

Until their Government's actions at home and abroad begin again to carry the imprint of the people's will, the question whether Americans believe themselves too good or not good enough for the world is irrelevant.

The New York Times

in his own clothing

## of the Day

in well in his programs and the country moving again. We need to have a representative meeting of 95 Congressmen [1:4.]

* 3 share lead at 70 in Metropolitan open. Page 66

* People in Sports: Ryan sets out for No. 20. Page 66

* Roundup: Pirates beats Cubs and reach .500. Page 67

* Nance is given the edge as Jets' fullback. Page 67

* Oilers' Pastorini not awed by Giants' defense. Page 67

* Sports nostalgia shuffles into town again. Page 68

* **Notes on People** page 59

## Editorials and Comment

* Editorials and Letters. Page 44

* William Safire urges Senate probe taps further. Page 45

* William Shannon assails Kissinger testimony. Page 45

* Barry Goldwater: How Watergate hurt parties. Page 45

* Donald Rogers recalls 1942

my guess" that the horsecar passenger-shelter had been "mainly reserved for ladies" and returned the name to it was moved to the observation point overlooking the lake.

"It was not a sun-worshiping society," Mr. Reed noted. "Ladies either carried parasols or looked for shelter from sun as well as rain."

He expressed doubt that the pavilion ever contained seating. None is planned now, for "ladies" or otherwise.

"We would rather not have people linger in it—it's more something to be enjoyed with the eye," said Joseph Bresnan, monuments officer for the Parks Department who was overseeing the construction.

To discourage vandalism, the new castings were made from ductile iron, said to be less brittle than traditional cast-iron. The pavilion, which formerly sat unanchored on a wooden terrace, is now threaded with steel rods sunk a foot deep in a stone platform.

Several hundred hand-forged pieces of vine-like "trellage," or trellis work, and over 500 newly-cast pieces were counted up yesterday by Hermann Weimann, a Montvale, N.J., metal sculptor and craftsman who did the forging and supervised the casting.

"Incredible! I wouldn't have believed here were so many myself," he remarked as he helped put the finishing touches on nearly a year of his work.

The original estimate of $30,000 to restore the "badly deteriorated" pavilion increased after the near-destruction by vandalism to $95,000—"a price the city was just not going to go for" Mr. Bresnan said.

The Parks Department's

CNSA

CONFIRM 9-12
DAY 1D

BY JOHN HALL

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- SEN. JOHN SPARKMAN, D-ALA., ONE OF TWO SENATORS WHO WERE PERMITTED TO READ A SECRET FBI REPORT UNDER THE WATCHFUL EYE OF THREE HIGH-LEVEL GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS TUESDAY, SAYS HE SEES NOTHING IN THE REPORT THAT WILL DELAY CONFIRMATION OF HENRY KISSINGER AS SECRETARY OF STATE.

THE REPORT DEALT WITH WIRETAPPING OF 13 MEMBERS OF KISSINGER'S WHITE HOUSE STAFF AND FOUR NEWSMEN BETWEEN 1969 AND 1971, DURING THE INVESTIGATION OF SECURITY LEAKS BY THE WHITE HOUSE "PLUMBERS."

THE OTHER SENATOR WHO GOT TO READ THE REPORT, CLIFFORD P. CASE, R-N.J., HAS DECLINED COMMENT UNTIL HE AND SPARKMAN HAVE A CHANCE TO TELL THE FULL COMMITTEE WHAT THEY FOUND IN IT.

THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE HAD NAMED SPARKMAN AND CASE AS A DELEGATION OF TWO TO LOOK AT THE INFORMATION.

KISSINGER, ATTORNEY GENERAL ELLIOT L. RICHARDSON AND RICHARDSON'S ACTING DEPUTY, WILLIAM RUCKELSHAUS, BROUGHT THE REPORT TO CASE'S HIDEAWAY OFFICE IN THE CAPITOL TUESDAY AFTERNOON AND SAT BY WHILE THEY READ ITS 37 PAGES.

THE READING SESSION WAS A COMPROMISE, DESIGNED TO CLEAR KISSINGER'S NOMINATION FOR COMMITTEE VOTE NEXT TUESDAY. THE ADMINISTRATION HAD DECLINED TO HAND OVER THE REPORT IN THE NORMAL FASHION. CARL MARCY, HEAD OF THE COMMITTEE'S STAFF, WAS ALLOWED TO TAKE NOTES ON THE REPORT.

THE REPORT WAS WRITTEN BY RUCKELSHAUS WHEN HE WAS TEMPORARILY ACTING FBI DIRECTOR EARLIER THIS YEAR.

KISSINGER FINISHED THREE DAYS OF PUBLIC HEARINGS BEFORE THE COMMITTEE TUESDAY. HE WAS CALLED BACK FOR A CLOSED MEETING NEXT MONDAY TO DISCUSS THE WIRETAP ISSUE.

IN TESTIMONY TUESDAY, KISSINGER SAID:

--A "SPIRALING ARMS RACE IS INEVITABLE" UNLESS NEW AGREEMENTS CAN BE REACHED WITH THE SOVIET UNION AT STRATEGIC ARMS TALKS BEGINNING SEPT. 24.

--U.S. RELATIONS WITH CUBA COULD BE IMPROVED MORE QUICKLY IF CUBA WERE MORE INDEPENDENT OF THE SOVIET UNION.

UPI 09-12 12:42 APD

161

SOVIET TRADE - KISSINGER

WASHINGTON (AP)-THE NIXON ADMINISTRATION OFFERED TODAY TO SEND SECRETARY OF STATE-DESIGNATE HENRY A. KISSINGER TO A HOUSE COMMITTEE TO FIGHT FOR ITS EMBATTLED REQUEST TO GIVE THE SOVIETS TRADE CONCESSIONS.

ACTING HOUSE WAYS AND MEANS CHAIRMAN AL ULLMAN, D-ORE., SAID "IT'S A POSSIBILITY" THE OFFER MIGHT BE ACCEPTED.

THE COMMITTEE SPLIT OVER THE SOVIET TRADE CONCESSIONS ISSUE IN A FOREIGN TRADE BILL AND POSTPONED A VOTE SCHEDULED TODAY UNTIL NEXT WEEK.

"THIS ISSUE IS MOST IMPORTANT," ULLMAN SAID, "AND HASTE MIGHT VERY WELL BE DISASTROUS."

ULLMAN SAID THE COMMITTEE IS LOOKING FOR "OTHER ALTERNATIVES" INDICATING A COMPROMISE HE PROPOSED TUESDAY WAS NOT ACCEPTABLE TO THE COMMITTEE.

ADMINISTRATION TRADE OFFICIALS WHO SAT IN ON THE COMMITTEE'S TRADE BILL MARKUP SESSIONS MADE THE OFFER TO HAVE KISSINGER COME IN, ACCORDING TO ULLMAN AND OTHER COMMITTEE MEMBERS.

CR715P 12

Senators See FBI Report
On Kissinger Wiretap Role

By Murrey Marder

Washington Post Staff Writer

The Nixon administration reversed course yesterday and produced a 28½-page FBI summary report on Henry A. Kissinger's role in the wiretapping of 17 officials and newsmen to clear the barrier to his confirmation as Secretary of State.

Kissinger, Attorney General Elliot L. Richardson and Deputy Attorney General William D. Ruckelshaus privately discussed the report for two hours with two members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Sens. John Sparkman (D-Ala.) and Clifford P. Case (R-N.J.).

Sparkman was asked later if he found anything in the exchange that would delay a planned vote by the full committee next Tuesday on Kissinger's nomination.

"Oh no, I don't," replied Sparkman. Case expressed no dissent, but reserved comment.

"No complaint was made" by the senators in the meeting about the amount of information finally provided to them, said Sparkman; "Everything worked out very smoothly."

Copies of the FBI summary were given to the senators, notes were taken on it, and the documents were then returned.

Sparkman said he and Case will present a report on the wiretapping controversy to the

See KISSINGER, A14, Col. 1

## Senators Get Kissinger Tap Report

### KISSINGER, From A1

full committee, perhaps by Thursday. The report is being initially drafted by committee staff chief Carl Marcy, who participated in the closed meeting.

Committee members were described last night by one sources as basically satisfied that "a matter of principle" has been established for the production of information and that their demand for production of the FBI summary "has been met."

One source said nothing was found in the summary that would be sufficient to block Kissinger's nomination, but he said that the committee has now registered its firm disapproval of wiretapping and of Kissinger's participation in such methods.

Case last Friday publicly demanded production of the FBI summary before any vote on Kissinger's confirmation.

After the closed meeting to examine the FBI summary, Case told newsmen:

"I have a very basic antipathy to wiretapping. I do not take the position that it should never happen, I take the position that it shouldn't happen without the strongest reason."

Sparkman said he concurred, for "I don't like wiretapping as such ... I think the Constitution guarantees to the citizens of the United States privacy."

Kissinger has minimized his share in initiating the wiretapping of 13 government officials, including members of his National Security Council

staff, plus four newsmen, from May, 1969, to February, 1971.

Others claim that Kissinger was the initiating party, sounding an internal alarm over the leak of national security secrets that resulted in telephone taps on some of his closest associates and friends, with the authorization of President Nixon, the late FBI director J. Edgar Hoover, and former Attorney General John N. Mitchell. The report is said to show that Kissinger was a motivating force in the surveillance.

Kissinger and Richardson smiled and hurried past newsmen without comment when they emerged from the meeting at 5:45 p.m.

For Kissinger, the public interrogation ended yesterday after three days of questioning.

Chairman J. W. Fulbright (D-Ark.) announced during the final two-hour open hearing

with Kissinger yesterday that the committee plans to hear private citizens and groups, generally opponents of Kissinger's nomination, on Friday.

On Monday, Fulbright said, the committee will meet in closed session with Kissinger. That discussion is to include delicate matters of U.S. policy toward China and the Soviet Union, prior to a vote on Kissinger's nomination the next day. Fulbright left Washington last night to attend a commonwealth parliamentary conference in London for several days.

Kissinger's testimony yesterday included the following substantive points:

* "Crucial" decisions on the future of U.S.-Soviet relations hang on the outcome of their next round of nuclear Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT). With the Soviet Union "working on four new missile

systems ... if we don't stop the arms race now we will get a whole new range of (weapons technology)" that will make it "impossible to put the genie back into the bottle."

* On a visit to the United States by Chinese Premier Chou En-lai: "I don't believe that is likely to happen, certainly not this year, and there are no discussions going on at the moment." The United States, however, "would be delighted to receive him."

* The United States "is in the process of negotiating the recognition of Outer Mongolia" and opening formal diplomatic relations with it, and these negotiations are now nearly completed.

* U.S. relations with India are steadily improving, and India is "one of the major forces in the developing world whose growth and stability are essential for South Asia."

By Frank Johnston—The Washington Post

Sens. Case (left) and Sparkman after reviewing FBI report on wiretapping.

Two Senators See Report
On Kissinger and Wiretaps

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Sept. 11 — The Justice Department moved today to facilitate the confirmation of Henry A. Kissinger as Secretary of State by bowing to Senate pressure and allowing two Senators to read a secret Federal Bureau of Investigation report on 17 wiretaps carried out from 1969 to 1971 on officials and newsmen.

With members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee threatening to delay action on Mr. Kissinger's nomination until the full report was made available, Attorney General Eliot L. Richardson reversed his previous position this morning and complied with the committee's request to let Senator John J. Sparkman, Democrat of Alabama, and Senator Clifford Case, Republican of New Jersey, study the 30-page document for half an hour.

After they read the report at an office in the Capitol this afternoon, Mr. Sparkman and Mr. Case met for two hours with Mr. Kissinger, Mr. Richardson and William D. Ruckelshaus, Acting Deputy Attorney General, to discuss it.

## Sparkman Voices Optimism

Mr. Sparkman said that they hoped to report to the full committee by Thursday. In answer to a question, he said he had found nothing in the report that would delay Mr. Kissinger's expected confirmation next week. Mr. Case was more noncommittal.

The two Senators were to report back to the committee on what the F.B.I. report revealed about Mr. Kissinger's "role respecting his initiative or concurrence in wiretap surveil-

Continued on Page 5, Column 4

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Sen. Fulbright's phony issue

1/2/73

$X=PR$

The quibbling of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee with Henry Kissinger over the question of wiretapping is just one more transparent effort in this committee's continuing campaign to embarrass the Nixon administration.

Chairman J.W. Fulbright has had his fun. Now let him get on with the confirmation of a very capable nominee for U.S. secretary of state.

Kissinger has offered an excellent statement on the use of wiretaps. "The issue of wiretapping raises the balance between human liberty and the requirements of national security," he observes, "and ... the weight should be on the side of human liberty and ... if human liberty is infringed, the demonstration of national security must be overwhelming ..."

As for Kissinger's connection with the wiretaps in question, Atty. Gen. Elliot Richardson explains that Kissinger's role included "expressing concern over leaks of sensitive material"—which concern led to efforts to stem the leaks.

Kissinger would have been in fact derelict in his duty if he had not shown concern about the security of sensitive information and sought to protect against the leakage of that information. What, we wonder, would be the reaction of Sen. Fulbright if he discovered that sensitive information

entrusted to his committee was being leaked by someone on the committee or its staff?

The wiretaps are a phony issue, and Sen. Fulbright and everybody else on the committee know it. The central question is whether Henry Kissinger would make a fit secretary of state—and that issue has long since been settled by Kissinger's brilliant demonstration of his diplomatic skills on numerous fronts. The country is lucky to have him available.

Responding to the suggestion that delay might harm the nation's pres/tige in foreign affairs, Fulbright made a remark which was supposed to be funny: "I do not think Dr. Kissinger requires the title of secretary of state to function. He has been functioning forcefully without it."

In the first place, if he has been functioning forcefully, this is all the more reason for confirming him. In the second, the attacks upon Kissinger's character and principles, the unnecessary delay of his confirmation can only erode further the world's respect for this administration and thus place it at greater disadvantage in its dealings with other powers.

Kissinger is an excellent nominee. The nation needs him as secretary of state. The Senate should quit playing politics and confirm him at once.

SPACE BUSINESS DAILY, 5 SEPTEMBER 1973 (10)

## PROXMIRE CHARGES ADMIRAL WITH 'GROSS MISFEASANCE'

Sen. William Proxmire (D-Wis.) has charged Rear Admiral Nathan Sonenshein with "gross misfeasance" in the settlement of a Lockheed shipbuilding claim during the period when Sonenshein was in charge of the Naval Ship Systems Command.

Proxmire said Sonenshein agreed in 1971 to settle for $62 million, claims filed by Lockheed in 1968 and 1969 totaling $158 million above the agreed contract prices for 5 destroyer escorts and 7 amphibious transport dock ships "despite the fact that the normal evaluations which should be performed prior to settlement of a claim against the government had not been completed at the time."

Following his settlement decision, Sonenshein, Proxmire said, authorized provisional payments to Lockheed totaling $49 million although "there had been no audit of the claim, no technical evaluation and no memorandum of legal entitlement." Recently, Proxmire said, the Navy's contracting officer formally decided to pay only $6.8 million on the Lockheed claim, or "about 14 percent of what the admiral actually had the Navy pay out."

Proxmire said he was formally requesting the Navy take disciplinary action against Adm. Sonenshein and that an investigation be conducted "to determine whether fraud was committed in the filing of the claim."

## NATO AIR DEFENSE SYSTEM OPERATIONAL

The 84th and last site of the NADGE air defense system was placed in operation in Greece last month, marking the completion of the 3000-mile defense net.

The western European portion of the NADGE (NATO Air Defense Ground Environment) system was declared fully operational last March. The Turkish portion of the system was officially dedicated July 23, and the remaining Greek portion on August 21,

Hughes Aircraft is prime contractor for the $300 million computerized network. Other major participants in the system are AEG-Telefunken of Germany; Hollandse Signaalapparaten of the Netherlands; Marcont of Great Britain; Selenia of Italy; and Thomson-CSF of France.

NEWSWEEK MAGAZINE-10 SEPTEMBER 1973

### THE WATCHFUL SKIES

The newfound cordiality between Moscow and Washington has not made the U.S. and the U.S.S.R. any less wary of one another. Russia is still launching two or more reconnaissance satellites a month and the U.S. is keeping up the pace. Three of the Soviet space monitors were put into orbit in August. Last year, the Russians put up more than 30 such vehicles (which stay aloft for about two weeks); the U.S. total for the year was about two dozen.

### RUSSIA'S NUCLEAR 'PLAN'

That Soviet "document," first published in a London newspaper and allegedly describing plans for a pre-emptive nuclear strike against China, is getting a skeptical eye from U.S. intelligence experts. The report, these analysts say, is soridled with factual errors that they have grave doubts of its authenticity.

### EXCERPTS FROM KISSINGER'S... CONT'D.

attack in March, two attacks in April, and two attacks in May.

The first time, the double bookkeeping we never had any knowledge of, though in retrospect I must say that given the requirements of security that were imposed perhaps one should have asked oneself the question how these raids were going to be accounted for, but we had no knowledge of the double bookkeeping.

#### Double Bookkeeping

On the cover story, after the first operation, at that National Security Council meeting that approved the first operation, which was the only one that was approved then, it was agreed that if—the formal press guidance would be that there were attacks taking place northeast of Tay Ninh without specifying their exact location.

We would neither agree or deny there were any accusations they were in Cambodia, but we would say they would be investigated, if the Cambodian Government protested that we would apologize, and would admit that it had taken place.

This was the press guidance that was agreed to at this National Security Council meeting, and it is to my knowledge the only press conference that was ever discussed at the White House level.

Q. Well, who directed the secrecy with respect to the bombing and the bombing itself?

A. General Wheeler has testified before your committee that the secrecy had been ordered by the President, but there was unanimity within the National Security Council that it should be kept secret for the reasons that have been given.

### THE KISSINGER BALLYHOO... CONT'D.

Only in the last few months has he taken onto his staff, in the person of Chuck Cooper, a truly first-rate economist with great personal authority. Neither is the State Department all that well equipped to help Dr. Kissinger in the economic field. It may be that there is a lot of high-class talent going neglected at State, but if so it is in the field of political reporting. The number of officers able to manage economic problems is distinctly limited.

Furthermore, State's opposition in the economic field is quite strong. The Treasury, Commerce and Agriculture departments have important interests in foreign economic policy which are often at variance with state's position. Those departments have strong constituencies in the private economy and more clout than State with the Congress. And there is no coordinating machinery—such as the National Security Council offers in the field of strategy—which Dr. Kissinger could use to get hold of foreign economic policy.

What all this means is that Dr. Kissinger faces a difficult time at State. To succeed he has to do what comes hardest to him. He has to pick out truly good men whom he does not know well and give them his trust and confidence.

Maybe he will be able to do that. He is a remarkable person, not insensitive to his own weaknesses and with a considerable capacity to grow and change. But the best guess is that the performance of the State Department in the execution of foreign policy will be only marginally improved by the transition of Dr. Kissinger to the office of secretary.

Given that outlook, it is no service to anybody to build Dr. Kissinger up as the supreme secretary capable of pulling all swords from all stones. The Kissinger ballyhoo can only have a bad impact on what is after all the most serious problem facing the country—the problem of developing an honest government ready to admit its limitations.

6-F

First Line Report
With Marvin Kalb

September 11, 1973

MR. KALB: Good morning. Detente with Russia, good or bad, it is good, but that story in one minute.

(Announcement)

MR. KALB: Here is an odd and ironic story. Senators to the left of the middle who strenuously opposed American intervention in the domestic affairs of South Vietnam, claiming it was a civil war, some of these same Senators are now in the vanguard of a Congressional movement to force the Administration to interfere in the internal affairs of the Soviet Union, to pressure the Kremlin, through public and private statements, to ease up on its repression of Soviet dissidents, especially the Soviet physicist Andre Sakharov and the writer Alexander Solzhenitsyn.

Senator McGovern for one asked Henry Kissinger during the Secretary of State-Designate's confirmation hearings what his attitude would be if the situation in Russia today resembled the situation in Nazi Germany in the 1930's when Hitler was persecuting millions of Jews.

Kissinger answered, "In the 1930's I was part of that persecuted minority, so I am sensitive to that situation," but he said, "It is a fine line that we must walk."

He then specifically denied that the Nixon Administration had signaled the Russians that it was willing to overlook Soviet suppression of minority groups. We have signaled exactly the reverse, Kissinger said, giving as one example unofficial American complaints about a head tax on Soviet Jews who wish to emigrate to Israel, that head tax was lifted.

- 2 -

Kissinger implied other unofficial complaints produced similarly good results. His approach to the problem appears to be this: That the U.S. must, in this thermonuclear age, deal with Russia, State to State, attempting to reduce tensions and thereby the chances of war, and not to interfere directly in the internal affairs of the Soviet Union; attempt, in other words, to change Russia -- that on one level.

On another level, unofficially, quietly, if possible, American dignitaries can point out some of the facts of life to Soviet officials. For example, that if they do not ease up on their pressure against Soviet Jews, Congress may not pass a bill granting them most favored nation treatment in trade -- not a threat, just pointing out a fact of life.

Kissinger has tried however, to separate these two spheres. State to State is the key relationship, person to person follows. This subject has come up often during Kissinger's confirmation hearings. It is a building problem for Kissinger and the Administration.

The American Academy of Sciences has warned the Soviet Academy of Sciences that if Sakharov or Solzhenitsyn is imprisoned or imperiled, joint scientific projects between the two countries could easily become jeopardized.

Chairman Wilbur Mills of the House Ways and Means Committee added his voice to the controversy, saying in effect, that if Russia keeps supressing its writers and scientists, there will be no special trade benefits for them. Health, Education and Welfare Secretary Casper Weinberger, just back from Moscow, rebuked the American Academy of Sciences for criticizing the Russians. Senator Jackson, the Democrat from Washington, says Kissinger and the Administration are following a stupid policy.

Last Friday Kissinger told the Committee that America is not herself unless she is reaching out beyond herself to new goals. His comment contained a streak of idealism about America, as though he favors an American lead in helping supress peoples everywhere and yet his foreign policy in practice is cautious about America's ability to change others. The question seems to be who lives in the glass house.

* * * * *

Detroit Free Press

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A threat to world stability

12-A

A

Henry Kissinger, recently designated as secretary of state, warned Congress and the American people the other day about the danger of permitting Watergate to influence this country's foreign policies and actions.

Testifying before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee on his nomination, Kissinger noted that the Watergate scandals had come just as the country was recovering from the divisions caused by the Vietnam war. Then he added:

"These traumatic events have cast lengthening shadows on our traditional optimism and self-esteem. A loss of confidence in our own country would inevitably be mirrored in our international relations.

"Where once we ran the risk of thinking we were too good for the world, we might now swing to believing we are not good enough. Where once a soaring optimism tempted us to dare too much, a shrinking spirit could lead us to attempt too little.

ticipation in the wiretapping of our government officials and newsmen was a flaw on which Mr. Kissinger should be thor-

Kissinger: Promise Needed

"Such an attitude—and the foreign policy it would produce—would deal a savage blow to global stability."

In effect, Kissinger seemed to be advising the country and Congress to take Mr. Nixon's advice and move on to the consideration of other problems and other issues. As Kissinger makes clear, Watergate could have a serious effect on global stability if the rest of the world concluded that the United States had now adopted a neoisolationist foreign policy.

Early approval of Kissinger's nomination would be one way for the U.S. Senate to show that it is not so preoccupied with Watergate as to neglect the nation's foreign affairs. A strong Senate endorsement of Kissinger, the architect of Mr. Nixon's foreign policy, would also give the lie to the fear that this country is embracing neoisolationism.

fore someone is hired for a sensitive government post.

Watergate and the steady unveiling of at former Attorney General John Mitchell called the "White House horrors" ought to warn us all about the dangers of eroding confidence in the American system of ethics and government through such invasions of privacy. These abuses of power have shown how dangerously far our nation has strayed from the high ideals imbedded in the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.

The problem is not so much the taps of 17 individuals, but the whole atmosphere of distrust and suspicion at the highest levels of government which they represented and augmented.

Republican and Democratic members of the Foreign Relations Committee are quite properly disturbed by the wiretapping. They should find out exactly what Mr. Kissinger's role was and extract a promise from him that he will not countenance such a distasteful misuse of power while he is secretary of State.

MONDAY, SEPT. 10, 1973

C

PAGE 2B

STABILITY AT STAKE

# Structure of Peace
Goal for Kissinger

By Frank Van Der Linden

United Feature Syndicate

Henry A. Kissinger heard himself introduced at a Washington dinner last year as "the playboy of

the Western Wing, the sex symbol of the Nixon administration, and a 'junior Metternich.'" Mr. Kissinger, who was then in his heyday as Richard M. Nixon's international secret agent, flitting around the world to Beijing, to Paris, to Moscow, on "Mission Impossible" tasks of secret diplomacy, responded by poking fun at newspaper stories predicting his downfall.

Van Der Linden

MR. KISSINGER knew full well that his departure would delight his critics, particularly those in the State Department who resented the way he and Mr. Nixon dominated foreign policy and overshadowed genial Secretary of State William Rogers.

There had been reports that Mr. Kissinger would announce his own resignation at that dinner, but he deflated them by saying: "I would not think of leaving before such a small audience. After all, there are 20,000 people in the State Department alone who want to be there for that occasion."

Now the former Harvard professor is moving over to the "Fudge Factory" to become Secretary of State — assuming he wins Senate confirmation — yet retaining his present post as the President's assistant for national security affairs.

IN HIS DUAL role he will probably have to change his life style somewhat and at least try to comfort himself with the dignity of such eminent Secretaries of State as Thomas Jefferson, John Hay, Charles Evans Hughes, Cordell Hull, George Marshall, Dean Acheson and John Foster Dulles.

His secret missions would have become a thing of the past, anyway, because they have achieved their aims: "Peace with honor" in Vietnam, Mr. Nixon's summit meetings in Peking and Moscow and the first steps toward the construction of that grand design

for world peace, with blueprints initialed "H.A.K."

BEHIND THE facade of the "secret swimger," with his Teutonic accent and his self-mocking jokes about his own "megalomania," Mr. Kissinger is seeking to prevent the catastrophe of a nuclear war by weaving a web of mutual interests tying the United States, the Soviet Union, China, Japan, and Western Europe together.

"The structure of peace we envisage," he said recently, "would be sustained by a growing realization on the part of all nations that they have a stake in stability and that this stability is ensured by acting from a sense of justice and with moderation.

"THE WORLD is beginning to sense that its purposes need not be the captive of its fears — that they can be shaped by its hopes and dreams."

Mr. Kissinger, who escaped with his parents from the anti-Jewish persecutions of Hitler's Germany in 1938, will be the first man of his faith to be an American Secretary of State and the first of foreign birth. He will bring to his new position the pragmatic view of the 19th Century European statesmen who are his heroes: Castlerough and Metternich.

THE PRESIDENT, who has proclaimed this "the year of Europe," will soon send his new secretary to the European capitals in an effort to shore up the NATO alliance on a new basis other than mutual protection against an armed attack by the Soviet Union.

Then the President himself will enjoy another grand tour of Europe in late autumn — a sure tonic to his spirits, so long depressed by Watergate.

"ESPECIALLY at this moment of necessary self-examination," Mr. Kissinger said the other day in a subtle reference to the Watergate trauma, "we must also reaffirm the basis of our national unity."

We will strive to broaden bipartisan support for the administration's peace policies and counteract the present mood of isolation which could lead to a fatal retreat from America's responsibilities as a world power.

UPII36

(KISSINGER)

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- PRESIDENTIAL ENVOY HENRY KISSINGER FIRMLY RESISTED PRESSURE FROM CONGRESS AND THE SCIENTIFIC COMMUNITY TODAY FOR AN OFFICIAL AMERICAN PROTEST AGAINST THE SOVIET UNION'S CRACKDOWN ON DOMESTIC DISSIDENTS.

HE TOLD THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE THE HARASSMENT OF PHYSICIST ANDREI SAKHAROV AND THE JAILING OF OTHER OUTSPOKEN INTELLECTUALS WAS A SOVIET DOMESTIC AFFAIR AND THE UNITED STATES WOULD NOT ALLOW IT TO INTERFERE WITH THE CURRENT SOVIET-AMERICAN ATMOSPHERE OF DETENTE.

"WE CANNOT BE INDIFFERENT TO THE DENIAL OF HUMAN LIBERTY," KISSINGER SAID. "BUT WE CANNOT SO INSIST ON THE TRANSFORMATION OF THE SOVIET UNION AS TO GIVE UP THE GENERAL EVOLUTION WE HAVE STARTED."

KISSINGER SAID THE UNITED STATES HAD SIGNALLED THE SOVIET UNION THROUGH "SEMI-OFFICIAL" CHANNELS OF ITS MORAL AVERSION TO THE SUPPRESSION OF LIBERTIES. HE SAID THOSE WHO ARE ASKING THE GOVERNMENT TO TAKE A MORE ACTIVE ROLE SHOULD ASK THEMSELVES "WHETHER A REVERSION TO THE COLD WAR WOULD HELP."

KISSINGER ADDRESSED THE QUESTION IN THE SECOND DAY OF HEARINGS ON HIS NOMINATION TO BE SECRETARY OF STATE AFTER THE U.S. NATIONAL ACADEMY OF SCIENTISTS WARNED THAT ARREST OR FURTHER HARASSMENT OF SAKHAROV COULD LEAD TO A CURTAILMENT OF U.S. SCIENTIFIC COOPERATION WITH THE SOVIETS.

"AT A MINIMUM, YOU CAN BE CERTAIN THAT EVEN THOUGH WE DO NOT MAKE OFFICIAL REPRESENTATIONS, OUR VIEWS AS CITIZENS AND SENIOR OFFICIALS WILL BE COMMUNICATED," KISSINGER SAID.

HE SAID THE UNITED STATES WOULD CONTINUE TO ADHERE TO THE PRINCIPLE THAT "WE SHOULD FOCUS FIRST ATTENTION ON THE FOREIGN POLICIES OF THE COUNTRY WITH WHICH WE ARE DEALING."

SEN. GEORGE MCGOVERN, D-S.D., REFERRING TO THE "PERSECUTION AND SLAUGHTERING OF JEWS" IN NAZI GERMANY, QUESTIONED WHETHER "WE CAN REALLY SEPARATE FOREIGN POLICY FROM DOMESTIC CONCERNS."

"IN THE 1930S, OF COURSE, I WAS PART OF THAT PERSECUTED MINORITY, SO I'M NOT INSENSITIVE TO THIS SITUATION," SAID KISSINGER, A GERMAN-BORN JEW WHOSE FAMILY FLED THE NAZI REGIME.

KISSINGER WAS CALLED BACK FOR A THIRD DAY OF QUESTIONING TOMORROW MORNING.

UPI 09-10 04:58 PED

UPI138

(WIRETAPS)

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- THE NOMINATION OF HENRY KISSINGER AS SECRETARY OF STATE WAS SNAGGED TODAY WHEN ATTORNEY GENERAL ELLIOTT RICHARDSON DECLINED TO GIVE SENATORS A REPORT OF WHAT THE FBI LEARNED IN WIRETAPS OF SOME OF KISSINGER'S FORMER AIDES.

BOTH REPUBLICAN AND DEMOCRATIC MEMBERS OF THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE SAID THEY WERE DISSATISFIED WITH RICHARDSON'S REPORT, GIVEN IN EXECUTIVE SESSION BEFORE KISSINGER APPEARED FOR HIS SECOND DAY OF PUBLIC HEARINGS.

"WE ARE TRYING TO LEARN DR. KISSINGER'S PART IN IT," COMMITTEE CHAIRMAN SEN. J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, D-ARK., TOLD NEWMEN.

"WE ARE INTERESTED IN THE PROCEDURE INVOLVED AND WHY THEY DID IT," FULBRIGHT SAID. "IT SFEMS A PROCEDURE WHICH I THINK IS INAPPROPRIATE AND WE ARE INTERESTED IN DISCOURAGING IT."

IN A FOUR-PAGE REPORT RELEASED BY THE COMMITTEE, RICHARDSON SAID PHONES OF THREE GOVERNMENT EMPLOYES AND FOUR NEWSMEN WERE TAPPED FROM ONE TO 21 MONTHS BETWEEN MAY 1959, AND FEBRUARY 1971.

ALL THE TAPS WERE REQUESTED BY THE LATE FBI DIRECTOR J. EDGAR HOOVER AND AUTHORIZED BY THEN ATTORNEY GENERAL JOHN MITCHELL, RICHARDSON SAID.

"AS BEST CAN BE DETERMINED FROM THE FBI RECORDS, DR. KISSINGER'S ROLE INCLUDED EXPRESSING CONCERN OVER LEAKS OF SENSITIVF MATERIAL AND WHEN THIS CONCERN WAS COUPLED WITH THAT OF THE PRESIDENT AND TRANSMITTED TO THE DIRECTOR OF THE FBI, IT LED TO EFFORTS TO STEM THE LEAKS, WHICH EFFORTS INCLUDED SOME WIRETAPS OF GOVERNMENT EMPLOYES AND NEWSMEN," THE RICHARDSON REPORT SAID.

"HIS (KISSINGER'S) ROLE FURTHER INVOLVED THE SUPPLYING TO THE FBI OF NAMES OF INDIVIDUALS IN THE GOVERNMENT WHO HAD ACCESS TO SENSITIVE INFORMATION AND OCCASIONAL REVIEW OF INFORMATION GENERATED BY THE PROGRAM TO DETERMINE ITS USEFULNESS," THE RICHARDSON REPORT SAID.

KISSINGER DID NOT ELABORATE ON THE MATTER DURING HIS PUBLIC SESSION, HOWEVER. WHEN QUESTIONED BY SEN. EDMUND MUSKIE, D-MAINE, KISSINGER SAID HE HAD ASKED RICHARDSON TO SUPPLY THE COMMITTEE WITH A STATEMENT OF GOVERNMENT POLICY ON SUCH MATTERS.

"I WILL, OF COURSE, ADHERE STRICTLY TO HIS LEGAL INTERPRETATION," KISSINGER SAID.

KISSINGER SAID THE ENTIRE QUESTION OF WIRE TAPPING "INVOLVES THE BALANCE BETWEEN HUMAN LIBERTY AND NATIONAL SECURITY."

"PERSONALLY I BELIEVE THAT BALANCE SHOULD BE IN FAVOR OF HUMAN LIBERTY," KISSINGER SAID. IF HUMAN LIBERTIES ARE INFRINGED, THERE MUST BE OVERWHELMING EVIDENCE FOR NATIONAL SECURITY.

UPI 09-10 05:07 PFD

Wash Star-News 9-10-73

# Henry, the Superman With the Common Touch

By Tom Dowling

Star-News Staff Writer

Henry Kissinger trod into the Caucus Room of the Old Senate Office Building, the scene of so many bedazzling Nixon administration performances recently. The amiable doctor wore a blue shirt, blue tie and blue suit with non-swinging cuffs. There was an eager-to-please spring in his steps, and his round face showed a Mexico City tan. Oddly enough, when he wrinkled his brows the creases across his forehead revealed lines of white. That was Dr. Kissinger for you. Even while relaxing in the Mexico sun he kept those 'brows squinched up, concentrating on things like world peace and a new international system.

Henry carried a thin manila folder under one arm, containing his brief confirmation hearing opening statement to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. It would promise the kind of Senate-House-White House Three Mouseketeers partnership that frat houses preach during rush week.

Henry sat down in a red leather chair and a ring of photographers formed at his feet. "Vat do all you fellows do with all those pictures?" Henry asked with benign curiosity. The photographers smiled up at him cordially and told him how they disposed of the millions of photos they took of him. Did Henry remember that nice 9-by-12 glossy print one photographer had given him out in Bangkok. Of course, Henry did. Why, he'd auto-

graphed it and given it to someone. And a jolly fine gift it must have been.

"HEY, HENRY, you going to read this?" Marvin Kalb called from the press table, waving Kissinger's Xeroxed statement.

Henry bounded to his feet like an obliging family dog and dashed over to shake Kalb's hand. Somehow the rapidity of the secretary's response seemed to imply that he was ready not only to answer any question Marvin might have, but would take the shirt right off his back if it would be of any service.

"Do you see this as an easy assignment?" a woman reporter said, fastening rapt eyes on the Nixon administration's resident sex symbol.

Henry gave the kind of Gallic shrug Charles Boyer might have mused when asked if she thought the girl in question would accompany him to the Casbah. I mean, after all, do boars live in the woods?

So, after shaking hands all around with his pals in the press, Henry sat down at the witness table and fielded the first question from Sen. Fulbright. It was hostile. Did Henry authorize putting taps on all his loyal colleagues in the National Security Council, or didn't he? Fulbright, and later Case of New Jersey, wanted the facts of the matter and threatened to hold Henry's secretariat-ship hostage in committee until they got them.

BUT EVEN this chilly warning failed to dispel the golden nimbus of inevitable confirmation that encircled Henry's head. In some seemingly irrational way Henry's

mystique could not be denied; neither wire-taps, nor Cambodian bombing cover-ups could dim Henry's halo. He had that "certain something" — that "it" — those second rate starlets he dated longed for, but couldn't get a purchase on, even in Henry's exalted company.

Alone of all Americans named Henry, he was unthinkable as Hank. He was not one of the boys, not a fellow you could sit around with in an undershirt, drinking beer and watching the 'Skins on TV. Indeed, when asked if he would prefer being called "Mr. Secretary" or "Dr. Secretary" upon assuming the reins of the State Department, Henry observed that "Excellency" would do.

But for all that, the man had the common touch— at least when contrasted with his colleagues on the Nixon team and in the foreign affairs community. To put it bluntly, Henry was neither paranoid nor stuffed shirt. Whether rightly and wrongly, most ordinary Americans distrust foreign policy

and the solid WASPish Wall Street types who run it in either Republican or Democratic administrations as a sort of divine propriety right.

Fellows like Dean Acheson, John Foster Dulles and McGeorge Bundy, however clever, wore their breeding a trifle to self-consciously. Whatever the thrust of their foreign policies, the tone they conveyed was transcending. If Dean Rusk and William Rogers seemed down-to-earth enough, there still remained an anxiously clubbable air to their tenures at State.

IF THERE'S anything the American people warm up to less than snobs, it's snobs who manage to make a complete hash of things in the bargain. So foreign policy was twice damned: once for being the exclusive preserve of stuffed shirts and once again for leading us into an endless war that sacrificed the sons of ordinary people.

Henry's special gift, and no one could have explained it more subtly, is that he cannot be regarded as a snob. He is a refugee, a Jew, and, if no Hyman Kaplan, a man with an foreign accent. These facts, if never blatantly obtrusive, are central to the power he exercises. He can fumble after starlets, grandiloquently define himself as the lone copwife riding into town, lecture endlessly on *realpolitik* and no one thinks the worse of him. In fact, we like him better, trust him more for his eccentricities.

Of course, he should get the girl, publicly boast of his Wild West fantasies, run the State Department and the National Security Council in tandem. The self-aggrandizing wit, the Jew, the immigrant with the funny accent — it keeps him out of the club, makes him seem one of us, allows us to think more of ourselves because this outsider is so much cratterier than the foreign affairs insiders who have patronized us for years.

Can Henry administer the State Department? Who cares? Maybe he'll leave them to their own devices, as they've been left to them these last 20 years. And, so, as he sat in the Senate Caucus Room the other day, reeling off soporific professional answers to all the urgent senatorial questions, you knew it didn't matter, but was merely academic. Henry was Henry and he could not be denied.

WOULD HENRY continue the State Department policy of feeding the Senate Foreign Relations Committee false information? Sen. Case asked.

Henry blandly noted he had "every intention to transcend" that situation. He made the question seem trifling. That was style and Henry had it. As he bent forward at the witness table the sole of his shoe turned upward toward the press table. By God, he had a Stevensonian hole in his sole. You know, smart, but one of us, a guy with the common touch.

UPI 09-10 02:11 AED

022A

CONFIRM 9-10

DAY LD

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- ATTORNEY GENERAL ELLIOT L. RICHARDSON APPEARS IN SECRET SESSION BEFORE THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE THIS MORNING TO CONVINCE MEMBERS THAT SECRETARY OF STATE-DESIGNATE HENRY A. KISSINGER HAD LITTLE TO DO WITH THE WIRETAPPING OF HIS NATIONAL SECURITY AIDES.

A SPOKESMAN FOR THE JUSTICE DEPARTMENT SAID IT HAD NOT BEEN DECIDED BY SUNDAY WHETHER TO PRODUCE A SECRET FBI REPORT DEMANDED BY SOME OF THE COMMITTEE MEMBERS.

KISSINGER'S CONFIRMATION HIT A SNAG LAST WEEK WHEN COMMITTEE CHAIRMAN SEN. J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, D-ARK., AND SEN. CLIFFORD CASE, R-N.J., QUESTIONED THE FBI WIRETAPPING OF 13 GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS AND FOUR NEWSMEN IN AN EFFORT TO TRACE LEAKS OF SECURITY INFORMATION BETWEEN 1969 AND 1971.

"THE ROLE OF MR. KISSINGER WAS MERELY TO SUGGEST THE NAMES OF THOSE ON HIS STAFF WHO HAD ACCESS TO SUCH INFORMATION," SENATE REPUBLICAN LEADER HUGH SCOTT SAID SUNDAY.

SCOTT, APPEARING ON CBS' FACE THE NATION, SAID HE WAS CONFIDENT RICHARDSON AND FORMER ACTING FBI DIRECTOR WILLIAM D. RUCKELSHAUS, WILL BE ABLE TO CONVINCE THE COMMITTEE OF THAT THIS MORNING.

SCOTT PREDICTED KISSINGER WOULD BE CONFIRMED.

HE SAID RICHARDSON AND RUCKELSHAUS, NOW DEPUTY ATTORNEY GENERAL, WOULD BE ABLE TO STATISY THE COMMITTEE WITHOUT PROVIDING RAW FBI DATA ON THE TAPS.

SEN. HENRY M. JACKSON, D-WASH., SAID THE COMMITTEE IS ENTITLED TO SEE A SUMMARY OF THE FBI REPORT BUT NOT THE RAW FILES.

JACKSON, APPEARING ON ABC'S ISSUES AND ANSWERS, PLANS HEARINGS SOON BY HIS PERMANENT INVESTIGATIONS COMMITTEE ON WIRETAPPING.

UPI 09-10 02:17 AED

023A

227A

CONFIRM 9-9
WITH CONGRESS

Scott predicts HAK CONFIRMATION

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- SENATE REPUBLICAN LEADER HUGH SCOTT SAID SUNDAY THAT SECRETARY OF STATE-DESIGNATE HENRY A. KISSINGER PLAYED ONLY A ROUTINE ROLE IN THE FBI WIRETAPPING OF HIS ASSISTANTS, AND PREDICTED HIS CONFIRMATION BY THE SENATE.

HAK
ECONORFT
LL

THE PENNSYLVANIA SENATOR SAID IN A TELEVISION INTERVIEW THAT HE WAS CONFIDENT ATTORNEY GENERAL ELIOTT L. RICHARDSON AND FORMER ACTING FBI DIRECTOR WILLIAM D. RUCKELSHAUS, NOW DEPUTY ATTORNEY GENERAL, WILL BE ABLE TO CONVINCE THE SENATE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE OF THIS AT A CLOSED SESSION MONDAY BEFORE KISSINGER RESUMES TESTIFYING.

KISSINGER'S NOMINATION RAN INTO A SNAG LAST WEEK WHEN THE CHAIRMAN OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE, SEN. J. WILLIAM FULBRIGHT, D-ARK., AND SEN. CLIFFORD CASE, R-N.J., A MEMBER OF THE PANEL, QUESTIONED THE FBI WIRETAPPING OF 13 GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS AND FOUR WASHINGTON REPORTERS BETWEEN 1969-71.

THE WIRETAPPING WAS UNDERTAKEN IN AN EFFORT TO ASCERTAIN THE SOURCE OF LEAKS OF NATIONAL SECURITY INFORMATION AND SOME MEMBERS OF THE SENATE COMMITTEE SAID THEY WANTED ACCESS TO A STILL SECRET FBI REPORT ON THE EAVESDROPPING.

A SPOKESMAN FOR THE JUSTICE DEPARTMENT, WHICH HAS DECLINED TO MAKE PUBLIC THE FBI REPORT, SAID SUNDAY IT HAD NOT BEEN DECIDED YET WHETHER RICHARDSON WOULD PRODUCE THE REPORT AT MONDAY'S MEETING.

SCOTT, ALSO A MEMBER OF THE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE, SAID THAT ON THE BASIS OF MEETINGS WITH RICHARDSON AND RUCKELSHAUS IT WILL BE SHOWN THAT KISSINGER MERELY SUPPLIED NAMES TO THE FBI UPON REQUEST.

"THE ROLE OF MR. KISSINGER WAS MERELY TO SUGGEST THE NAMES OF THOSE ON HIS STAFF WHO HAD ACCESS TO SUCH INFORMATION," SCOTT SAID. "THE FBI WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE INVESTIGATION ITSELF."

SEN. HENRY M. JACKSON, D-WASH., WHOSE PERMANENT SENATE INVESTIGATING COMMITTEE PLANS EXTENSIVE HEARINGS ON GOVERNMENT WIRETAPPING, SAID SUNDAY IN A SEPARATE INTERVIEW THAT HE FELT THE FOREIGN RELATIONS COMMITTEE WAS ENTITLED TO SEE A SUMMARY OF THE FBI REPORT, BUT NOT THE BUREAU'S "RAW FILES."

SCOTT APPEARED ON THE CBS PROGRAM, FACE THE NATION. JACKSON WAS INTERVIEWED ON THE ABC TELEVISION SHOW, ISSUES AND ANSWERS.

SCOTT SAID HE BELIEVED RICHARDSON AND RUCKELSHAUS CAN SATISFY THE COMMITTEE ON THE ISSUE WITHOUT DISCLOSING ANY RAW FBI FILES, WHICH ARE CUSTOMARILY KEPT SECRET. HE ALSO SAID HE OPPOSED MAKING PUBLIC THE NAMES OF THOSE WHO WERE UNDER SURVEILLANCE IN 1969, 1970 AND 1971 EVEN THOUGH MOST OF THEM HAVE BEEN IDENTIFIED IN NEWS STORIES.

HE SAID HE DOUBTED THAT KISSINGER WAS RESPONSIBLE FOR THE WIRETAPPING OF REPORTERS OR SEVERAL OF THE 13 GOVERNMENT OFFICIALS WHO WERE NOT ON HIS STAFF.

UPI 09-09 02:48 PED

THE WASHINGTON POST, SUNDAY, SEPTEMBE

Joseph Kraft

Super-Secretary?

Except for a few sharp questions of bugging and secret bombing, Henry Kissinger's nomination as secretary of state is sailing through the Senate. The response from abroad has been positively lyrical.

But the blare of praise is largely based on a past record not easy to repeat and on extraordinary skill in personal politics. So there is solid reason to wonder whether Dr. Kissinger's actual performance as secretary of state can possibly live up to the advance ballyhoo.

Both as a thinker and doer, Kissinger has made his mark in the field of grand strategy. His great feat during the past four years has been to engage both Peking and Moscow in a way that has produced benefits for Washington.

Further dividends from that achievement can be realized, notably in the field of arms control. But to achieve these gains, Kissinger will now have to get hold of some of the major defense programs which eluded his grip in the past. Being secretary of state will make it harder for him to penetrate the Pentagon — the more so as Kissinger is going to lose from his White House staff his chief defense analyst, Phil Odeen.

Moreover, the largest possibilities lie in cooperation with Europe and Japan in the field of foreign economic policy. For the first time since the war, the major developed countries are simultaneously experiencing boom conditions. Even discounting inflation, the United States, Japan and Western Europe are all expanding their economies at a good clip.

This widespread prosperity creates a number of extraordinary opportunities. The round of international trade negotiations which opens this week in Tokyo will not have to contend with extreme protectionist trends in the richer countries. There is a good chance for eventual agreement on a lowering of tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade — even in the touchy field of agriculture.

Widespread prosperity, and particularly the rise in American exports, also tends to ease a major obstacle to reform of the international monetary system. The meeting of finance ministers in Nairobi later this month should lead toward a new and more flexible system which can minimize drastic shifts in currency rates.

But as secretary of state, Kissinger will not be in optimal position to make the most of these opportunities. Economic policy is not his forte, and he has been reluctant to plunge into the area. Only in the last few months has he taken onto his staff, in the person of Chuck Cooper, a truly first-rate economist with great personal authority.

Neither is the State Department all that well equipped to help Kissinger in the economic field. It may be that

Furthermore, State's opposition in the economic field is quite strong. The Treasury, Commerce and Agriculture Departments have important interests in foreign economic policy which are often at variance with State's position. Those departments have strong constituencies in the private economy and more clout than State with the Congress. And there is no coordinating machinery —such as the National Security Council offers in the field of strategy — which Kissinger could use to get hold of foreign economic policy.

What all this means is that Kissinger faces a difficult time at State. To succeed he has to do what comes hardest to him. He has to pick out truly good

Maybe he will be able to do that. He is a remarkable person not insensitive to his own weaknesses and with a considerable capacity to grow and change. But the best guess is that the performance of the State Department in the execution of foreign policy will be only marginally improved by the translation of Kissinger to the office of secretary.

Given that outlook, it is no service to anybody to build Kissinger up as the super-secretary capable of pulling all swords from all stones. The Kissinger ballyhoo can only have a bad impact on what is after all the most serious problem facing the country — the problem of developing an honest government ready to admit its limitations.

Associated Press

© 1973, Field Enterprises, Inc.

PEOPLE

# Who Will Entertain at the Blair House?

By Dorothy McCardle

Will Dr. Henry Kissinger, Secretary of State designate, stand in for former Secretary of State William P. Rogers on the social front this week?

Kissinger will have his chance Wednesday night (Sept. 12) when invitations are out in the name of Secretary and Mrs. Rogers for a 6:30-8:30 p.m. reception at Blair House. The party will honor about 25 diplomats—who are giving dinners at their embassies the night of the Meridian House Ball on Oct. 3.

Now that Rogers is out of office, he and his wife are no longer expected at the Blair House affair. So will Dr. Kissinger go in his place? The committee says he has been invited but at the moment no one has answered. Mrs. Clark MacGregor, chairman of the ball, and Mrs. Kenneth Rush, co-chairman and wife of the deputy secretary of State, are optimistic but keeping fingers crossed.

The one guest of honor who is sure to be there is the angel of this year's Meridian House Ball, the man who is giving the $10,000 backing needed to stage it.

He is Harry J. Gray, president and the chief executive officer of the United Aircraft Corp. Before joining United Aircraft, in 1971, Gray was senior executive vice president of Litton Industries.

Keeping Posted

He is also Clark MacGregor's boss at United Aircraft, where MacGregor is now a vice president.

WASH. POST 9-9-73

# Kissinger Data Awaived

Senate Democratic Leader Mike Mansfield said yesterday he thinks Attorney General Elliot L. Richardson will provide the wiretap information sought by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee in its consideration of Henry A. Kissinger's nomination as Secretary of State.

Richardson is scheduled to meet with the committee Monday morning in advance of renewed testimony from Kissinger. Mansfield told newsmen: "Richardson isn't just going up there to twiddle his thumbs. I would imagine there would be some hard information forthcoming."

Chairman J. W. Fulbright (D-Ark.), Sen. Clifford P. Case (R-N.J.) and some other committee members are seeking a report on the taps reportedly made in 1969, 1970 and 1971 on 13 government officials, including aides to Kissinger at the National Security Council, and four newsmen.

Kissinger defended the wiretaps to the committee on Friday as "a very difficult and painful thing" but necessary to stem the publication of sensitive material through leaks to the press. He said he had leafed through the wiretap report, declined to disclose the details of the wiretaps and suggested a list of questions bearing on his nomination be submitted to Richardson.

If prolonged, the dispute

could snag Kissinger's Aug. 22 nomination to succeed William P. Rogers as secretary and interfere with Kissinger's plans to address the United Nations later this month and to confer there with heads of state and foreign ministers attending the General Assembly sessions.

Mansfield said he had not

discussed the wiretap dispute with Richardson and did not know whether the Attorney General would bring the report with him.

John Hushen, a spokesman for the Justice Department, said no decision had been made on whether to comply with Fulbright's request for the report.

Can Town

crest of a month-long offen-
sive to take the city and are
fighting close to their own
sanctuaries in the northeast-
ern plantation area.

The significance of the
battle for Kompong Cham
has grown almost daily as
each side sends reinforce-
ments into the besieged city.
A French official serving as
cee INDOCHINA, A18, Col. 1
Cambodia out the length

"It will be necessary for
those standards at the state
level to be modified," the
President said following a two-
hour meeting with his energy
advisers at the White House
yesterday. "Unless those
standards are relaxed, we
could have a very serious
problem this winter."

While not spelling out
which state standards must be
relaxed, President Nixon al-
most certainly meant the re-
strictions that have banned
the burning of coal and high-
sulfur oil in the populous
Northeast and in Midwest

President Nixon: "We could ha

Rising Cos
Threat to I

By Michael

Washington Post S

A new Senate Armed Serv-
es Committee report warns
at the "dilemma" of provid-
ing adequate defense in the
face of still soaring prices for
Military hardware and man-
power "is even sharper today
than it was two years ago"—
enough the same committee first
urged that the United
States may be pricing itself
to of the ability to fight.

The committee urged
cooperation and goodwill" on
both sides of the question
about how much to spend on