004A

KISSINGER 10-19

URGENT

1ST NIGHT LD 359A

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- PRESIDENT NIXON DISPATCHED SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER TO MOSCOW EARLY SATURDAY MORNING FOR DIRECT NEGOTIATIONS WITH SOVIET LEADERS ON ENDING THE MIDEAST WAR.

KISSINGER TOOK OFF FROM ANDREWS AIR FORCE BASE AT 1:50 A.M. EDT AND WAS SCHEDULED TO ARRIVE IN THE SOVIET CAPITAL AT 8 P.M. MOSCOW TIME SATURDAY FOR TALKS EXPECTED TO LAST A COUPLE OF DAYS.

WITH HIM WERE ANATOLIY DOBRYNIN, THE SOVIET AMBASSADOR TO THE UNITED STATES, AND A TEAM OF NINE STATE DEPARTMENT OFFICIALS, INCLUDING JOSEPH J. SISCO, THE ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR MIDDLE EASTERN AFFAIRS.

THE WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT SAID THE MISSION WAS UNDERTAKEN AT THE REQUEST OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT. IT APPARENTLY WILL DELAY KISSINGER'S PLANNED TRIP TO TOKYO AND PEKING, SCHEDULED TO BEGIN OCT. 26.

THE VENTURE IN DIRECT DIPLOMACY CAME AS THE MIDEAST WAR MUSHROOMED TO ALARMING PROPORTIONS AND WAS ANNOUNCED ONLY HOURS AFTER NIXON REQUESTED SPECIAL AUTHORIZATION FROM CONGRESS FOR $2.2 BILLION IN EMERGENCY GRANTS TO REPLENISH ISRAEL'S ARSENAL.

MORE

UPI 10-20 01:08 AED

005A

KISSINGER 10-19

1ST ADD 1ST NIGHT LD KISSINGER WASHINGTON CO4A XXX ARSENAL.

PRESIDENTIAL SPOKESMAN GERALD L. WARREN SAID KISSINGER'S MISSION WAS DECIDED ON AFTER A SERIES OF EXCHANGES BETWEEN NIXON AND SOVIET COMMUNIST PARTY CHIEF LEONID I. BREZHNEV.

SOVIET PREMIER ALEXEI KOSYGIN RETURNED TO MOSCOW FRIDAY FROM A VISIT TO CAIRO IN WHICH HE WAS REPORTED TO HAVE URGED RESTRAINT ON THE ARAB SIDE.

"AT THE REQUEST OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT, THE PRESIDENT HAS AGREED TO SEND SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER TO VISIT MOSCOW FOR DIRECT DISCUSSIONS WITH THE SOVIET LEADERSHIP ON MEANS TO END THE HOSTILITIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST," THE WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT SAID.

"SINCE THE OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST THE PRESIDENT AND GENERAL SECRETARY BREZHNEV HAVE MAINTAINED CLOSE CONTACT THROUGH DIPLOMATIC CHANNELS."

THE DEVELOPMENT WAS SEEN AS ANOTHER INDICATION OF THE CONCERN BY BOTH SIDES THAT THE WAR IN THE MIDEAST, WHERE BOTH HAVE VITAL INTEREST, COULD RUIN THE MOVE TOWARD GREATER COOPERATION BETWEEN THE TWO SUPERPOWERS.

ALSO IN KISSINGER'S PARTY WERE AMBASSADOR ROBERT J. MCCLOSKEY; THOMAS R. PICKERING, EXECUTIVE SECRETARY OF THE STATE DEPARTMENT; ALFRED L. ATHERTON, DEPUTY ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR THE MIDDLE EAST; WINSTON LORD, DIRECTOR OF PLANNING AT THE STATE DEPARTMENT; AND WILLIAM G. HYLAND, PETER W. RODMAN AND LAWRENCE S. EAGLEBERGER, ALL OF THE NATIONAL SECURITY COUNCIL STAFF.

INCLUDES PREVIOUS

UPI 10-20 01:12 AED

C2 7A

POLICY 10-20

DAY LD

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- PRESIDENT NIXON HAS ASKED CONGRESS TO AUTHORIZE $2.2 BILLION IN EMERGENCY ARMS AID FOR ISRAEL SO THAT THE MIDDLE EAST WAR CAN BE BROUGHT TO A "SWIFT AND HONORABLE CONCLUSION."

NIXON'S REQUEST FRIDAY CAME JUST HOURS BEFORE HE DISPATCHED SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER TO MOSCOW TO BEGIN DIRECT NEGOTIATIONS WITH SOVIET LEADERS ON ENDING THE WAR.

THE WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT OF THE TALKS, EXPECTED TO LAST UNTIL AT LEAST THE BEGINNING OF NEXT WEEK, SAID THE MISSION WAS UNDERTAKEN AT THE REQUEST OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT.

IN A SPECIAL MESSAGE TO CONGRESS, THE PRESIDENT SAID THE U.S. AIRLIFT OF WEAPON REPLACEMENTS TO ISRAEL IN THE FIRST 12 DAYS OF THE WAR HAD COST $325 MILLION, AND ISRAEL'S URGENT NEEDS WERE GREATER THAN ITS ABILITY TO PAY WITH CASH OR CREDIT.

HE ALSO REQUESTED AN ADDITIONAL $200 MILLION IN DIRECT MILITARY AID FOR CAMBODIA, NOW DENIED. U.S. AIR SUPPORT BECAUSE OF THE CONGRESSIONAL BOMBING HALT IMPOSED LAST AUG. 15.

NIXON ASKED CONGRESS TO ACT QUICKLY ON ITS RETURN FROM A LONG WEEKEND RECESS TO APPROVE THE EMERGENCY REQUESTS FOR "THESE TWO BELEAGUERED FRIENDS."

TO DO LESS, HE SAID, "WOULD NOT ONLY CREATE A DANGEROUS IMBALANCE IN THESE PARTICULAR ARENAS, BUT WOULD ALSO ENDANGER THE ENTIRE STRUCTURE OF PEACE IN THE WORLD."

THE REQUEST DREW A MIXED REACTION IN THE HOUSE AND SENATE. SOME KEY MEMBERS GAVE THE PROPOSAL A COLD RECEPTION, BUT OTHERS IMMEDIATELY ENDORSED NIXON'S REQUEST.

FOR YEARS, THE TEL AVIV GOVERNMENT HAS MADE SUBSTANTIAL ARMS PURCHASES FROM THE UNITED STATES ON CREDIT. IN THE FISCAL YEAR ENDED JUNE 30, 1971, ISRAEL BOUGHT $397 MILLION WORTH--MORE THAN ANY OTHER COUNTRY--AND ACCOUNTED FOR MORE THAN 10 PER CENT OF ALL U.S. ARMS SALES ABROAD.

THE WHITE HOUSE SAID MOST OF THE $2.2 BILLION WOULD BE DIRECT MILITARY GRANTS NOT REQUIRING REPAYMENT, THE FIRST EVER EXTENDED TO ISRAEL, WHICH HAS ALWAYS MADE CASH OR CREDIT ARMS PURCHASES IN THE PAST.

NIXON SAID THE SHIPMENTS WOULD INCLUDE PLANES, TANKS, AIR-TO-AIR AND GROUND-TO-AIR MISSILES, ARTILLERY AND A WIDE ARRAY OF GROUND AND AIR AMMUNITION.

SUPPORTING HIS REQUEST FOR CAMBODIA, THE PRESIDENT SAID THAT "A COMMUNIST MILITARY VICTORY AND THE INSTALLATION OF A GOVERNMENT IN PHNOM PENH, WHICH IS CONTROLLED BY HANOI, WOULD GRAVELY THREATEN THE FRAGILE STRUCTURE OF PEACE ESTABLISHED IN THE PARIS AGREEMENTS."

UPI 10-20 03:16 AED

a004

h czzcczzcuiv wx
Nixon-Mideast Bjt 380

-By HARRISON HUMPHRIES

Associated Press Writer

WASHINGTON AP - President Nixon has asked Congress to authorize $2.2 billion in emergency military aid to Israel to maintain the military balance in the Middle East.

Initial congressional reaction was largely favorable to the request but congressmen were silent on a companion request for an additional $200 million for Cambodia,

In a special message to Congress, President Nixon said Friday that U.S. arms shipment to Israel "is necessary to prevent the emergency of a substantial imbalance resulting from a large-scale resupply of Syria and Egypt by the Soviet Union."

Nixon said the U.S. government has committed materiel costing $825 million, including transportation, to replace heavy Israeli combat losses and "to maintain a balance of forces and thus achieve stability."

The United States is making every effort to promote a settlement of the Middle East conflict, but "prudent planning also requires us to prepare for a longer struggle,"

As to Cambodia, Nixon asked Congress to add $200 million to his original budget request for $180 million in military assistance.

The Senate cut the $180 million request to $150 million in a foreign aid bill now pending in a House-Senate conference committee.

Nixon said government forces are using up ammunition at nearly $1 million a day and that failure to provide ammunition and military supplies "would deny the Cambodian armed forces the ability to defend themselves and their country."

The White House made it clear that most of the $2.2 billion sought for military equipment for Israel would be in the form of outright grants.

Chairman George Mahon, D-Tex., of the House Appropriations Committee said he is certain the new $2.2 billion emergency request will be "sympathetically considered" in Congress, but added, "It is becoming increasingly clear that the United States is financing the war in the Middle East as far as Israel is concerned, and that is a disturbing factor."

Support of the Israeli arms aid request came from Sens. Edmund Muskie, D-Maine, and Hubert Humphrey, D-Minn., members of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

It was supported also by Sens. John Tower, R-Tex., and Edward W. Brooke, R-Mass.

Sen. Mark C. Hatfield, R-Ore., viewed it as "saber rattling," escalating the arms race in the Middle East.

In a special message to Congress, President Nixon said Friday that U.S. arms shipment to Israel "is necessary to prevent the emergence of a substantial imbalance resulting from a large-scale resupply of Syria and Egypt by the Soviet Union."

Nixon said, 4th graf fixing "emergency" to "emergence".
rz-jg1228aed oct 20

a029

h czzolbylqyyv

UNDATED Kosygin-Mideast Bjt Analysis take 2; supplier. 210
The ''no war, no peace'' situation had suited Soviet policy
well enough, contributing to an instability in which the Kremlin
quest for influence would flourish. Moscow definitely doesn't
want to risk a confrontation with Washington, however.

Had the war not broken out, Brezhnev himself would have gone
to Cairo. He had planned to go, evidently aiming to restore
the sort of relationship that existed before Soviet military
advisers were ejected last year. Once the fighting started,
though, he wouldn't be the man for such a mission.

Kosygin, less identified with the detente policy, was an able
substitute. At 68, far from being a political threat to Brezhnev,
he is a veteran of sideline performances, a technician who knows
much about how such things have been dealt with in the past.

Since becoming premier nine years go Kosygin was a frequent
policy pinch-hitter: in Hanoi; in bringing an end to the
India-Pakistan war over Kashmir in January 1966; in easing
U.S.-Soviet relations in a summit meeting with President Lyndon
B. Johnson at Glassboro, N.J., in 1969, and in other areas.

He seldom failed to turn in an effective, though low-key,
performance.

0237aES 10-20

a028

h czzclbylryyr

Kosygin-Mideast Bjt 450 Two Takes 560

An AP News Analysis

By WILLIAM L. RYAN

AP Special Correspondent

There's something about Premier Alexei N. Kosygin's Cairo mission to the Arab Israel war that suggests he was called out of the Kremlin bullpen for a relief stint in a tight situation.

It begins to look as though the Soviet leaders want something to happen toward ending hostilities, lest important new goals of Moscow policy go up in the smoke of this new war.

Whatever Kosygin's mission in his four days of talks with Egypt's President Anwar Sadat, the evidence suggests Moscow's Arab clients were less than enchanted by what they heard.

But Leonid I. Brezhnev, the Soviet Communist party chief, has laid a lot on the line in pursuit of a detente with the United States, and the whole effort now is threatened by a clash between superpower interests in the backwash of the fighting.

In dispatching Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger to Moscow Friday night, President Nixon said Brezhnev requesed a meeting, which Washington sources say was undubtedly prompted by Kosygin's visit to Cairo.

Brezhnev has full charge of Soviet foreign policy as of now. But he doesn't seem to be without his critics among the hawks who fear the possibility of surrendering even a little of the advantages Moscow has gained in so enormously strategic an area.

It is known now that there was some acid debate in Moscow in 1967 over whether the U.S.S.R. had done all it could to rescue its Arab allies,

When Brezhnev deputizes Kosygin in difficult situations, it suggests there are some calorific political potatoes to be joggled. Indeed, the terseness of Soviet press treatment of the Kosygin mission suggests the subject matter is fairly warm.

Obviously the Cairo mission was an important one, and obviously it dealt with the prospects of war and peace. In the wake of Kosygin's departure from the Middle East, the Yugoslavs circulated a report that he had proposed a cease-fire plan.

If so, the Egyptian response may have been a good deal short of sheer joy. The influential columnist Mohammed Heikal, who has Sadat's ear, noted that 'despite all the many peace plans looming amidst the thunder of guns, and notwithstanding the operating hotline between Washington and the Kremlin . . . I can hardly discern the end to the battles.'

Ready or not, the Arabs might find a Moscow argument for quitting while they're ahead overpoweringly persuasive. Moscow is their only source at the moment for military muscle.

The Kremlin saw a billion dollars worth of military hardware go down the drain in 1967. Moscow had to make it up. Now the Arabs are reported prospecting in Western Europe for loans to finance more arms, suggesting Moscow is tired of the role of unpaid supplier.

MORE

0227aES 10-20

a025

h czzczyycwyf wz

Kissinger 420, Two Takes, total 680

-By BARRY SCHWEID

Associated Press Writer

WASHINGTON AP - Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, the past master of mystery missions, was on his way to Moscow today on orders from President Nixon to discuss 'means to end hostilities in the Middle East' with Soviet leaders.

The White House said Kissinger was sent to the Soviet capital at the request of Leonid I. Brezhnev, the Soviet Communist party leader. Flying with him were Anatoly N. Dobrynin, the Soviet ambassador, and nine American officials.

The trip evidently was touched off by Premier Alexei N. Kosygin's four-day visit to Cairo for talks with Egyptian President Anwar Sadat. Kissinger is known to believe that the Kosygin call had advanced prospects for an end to the fighting between Israel and Egypt and Syria.

The attitude Israel takes could be decisive to any hopes for a negotiated settlement, even if Washington and Moscow reach a consensus on a ceasefire proposal. With its forces advancing on the Egyptian front the Israeli government may resist an early halt to the fighting.

'No one has put a peace proposal to us yet,' said Israeli sources here Friday. Abba Eban, Israel's foreign minister, was called home for consultation.

Kissinger took off on the surprise trip at 1:50 a.m.

EDT. He was due in Moscow at about 8 p.m. 1 p.m. EDT.

The secretary of state had attended until close to midnight a dinner given for him by Huang Chen, head of the Chinese liaison office, as a sendoff for a sixth visit to Peking. Kissinger did not tip his hand publicly. He even paused to sign an autograph for an admirer before stepping into his black limousine.

Before leaving the hotel he briefed Vice President-designate Gerald R. Ford of Michigan, Senate Democratic Leader Mike Mansfield and House Speaker Carl Albert in a banquet office sealed off by four stocky Secret Service men,

Kissinger had been scheduled to take off for the Far East on Monday, stopping en route in Tokyo for talks with Japanese leaders about their country's role in a prospective new relationship between the United States and Western Europe.

White House sources said he would be in Moscow 'a matter of days.' They indicated that he would return to Washington in time to depart for China in midweek. Kissinger plans to stop in Japan at the end of the month on the way home.

MORE

JG374aed oct 20

C32A

PEACE 10-20

DAY LD

BY UNITED PRESS INTERNATIONAL

PRESIDENT NIXON SENT SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER TO MOSCOW TODAY FOR TALKS WITH SOVIET LEADERS ON ENDING THE MIDDLE EAST WAR. ARAB OFFICIALS, HOWEVER, SAID THEY EXPECTED AT LEAST ANOTHER WEEK OF HEAVY FIGHTING.

ISRAELI DEFENSE MINISTER MOSHE DAYAN FLATLY REJECTED THE IDEA OF A MIDDLE EAST CEASE-FIRE IMPOSED ON THE WARRING COUNTRIES BY THE TWO SUPERPOWERS.

THE WHITE HOUSE SAID NIXON DECIDED TO SEND KISSINGER TO MOSCOW AFTER A WEEK OF CONTACTS WITH SOVIET PARTY LEADER LEONID I. BREZHNEV. IT SAID THE TRIP WAS MADE AT THE REQUEST OF THE SOVIET GOVERNMENT.

THE TALKS WILL BE THE HIGHEST BETWEEN THE TWO SUPERPOWERS SINCE THE WAR ERUPTED TWO WEEKS AGO.

THE KISSINGER MISSION TO MOSCOW WAS PRECEDED BY A REPORTED TRIP TO CAIRO BY SOVIET PREMIER ALEXEI KOSYGIN AND A MEETING AT THE WHITE HOUSE BETWEEN NIXON AND FOUR ARAB AMBASSADORS.

BOTH MEETINGS FUELED SPECULATION THE BIG POWERS WERE TRYING TO IMPLEMENT A MIDDLE EAST CEASE-FIRE.

"THE UNITED STATES IS MAKING EVERY EFFORT TO BRING THIS CONFLICT TO A VERY SWIFT AND HONORABLE CONCLUSION, MEASURED IN DAYS, NOT WEEKS," NIXON TOLD CONGRESS IN A SPECIAL MESSAGE FRIDAY.

KISSINGER TOOK ALONG A GROUP OF HIGH-LEVEL STATE DEPARTMENT EXPERTS ON THE MIDDLE EAST AND WAS ACCOMPANIED ON THE VISIT BY THE SOVIET AMBASSADOR TO WASHINGTON ANATOLY DOBRYNIN.

COMMUNIST DIPLOMATIC SOURCES IN LONDON REPORTED EARLIER THIS WEEK THE SOVIET BLUEPRINT FOR MIDDLE EAST PEACE INCLUDED TOTAL ISRAELI WITHDRAWAL FROM OCCUPIED ARAB LANDS AND AN INTERNATIONAL TRUCE FORCE WITH SOVIET AND AMERICAN TROOPS PARTICIPATING.

ARAB OFFICIALS IN BEIRUT REPORTED BEFORE THE WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT TODAY THEY EXPECTED BOTH ISRAEL AND THE ARAB COUNTRIES TO GO FOR A KNOCKOUT BLOW AGAINST THE OTHER SIDE BEFORE THE BIG POWERS CAN IMPOSE A CEASE-FIRE.

THE OFFICIALS, HOWEVER, SAID THEY FEEL NIXON AND BREZHNEV WILL NOT LET THE WAR ESCALATE FOR MORE THAN A WEEK.

AS A RESULT, THEY SAID, FIGHTING MAY EXPLODE ON BOTH FRONTS AS THE WARRING NATIONS ATTEMPT TO PUT THEMSELVES IN THE BEST POSSIBLE NEGOTIATING POSITION.

IN ANOTHER MOVE BEFORE THE ANNOUNCEMENT, ISRAELI DEFENSE MINISTER DAYAN REJECTED THE POSSIBILITY OF A CEASE-FIRE IMPOSED BY THE SUPERPOWERS.

"I ABSOLUTELY REJECT THE IDEA THAT THE WAR WILL END BY THE SUPERPOWERS COMPELLING THE END OF THE WAR," DAYAN SAID IN A TELEVISION INTERVIEW (NBC NIGHTLY NEWS.)

"I REJECT IT, I DON'T LIKE IT, I DON'T THINK THIS IS THE WAY TO DO IT, AND I HOPE IT WON'T HAPPEN--THAT RUSSIA AND AMERICA WILL SAY, 'NOU, YOU BOYS STOP IT.' THAT REALLY WON'T GET ANY PRACTICAL RESULT."

UPI 10-20 04:05 AED

031A.

KISSINGER 10-20

DAY LD

BY HELEN THOMAS

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- SUMMONED BY THE SOVIET LEADERSHIP, SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY A. KISSINGER FLEW TO MOSCOW EARLY TODAY TO BEGIN "DIRECT DISCUSSIONS" ON ENDING THE ARAB-ISRAELI WAR.

PRESIDENT NIXON DISPATCHED KISSINGER ON THE DRAMATIC DIPLOMATIC MISSION AFTER A SERIES OF PERSONAL EXCHANGES WITH SOVIET COMMUNIST PARTY CHIEF LEONID I. BREZHNEV.

HIS TRIP WAS APPARENTLY TIMED TO COINCIDE WITH THE RETURN TO MOSCOW BY SOVIET PREMIER ALEXEI N. KOSYGIN WHO FLEW TO CAIRO EARLIER THIS WEEK APPARENTLY TO NUDGE THE EGYPTIANS INTO ACCEPTING A CEASEFIRE IN PLACE. KOSYGIN HAD FIVE MEETINGS WITH PRESIDENT ANWAR SADAT AS SOVIET ARMS SHIPMENTS TO EGYPT CONTINUED.

THE WHITE HOUSE ANNOUNCEMENT OF KISSINGER'S SURPRISE PEACE JOURNEY CAME SHORTLY AFTER MIDNIGHT, SEVERAL HOURS AFTER NIXON ASKED CONGRESS TO AUTHORIZE A $2.2 BILLION EMERGENCY MILITARY AID PROGRAM FOR ISRAEL TO REPLACE ITS BATTLE LOSSES IN THE CONFLICT WITH SOVIET-EQUIPPED ARAB ARMIES.

KISSINGER LEFT ABOARD A PRESIDENTIAL JET AT 1:50 A.M. EDT AND WAS SCHEDULED TO ARRIVE AT 8:00 P.M. MOSCOW TIME (1:00 P.M. EDT) FOR TALKS WITH KREMLIN LEADERS. HE WAS EXPECTED TO REMAIN THERE FOR ONLY A COUPLE OF DAYS.

MAKING HIS FIRST TRIP TO RUSSIA AS SECRETARY OF STATE HE WAS ACCOMPANIED BY SOVIET AMBASSADOR ANATOLIY DOBRYNIN, WITH WHOM HE HAS BEEN IN CLOSE CONTACT THROUGHOUT THE CRISIS, AND ASSISTANT SECRETARY OF STATE FOR MIDDLE EASTERN AFFAIRS JOSEPH J. SISCO, ALONG WITH A TEAM OF EXPERTS.

"SINCE THE OUTBREAK OF HOSTILITIES IN THE MIDDLE EAST, THE PRESIDENT AND GENERAL SECRETARY (LEONID I.) BREZHNEV HAVE MAINTAINED CLOSE CONTACT THROUGH DIPLOMATIC CHANNELS."

KISSINGER'S HURRIED FLIGHT EVIDENTLY MEANT THAT THE SUPERPOWERS ARE DETERMINED NOT TO PERMIT THE INFLAMED MIDDLE EAST TO JEOPARDIZE THEIR PRECARIOUS DETENTE.

NIXON NOTED IN HIS MESSAGE TO CONGRESS SEEKING ARMS SHIPMENTS TO ISRAEL THAT "FOR MORE THAN A QUARTER OF A CENTURY, AS STRATEGIC INTERESTS OF THE MAJOR POWERS HAVE CONVERGED THERE, THE MIDDLE EAST HAS BEEN A FLASHPOINT FOR POTENTIAL WORLD CONFLICT."

UPI 10-20 03:57 AED

Tip for Mr. Kissinger

SECRETARY of State Henry Kissinger has pledged to restore State Department morale and make our professional diplomats more effective participants in the foreign-policy process.

It may take time to energize a bureaucracy weighted with red tape and paralyzed with overlapping committees, but there is at least one way for Mr. Kissinger to improve quickly the effectiveness of American diplomats abroad.

THIS IS to increase the variety of newspapers and periodicals available to American foreign service officers who are expected to represent and interpret events in the United States for local officials.

U.S. diplomats are ordinarily assigned to embassies abroad for two to three years. During these tours the most common occupational hazard is to lose contact with thoughts and trends in the United States.

ONE OF THE most frequent complaints heard from our diplomats in remote Latin American

countries is that their information about domestic events comes from four sources.

These are the New York Times, the Washington Post, Time and Newsweek.

BECAUSE the State Department does not circulate articles from a wider variety of publications, except when they apply to events in the host country. American diplomats have little idea what people are saying in Atlanta, Dallas, Los Angeles, or Columbus.

Instead, their interpretations of American events come almost exclusively from four East Coast publications.

THE CLASSIC definition of a diplomat is an honest man sent abroad to lie for his country.

Unconsciously, the State Department has been equipping American diplomats poorly for the difficult task of interpreting the complex reality of a diverse nation whose population center no longer lies east of the Appalachians.

It is time to bring our diplomats in from the dark.

Colombia-10-19-75

Kissinger in Moscow
For Talks on Mideast

By Marilyn Berger

Washington Post Staff Writer

As Israel pressed for a de-
cision on the battlefield,
Secretary of State Henry A.
Kissinger arrived in Moscow
in search of a "means to end
hostilities in the Middle
East."

Kissinger took off at 1:50 a.m. on a mission kept secret until shortly before his departure in response to what was characterized by the White House as a Soviet request for direct consultations on the Middle East. The invitation came from Soviet Communist Party chief Leonid I. Brezhnev in a communication to President Nixon following talks in Cairo by Soviet Premier Alexei N. Kosygin.

The superpower consultations began as the warring parties in the Middle East reiterated their opposition to a cease-fire. But the Soviet Union and the United States were understood to be seeking more than a simple end to hostilities. Moscow and Washington are

also attempting to put in
motion some process toward
an overall settlement that
would deal with the basic
causes of conflict.

As these talks began,
planes were taking off from
both countries bearing the
weapons for the continua-
tion of the war. The Soviet
Union, meanwhile, contin-
ued to exhort the Arabs to
use oil as a weapon against
the United States. In a
quick response, the Ameri-
can maritime unions—partly
motivated by the oil em-
bargo—agreed yesterday to
refuse to load any cargo for
the Soviet Union until Mos-
cow halted military aid to
the Arabs. This could halt
needed grain shipments to
the Soviet Union and all
other trade.

Since one of Moscow's
main objectives in its rela-
tions with Washington has
been increased trade involv-
ing the purchase of U.S.-
manufactured high-technol-

See DIPLOMACY, A16, Col. 5

Editor's Report

# A Busy, Brilliant Man

By *Willie* (Willie Kissinger)

Editor-in-Chief, The Hearst Newspapers

NEW YORK — With all the war news screaming across the front pages and the threats of oil cutbacks because of the Arab-Israeli war, everything else seems to take second-place, particularly the good news. That news — and I will go into more detail in what follows — is that Henry Kissinger is our Secretary of State.

I don't think we could have a better man on the job. If anyone can stick his hand into the mess of the Middle East and pull out a rose, my money is on Henry Kissinger. He was given the title of Secretary of State only last September 22, but he's been putting his imprint on foreign policy for quite some time, as far back as the Kennedy administration.

W. R. HEARST JR.

Before I go into why I believe Dr. Kissinger is such good news, I'm going to express briefly to say a word about Bill Rogers, a good friend, a darned fine lawyer who was Secretary of State while Dr. Kissinger acted as President Nixon's special advisor on foreign affairs.

Bill kept the department running smoothly while accepting assignments all over the world—and doing them well. Bill Rogers operated the State Department without fuss, quietly, efficiently, during a period when the Executive branch of our government was re-organized so that the President could keep his finger continuously pressed to the world's pulse while our foreign policies underwent dramatic changes.

That's why, and how, the major diplomatic jobs got handled for the President by Dr. Kissinger, whose abilities earned him a lot of fans here and over seas.

The best proof of that is his winning the Nobel Peace Prize, though for the life of me I can't see how the judges could be hypocritical enough to also give the award to the North Vietnamese peace negotiator, Le Duc Tho. It makes about as much sense as split-

(Cont. on Page Twenty-two)

Editor's Report

# A Brilliant, Busy Man

(Continued from Page One)

ting a peace prize between Winston Churchill and Adolph Hitler.

That peace agreement signed in Paris is about as lopsided a deal as a crooked horse-trader could hope for, through no fault of Dr. Kissinger. He signed in good faith. Le Duc Tho just signed, period. The North Vietnamese have broken every paragraph in that pact, despite our abiding by it in spirit as well as in letter.

The only reason the North Vietnamese sat down to negotiate finally was that we bombed them to the peace table. Each time they slid out of the negotiating sessions Dr. Kissinger was there waiting for them when they returned and finally managed to end that long, bloody, and cruel war.

Here is a former Harvard professor, a student of foreign affairs, who served as a consultant to John F. Kennedy. Then he worked in a private capacity for Lyndon Johnson, making a couple of trips to South Vietnam in order to find a way to bring the fighting to a stop. And, in case it's been forgotten, it was Dr. Kissinger who drew up a plan to end that war back in 1968 for Governor Rockefeller, who used the plan as a major argument in his unsuccessful attempt to be nominated for the Presidency at the 1968 Republican convention.

Now, if political leaders as diverse as Jack Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Dick Nixon and Nelson Rockefeller all agree on the merits of the same man—well, for my money it means that man has plenty on the ball.

What that plenty is composed of is a combination of years of studying the political history of our world which, in turn, has resulted in a broad understanding coupled with a great knowledge of how other nations think. Add to this great poise and a discipline that enables him to look at the hottest situation with cool detachment.

It would not surprise me if history would put him in the same chapter with the great diplomats of Europe: Metternich, Talleyrand, Disraeli, Gladstone and Pitt.

Dr. Kissinger now faces a challenge that I think will be the toughest of his career: bringing peace to the Middle East. That's not all he has to handle, by a long shot, but he's going to have to start there and so will I.

I don't think the Arabs feel they can destroy Israel, or, at this point, even want to. What they want is the territory they lost in the 1967 war. The Israelis have said that they are willing to let Egyptian technicians and police—not military forces, though—come over to the East Bank of the Suez Canal and get the ships moving again. Egypt apparently believes that it had to take the East Bank by force, just to prove they could do it. Right now, they seem to have done it.

But I can't see any reason why Israel should give the Golan Heights back to Syria. These mountains

The New York Times

LATE CITY EDITION

Weather: Sunny, mild today; clear tonight. Sunny and mild tomorrow. Temp. range: today 47-68, Saturday 52-66. Additional details on Page 87.

"All the News
That's Fit to Print"

SECTION ONE

VOL. CXXIII... No. 42,274

© 1973 The New York Times Company

NEW YORK, SUNDAY, OCTOBER 21, 1973

714 10th Avenue, between 8th and 9th Streets, New York, N.Y. 10016

50 CENTS

# NIXON DISCHARGES COX FOR DEFIANCE; ABOLISHES WATERGATE TASK FORCE; RICHARDSON AND RUCKELSHAUS OUT

## Kissinger Meets Brezhnev on Mideast Cease-Fire Plan

Talis via United Press International

Secretary of State Kissinger with Leonid L. Brezhnev yesterday in Moscow

## TALKS BEING SPED

### U.S. Responds Quickly to Personal Appeal by Soviet Leader

By HEDRICK SMITH
(Special to The New York Times)

MOSCOW, Oct. 20—Secretary of State Kissinger arrived in Moscow today and quickly entered into talks with Leonid L. Brezhnev on the two-week-old Middle East war.

Less than two hours after his blue-and-white Air Force jet touched down at Vnukovo Airport, Mr. Kissinger and top officials met with Mr. Brezhnev, the Soviet Communist party leader, at the Kremlin. An American spokesman disclosed that it was Mr. Brezhnev's wish that she talks start at once.

[In Washington, President Nixon was reported to have sent another message to Mr. Brezhnev, The White House refused to provide details. Page 26. American maritime union leaders, meeting in Miami, said they would boycott handling of all cargo and ships involved in trade with the Soviet Union. Page 31.]

Personal Appeal by Brezhnev
The initial rund of talks lasted for two hours. Negotiations are expected to resume tomorrow morning.

Mr. Kissinger reached Moscow only slightly more than 24 hours after Premier Aleksei N. Kosygin returned here from Cairo. Mr. Brezhnev's personal appeal for Mr. Kissinger to come here was seen as a deliberate effort by the Soviet leader to demonstrate his interest in not letting the events in the Middle East disrupt Soviet American accommodation.

Strangely, Mr. Kosygin was not listed as a participant in the talks, which began at 9:10 P.M. (2:15 P.M., New York time) at the Kremlin. Mr. Brezhnev was joined by Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko, who had personally greeted Secretary Kissinger at the airport.

With Mr. Kissinger in the talks were Joseph J. Sisic, Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern and South Asian Affairs, his chief deputy, Alfred L. Atherton, Helmut Sonnenfeldt, the senior staff member of the National Security Council, and Winston Lord, another

Continued on Page 26, Column 7

U.S., SOVIET AGREE
ON MIDEAST PLAN

Continued From Page 1, Col. 8

was increasing pressure for a
cease-fire in place.

Initially, the Arabs—backed
by the Soviet Union—had de-
manded a return to the 1967
prewar cease-fire lines and
wanted any cease-fire clearly
linked to a framework for a
permanent settlement of the
Arab-Israeli dispute.

Washington's interest from
the outset had been for a cease-
fire first, than the problem of
working out an over-all set-
tlement.

In the talks here, Mr. Brezh-
nev was joined by Foreign Min-
ister Gromyko, First Deputy
Foreign Minister Vasily V. Kuz-

netsov, and Anatoly F. Dobry-
nin, the Toviet Ambassador to
Washington.

Beside Mr. Kissinger and staff
aides, American participants in-
cluded Joseph J. Sisio, Assistant
Secretary of State for Near
Eastern and South Asian Af-
fairs and his deputy, Alfred L.
Atherton.

The Americans came to Moscow a day after the return of Premier Aleksei N. Kosygin from a three-day mission to Cairo.

During the last few days the
Soviet press has shown increas-
ing signs of concern over the
trend of the Middle East fight-
ing, after an initial display of
confidence over the Egyptian
thrust on the Sinai peninsula.
To neutral diplomats, this sug-
gested greater flexibility in the
Soviet negotiating position.

Egypt Seems Adamant

Special to The New York Times

CAIRO, Oct. 21—Arab and Western diplomats said here today that it was inconceivable that Egypt would accept a cease-fire of any kind as long as Israeli forces remained on the western bank of the Suez Canal.

The inescapable impression
in Cairo today is that the Egyp-
tian Government expects a long
and difficult war and is deter-
mined to fight it to the end.

Diplomatic developments, in-
cluding the talks in Moscow
between Secretary of State
Kissinger and Leonid I. Brezh-
nev, the Soviet party leader,
are dwarfed in the local press
and in the thinking of officials
here by the battles on two
fronts.

High officials declined to be
drawn into discussion of re-
ports of a Soviet-American plan
for a cease-fire. President An-

war el-Sadat spelled out the
Egyptian position last Tuesday
when he declared his readiness
to accept a cease-fire coupled
with an Israeli withdrawal to
the lines used before the 1967
war with international super-
vision.

Egypt is not active on the
diplomatic front these days,
these officials said. They added
that the Government was
pleased with the attitude adopt-
ed by Premier Aleksei N.
Koysgin during his visit here
last week.

"The Soviets have given us
their support on the issue of
withdrawal and international
guarantees," one official said.

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ZZ
RNR16

KISSINGER:

BY LARS-ERIK NELSON

WASHINGTON, OCT. 23, REUTER -- A GROUP OF AMERICAN CARRER DIPLOMATS AT A COCKTAIL PARTY ON SATURDAY NIGHT WERE FEELING SORRY FOR HENRY KISSINGER.

"POOR HENRY," SAID ONE. "HE FINALLY ACHIEVED HIS AMBITION AND B-CAME SECRETARY OF STATE AND THE ADMINISTRATION IS FALLING APART AROUND HIM."

AND THEN SUNDAY, KISSINGER ACHIEVED ANOTHER SPECTACULAR COUP: SECURING, WITH THE COOPERATION OF THE SOVIET UNION, A JOINT RESOLUTION CALLING FOR A CEASEFIRE IN THE MIDDLE EAST.

FEEL SORRY FOR HENRY KISSINGER? SELDOM IN THE MODERN HISTORY OF PUBLIC AFFAIRS HAVE SO MANY VICTORIES AND REWARD POURED ON ONE MAN, STILL IN HIS PRIME, IN SO SHORT A TIME.

JUST 31 DAYS AGO HE WAS SWORN IN AS SECRETARY OF STATE, THE FIRST FOREIGN-BORN AMERICAN AND THE FIRST JEW E'ER TO HOLD THE JOB.

SINCE THEN HE HAS WON A NOBEL PEACE PRIZE, WON THE CONFIDENCE OF SOVIET COMMUNIST PARTY CHIEF LEONID BREZHNEV AND HELPED DEVISE A PLAN TO STOP THE SHOOTING BETWEEN ISRAEL AND ITS ARAB NEIGHBORS.

HE WILL SHORTLY VISIT PEKING FOR THE SIXTH TIME TO REINFORCE THE SINO-AMERICAN TIES HE HELPED TO CREATE AFTER 20 YEARS OF TOTAL ENMITY AND MUTUAL CONTEMPT. HE WAS DUE TO LEAVE YESTERDAY -- AT ABOUT THE TIME HE WAS FLYING HOME FROM MOSCOW, TEL AVIV AND LONDON AFTER COMPILING THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE PACT WITH KREMLIN LEADERS.

OFFICIALS SAID KISSINGER WAS STILL PLANNING TO GO TO CHINA IN THE NEXT FEW DAYS AFTER REPORTING TO PRESIDENT NIXON ON HIS MISSION TO THE SOVIET UNION AND ISRAEL. THE DATE OF HIS DEPARTURE HAS STILL TO BE FIXED.

MORE JCK/RBC 0220

ZZ

RNR17

KISSINGER 2 WASHINGTON:

THESE ARE HEADY DAYS FOR KISSINGER, THE HARVARD SCHOLAR WHOSE 20-HOUR WORKDAYS, PATIENCE AND CHARM HAVE PROPELLED HIM INTO THE PAGES OF FUTURE HISTORY BOOKS, WHICH MAY RANK HIM WITH METTERNICH, TALLEYRAND AND OTHER MASTERS OF DIPLOMACY.

KISSINGERS VICTORIES ALSO REPRESENT A RETURN, PERHAPS TEMPORARY, FOR PROFESSIONAL DIPLOMACY AFTER YEARS OF SUMMITRY.

PRESIDENT NIXON HAS ALWAYS PRIDED himself ON HIS FOREIGN AFFAIRS EXPERTISE, BUT HE IS NOW SO RESET BY DOMESTIC PROBLEMS -- PARTICULARLY THE WATERGATE BUGGING SCANDAL -- THAT HE WILL PROBABLY BE COMPELLED TO LEAVE INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN KISSINGERS HANDS.

THOSE HANDS ARE PROFESSIONAL AND SURE. HIS STYLE OF WORK WAS EVIDENT DURING THE FIRST DAYS OF THE MIDDLE EAST FIGHTING. THE NEGOTIATIONS, HE SAID, WERE DELICATE AND COULD NOT BE DESCRIBED PUBLICLY. THERE WERE NO LEAKS TO THE PRESS FROM THE STATE DEPARTMENT, WHICH HAD ALWAYS BEEN CONSIDERED A SIEVE.

HE REFUSED TO ACCUSE THE RUSSIANS OF BAD FAITH OR IRRESPONSIBILITY, ALTHOUGH THE UNITED STATES WAS DEEPLY CONCERNED OVER THEIR DELIVERIES OF ARMS TO THE WARPING ARAB NATIONS AND THEIR EXHORTATIONS TO NON-COMBATANT ARAB STATES TO JOIN IN THE FIGHTING.

INSTEAD, HE KEP IN DAILY CONTACT WITH SOVIET AMBASSADOR ANATOLY DOBRYNIN, SEEKING SOME KIND OF COMPROMISE.

IN KISSINGERS DEALINGS WITH THE RUSSIANS LIE ON OF HIS GREATEST SUCCESSES. HE HAD LITTLE DIFFICULTY CONVINCING THE U.S. SENATE THAT, ALTHOUGH A JEW, HE COULD CONDUCT A FOREIGN POLICY IN THE BEST INTERESTS OF THE UNITED STATES -- WITHOUT FAVORITISM FOR ISRAEL OR OSTILITY TO ARABS. MORE JCK/RBC 0223

ZZ

RNR18

KISSINGER 3 WASHINGTON:

THAT HE HAS MANAGED TO PERSUADE THE SOVIET LEADERS OF HIS FAIRNESS IS ESPECIALLY REMARKABLE, AND REPRESENTS PROOF THAT HIS BACKGROUND WILL BE NO HANDICAP.

BUT FOR ALL HIS TRIUMPHS, IT MUST RANKLE THAT THE ADMINISTRATION HE SERVES IS IN DEEP TROUBLE -- EVEN FACING CATASTROPHE -- AT HOME.

AMERICANS ARE LOOKING WITH STEADILY DIMINISHING DISRELIEF AT THE PROSPECT OF IMPEACHING PRESIDENT NIXON OVER WATERGATE. VICE PRESIDENT SPIRO AGNEW HAS BEEN FORCED TO RESIGN.

IT HAS BECOME ALMOST A BY-WORD IN WASHINGTON THAT WHENEVER PRESIDENT NIXON IS IN DOMESTIC TROUBLE HE PULLS OFF A SPECTACULAR FOREIGN POLICY COUP -- A VISIT TO CHINA OR MOSCOW, AN END TO THE VIETNAM WAR -- THAT DISTRACTS ATTENTION FROM HIS PROBLEMS AT HOME.

KISSINGERS VISIT TO MOSCOW AND THE MIDDLE EAST PEACE RESOLUTION PUSHED TALK OF IMPEACH IN THE PRESIDENT TO THE SIDE OF AMERICAN FRONT PAGES YESTERDAY MORNING. NOW AMERICANS ARE ASKING: WHAT CAN HE DO NEXT?

REUTER JCK/RBC 0225

HAK: FYI

WP 10/22/73

Joseph Alsop

# The Durability of Detente

While we wait for the outcome of the battles in the Mideast, it is worth asking what the war there has done to the Nixon-Kissinger foreign policy. In this poisonous city, the number of people who never do their homework is constantly increasing. These people are now speaking of the Nixon-Kissinger policy's "collapse," on the ground that the Soviet-American "detente" has been shown to be worthless.

This is nonsense. The policy devised for President Nixon by Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger was always a gamble against uncertain odds. What has happened in the Mideast has undoubtedly made the odds for the future look more dubious and worrisome. But there are times when men and nations have no alternatives to the best gamble that happens to be open to them.

The place to begin is with this matter of alternatives. The United States always had all sorts of alternatives in the happier time when the United States possessed superior military strength, and was united on the need for a serious world power position. But that was by no means the case by the time President Nixon and Secretary Kissinger became responsible for foreign policy.

By then, a ferocious attack had long been in progress on the American defense program and any kind of American policy based on power. The success of the attack was amply demonstrated, from the start of the Nixon years, by the annual drama of the defense budgets, always inadequate, yet always cut, and even then never passed by more than a vote or two in the Senate.

The men responsible for this shocking situation were such senators as Mike Mansfield (D-Mont.), J. William Fulbright (D-Ark.), Stuart Symington (D-Mo.) and many more, plus their countless allies in the House, in the intellectual world and in the media. From the very start, therefore, Dr. Kissinger was the first architect of U.S. foreign policy since 1941 who had to try to win the game with a terribly weak hand to play.

There are no sure bets for anyone who must try to win with a weak hand. The only chance is to choose the best gamble and then to play the cards astutely. This has been the real success of the Nixon-Kissinger team. What has happened in the Mideast has not altered that success, although it has greatly darkened the future outlook.

It is here that we come to the problem of "detente" with the Soviet Union, as organized by President Nixon and Secretary Kissinger. For those who did their homework, the ambiguity of this "detente" was always perfectly plain. It was in fact analyzed in full detail in four reports in this space written well before the renewed Arab attack on Israel. The ambiguity, of course, lay in the fact the "detente" was no more nor less than a well justified gamble.

The Soviets, quite obviously, had long been approaching a final choice between two policies profoundly different in character and impact on the world. The first policy was to try to make the Soviet economy work much better by massive importations of cred-

its and technology from the West. This inescapably requires what is called "detente."

The second policy was to escape from the increasingly dangerous Soviet internal economic mess by maximum exploitation of the main Soviet asset, which is greatly superior military power. This choice, if finally made, will automatically transform all the preparations for "detente" into a series of tranquilizers for the West, in advance of the Soviet attack. The first major Soviet attack, if launched, was and still is most likely to be a preventive nuclear attack on China.

Faced with the certainty that the Soviets were getting ready for so fundamental a choice, the President and Dr. Kissinger made a basic decision, and then took two steps to implement that decision. Their decision was that the United States would face a situation worse than the Hitler-time, if the Soviets were to opt for the policy based on naked use of military and even nuclear power. The steps taken were to make what amounts to an informal, tempo-

rary and preventive alliance with Peking, and meanwhile to offer Moscow what is called "detente."

The aim of offering "detente" to Moscow was bleakly practical. It was to make the first of the two policies above-outlined—the one not based on naked use of military power—look more attractive and more feasible to the Kremlin's policy-makers. For obvious reasons, this hard inner-reality could not be loudly proclaimed from any public rostrum, although it was not hard for the clear-eyed to perceive. As an effort to influence a future Kremlin decision, it was also a gamble in the true sense.

The Soviet-sponsored Arab attack on Israel has now affected the U.S. gamble, by making it seem considerably more likely that the Kremlin is leaning toward a policy based on naked military power. But if guilty men are to be sought for this Soviet leaning, the right place to look is among those Americans who have worked so hard to undermine the U.S. defense posture and power position in the world. That is the long and short of it.

© 1973. Los Angeles Times

Joseph Alsop

# The Durability of Detente

Its and technology from the West. This is escapably requires what is called "detente."

rary and preventive alliance with Peeking, and meanwhile to offer Moscow what is called "detente."

© 1973. Los Angeles Times

Kissinger Back, Sees Nixon

By Jeremiah O'Leary

Star-News Staff Writer

Secretary of State Henry
A. Kissinger reported to
President Nixon today on
his personal efforts to ar-
range peace in the Middle
East, as new fighting began
after a 14-hour cease-fire.

Kissinger, who arrived in
Washington early this
morning, faced the immedi-
ate task of restoring the
cease-fire before he can
resume efforts to get the,
belligerents to negotiate a
lasting Mideast peace.

As Kissinger ended his
trip to Moscow, Tel Aviv
and London, there was
growing speculation that
the United States and the
Soviet Union had agreed on
a formula for the hard nego-
tiations that would follow a
cease-fire.

Informed sources here
pointed out that Kissinger
would not have needed to
stop in Tel Aviv and London
en route to Wasington from
Moscow if all he had to dis-
cuss with Israeli and British
leaders was the cease-fire
resolution approved by the

U. N. Security Council yes-
terday.

(In London, Kissinger
conferred with Foreign Sec-
retary Sir Alec Douglas-
Home. In Tel Aviv he met
with Premier Golda Meir,
Foreign Minister Abba
Eban and Defense Minister
Moshe Dayan. Kissinger
made no public statements
in either country, the Asso-
ciated Press reported.)

Speculation was that the
superpowers had agreed on
a secret plan was strength-
ened by report that Soviet
Premier Alexei N. Kosygin
has returned to Cairo for his
second visit in less than a
week for talks with Egyp-
tian President Anwar Sad-
at.

Despite Soviet-American
agreement on a cease-fire,
neither superpower showed
signs of stopping its airlift
to the Mideast. U.S. offi-
cials said 24 U.S. jet trans-
ports went into Israel yes-
terday, making a total of
203 flights since the airlift
began Oct. 14, with an over-
all total of 7,700 tons of mili-
tary supplies.

U.S. intelligence report-

edly shows that the Soviet
Union sent 65 flights into
Egypt and Syria yesterday,
making a total of 822 deliv-
eries by air since Oct. 10,
with 12,000 tons aboard.

THE CEASE-FIRE reso-
lution, applied to the fourth
Arab-Israeli war, is rela-
tively simple. It called on
all parties to the fighting to
cease firing in the positions
they held at 12:50 p.m. yes-
terday, 12 hours after pas-
sage of the U. N. resolution
prepared by the Americans
and Soviets.

Egypt and Israel, the two
primary opponents, accept-
ed the cease-fire, although
not without considerable
rhetoric and setting of con-
ditions such as the Israeli
demand for a total prisoner
exchange.

The difficulty with the
resolution, however, lies in
its exhortation that the bel-
ligerents immediately begin
implementing U. N. Resolu-
tion 242 through negotiation.

Resolution 242, passed
after the end of the six-day
war of 1967, calls for a re-
turn of all forces to bounda-

ries that existed prior to
Israel's victory in that con-
flict.

There are ambiguities of
language in resolution 242
that have prevented any
agreement between the
Arabs and Israelis for the
past six years.

THE ARABS interpret the
resolution to mean that Is-
rael must give up all territo-
ries won from Jordan,
Egypt and Syria in the 1967
war. The Israelis construe
it to mean they are to give
up some conquered land in
return for guarantees of
recognition and future secu-
rity from the Arabs.

It is the negotiations on
these issues that will deter-
mine whether there will be
a lasting Mideast peace.

Israel might give up the
Sinai desert region but will
fiercely resist pressure
from any source, including
its American ally, to with-
draw from the Golan
Heights, from former Arab

Jerusalem or the Sharm El
Sheikh region of southern
Sinai.

The Arabs will insist, to
their Russian backers as
well as any other source,
that Israel must return to
pre-1967 boundaries without
exception.

AUTHORITIES here say
the Americans and Soviets
could bring the fighting to
an end just by stopping the
massive supply of arms to
the combatants. But it is
one thing to end the shoot-
ing war and another to ne-
gotiate a permanent peace.

IF KISSINGER and Sovi-
et Communist party chief
Leonid I. Brezhnev have
agreed on a peace formula,
it is a closely held secret.
Some sources believe the
Soviets have agreed to "mi-
nor corrections" of the pre-
1967 frontiers while the
United States may have
consented to join with the
Soviet Union in establishing
a joint peace-keeping force.

FIRST LINE REPORT - WTOP

WITH MARVIN KALB

OCTOBER 23, 1973

MARVIN KALB: Good morning. The Middle East deal. The substance and style of the Kissinger mission to Moscow. That in one minute.

(Announcement)

MARVIN KALB: Last Friday night Secretary of State Kissinger was guest of honor at a dinner hosted by Ambassador Hugna Chen, Peking's leading diplomat in Washington. It was a long and elaborate dinner, ending shortly before midnight. Among the invited guests were Senate Majority Leader Mansfield, House Speaker Albert and Vice President-designate Ford.

Before they could slip into their waiting cars after dinner, Kissinger sidetracked them long enough to brief them about the Middle East, specifically his weekend journey to Moscow. The Secretary of State, having thus briefed Congress, signed a few autographs near the hotel, one of them on a copy of the Washington Post, and then he ducked into his limousine.

One reporter, one of 17 invited to the Chinese dinner, asked Kissinger, "Is there anything new on the Middle East?" "No," Kissinger answered, "not particularly." Twenty minutes later the White House and the Kremlin broke the news: There was something new. Kissinger was off for Moscow on a journey that produced a big-power call for a cease-fire in place in the Middle East and immediate negotiations between Arab and Israelis on implementing the 1967 U.N. Security Council resolution calling for an Israeli pullback to recognized boundaries.

Kissinger's refusal to brief newsmen even on a hold-for-release basis, his Captain Midnight departure for Russia, his pulling of a diplomatic rabbit-out-of-the-hat when his own aides back here in Washington cautioned reporters against expecting any quick surprises in Russia, his reversion to super-secret diplomacy even after repeated public pledges of a new and open Administration, not only of the State Department, but of the conduct of American foreign policy, all of this surprised and disappointed many reporters and observers usually sympathetic who had taken Kissinger's pledges seriously and who had come to expect more thoughtful treatment of newsmen and, through them, the public.

- 2 -

Apparently the Secretary of State's style, rhetoric to one side, is little different from the Presidential advisor style of secrecy in big-power relationships and surprise calculated for maximum political and diplomatic effect. He may feel that the end justifies the means, and the end in this case is certainly attractive -- a big-power-imposed cease-fire, followed by negotiations between the parties, leading toward full implementation of the 1967 U.N. resolution.

That, no doubt, is the tip of the iceberg. Is there a big-power understanding about arms limitation? Officials say no, but they are not sure they really know. Are Russia and the U.S. now going to station their own troops in the Middle East? The spokesman here says that is not under active consideration, but it is possible that is what the spokesman was told to say and there may be a surprise on this issue, too.

Moreover, what was the necessity for Kissinger to go to Moscow? His headline-catching journey attracted some cynical speculation here that the President was seeking to distract attention from Cox, Watergate and talk of impeachment, but the same sources who tended to mislead many reporters last week insist that Kissinger's trip had nothing to do with the Watergate controversy; that it was Russia's idea that he go there, and the problem was obviously grim enough, and so Kissinger went.

There are still many questions, but one thing seems clear: that when it was in the Soviet Union's interest to help impose a cease-fire, it moved quickly and the U.S. moved quickly and the blood-letting stopped.

# # # # # # #

Portland, Maine
Press Herald
10-24-73

# Editorials

## You're Fired 6x

Look to your job, Mr. Kissinger, look to your job.

These are strange times, Mr. Secretary — desperate and strange.

These are times in which failure is summarily penalized by separation from employment — deviously, perhaps, but summarily.

These are times when success is rewarded in the same manner.

An Oakland baseball player made a couple of conspicuous and costly errors in the World Series. He was summarily fired. There was no possibility of impeachment of the team owner, but the next closest procedure was followed. The baseball commissioner reinstated the player who got not one but two standing ovations from the rival team's fans. It never was clear whether the Mets fans were cheering for justice or merely hoped the player would get back on the field and hand them another ball game.

The manager of the Oakland club led his team to its second consecutive World Series title then quit. His ballplayers made it clear that the wrong man was leaving. They wanted to get rid of the owner.

In Washington, behaving as though he owned the White House, President Nixon fired the Watergate prosecutor because he was doing his job too well. The head of the Justice Department team quit because of disagreement with the top man. The man next in line got fired for the same reason.

Success and failure bring the same results. Mr. Kissinger has been both successful and unsuccessful in attempting to quiet down the Middle East. So look to your job, Mr. Kissinger, look to your job.

The sign of the Series, and the times: You're Fired!

WEDNESDAY, OCTOBER 24, 1973

fusal to accept the prize was on instruction of
the government of which he is a part.

It is just as well. Tho really did not deserve
the award, which was made in diplomatic bal-
ance. Events in Indochina since the signing of
the agreement have made it clear that North
Vietnam still harbors aggressive ambitions
against its neighbors, including but not confined
to South Vietnam.

The initiative for the agreement that wound
down the war came from the United States.
Henry Kissinger, operating under the direction
of President Nixon, was the masterful instru-
ment through which that initiative was success-
ful, and America's withdrawal of troops from
Vietnam was a convincing contribution to
peace. North Vietnam made no similar conces-
sion.

So, as it develops, Henry Kissinger stands
alone as the Nobel peacemaker of 1973 — unless
the North Vietnamese government changes
Tho's mind. That's fair enough.

# No To Moscow ME/CR
## Dr. Kissinger Said It Well

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's
meaning was clear: the United States will
not participate in any Soviet-American
peace force in the Middle East and is
"even more opposed" to a unilateral So-
viet intrusion of forces into that area.

His statement at his news conference Thursday was remarkably, and we think admirably, restrained. He went just far enough (and moved just quickly enough) to put Moscow on notice that it would be risking very dangerous confrontation with the United States if it sent troops to the Middle East. But Dr. Kissinger was careful to say he had no information the Soviets had already done this, that he believed it would not and that we would continue to work with Moscow toward solutions.

Behind these words, of course, was
military movement on our part, with cer-
tain forces being alerted: another clear
warning to the Soviets that they must
not capitalize upon the Middle East con-
fusion (and our own domestic confusion)
to gain a military foothold in the Middle
East.

We agree with Secretary Kissinger that this simply must not be allowed. The framework within which he took that position was quite sound. The United States will try to work within the United Nations. It will first seek a cease-fire. It will support a U.N. "observer force" and possibly lend "some personnel." It also will agree to an international military force provided by U.N. member nations as long as it does not include troops from permanent members of the U.N. Security

Council: that is, troops from the major
powers, including the United States and
the Soviet Union.

When the war began, we expressed
the view that the Western powers ulti-
mately must move together for a Middle
East solution. Washington has not pro-
ceeded in that direction, preferring in-
stead to deal, principally with Moscow
and secondarily with the United Nations.
We still believe that the Washington-
Moscow axis is less likely to bring about
permanent solution in the Middle East
than would firm action by the United
States in concert with its neglected allies
in the West.

But since Washington did not take
that course early and the Soviets have
continued to press their campaign to
advance their interests in the Middle
East confusion, Secretary Kissinger's
position seems a sound response to the
immediate situation.

He indicated that there is a limit
beyond which we cannot be pushed. To
indicate the existence of that limit is not
sabre-rattling, in our view, but the best
way to avoid military conflict with the
Russians over this matter. If they thought
we would not respond militarily, they
would have troops in the Middle East im-
mediately; and that, in turn, likely would
lead to greater rather than less danger of
eventual Soviet-American conflict.

Mr. Kissinger's words were soft.
They avoided specific threats. But they
were clear. Whether we will now have
full-scale confrontation with the Soviets
is largely up to the Soviets.

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contention was the 12-y
war in Africa, which crit
were in effect prohibited fr
discussing.

One such meeting in Lis
on Tuesday night was en
after an hour by a burly
lice captain carrying a kr

Lisbon Is T

Special to The New York Times

LISBON, Oct. 25 — In a
bare courtroom here to
three young Portuguese wo
went on trial for offending
lic moral with a book es
ing the feminist cause, w
is largely unknown in this
dominated society.

Maria Horta, Maria Veilh
Costa and Maria Barrenc
writers of some note in P
gal's highly restricted lit
and intellectual world,
brought to justice for a
they collectively pro
called "New Portuguese
ters." The 389-page book
says, letters and poetry
tains what some readers
sider obscene passages.

A few minutes after the
sion opened, Judge Alirio
ina Barbosa, a stern loo
man, cleared the courtroom
spectators — newsmen
friends of the defendants.
clerk explained that “impro
words” would be produced d
ing the hearings.

After the defendants w
questioned the next

Editor's Report

# Kissinger: A Job Well Done

(Continued from Page One)

Harris, cabled from the war zone that the Egyptian Third Army, pinned down along the Suez in the blazing desert sun, faced annihilation.

Harris quoted one observer as saying, "It is an army of the damned in classical war fiction; it must surrender or die."

But the Soviets were not about to let their ally face such a disaster, any more than we, presumably, would let our ally be wiped out.

They proposed that they and we should send troops into the war zone to insure the cease-fire. But that proposal was promptly — and correctly — rejected by Kissinger and President Nixon.

The Russians remained adamant — even desperate — in their determination to prevent Israel from demolishing the Egyptian army. Soviet Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin delivered to Kissinger a very tough note on this matter — a note which my friend, Sen. Scoop Jackson, described as "brutal."

At the same time, Washington began noticing strange military activities in the Soviet Union, indicating that the Russians might be planning to send troops in unilaterally to save the Egyptians.

That is when President Nixon declared a worldwide military alert of American forces. Given the perilous situation, there can be no doubt that our President made the right move and it disgusted me that some overly cynical newsmen and politicians suggested that it was all a smoke screen to cover up the furor over the Watergate tapes.

I realize that a lot of people have lost confidence in the President as a result of recent homefront scandals. But he has done a tremendous job in foreign affairs and is not about to fabricate a military confrontation with the Soviets simply to deflect domestic political fire.

The Soviets claim they had no intention of sending troops to the Middle East, but were just trying to put pressure on Israel. That may be. But we were not certain of their intentions and our President had the duty as Commander In Chief, and with the unanimous affirmation of his National Security Council, to take all necessary precautions.

Fortunately, the confrontation never developed, because the President once more sent the able Kissinger into the breach. At his press conference on Thursday, the Secretary gave the nation a full run-down on events as they had transpired up to that time and made an eloquent plea for a United Nations peace keeping force that would be made up of troops from nations other than the United States and the Soviet Union.

He said: "It is inconceivable that the forces of the great powers should be introduced in the numbers that would be necessary to overpower both of the participants. It is inconceivable that we should transplant the great-power rivalry into the Middle

East or, alternatively, that we should impose a military condominium by the United States and the Soviet Union."

As a result of Dr. Kissinger's work, the United Nations Security Council that night approved establishment of an emergency force to enforce the cease-fire.

As readers of this column know, I often have been harshly critical of the United Nations. But in this particular situation, that world body acted exactly as it should.

Had we not had the United Nations as a forum in which to debate and decide this grave question, things might have gotten out of hand. The Security Council demonstrated that it can truly perform in the interest of world peace if the big powers are willing to use it properly.

But the lion's share of the praise for cooling off an overheated international situation must go to my brilliant friend, Henry Kissinger.

ON FRIDAY NIGHT millions of us watched President Nixon answer questions about the Middle East and the Watergate affair in one of the most wild and wooly press conferences of recent memory.

Although the President let his feelings show through on occasion and had some sarcastic remarks about radio and television, I thought he did a good job of keeping his cool and of replying directly and candidly to all questions. He performed well under fire.

Washington Whispers®

RODMAN

[Items appearing on this page are being talked about in Washington or other news centers]

No "Smart" Bombs for Israel . . . Making Sure Jerry Ford is "Clean" . . . A Sixth Term for Mayor Daley?

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger gets low marks from pro-Israeli congressional leaders who charge he is more concerned with salvaging what is left of his détente policy with Russia than with helping Israel. Says one highly placed critic: "Kissinger made all sorts of excuses to us about why we didn't send military aid faster—that he had to go slow with the President, that the Pentagon wasn't ready. But the fact is that Kissinger himself was urging a go-slow policy."

One weapon the Israelis are not getting from the U.S. is the latest "smart" bomb, guided by a laser or TV system. The Pentagon refuses to sell it to any foreign country.

The White House is going to extraordinary lengths to assure that Vice President-designate Gerald Ford is as clean as a whistle. Newsmen are among others in Mr. Ford's home State of Michigan who report personal and probing visits by FBI agents asking questions about the reputation and background of the veteran of nearly 25 years in Congress.

At least seven investigative bodies are digging into the background of Mr. Ford: the FBI, the Internal Revenue Service, the General Accounting Office, the Library of Congress, which is searching newspaper files, the American Bar Association and the staffs of the two congressional committees that will hold hearings on the Ford nomination.

John Connally's "conservative" friends are telling the Texas Republican he should start speaking out on "more emotional" topics such as high taxes and big government in order to

strengthen his potential candidacy for the White House. The backers feel several of the former Treasury Secretary's recent speeches about "economic diplomacy" have been dull and lacking in punch.

Ronald Reagan is also being urged to hurry up and launch his campaign for the 1976 presidential nomination. Says one politician who favors the California Governor: "He can't hold back and wait for a draft. Connally is already at work."

Former admirers of Spiro Agnew are fuming over the way the White House handled the ex-Vice President's troubles, but declare they have no intention of splitting the Republican Party over the affair. Says one man on Capitol Hill: "We feel sorry for Agnew, and that's the end of it."

The man who ran the Agnew investigation—U. S. Attorney George Beall, of Baltimore—is considering running for Governor of Maryland in 1974 as a "liberal" Republican, friends say.

Richard J. Daley, 71, who has been expected to retire as mayor of Chicago when his present term ends, now is thinking of running an unprecedented sixth time. He fears that if he doesn't, Chicago's Democratic leadership will be taken over by Alderman William Singer, 32, the spearhead of the forces that kept Mayor Daley and his allies out of the 1972 Democratic National Convention.

That controversial sale of U. S. wheat to Russia is being called a "nutrition-al Yalta" by Dr. Jean Mayer, the Harvard expert on diets. One reason

cited by others is that it looks a lot like the way the Soviets don't need all the grain for food. The Kremlin's transfer of 2 million tons of grain to India is taken as evidence that the wheat being used as a negotiating tool with underdeveloped countries.

Senator George McGovern is being counted on by Mrs. Jean Westwood, Chairman of the Democratic National Committee during his bid for the Republican nomination, to return the favor by campaignizing for her in Utah. She wants to succeed Senator Wallace Benne, a Republican, who is retiring.

It's being remarked that the Republican Party is being replaced by the Red Sox. Billy Graham, a frequent visitor to the White House during Mr. Nixon's first term, hasn't appeared in public since he was elected President, and has not yet been able to get elected to any meeting between the two parties since Dr. Graham attended a White House religious service, January

Armed guards "riding shotgun" hind shipments of highly radioactive material to become a regular sight on the highways in mid-October. Atomic Energy Commission officials, concerned that terror could make off with plutonium highly enriched uranium, say even a step in the shipment of these materials will now be closely monitored.

Being noted with interest is a sudden unusual attention by Japanese officials to statistics on the amount of U. S. farmland, especially the Dakotas and other Midwestern States, current real-estate probable crop yields and marketing prospects. Suspected goal: Japanese want to buy up all they can.

U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT, Oct. 29, 1973

65

KISSINGER

WASHINGTON (AP)-SECRETARY OF STATE HENRY KISSINGER SAID TODAY
HE BELIEVES THE CHANCES FOR A MIDDLE EAST PEACE SETTLEMENT ARE
GOOD BECAUSE EACH SIDE "SHOULD HAVE LEARNED THE IMPOSSIBILITY OF
CONTINUING THE CONDITIONS THAT PRODUCED THIS CONFLICT."

"EACH SIDE HAS SUFFERED A GREAT DEAL," KISSINGER SAID AFTER
BRIEFING THE HOUSE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE ON THE MIDDLE EAST
SITUATION.

"I THINK ALL PARTIES SHOULD HAVE LEARNED THAT A PURELY MILITARY
SOLUTION CANNOT BE ACHIEVED BY THEM AND WILL ONLY MAKE THE AREA AN
ARENA FOR THE RIVALRY OF THE GREAT POWERS," HE SAID.

KISSINGER SPOKE BRIEFLY TO NEWSMEN AND WOULD NOT ANSWER QUESTIONS
ON WHAT CONDITIONS HE REFERRED TO AS PRODUCING THE ARAB-ISRAELI
CONFLICT.

HE SAID THE MAJOR POWERS HAVE A SPECIAL OBLIGATION TO PREVENT
THE DANGERS OF CONTINUED ARAB-ISRAELI WAR IN THE MIDDLE EAST.

"THE UNITED STATES, IN COOPERATION WITH OTHER INTERESTED COUNTRIES, IS PREPARED TO MAKE EVERY EFFORT TO BRING ABOUT A JUST AND DURABLE PEACE," HE SAID.

MEMBERS OF THE HOUSE FOREIGN AFFAIRS COMMITTEE REFUSED TO
COMMENT ON WHAT KISSINGER TOLD THEM DURING THE CLOSED-DOOR BRIEFING
THAT LASTED MORE THAN AN HOUR.

AG1227PES OCT. 29

# Another Mongol Conversion

By C. L. Sulzberger

HUHEHOT, Inner Mongolia.—
In 1570, a Chinese statesman
named Wan Chun-hu sent a
memorandum to Emperor Lung
Ching suggesting that the way
to handle the menace of the
warlike Mongolians to the north
was by converting them to Bud-
dhism.

Buddhism had already been
introduced to the Mongols even
before their great king, Kubla
Khan, overran China and estab-
lished the rather short-lived Yuan
dynasty which ruled a great Chi-
nese empire. During the Yuan
period lamas from this vast prairie
land used to study in distant
Tibet but most Mongols preferred
their heathen shaman rites.

Therefore, Wan, fearing their
fierce cavalry, counseled Emperor
Lung: "Buddhism forbids blood-
shed, prescribes confession, recom-
mends a virtuous life; for this
reason we should do our utmost
to diffuse that faith among the
nomads."

His advice was accepted. The
policy of the Ming and succeed-
ing Ching emperors was to propa-
gate the Buddhist ideology much
as the Communist ideology has
been propagated here since Mao
Tse-tung's army assumed control
of Inner Mongolia in 1947.

Lamaism became Mongolia's
state religion. Potential warriors
became celibate monks, each fam-
ily being forced to contribute sons

to monasteries. Population de-
clined and a later chronicler
wrote: "There was no need to
light a watch-fire on the bound-
aries of China."

The Mongols retained the writ-
ten language established by their
greatest medieval tyrant, Genghis
Khan, but they became politically
divided. Finally in 1921 the
northern part of this sparsely
populated but immense area de-
clared itself the Outer Mongolian
People's Republic, an outright
satellite of Moscow.

The Mongols in China were
subjected to different local ad-
ministrations. Only 26 years ago
the Autonomous Region of Inner
Mongolia, of which this is the
capital, was established under
Peking. Even today there are
more Chinese Mongolians (1.6 mil-
lion) outside this autonomous
region than in it (420,000).

The Mongollans here have un-
doubtedly been favored and their
population has more than doubled
from 180,000 in 1947. Neverthe-
less, during the same time, offi-
cials here say the total number
of inhabitants in the autonomous
region has grown from 3.16 mil-
lion to 8 million.

## No Lamas Now

The Mongolians are no longer
responsive to lamaism. Indeed,
of 10 Buddhist monasteries listed
as extant in a guidebook compiled
during the 1960s, only a portion
of one remains—the five-towered
pagoda of Wu ta si, a lovely little
structure with Tibetan and Mon-
golian inscriptions. The others
have been razed or remodeled for
other purposes. Not one lama
is left.

However, the new faith of
Communism has preserved a
favored position for the Mon-
golians, honoring their phonetic
language on a parity with Chi-
nese and guaranteeing them 18
percent representation on all ad-
ministrative bodies.

They are being converted from
their nomadic life in yurts (felt
tents) to settled existence in
houses. Plague and syphilis, two

previous curses, have been elimi-
nated. Thirteen thousand rul-
mentary "horseback doctors" tend
a pastoral clientele in addition to
town physicians.

At the University of Inner Mon-
golia, Chingtai, the director of
the Mongolian language depart-
ment, told me the stress on na-
tional history was now laid on a
20th-century Mongol revolutionary
named Sinilama, but acknowl-
edged that, despite his "class
defects" and aggressiveness, Gen-
ghis Khan had been a "great"
man who unified this people.

## Language Honored

Their language is honored in
every respect. I saw Mongolian
girls and boys in university classes
wearing lovely silk robes rather
than drab Chinese dungaree-type
costumes. They rule the grass-
lands with the long-maned little
horses they ride so marvelously.
They have been considerably in-
dustrialized. Their livestock popu-
lation has quadrupled since Com-
munism took over. Their summer
horseback festival of Nadamu is
the year's great event. Their
excellent cuisine, music, dance and
folklore are carefully fostered.

There seems not the slightest
reason to believe the population
of Inner Mongolia pays much
heed to or is attracted by the
anti-Peking propaganda beamed
here from Outer Mongolia. The
people are thriving and on a
historically rising wave such as
they have not experienced in
centuries. Nevertheless, the only
obvious trouble is that, coddled
and protected as they are, the
Mongolians of the Chinese Peo-
ple's Republic comprise less than
3 percent of the entire population
and the Mongols are No. 8 in size
on the list of national minorities.

If one considers that in just
over a quarter-century the Mon-
gol population of this autonomous
region grew by 240,000 while the
Chinese population grew by al-
most 5 million, one does not need
to know Mongolian to read the
handwriting of history on a
fragmented lamasery wall.

Kissinger Imprint on Mideast Truce

10.30.73

XO

By JOHN P. WALLACH

News American
Washington Bureau

WASHINGTON — Dr. Henry Kissinger, a 50-year-old escapee from Nazi Germany and ex-Harvard professor, last week completed his first month as secretary of state — the only foreign-born, naturalized citizen to have held that office in American history.

In what one has come to expect of the Kissinger style, the U.S. secretary in that brief period already has returned from one globe-hopping mission to Moscow and Tel Aviv with a stopover in London to brief America's closest and most dependable ally.

He reminds some of the comic book hero who in the guise of reporter Clark Kent changes from street clothes into his legendary, Superman

costume to rescue helpless maidens and douse that world's flames.

Kissinger attended a Chinese dinner here recently and without tipping his hand to anyone, including his hosts, left for Moscow less than an hour after the dinner ended to help douse the flames of Mid-east war. This dramatic display, not only breathed renewed life into the art of diplomacy but produced results.

Kissinger, with an assist from The Kremlin, now appears to have brought the most furious Arab-Israeli conflict to a halt. The tactic: Persecuting Moscow that its hopes for reaching agreement on more parochial issues, such as increased trade, will go down the drain if the fighting continued.

In the process, Kissinger has for the first time put real teeth in the detente policy, signaling that there are mutual, U.S.-Soviet interests that are more important than any selfish advantage to be gained from exploiting the crisis.

If the two superpowers now can agree on a peace plan for initial Arab-Israeli withdrawal, subsequent direct talks

and find a means of guaranteeing the settlement, a new chapter will have been opened in East-West relations.

As Kissinger himself described his aims at an appropriately titled "pacem in terris" (peace on earth) conference, a start down the road away from "preventive" and towards "creative" diplomacy will have been made.

The Mideast crisis has tested the commitment of both superpowers to detente. If they prove they can "hack it," the benefits for the rest of the world could be considerable.

For example, despite the delay in a start of talks on a European security conference and on troop cuts in Europe, there is little question when they get under way, these negotiations will have received some impetus from the Mideast breakthrough.

Even the United Nations that Kissinger visited less than 24 hours after being sworn in is expected to get a much-needed boost from any Mideast progress. This international forum, which has limped along from crisis to crisis, already has had some of its importance restored.

For the first time in a decade, the threat of a Soviet or American veto does not hang over every Security Council vote.

China too appears to have decided it will not attempt to frustrate U.S.-Soviet goals — a landmark decision for a Third World leader that consistently has condemned the two superpowers for carving the world into respective "spheres of influence."

Of particular importance was China's decision not to use its veto, to simply stay out of the UN Security Council vote on both the original U.S.-Soviet ceasefire call and the subsequent UN creation of an International Emergency Force (UNEF) to police the truce.

Peking's action not only paved the way for unanimous security council approval but may be a sign that limited three-power cooperation is not a distant dream.

In addition to these successes, Kissinger had time to launch an urgent re-examination of America's policies towards South America, promising a Latin trip himself as

soon as those nations agree on what they want American policy to be.

Kissinger also has scheduled another China trip, his sixth but his first as secretary of state, for mid-November. He has delivered two major foreign policy speeches in Washington, will lead the U.S. delegation to NATO talks in Europe this winter and also will go to Oslo to pick up the Nobel Peace Prize.

He is fighting hard to prove that despite America's domestic problems and the lack of confidence in President Nixon's leadership, the United States still is able to deliver on its foreign policy promises.

If he accomplishes that alone, Kissinger will go down in history as the man who protected the American ship of state while many of its passengers were panicking in the Watergate flood.

Cairo Aide Sees Kissinger;
U.S. Voices Hope on Talks

NYT 10/30/73

By DAVID BINDER
Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Oct. 29—A special representative of Egypt's President arrived in Washington today, and the State Department said his visit represented an opportunity to begin discussing a Middle East peace settlement.

A report from Cairo said the envoy was understood to have instructions to stress that there could be no peace negotiations until the Israelis withdrew to the positions they had at the first cease-fire on Oct. 22. At that time, according to the Egyptians, the Israeli forces held little territory on the west bank of the Suez Canal.

Arriving from Cairo by way

of Paris, Ismail Fahmy, who is Egypt's Acting Foreign Minister, was reporedly carrying a message from President Anwar el-Sadat to President Nixon.

At the State Department, Robert J. McCloskey, the department's spokesman, said at his noon briefing that Mr. Fahmy's visit had been initiated by the Egyptians.

"It is probably fair to say the visit here represents the beginning of discussion between ourselves and the Egyptians looking forward to finding means to begin a negotiation," Mr. McCloskey said. "We

Continued on Page 15, Column 1

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mentary elections yesterday as
a repudiation of Quebec sep-
aratism. But others, noting that
the separatists had gained too,
took a different view.

With more than three-fourths
of the vote counted, the Lib-
erals, who are committed to

keeping Quebec the Canadian
federation, had won 54 per
cent, electing their candidates
to 100 of the 110 seats in the
provincial legislature, an in-
crease of 28 seats from the al-
ready solid majority they pre-
viously held in the House.

But the separatist Parti Qué-
bécois also improved its posi-
tion in the four-party race, win-
ning 31 per cent of the popu-
lar vote, an increase from the
24 per cent it polled in the
last election three and a half
years ago.

Winning at least six seats,
the second largest number in
the House, the separatists ad-
vanced as well to the role of
official opposition party, but
the overwhelming parliamen-
tary imbalance diminished the
importance of that advance.

'Still Have Hope'

"We still have hope, buit it
is hard to know how or when
that hope will be realized," de-
clared René Lévesque, the sep-
aratist leader, who was defeated
as an individual candidate in
his Montreal neighborhood, as
he was in the 1970 election,
which means he will again have
to function as party leader
without a seat in the Quebec
National Assembly.

For Premier Bourassa, a 40-
year-old French-Canadian who
had told the voters again and
again that independence would
be "a dangerous adventure,"
the outcome was an enormous
personal triumph, greatly en-
hancing his power.

An economist, of slight build
and with a professional air, Mr.
Bourassa was the youngest Pre-
mier in Quebec history when he
took office after the last elec-
tion. When separatist terrorism
plunged the province into crisis
just a few months later, he was
overshadowed by the strong
federal presence here of Prime
Minister Pierre Elliott Trudeau
who sent in troops to patrol the
streets of Montreal.

But in the years since then

Thailand to Con
Of Military Le

BANGKOK, Thailand, Oct.
30 (AP)—Thailand's new civil-
ian Government ordered the
seizure today of the fortunes
of the three leaders who fled
the country after the military
regime was overthrown.

A Government spokesman
said a 11-member committee
directed by Finance Minister
Boonma Wongsawan would
confiscate the bank deposits
left behind

Robert Bourassa, Liberal
porters after his victor

René Lévesque, separatist
leader, as returns indi-
cated party's defeat.