GOWRIG Kissinger p 9

Less of his sentences begin with 'the pronoun 'I' than those of his colleagues, past and present; and he has a clear vision of how the world, in his particular field, could be improved.

The responsibility for getting the United States out of Vietnam is bound to fall heavily on Kissinger. His situation is not enviable: being the King's favourite by no means ensures that the King will do as you say. Kissinger professes 'a reasonable hope' for a negotiated settlement with North Vietnam, now that Ambassador Bruce has arrived in Paris. But if negotiations fail, and if the 'silent majority' start shouting about the 40,000 American boys killed in Vietnam, Kissinger will be torn between his personal commitment to withdrawal and his President's political predicament. His position demands total loyalty to Nixon: he is an Assistant to the President. If he doesn't feel able to give Nixon's policy his public support, there is nothing he can do except resign.

Kissinger's talents and expertise are desperately needed in American foreign policy making. In 1968, Kissinger wrote a long essay called 'The Central Issues of American Foreign Policy,' in which he reiterated over and over again the need to develop the concept of a peaceful, creative world order - a moral consensus of common interests - because 'philosophical agreement can make possible flexibility of method.' He added: 'But a philosophical deepening, however necessary, will not come easily to those brought up in the American tradition of foreign policy.'

GOWRIE Kissinger p 10

Hitherto, he thinks, the American emphasis has been too much on finding pat answers to problems and too little on asking the fundamental questions of what America is seeking to accomplish.

But is American foreign policy improving as a result of Kissinger's presence in the White House? He has himself written about how new administrations find themselves - sooner rather than later - bogged down in immediate issues, and how the policy-maker quickly becomes a referee between bureaucratic bodies. It appears that Kissinger's ideas are being eroded by exactly the process he describes. He acquired his own credibility gap recently when he said that the South Vietnamese would get out of Cambodia at the same time as the Americans, which they did not. Furthermore American foreign policy, despite Kissinger's attempts at coordination, has a *distinct propensity for* confusion. Nixon, Defense Secretary Laird, Secretary Rogers, and General Abrams, the commanding general in Vietnam, all gave different versions of what they thought the Cambodian invasion was all about. On the Middle East peace plan, Nixon, Rogers, and Kissinger have appeared to be at sixes and sevens. Kissinger was quoted as saying that 'we are trying to expel the Soviet military presence (from Egypt)'; a few days later, Rogers, in London, explicitly repudiated that aim.

The fact is that the Washington system of making foreign policy is becoming increasingly unworkable. The President alone makes the decisions; ultimately, everyone else is an adviser.

GOWRIE Kissinger p 11

This system, if it is to work properly, requires a President (a) who understands the general ideas behind the particular advice he is being given, (b) who is enough of an arm-twisting politician to deal with Congress, (c) who can educate the public about what he is doing. In Kissinger's words: 'the statesman must be an educator; he must bridge the gap between a people's experience and his vision.' A President who can perform all these tasks is a rare animal indeed; and there is little evidence that it is Nixon, is one of this species.

Without a statesman at the top, the subordinates think that *they* must behave like statesmen, even though they aren't taking the decisions. Hence the muddle, with people saying and doing different things.

There is a further built-in snag to the formation of a coherent foreign policy. Kissinger's main job is to put options before the President. If Ruritania has a revolution, it is Kissinger who tells the President he can (a) declare war (b) do nothing (c) send a sympathetic telegram. But these options are not considered in terms of their domestic political effects. Kissinger says 'No one would hold me responsible for domestic policies'; yet the task of getting out of Vietnam is inextricably entangled with internal American politics. As Professor Ernest May, Dean of Students at Harvard, said to me, 'Whatever the Cambodia invasion achieved in foreign terms, it was not worth it in terms of its effects internally' - Congressional distrust, a revival of the anti-war coalition, and so on. But Kissinger is not versed in domestic affairs, and he has too much to do as it is.

GOWRIE Kissinger p 12

The only person who can sort out the confusions and contradictions is the President. But President Nixon - partly because of his own nature, and partly because of his main problem - which is getting out of Vietnam - cannot, or does not wish to, make clear to the public what he is doing. Nor can Kissinger, who must remain totally loyal to his master. So no one is sure, including foreign governments, what American policy really is. For these reasons it appears probable that American foreign policy will remain confused, and improbable that Kissinger will be able to do very much towards realising his main aim/to help the world produce 'an agreed concept of international order.'

August 31, 1971

Dear Mr. Keats:

Thank you for your letter of
August 19. It is especially good
to know you share my hope that
the President's forthcoming visit
to the People's Republic of China
will contribute to the stable and
enduring peace we so earnestly
seek.

I appreciate your taking the time
to let me know.

Mr. Howard T. Keats
221 Garlinger Ave.
Hagerstown, Md. 21740

221 Garlinger Ave.

Hagerstown, Md.

August 19, 1971

Dr. Henry Kissinger
The White House
Washington, D. C.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

For whatever it's worth, I would like you to know that my wife and I explored the reference to you in the "poem" printed in the Nicholas von Hoffman column of August 9th. I wrote a letter to the Washington Post protesting the offensive nature of the piece, pointing out that an attempt by you and the President to improve relations with mainland China in the interest of furthering world peace did not warrant the vituperative reaction in the von Hoffman column.

My letter was not printed, and it is quite possible that there were other letters to the editor similar to mine that were not printed.

Well, I've done my duty. I agree with the new move toward mainland China and I extend my best wishes to you and the President for success in this important undertaking.

The pile ofeda after
ing been tossed about like match-
sticks when a sudden flood hit the
city of Mendoza, Argentina. A dam,

and sent mud and water rushing into
the town of 200,000 people. The dam
had been used to store water to irri-
gate grape fields for the wine-produc-
ing region. (See story, Page 19A.)

Miami Businessmen Merge
To Compete for Channel 10

By JACK ANDERSON
Herald TV-Radio Editor

A group of wealthy, prom-
inent Greater Miami busi-
nessmen have touched off
what could be a prolonged
and bitter battle with the
powerful Post-Newsweek
Stations Inc., for control of
Miami's Channel 10 televi-
sion station.

The surprise combatant is
Greater Miami Telecasters
Inc., headed by banker W.
Sloan McCrea, a business
partner of President Richard
Nixon's confidant, financier
Bebe Rebozo.

Telecasters quietly filed an
application for the channel
with the Federal Communica-
tions Commission late Fri-
day, just before the deadline
for filing by new applicants.
It came to light Monday.

THE petition seeks author-
ization to build a new broad-
casting station to be operat-
ed on Channel 10 "or make
changes in the existing sta-
tion."

The station's license is
currently held by Post-News-
week Stations Inc., a sub-
sidiary of The Washington
Post in the nation's capital,
and is subject to renewal on
Feb. 1.

The newspaper and its
broadcasting stations (it also
operates Washington's
WTOP-TV and WTOP radio
and Jacksonville's WJXT)
were among the targets of
Vice President Spiro Agnew's
recent attack on the televion
networks and press for al-
leged bias in news coverage.

TELECASTERS' entry into

McCREA

SMATHERS

the field almost certainly
means that Post-Newsweek's
license renewal will be de-
ferred, pending an FCC hear-
ing — or series of hearings

— on the relative merits of
the two companies. This
could be a very protracted
fight.

McCrea and other officers
of Telecasters referred all
questions to Cromwell A.
Anderson, a law partner of
former U.S. Sen. George
Smathers. Anderson is secre-
tary of the new company.

Anderson said simply:
"This application was filed
for the purpose of returning
Channel 10 to ownership and
control of Miami residents
long interested in public

Turn to Page 12A, Col. 2

Notable Quote

"We cannot have guns and butter at the same time. I would rather have butter."

—House Speaker Fred Schultz,
asking a Vietnam withdrawal
in announcing he'll run
for the U.S. Senate

See Story, Page 8A

INDEX

<table>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>Amuse.</td>
      <td>15A Elliott</td>
      <td>3D</td>
      <td>Horoscope</td>
      <td>3B Restaurants</td>
      <td>5D</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>Classified</td>
      <td>7D Financial</td>
      <td>4B</td>
      <td>Huddy</td>
      <td>18A Sports</td>
      <td>1D</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>Comics</td>
      <td>10C Fla. News</td>
      <td>8A</td>
      <td>Kofoed</td>
      <td>11C Thompson</td>
      <td>10C</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>Crossword</td>
      <td>10C Goren</td>
      <td>3B</td>
      <td>Landers</td>
      <td>2C TV-Radio</td>
      <td>9C</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>Deaths</td>
      <td>3B Hardie</td>
      <td>6D</td>
      <td>Movies</td>
      <td>17A Women</td>
      <td>1C</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

Today's Editorials, 6A

This Is 'Reassured' but Americans Aren't; Case of the
Cherbourg Caper; State Pollution Control?

old
in another
women also
death, police

ARD. M.
state police
d telephone
me had been

Snyder said:
position of the
times they have
several days."
"he," he said, "it
hear that any-
ken. We have
motive."

Kenneth Ya-
been unable to
ge 2A Col. 4

Yablonski
shot in head

oat

ove Larry to
nge Hospital,
shaken father

id the entire
set and ner-
Monday, and
finally fell
6 p.m., 18
rescue.

had had no
going on
the boy

had anything. I
was waiting,"
put the
to bed
I was

ol. 6

BRAKES — $12.95
Installed Ford, Chevys.

Noalmimmics. Atlas Brake & Muffler
$100 N.W. 27th Ave. 634-1634 —Adv.

["Southern Fo\nnd. The\nnd. The\nnd. The\nnd. The\nnd. The\n

'$300,000 Conservative Estimate'

[L.C.]

# Channel 10 Duel Worth Cost?

By LAURENCE MICHIE
Special To The Herald

WASHINGTON — The group of businessmen who have set out to wrest Channel 10 in Miami away from Post-Newsweek Stations Inc. are starting a long and very expensive fight.

"The rule of thumb is, you shouldn't challenge a license renewal unless you're willing to spend a quarter of a million dollars," a Federal Communications Commission official said last week.

"That's in addition to having the money to prove you can operate the station for a year, of course, which FCC rules require," he added.

A Washington attorney for one of the television networks put it this way: "It'll

take up to $300,000. That's conservative. I know one FCC case where a law firm admitted it got paid just under $500,000, and the case wasn't even completed yet."

**IS IT WORTH** the cost? Broadcast industry experts reluctantly acknowledge that it's a speculative gamble with fabulous possibilities.

WLBW-TV, along with Radio WCKY in Cincinnati, brought just under $20-million when L. B. Wilson Inc.

sold it to the Washington Post-Newsweek company. It would take a very diligent search to find a businessman who wouldn't make a $500,000 investment in order to take control of a $20-million company with enormous prestige and power in his community.

The reason the legal fees are so high is that the law and procedures involved are obscure.

The law says, with disarmingly simplicity, that the owner

(licensee) of a broadcast station must apply anew every three years for a license to operate a station in the public interest, convenience and necessity.

The airways belong to the public, so any qualified citizen has as much constitutional right to that broadcast frequency as the man who has been using it for the last 30 years. With a few freakish exceptions, the assumption was — until last year — that a challenge to a license renewal application would be foolish.

**IF THE OWNER** or licensee had been operating in the public interest, his record of public service would automa-

Turn to Page 26A Col. 1

> This article was written especially for The Miami Herald by Laurence Michie, a Washington reporter for Variety magazine who has covered the FCC and television license battles for the last five years.

7321970

DÆDALUS

Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences

7 Linden Street, Harvard University
Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138
Telephone: 495-4431 or 495-4482

October 26, 1973

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
2201 C Street, N.W.
Washington, D. C. 20520

Dear Henry:

I have never been more touched by you than I have these last
weeks. From the time that you delivered your Pacem in Terris speech,
which, unfortunately, was never read and which many of those who heard
you scarcely understood, to the time that you commented on your Nobel
Peace Prize, to yesterday's press conference, I have planned to write
you. I believe that you have never shown yourself to be more
effective, and that you are never likely to operate under much more
adverse circumstances. If you were not so overwhelmed with various
responsibilities at this time, I would crave half an hour of your
time, to let you know how I have felt, and to inform you about the
reactions of others. All this, I think, would have interest for you.
Perhaps I will put down on paper some of the things that have happened
these last weeks, and when we are both less overwhelmed by events of
the moment, I will read the text to you.

I write now to say that I hope very much that I can be in
Europe at the time you receive your Nobel Prize. If it is possible
for you to invite guests to the occasion, I would welcome an invitation.
The awarding of the prize to you has given me immense pleasure, and I
would like to be able to share the occasion with you.

With warmest regards.

Moscow.
Union of Soviet Socialist Republics,
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
V. V. Gromyko,
His Excellency

Henry V. Kisainger

Best regards,

us during our stay.

thanks for the generous hospitality accorded

Mra. Kisainger joins me in extending our

in the world.

two countries and to serve the cause of peace

tion of good relations established between our
desire of both sides to build upon the founda-
talks have once again demonstrated the sincere
our meetings during my visit to Moscow. Our
for the cordial atmosphere which has pervaded
the members of your staff my warm gratitude

May I express to you personally and to

Dear Mr. Minister:

9 NOV 1974

MARGARET GRUTER, J. D.

158 GOYA ROAD, PORTOLA VALLEY, CALIF. 94025

November 14, 1972

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

My vote to reelect our President was based on his
performance during the past four years and the outstan-
ding achievement in foreign policy. The United States
of America is finally guided by principles worthy of a
great, strong, and powerful nation, assuming the
responsibilities which are inherent in leadership. It
seems obvious that someone has learned from the
lessons of history, which were so ably analyzed in "A
World Restored". It is rare that scholars apply the
insights gained in academia to the problems of the real
world. Political science is only a science if history is
viewed objectively, free from ideological bias, and if
the essential features inherent in the events of the past
can be isolated and applied to the present. This is
rarely taught even at the best of our colleges and uni-
versities.

The great performance of our President, in my view, is
his choice of his foreign policy adviser. My thanks for
the achievements of the last four years and my hopes
for four more years go to you.