ARIZONA STATE
UNIVERSITY

TEMPE, ARIZONA 85281

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

December 29, 1972

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
2527 Waterside Drive, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20008

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I have obtained a copy of your undergraduate honors thesis, "The Meaning of History," from Harvard University Archives. May I have your written permission to quote and closely paraphrase parts of this thesis in my research dealing with your approach to world politics? Enclosed is a copy of the grant application that outlines the scope of my research. Arizona State University's faculty grant-in-aid program is funding the project.

I would greatly appreciate your personal cooperation in this matter, since it is the policy of Harvard University Archives that "a reader may not quote or closely paraphrase the contents of this thesis in his own work without the author's written permission." Mr. Harley P. Holden, Curator of the Archives, has kindly supplied me with your address in order that I may ask for your permission.

SGW/ejb

[1c]

APPLICATION FOR FACULTY GRANT-IN-AID
Arizona State University
(The application must be typewritten)

Date October 14, 1971

Name Stephen G. Walker
Department Political Science
Campus
Phone 965-5547

Highest degree Ph.D. Year 8/71
Institution Florida
U. of
Year joined Faculty
ASU faculty 1969 Rank Ass't. Professor

Short Title of Project "A Game Plan for American Foreign Policy: Henry Kissinger's Approach to World Politics"

1. Abstract of proposal: I propose to analyze Kissinger's set of general beliefs about fundamental issues of history and central questions of politics and relate these to the problem of action. I am interested in identifying his beliefs about the nature of politics and political conflict, his views regarding the extent to which historical developments can be shaped, and his concepts of correct strategy and tactics. I am assuming that these beliefs influence his political behavior as President Nixon's chief foreign policy advisor on specific issues, particularly in situations that are characterized by incomplete information and an inability to predict reliably the consequences of one or another course of action. I do not intend to explore the sources of Kissinger's beliefs. (See #12 below).

2. Briefly describe your completed or ongoing research relevant to this proposal. Add a list of all publications (i.e., whether relevant to this proposal or not) on a separate page. I have systematically analyzed the strategic images held by Neville Chamberlain and Anthony Eden in my doctoral dissertation dealing with British foreign policy in the 1930's (See attached publications list)

3. Expected starting date: July, 1972
Expected completion date: September, 1972

4. Indicate plans for summer teaching or other summer activities:
I hope to teach during the first summer session.

5. Probable avenues of publication, exhibition, or performance: International Studies Quarterly, Journal of Conflict Resolution, Journal of Peace Research, World Politics, Foreign Affairs, Orbis, Foreign Policy; all are prominent political science journals.

6. An itemized budget of your request for support (summer stipend, supplies, travel, equipment):
   $900 summer stipend for second session
   75 typing expenses
   50 for ordering microfilmed copies of Kissinger's Senior Honors Thesis and Ph.D. dissertation from Harvard; Harvard does not participate in Ann Arbor's University Microfilm program.
   $1025 Total

7. In your estimation will this grant, if awarded, be adequate to see the project through to completion? Yes

8. Have you applied or do you plan to apply to other sources to support this project? No
If yes, give details.

9. Have you received or are you now receiving funds to pursue this project: No
If so, please give: Date of grant(s) Amount of grant(s) Source(s) of grant(s):

Revised 5-71

[LC]

(Use only ONE side of this sheet. Additional page may be used if necessary.)

10. Total funds received from the University Grants Committee (since 1962): None

11. State amount, source, project title and dates of all research funds received during the last three years: None

12. Statement of plan and procedure, including source of data and method of analysis:

Although scattered among several sources, Kissinger's approach to world politics is unusually well-documented and articulated (See attached list). He has written several books and articles on world politics between 1950 and 1968, when he became President Nixon's advisor. My plan is first to review his publications and organize his thoughts topically rather than chronologically to see if his views changed over the years regarding several issues. The issues include arms control, nuclear deterrence, limited war, crisis management, alliance management, German reunification, European integration, political change in the underdeveloped areas, foreign aid, negotiating with communist nations, and managing the American foreign policy bureaucracy. Second, I intend to examine Kissinger's rationales for his views and determine his assumptions about the nature of politics, historical development, strategy, and tactics. Such questions as the following will guide this part of the analysis: Is the political universe essentially one of harmony or conflict? What types of opponents and sources of conflict face American decision makers? Can one be optimistic or pessimistic about the realization of different types of foreign policy objectives and traditional American political values? What is one's role in moving historical development in the desired direction? How are the risks of political action calculated, controlled, and accepted most effectively? Which means are best for advancing different types of national interests? What is Kissinger's conception of American national interests?

13. **Significance of proposal:** One proposition shared by many academic scholars and sophisticated policymakers is that the way in which leaders of nation-states view one another and the nature of world political conflict is of fundamental importance in determining what happens in relations among states. A decision maker's "operational code" of beliefs and assumptions act as a bridge between his behavior and his personality traits. The results of this research, therefore, can lead either to a more intensive study of Kissinger's personality or, assuming Kissinger's personal influence upon policy is high, to greater insight into American foreign policy behavior.

Revised 5-71

[LC]

Publications
---

I anticipate publishing three articles from my recently completed doctoral research:

1. "International Restraints and Foreign Policy Choices: Developmental vs. Additive Models of British Foreign Policy, 1931-1941." (forthcoming)

2. "The Levels of Analysis Problem Revisited: Parallels in Electoral Theory and International Relations Theory." (forthcoming)

3) International Stability and Bipolar vs. Multipolar Definitions of the International Situation: The Quarrel Between Eden and Chamberlain." (forthcoming)

4) "Divided Nations and Reunification Strategies: A Theoretical Analysis." (completed but now undergoing updating to include the recent changes in America's China policy.) *Journal of Peace Research*, #3 (Sept. 1972),

Bibliographical Sample of Kissinger's Works
---

Books
---

The Meaning of History

1. A Theory of History (Harvard Undergraduate Senior Thesis)

2. A World Restored: Castlereigh, Metternich, and the Restoration of Peace, 1812-1822 (1957)

3. Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy (1958)

4. The Necessity for Choice: Prospects of American Foreign Policy (1960)

5. The Troubled Partnership: A Re-Appraisal of the Atlantic Alliance (1965)

6. American Foreign Policy: Three Essays (1969)
   * Essay One: Domestic Structure and Foreign Policy
   * Essay Two: Central Issues of American Foreign Policy
   * Essay Three: The Vietnam Negotiations

In addition to these six major books, Kissinger has published articles in the following journals and magazines: *American Political Science Review*, *Foreign Affairs*, *Yale Review*, *The Reporter*, *Harper's*, and contributed articles to different anthologies and symposia.

2-

[Y]

what the collapse of the present
Zairian Government would mean to
the future of moderate forces in
Africa.

-- Zambia, another moderate state that has long sought a peaceful solution to the Rhodesian problem, also borders on Angola and is deeply concerned about the danger which foreign occupation presents to all of Central Africa. Again, our decision to provide assistance to Zambia was based on the moderate character of the regime and without regard to the Rhodesian situation.

-- This Administration has no intention of providing assistance to the Angolan regime, for any reason whatever, and has made this position explicitly and publicly clear on numerous occasions.

-- With regard to Mozambique, it is true that we are considering providing some modest assistance. Our hope is that this would strengthen moderate forces in Mozambique and also Mozambique's willingness to work with other moderates in Central Africa. Certainly it should not be considered a totally unique exercise were we to proceed with some assistance to Mozambique, given the fact that the Government of South Africa is, itself, in contact with and has close economic ties with Mozambique.

Our purpose with regard to the Rhodesian situation is precisely "to ease the travail of transition and to try to promote a replacement regime friendly to U. S. interests," as your editorial so eloquently states. Conversely, what we seek to avoid is an "effort to settle the issue by force." Certainly we are not -- nor will we -- providing moral support to those who would resolve the Rhodesian issue by force of arms.

I am prepared to concede that The Wall Street Journal may have a more prescient view than I of how our objectives

THE ATLANTIC COUNCIL
OF THE UNITED STATES

1616 H STREET, N.W. • WASHINGTON, D. C. 20006

TELEPHONE 347-9353

CABLE: ATCOUN

CHAIRMAN
W. RANDOLPH BURGESS

VICE CHAIRMEN
LIVINGSTON T. MERCHANT
LAURIS NORSTAD
THEODORE C. ACHILLES
HENRY H. FOWLER
NEIL MCELROY
GENE V. ROSTOW
ALEXANDER B. TROWBRIDGE

TREASURER & CHAIRMAN,
FINANCE COMMITTEE
PERCIVAL F. BRUNDAGE

SECRETARY
TOM KILLEFER

DIRECTOR GENERAL
RICHARD J. WALLACE

DIRECTORS

DONALD G. AGGER
FRANK ALTSCHUL
GEORGE W. BALL
JANANN G. BAKER
EDWARD W. BARRETT
FRANCIS M. BATON
JUSTIN BLACKWELDER
W. MICHAEL BLUMENTHAL
GENE BRADLEY
WILEY T. BUCHANAN, JR.
WILLIAM P. BUNBY
WILLIAM A. M. BURDEN
HODDING CARTER, III
HARLAN CLEVELAND
EMILIO G. COLLADO
RICHARD N. COOPER
FREDERICK L. DEMING
ROBERT L. DENNISON
DOUGLAS DILLON
LEWIS W. DOUGLAS
WALTER DOWLING
WILLIAM H. DRAPER, JR.
CHARLES E. DUCOMMUN
ROBERT ELLSWORTH
BROOKS EMENY
THOMAS K. FINLETTER
WILLIAM C. FOSTER
GEORGE S. FRANKLIN, JR.
CARL J. GILBERT
ALFRED M. GRUENTHER
LIVINGSTON HARTLEY
GABRIEL HAUGE
WM. ROGERS HEROD
CHRISTIAN A. HERTER, JR.
JOHN D. HICKERSON
CLAIRE GIANNINI HOFFMAN
J. ALLAN HOVEY, JR.
HENRY M. JACKSON
JACOB K. JAVITS
FRANZ M. JOSEPH
OWEN B. KIERNAN
HENRY A. KISSINGER
JOHN M. LEDDY
LYMAN L. LEMNITZER
MARY P. LORD
JAY LOVESTONE
DAVID W. MACEACHRON
JOHN J. MCCLOY
J. S. McDONNELL
LAWRENCE C. MCGUADDE
HARALD B. MALMGREN
WM. MCCHESNEY MARTIN
GEORGE MEANY
SAMUEL W. MEEK
HUGH MOORE
WALDEN MOORE
MALCOLM MUIR
ROBERT D. MURPHY
FREDERICK E. NOLTING, JR.
GARRISON NORTON
PATRICK L. O'MALLEY
LITHGOW OSBORNE
HENRY D. OWEN
DAVID PACKARD
DANIEL PARKER
H. H. PORTER
OGDEN R. REID
EMMETT J. RICE
SIDNEY E. ROLFE
ROBERT V. ROOSA
H. CHAPMAN ROSE
CORTLANDT V. R. SCHUYLER
GERARD C. SMITH
KENNETH M. SPANG
TIMOTHY W. STANLEY
RALPH J. STRAUS
ELLSWORTH TOMPKINS
PHILIP H. TREZISE
JOHN W. TUTHILL
FRANCIS O. WILCOX
PATRICIA M. WILLIAMS

HONORARY CHAIRMEN

HERBERT HOOVER
(1962-1964)

HARRY S. TRUMAN

DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
(1962-1969)

LYNDON B. JOHNSON

June 23, 1972

Memorandum to Members of the Board of Directors

From: Richard Wallace

On short notice I testified at the
Foreign Policy Hearing yesterday of the Democratic
Platform Committee in New York.

Attached is a copy of the statement. I am
sorry that there was not time to send this around
in advance, but Ambassador Burgess and I felt it
fairly represented a consensus of our views.

At the conclusion of my testimony, Averell
Harriman, who was in the chair, made a nice
statement. He said that The Atlantic Council
included members of the Senate of both Parties and
members of cabinets from both Parties and they were
pleased to have our views.

Associated with THE ATLANTIC INSTITUTE'and THE ATLANTIC TREATY ASSOCIATION

4/72

Statement of Richard Wallace, Director General,
The Atlantic Council of the United States, before the
Democratic Platform Hearing, New York, June 22, 1972.

Mr. Chairman and Members of the Democratic Platform Committee:

My name is Richard Wallace. I am Director General of The
Atlantic Council of the United States and I appear on behalf of
that organization.

The Council is a non-political organization and although I
personally am a Democrat my statement on behalf of the Council
is nonpartisan in nature.

As our name implies, we at the Atlantic Council are
particularly concerned with the problems and opportunities of
the Atlantic group of nations. We conduct studies and conferences
involving economics, trade, monetary affairs and security matters.
We work with NATO, the OECD, the IMF and maintain liaison with
the European Communities. We publish a quarterly journal,
scholarly in nature, a newsletter and a number of books. To give
you an idea of the breadth of our interest, among our most recent
books have been one on _Detente Diplomacy: United States and
European Security in the 1970's, examining the issues involved_
in the proposed European Security Conference and Mutual and
Balanced Force Reductions; _International Economic Peacekeeping_
in _Phase II_, examining prospects and methods for negotiating new