-7-

SOURCES

I know Persian and Urdu very well and Arabic slightly. I have studied history and literature of this region exhaustively. I will make considerable use of literature available in Persian and the other two languages. But the necessary scholarly standard and the research discipline can be learnt and maintained only in the United States. If I get adequate guidance in carrying out research on the lines I have indicated, I hope to produce a worth while book.

## SOURCES

In carrying out research on the lines I have indicated,
only in the United States. If I get adequate guidance
and the research discipline can be learnt and maintained
two languages. But the necessarily scholarship standard
use of literature available in Persian and the other
of this region exhaustively. I will make considerable
Arabic slightly. I have studied history and literature
I know Persian and Urdu very well and

KAWACHI

Government of Pakistan

Basic Information Department

Information Officer,

BRIANAH

24-

I wish him all success.

Avantaj Bana konnateh pa the School.

In the field of shorta, berichated in the
conquet and abification.

Glen easily satistaction to his anboreers pot in his
an poneay, purgworking and an inqiritiona fad. He pas
during his academic career, he broad to be

BIOLOGY-WITH-CHMISTRY      Credt t
MATHEMATICS                  Credt t
URDU ORYAT                   Credt t
URDU V2 B F VUNGEVGE        Credt t
FATIN                        Credt t
ORYT LUNCH                  -
LUNCH                        -
II FVUNGEVGE V2              -
GEOGRAPHY                   Busa
HISTORY                      Credt t
RELIGIOUS KNOWLEDGE         -
ENGLISH FILMISTRY           Credt t
ENGLISH FVUNGEVGE          Credt t

pefom-

Comgirge in the 3nd division, as her desaite Glen
School Certificates Examination 1961 of the Universit of
as a student of this school and based the Oacresss

This is to certify that Venu Sridhi

Srihari, 26.3.1963

CHARACTER CERTIFICATE

ST. PETER'S HIGH SCHOOL

[1c]

92-A, Sindhi Muslim Housing Society,
Karachi-3.

April 4, 1962.

My dear Henry Kissinger,

Thank you for your letter of March 26.

I took up the matter with Dr. Huq of the
Education Ministry and pointed out to him the diffi-
culties involved in basing a selection on their
recommendation. He promised to examine the matter again
and write to you about it. He told me that more names
would be sent. Probably a request will be made that
Pakistan should have two participants, one from each
wing.

I have also asked Mr. Jamiluddin Aali to pull
the various ropes. I mentioned his name to Dr. Huq.

I learn that you gave a talk on your tour
to the Subcontinent. If that is so, please send me
the text, in full or parts, so that I could make use
of it in the press.

The result of the Cambridge Overseas School
Certificate Examination 1961 has been announced. I am
enclosing a copy of my son's result.

With my best regards,

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger,
6 Divinity Avenue,
Cambridge 38, MASS.

Cambridge 38, MA22.

8th Avenue,

Dr. Henry V. Klaasen,

(BYRON 2ND BROTHER)

Yours sincerely,

With my best regards,

Certificate Examination 1961 has been announced. I am
The result of the Cambridge Overseas School

of it in the press.

the text, in full or parts, so that ¹ could make use
of the subcontinent. It that is so, please send me
I learn that you gave a talk on your tour
the various topics. I mentioned a name to Dr. Hud.

I have also asked Mr. Jemiluddin Vahid to pull
wing.

² Pakistan should have two barıştahane, one from each
would be sent. Propably a red seat will be made that
and write to you about it. I told me that more names
recommendation. He promised to examine the matter again
on the basis of the application in passing a selection on their
committees involved in passing a selection on their

I took up the matter with Dr. Hud of the

Thank you for your letter of March 28.

My dear Henry Klaasen,

April 4, 1963.

Karachi-3,

03-A, Student Union Housing Society,

April 6, 1962.

My dear Henry Kissinger,

Mr. Jamiluddin Aali's name has been recommended. Probably other names will also be added. I think the new recommendations will reach you soon and will meet your requirements.

You may recall that I mentioned to you a research project intended to assess the possibilities of a sort of union of Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan. I have now been given an assurance by the Government that should I be accepted as a research scholar, I would be allowed to proceed on study leave. I am enclosing an outline of the project. It is tentative and may be modified as a result of closer study of the various sources and factors. A short biographical sketch is also enclosed. You are in the best position to know whether any Foundation or Institution will be interested in such a project. If I get some fellowship, I would like to make a study of such a union and later work for it.

With my best regards,

Copyright 38' MV22'
6 Viality Avenue,
Dr. Henry V. Klaasen,

(A25AM 21001)

With my best regards,

and a union and later work for it.

I get some fellowships, I would like to make a study of
Institution will be interested in such a project. It
the best direction to know whether any foundation or
short bibliographical sketch is also enclosed. You are in
of closer study of the various sources and factors. A
project. It is tentative and may be modified as a result
proceed on study leave. I am enclosing an outline of the
accepted as a research scholar. I would be allowed to
Given an assurance in the Government that should I be
union of Iran, Pakistan and Afghanistan. I have now been
project intended to assess the possibilities of a sort of
You may recall that I mentioned to you a research
requirements.

recommendations will reach you soon and will meet your
propably other names will also be added. I think the new
Mr. Tawfiqdin Vafi's a name I have been recommended.

My dear Henry Klaasen,

April 8, 1963.

Kursoni-3

93-V, Student Muslim Housing Society,

INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

800 SECOND AVENUE, NEW YORK 17, N. Y.

April 17, 1962

Mr. Aslam Siddiqi
92 A Sindhi Muslim Housing Society
Karachi 3, Pakistan

Dear Mr. Siddiqi:

Your recent letter to Dr. Henry Kissinger has been referred from the Harvard University Center of International Affairs to the Institute for any information or assistance which we might provide, and which might be helpful to your son, Asid.

I hope that the enclosed general information will familiarize you with the Institute-sponsored program in Pakistan. Unfortunately for your son, however, the program is administered only at the graduate level, and an applicant must at least have a Master's degree and one year of teaching experience.

In your son's case, unless he wants to complete his undergraduate schooling in Pakistan and come to the United States for graduate training at a later date, he should apply directly to the American institutions which are of particular interest to him for admission and scholarship assistance.

The Institute does not distribute or accept applications direct. We cooperate closely with Selection Committees in the countries where we administer programs, and these Selection Committees distribute, process, and screen applications for placement in American institutions of selected candidates.

I hope that this information will be useful to you. Field of study information and lists of schools which offer course work in his field of interest are also included.

Please feel free to call upon us in the future if we can be of any assistance.

Enclosures

cc: Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Marcia Taylor, IIE

Marcia Taylor, III
cc: Dr. Henry V. Klaasen
Enclosures

Diataton
Information and Coordinating
Jeff Jackam, Vacantate

Sincerely yours,

saatance.

Please feel free to call upon me in the future if we can be of any
interest are also included.

Information and files of schools which offer course work in the field of
I hope that this information will be useful to you. Field of study
cauldane.

and screen applications for placement in American institutions of selected
admirator programs, and these Selection Committees distribute brochures,
cooperate closely with Selection Committees in the countries where we
The Institute does not distribute or accept applications direct. We

at a later date, he should apply directly to the American institutions which
schooling in Pakistan and come to the United States for graduate training
In your son's case, unless he wants to complete his undergraduate
experience.

an applicant must at least have a Master's degree and one year of teaching
son, however, the program is administered only at the graduate level, and
with the Institute-sponsored program in Pakistan. Unfortunately for your
I hope that the enclosed general information will familiarize you
be helpful to your son, Said.

for any information or assistance which we might provide, and which might
the Harvard University Center of International Affairs to the Institute
Your recent letter to Dr. Henry Klaasen has been referred from

Dear Mr. Biehl:

Karachi 3, Pakistan
QS A Sticht Muajim Honing Society
Mr. Valsam Stidig

April 13, 1985

800 SECOND AVENUE, NEW YORK 13, N. Y.
INSTITUTE OF INTERNATIONAL EDUCATION

[r3]

92-A, Sindhi Muslim Housing Society,
KARACHI-3.

May 5, 1962.

My dear Henry Kissinger,

I hope by this time you have received the list of names recommended by the Seminar Selection Committee and have been able to solve the problems raised about the distribution of representation. In here the Committee is not quite clear about the selection.

I am very glad to find that you still think your experience in Pakistan with great warmth and hope to come back in not too distant future. You left a very good impression with the Army Officers. You have demolished the hostility of the journalists, politicians and intellectuals but not replaced it with an understanding. If you stay here longer and address yourself to the later categories of people, the result will be more useful.

Somehow, I feel that Pakistan demand of Afghanistan has within it the germs of suicide. You probably know that President Ayub and the Ruling Family of Kabul belong to the same tribe. The Kabul emphasis on tribalism, therefore, does not cut much ice in Pakistan. It is, however, dangerous in the way the Soviets are showing interest in the dispute. About a month ago I learnt that Moscow has published what is claimed to be the best dictionary of the Pushto language. As a result of its policies Afghanistan has discovered that an outlet for a trade through Russia is not so practicable. The only untried alternative is Iran. Iranians as a nation are not so well-disposed to Afghans. I feel sure that that arrangement will not work for long. Afghanistan will then have to come back to Pakistan probably with a better frame of mind.

In the meantime, it will have set up commercial contacts of the people of the North with the Soviet Union and the people of the West, with Iran. The pulls of those two countries with the people in the adjoining areas will increase. The emphasis on tribalism may raise thoughts among those people who are tribally affiliated with the people in Central Asia and Iran. In fact, tribalism cuts Afghanistan itself into about ten territories. I am sure at a certain stage Afghanistan will realise the chaos that it may have to face and will probably seek help from Pakistan at that stage.

I have sent a copy of the research project to Dr. Johnstone of John Hopkins' School of International Affairs. If I am based in Washington, I can work for Pakistani newspapers. That will be an additional advantage.

KARACHI-3.

June 28, 1962.

My dear Henry Kissinger,

I have been looking forward to see some comments on your visit to Brazil. Unfortunately, none appeared in Pakistan Press. Last month, our Foreign Secretary, however, did refer to you in the course of a Press Conference.

I do not know if such references help you and your plans. I think you have to make up your mind. The remark that you let drop, are all right for an intellectual. But your political contacts demand that they should be sugar-coated. You have to make a point without giving offence.

I am glad my efforts have proved helpful to the Seminar.

I have had no success with Dr. Johnstone. He has advised me to make my study in Delhi. The implications are quite clear.

My book of which you read the introductory pages is holding out some promise. A British author and an Oxford Don glanced through it. He said that the book could be first-rate if advantage is taken of the latest thinking in the various fields and some points are elaborated in consultation with Experts. He promised to try to arrange for me to spend about six months at Oxford and avail of the facilities there. This idea has a great attraction for me.

He also said that Faber & Faber would be interested in publishing such a book.

I quote below a paragraph from the 'PREFACE' which defines the scope of the book:

"PAKISTAN PROSPECT studies the impact of environment and heredity, in their larger connotations, on the history of Pakistan. Part I deals with the cultural and material aspects of its heritage. Pakistan has to live with them, in peace or in quarrel. They may constitute rules of discipline and thus a source of strength. They may prove chains binding Pakistan down to weakness. Part II describes the various challenges Pakistan has been confronted with. In its struggle for survival these various elements of strength and weakness have come into play. History has tested them out: and Pakistan must define in exact terms how far they contribute to its survival. Part III suggests guidelines for organising defence, in conformity with the national constrictions, for developing economic resources and for reconstructing ideology in terms of the needs of the modern age."

Page..2

Second fold here

BY AIR MAIL

AEROGRAMME

OF ANYTHING IS ENGAGED
THIS LETTER WILL BE SEEN
BY ORDINARY MAIL

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger,
6 Divinity Avenue,
Cambridge 38, Massachusetts.
(U.S.A.).

Sender's name and address—

Mr. Aslam Siddiqi,
92-A, Sadihi Muslim Housing Society,
KARACHI-3. (PAKISTAN)

First fold here

-2-

The Contents are the following:

A CONCEPTUAL FRAMEWORK Part I - THE HERITAGE
I. DESTINY CALLS (a) Early Resistance (b) The Consti-
tutional Struggle II. MARTIAL PAKISTAN (a) Human
Element; (b) Physical Factors III. THE INHERITANCE
Part II - THE STRUGGLE IV. CHALLENGE AND RESPONSE
V. SEARCH FOR SECURITY VI. THE RUNNING SORE. Part III -
THE PROSPECT VII. A STRATEGY FOR SURVIVAL VIII. CHALLENGE
OF ECONOMIC DEVELOPMENT IX. RECONSTRUCTION OF IDEOLOGY
CONCLUSION, APPENDICES

I would very much like to take advantage of any
such facilities that may be available at any place. Any
suggestion or help in the matter is most welcome.

With my best regards,

[L]

To open cut here →

July 3, 1962

Mr. Aslam Siddiqi
92-A Sindhi Muslim Housing Society
Karachi 3, Pakistan

Dear Mr. Siddiqi:

Thank you for your letter of June
28th. I must say that I am completely mystified
by the first few paragraphs of your letter. I am
absolutely certain that I have not said anything
in the last several months about Pakistan, India,
alliances, or the like, and cannot imagine what
could have merited a comment from your Foreign
Secretary in his Press Conference. Would you be
good enough to send me a copy of whatever it is
he refers to? I would be most grateful.

I was glad to hear about the progress
you are making with respect to your book, and will
of course keep it in mind and write you if I have
any suggestions.

I look forward to hearing from you.

With kind regards.

July 23, 1962,

My dear Henry Kissinger,

I regret I could not reply to your letter
of July 3 earlier. I have been far too busy.

I did not mean to offend you in any way.
I just wished to caution you. The fact is that you
have left behind in Pakistan an image which I know
is completely wrong. The trouble is that your remarks
about Pakistan in India were the subject of editorial
comments in almost the entire press of Pakistan. In
the popular mind, therefore, Dr. Kissinger typifies an
American who is completely opposed to the pacts. It
was in this connection that the Foreign Secretary
mentioned you. He said that the Americans who were
architects of these pacts now consider pacts as
a disease and therefore Pakistan could not expect
much support or help from America. A similar
question was put to the President and your name
was specifically mentioned. The President, however,
defended you,

With my best wishes,

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger,
6 Divinity Avenue,
Cambridge 38, Massachusetts
(U.S.A.).

August 13, 1962.

My dear Henry Kissinger,

I was glad to receive your letter of
July 31. Probably I wrote my earlier letter the wrong
way which I regret so much.

The Seminar must be drawing to a close.
I hope the Pakistanis gave good account of themselves

When do you expect to be in Pakistan?

If you could give me the probable date and length of
I would like to mention it to a few friends in the
Defence. I do not know what your plans are and where
you want to stay and what to study. If I get some
details, I should like to do some preliminary work
to make your stay profitable.

I am trying to make an arrangement at
Chatham House, London, so that I could complete my
book there. Maybe the Ford Foundation will help me
meet the expenses. I am quoting you as a reference.

With regards,

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger,
6 Divinity Avenue,
Cambridge 38, Massachusetts,
U.S.A.

August 28, 1962

Dear Siddiqi:

Many thanks for your nice letter of August 13th. Please do not regret your earlier letter-- I was puzzled by it, but certainly not hurt.

The Pakistanis in the Seminar this summer were both excellent, and I would like to thank you again for jogging the committee along.

I have no definite plans to be in Pakistan, only the hope that I will be able to visit again in the not too distant future. I will of course let you know when, and if, this hope materializes.

I am off today for about three weeks in Europe, but will be glad to act as a reference for you with the Ford Foundation if they should get in touch with me.

Kind regards.

21-E, Satellite Town,
RAWALPINDI.

October 3, 1962.

My dear Henry Kissinger,

Sometime in August, I sent you a letter enquiring
about the probable date that you propose to visit Pakistan.
Since then I have been transferred to Rawalpindi. I hope
your letter, if any, has not gone astray. I am interested
to know your future programme and your visit to Pakistan.

My book, of which you saw a few pages, is nearing
completion. I don't know what facilities exist in the
United States to have such a book scrutinised from the
viewpoint of the technique of book-writing. Maybe some
organisations offer help in such matters. I feel that if
this book is examined from the technical viewpoint, certain
flaws will be apparent and their removal will add considerable
to its value. A standard book can help me in life. I shall
be grateful to receive any suggestions that you may care to
make in this regard.

With my best regards,

ly

October 11, 1962

Mr. Aslam Siddiqi
21-E, Satellite Town
Rawalpindi, Pakistan

Dear Mr. Siddiqi:

Thank you for your letter of October
3rd. I did answer your letter, but I imagine it
has not been forwarded to you.

I do not think I will be coming to Pakistan
in January as I had originally hoped, but I will
keep in touch with you about my visit.
I still think of
my visit with great affection.

I am glad to hear your book is almost
finished. I am afraid I do not know of any
facilities in the States which can offer assistance
on the technical organization of a manuscript. I
wish I could be helpful to you in this respect, but
I have no competence in this at all.

Kind regards.

21-E, Satellite Town,
Rawalpindi.

October 27, 1962.

My dear

Thank you for your letter of October 11.

This part of the world is probably now engaging more of your attention even from that distance. The Chinese have advanced beyond the McMohan Line and probably with the help of Nagas they will be able to consolidate their position in the NEFA territory. About four months ago, I learnt that the Nagas were trying to establish a contact with the Chinese for securing their help and support.

The Indian attempt to crush out Nagas has failed. Their regrouping of armed forces and especially concentration near East Pakistan has annoyed Pakistan very much. Nepal is also very angry with India. The Chinese, in spite of all their limitations, have thus isolated India.

Perhaps the basic factor in the situation is that Mr. Nehru, who is so much politically alive, is ignorant of the power factors.

Clashes are taking place where once in 13th century Mongol's entered India. I hope the Chinese and the Russians will not prove the Mongol's of the late 20th century, and prove the "scourge of Humanity" like them.

Here is a personal request. Mr. Guy Wint is editing a book entitled: *Asia: A Guide*. "It aims at giving a general scholarly background to Asia. The bias is, however, on the present with a glance on the future. The past is put in so far as this is necessary to understand the present." It consists of 60 chapters and is to be published by Anthony Blond Ltd., Publishers, London. I have been asked to contribute the Chapter "Role of the Military in Asia". Probably my book "Pakistan Seeks Security" has prompted the Publisher to approach me for this Chapter. I am expected to provide a rationale of the military approach to the problems in Asia.

I shall be most grateful if you could send me some background material on this subject. There is hardly a library in Rawalpindi and very few persons

BIBLIOGRAPHY

"The Role of the Military in Asia"

1. Johnson, Joseph E., ed. *The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries*; Princeton, 1962.

(A collection of essays by political scientists and sociologists.)

2. Shils, Edward A. *Political Development in the New States*; Mouton & Co, The Hague, 1962.

(A sociological analysis.)

3. Pye, Lucian W. *Politics, Personality, and Nation Building*; Burma's Search for Identity; Yale University Press, New Haven, 1962.

(Contains a detailed discussion of the Army's role.)

4. Gutteridge, William. *Armed Force in New States*; Oxford, 1962.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

"The Role of the Military in State"

1. Johnson, Joseph E., ed. *The Role of the Military in Underdeveloped Countries*. Princeton, 1963.

2. Shirl, Edward V. *Political Development in the New States*. Monton (V collection of essays by political scientists and sociologists.)

(V sociological analysis.)

3. Pye, Lucan W. *Politics, Personality, and Nation Building*. Burns's (Contains a detailed discussion of the Army's role.)

4. Gutteridge, William. *Armed Force in New States*. Oxford, 1963.

21-E, Satellite Town,

[c]

PRESS INFORMATION DEPARTMENT
GOVERNMENT OF PAKISTAN
RAWALPINDI.

February 7, 1963.

My dear Henry Kissinger,

Thank you very much for sending me the bibliography for the article: "The Role of the Military in Asia". I had submitted the article in December without any assistance from any book. Guy Wint however liked it and has suggested that it should be expanded into a book ranging from 60,000 to 80,000 words. He says British and American publishers would be interested in such a book.

The U.S.A. is spending such a lot of money on military aid and alliances in Asia. I therefore, feel that American interest in such a book would be greater.

If I start working on this book, it will take me at least a year. The subject is no doubt very important but not of sufficient interest in Pakistan.

Before embarking on this project I would like to benefit from your advice.

I am enclosing a copy of the article for your advice.

With my best regards,

( Aslam Siddiqi )

Henry A. Kissinger, Esq.,
Executive Director,
Harvard University International Seminar,
6 Divinity Avenue,
Cambridge 38, MASSACHUSETTS.

U.S.A.

Telegraphic Address
"PAKINFORMA"

ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN ASIA

Asian nations have emerged independent on a troubled world. Political subordination was a great shame; they are therefore keen to win international acceptance and respect. One of the ways is to adopt the democratic form of parliamentary government and to set up a welfare state. Other aspirations, ideological, traditional and social, are not lacking. The nations of Asia thus generally set themselves a large order, hard to fill.

These undertakings prove too onerous. The Asians lack experience to organise political parties, which are so necessary to run a parliamentary government. Their raw administrations deteriorate and public affairs suffer. Welfare state proves a mere dream. The people soon get frustrated and learn to disbelieve and disrespect their leaders. This results in disillusion and despair.

Of this situation, the communists take advantage. Subversion starts working silently and ceaselessly. The communists look around for "nation-wide crises"* and for "the ruling classes, passing through governmental crises"* so that they may "overthrow the government."* Law and order soon pose a grave problem. The demand for military equipment and personnel becomes more pressing. Defence grows into a financial burden and holds up economic development. Initially the military forces are called in to control situations of emergency; but soon they feel constrained to stay on. They want to remove the chronic national maladies in order to build a secure base for economic development and national security.

The Asians hold national independence very dear. Its consolidation largely depends on economic development. This is possible only by accepting the laws of industrial economy. For Asia, this choice amounts to a social revolution. The Asians have to adapt themselves to the new economy and in the process face the inevitable crises. Otherwise they must remain subservient, economically and politically, to other powers.

Asian societies are conglomerations of closed primary communities spread out in numerous villages. The people are narrow in their outlook and parochial in their loyalties. They have communal but no public spirit. They therefore organise themselves around individuals. Such organisations inevitably lack a national outlook. Besides, there are intrinsic flaws. These political organisations lack programmes, public support and funds.

* Lenin: *Complete Works*: Vol.X

-2-

Their leaders, the politicians, are constantly jockeying for positions and abusing their influences. When in power, they manipulate economic controls in order to buy support. The result is corruption and general deterioration in administration. There is much talk, critical and even abusive of other parties and the government, but little action. The concept and the role of the loyal opposition is little known and less appreciated. The processes of democracy thus inevitably lead to general frustration and chaos. Such a dangerous situation cannot last in any society. Somebody has to take control. The Asian nations have thus got to find leaders who can safeguard independence and also cope with the problems of economic development.

The nature of leader-follower relationship in Asia is thus of paramount importance. In a primary society individuals meet as whole persons and, therefore, every aspect of the personality comes under scrutiny. They have common interests and purposes and the tendency to act together. The dynamic basis of such a society is a common ideal. It demands in its leader a reference-model, whom it can follow and even idealise. He must have integrity and character, above suspicion or at least reproach.

In a secondary society, full personalities do not come into contact. The association of individuals is for special purposes and narrowed down by social barriers. Personal loyalty is lacking. Democratic processes and politicians are the creations of the secondary society; they tend to demolish the ideals of the primary society. Political propaganda and open criticism of political opponents make the integrity of all suspect. Politicians thus lose respect and fail to provide the leadership that primary societies urgently need.

For leadership, there is also a functional test. "The more clearly perceived the goal and the more visible is progress towards it, the more follower emphasis there will be on the functional competence of the leader."*1 In Asia the goals are all too clear. Most of the politicians lack functional competence which is demonstrated by deterioration in administration, corruption, stagnation and even retrogression. The military personnel, on the contrary, establish their competence by controlling emergencies and national calamities. Under the colonial rule, the people moreover get accustomed to carrying out orders. They therefore associate efficiency with the military way of doing things. The military officers are too aloof from the public and have no reputations to live down. Their training and professional work give them a national outlook. In the primary society, the military leader thus has a clear advantage over the politician. Once he gets a chance,

*1 Readings in Social Psychology (New York: Henry Holt & Co. 1952) p. 339.

-3-

he stays in power. "The leader-follower relation most likely to become established in a free situation is the relation that is reciprocally rewarding to both the follower and the leader."*1

## II

The military leaders have generally lived up to the expectations of the people. On 8 October, 1958, President Mohammad Ayub Khan took over power in Pakistan. He said, "There is total administrative, economic, political and moral chaos in the country, which cannot be tolerated in these dangerous times. A perfectly sound country has been turned into a laughing stock". The national pride was hurt. He took immediate and vigorous steps to reform almost all aspects of national life. Land reforms combined with improved farming methods have increased agricultural production faster than population growth. In the field of economy, the success is equally brilliant. The implementation of the Second Five Year Plan has in several fields exceeded targets. Reviewing the financial affairs of Pakistan, the *London Times* *2* remarked, "The improvement in the national accounts during the four years of military rule has been little short of miraculous." In June, 1962 military rule was withdrawn.

In Burma, parliamentary democracy floundered in 1958 because of the sharp differences among the political parties. General Ne Win set up a military caretaker regime which continued in office till 1960. He then restored power to the political parties. But they could not function long. They again clashed and brought about an administrative breakdown. In March, 1962, General Ne Win again took over power. "This time, the aim is not to caretake but to bring about an administrative and economic revolution. The Revolutionary Council has adopted an elaborate programme for the building of a society based on "Burmese Socialism". The Burmese Socialist Programme Party has been formed to implement it.

General Chung Hee Park took over power in Korea on 16 May, 1961, in order to "eliminate accumulated evils and corruption" and to "drive out so-called leaders who brought misery to the people; and the country to the brink of ruin". On 5 January 1962, he said, "In the domestic sector, we have wiped out corruption and other evils and consolidated the ground work for efficient government administration". He also announced that the Government would implement energetically a Five Year Plan of economic development. In December, 1962, the Martial Law was withdrawn.

There are variants of the direct military regime. The fundamental difference between a politician and a military leader is that whereas the former has to resort to

*1 Reading in Social Psychology (New York:Henry Holt & Co.1952)

*2 October 29, 1962.

p.340

-4-

questionable and even corrupt practices in order to win and
retain the support of a political party, the latter has
the support of a disciplined party of the armed forces.
The military leader has no party problems and hardly has
any need to adopt dishonest ways. In identifying the
nature of power, it is thus important to know the structure
of the party and its role.

In Indonesia, President Sukarno is almost an
instrument of the military. The armed forces there consist
largely of former fighters for national independence and
enjoy considerable prestige. They seem to lack functional
competence and prefer to operate through a civilian.
There has been consequently only slight success in removing
"economic bottlenecks and shortages."

A strong single party has a role very much like the
military. There is hardly open criticism which shakes
public confidence and creates trouble in primary societies.
In India, the Indian National Congress plays this role.
Mr. Nehru's twenty years in jail give him a prestige which
no other Indian can have. During the Sino-Indian clash,
the Congress members were threatened with "stern discipli-
nary action" for criticising the government or the party
leadership. There are no strong opposition parties in
India which could make effective criticism of the Government.
Mr. Nehru and his National Congress have the same discipline
and role as the military have in some other Asian countries.

Authoritarianism has thus, directly or indirectly,
found its way into the governments of Asia.

III

Asia is yet to find a balance of power. World War II
and the withdrawal of colonial powers have virtually created
a power vacuum. India and Japan have the resources to
grow into sizeable military powers but they are not yet
developed. There seems to be only one centre of power in
Asia namely Peking. In fact, China and the Soviet Union
have under their immediate control almost the entire
territory, described by Sir Halford MacKinder as the Geogra-
phical Pivot of History, later designated as Heartland of
Eurasia. The preconditions for world domination by these
two communist allies therefore exist. Such a state of
affairs is hardly conducive to peace. It must keep Asian
nations and others in jitters.

-5-

At present, the two Communist allies control a frontier across Asia which runs from Greece to the Pacific along the Soviet border with Turkey, Iran and Afghanistan and then along the Chinese border with Pakistan, India, Burma, Indo-China, the Pacific and Korea. Facing this land frontier is a string of bases along the rim of Asia, which are controlled by the United States and other Western powers. The present situation is that a huge land power is facing a sea power. This confrontation is powerfully influenced by the development of air and space weapons and the nuclear powered submarine which tend to tilt the balance in favour of the land power.

Under the present circumstances, any outward pressure of China in the Far East must be felt first of all by Korea, Hong Kong and Singapore. For the West, they are no more than outlying picquets. Next targets could be Japan and Formosa. Both of them can be powerfully supported from the American base in Okinawa. The Pacific itself is well manned by the American bases in Midway, Wake, Guam and Luzon. With Singapore in Chinese hands, the situation in the Indian ocean would be precarious. Aden and Gan are the only two British bases from which naval operations could be conducted. Nationalisation of the Suez has made it impossible for the British Navy in the Mediterranean to render any help in the Indian Ocean. Most of South and South East Asia is under Chinese pressure. There were boundary disputes with Burma and Nepal. With India, there is open war. About eleven million Chinese help advance the mainland China's policies. Soviet Union has also penetrated into Afghanistan. Her threat to Iran and Turkey is constantly present. The historical urge of the Soviet Union to take over a warm water outlet, in particular the Straits of Dardenelles and the Gulf of Persia, still remains unsatisfied. She has the means, political, economic and military, to exert pressure on other countries in order to advance her interests.

To strengthen its position in this power confrontation in Asia, the United States of America has sponsored SEATO and CENTO and offered military arrangements to Asian nations. Turkey, Iran and Pakistan are members of CENTO. Pakistan, Thailand, the Philippines, Australia and New Zealand are members of SEATO. Cambodia, Laos and South Vietnam are the Protocol States. Japan, the Philippines, Formosa and South Korea have Mutual Defence and Security Treaties with the United States. Australia and New Zealand are members of MNZUS. There are also a number of American military bases in the Asian region.

-6-

The Mutual Security Act is the main enabling legisla-
tion for American Military Aid. In case of Asia, the Congress
has added the condition that "in furnishing military assistance
in Asia, the President shall give the fullest assistance,
as far as possible, directly to the free peoples in that
area, in their creation of a joint organisation, consistent
with the Charter of the United Nations, to establish a
programme of self-help and mutual cooperation designated to
develop their economic and social well-being, to safeguard
basic rights and liberties, and to protect their security
and independence". Several countries including India benefit
from this Act.

The military leaders of Asia appreciate that the world
has shrunk; and accumulation of military power anywhere
is dangerous. They, therefore, support the forces which
try to set up some sort of balance of power in Asia. They
cooperate with the United States and thus contribute to
world peace. This stability is actually a precondition for
the economic development of Asia. It helps all. Politicians,
however, exploit the situation. They have developed the
policy of neutralism which has flourished in Asia only because
of the presence of the American military power. It is again
the politicians' attitude of sacrificing the nation for
the party; and the world for the country which jeopardises
the balance. As internal problems eliminate the Asian
politicians, so the armed clashes like the Sino-Indian war
will wipe out the neutralists. Nationally and internationally,
the military leaders in Asia thus contribute to stability,
security and the cause of peace.

IV

The military in Asia has also a role far more
important than the immediate one. Asia provides a battle
ground for the encounter of civilisations -- Western
Democracy and Communism. The ancient civilizations of
Asia are not mere spectators. They are already trying to
pick and choose. How far they succeed, only the future can
tell. The military has, however, a key role in this process.
Asians are determined to stay independent, internally and
externally. This demands efficient military forces. They
can be secured only by adopting new techniques. Certain
consequences follow. "In adopting the rudiments of the
western military techniques, the Imam had introduced into
the life of his people the thin end of a wedge which in
time would inexorably cleave their close-compacted traditional
Islamic civilization asunder."*1

*1 Arnold Toynbee: *Civilization on Trial*(New York: Meridian Books, Inc.1958) p.170

-7-

"Every historic culture pattern is an organic whole in which all the parts are interdependent so that, if any part is prised out of its setting, both the isolated part and the mutilated whole behave differently from their behaviour when the pattern is intact. The broken pattern tends to reconstitute itself in a foreign environment into which one of its components has once found its way."*2 The military is "the thin end of a wedge" or "the isolated part of a culture pattern". What dogma of war, the military adopts is of paramount importance for the future of Asia.

Western war technology and techniques are rapidly improving. Their improvement has almost reached a dead end. In Western dogmas of war, weapons are supreme. Immense resources, financial and technical, are required to produce them. No Asian nation can buy these prohibitively costly weapons; it may, however, beg and borrow. But this leads to dependence which the Asians hate. A vicious circle is thus set up which there is no way to break. Moreover, Western weapons and war techniques have so developed in destructiveness and intricacy that they have lot flexibility. In the words of General Maxwell D. Taylor they constitute "the uncertain trumpet" which would not inspire the people to fight. Asians also find them unsuitable. In November 1962, Mr. Nehru ascribed the Indian collapse in the Sino-Indian clashes in the Himalayas to inefficient British techniques and unsuitable weapons. India has, therefore, raised the armed militia as a part of the regular armed forces. This marks a break with the Western war techniques.

The dogma of the protracted war, propounded by Mao Tse-Tung has, however, great fascination for the Asians. They feel hopeful when Mao Tse-Tung declares, "Weapons are an important factor in war but not the decisive one: it is man and not material that counts. The contest of forces is not only a contest of military and economic power, but also one of the power and morale of man. Military and economic power must be controlled by men."*3 The speed with which Mao captured China in 1949 astonished all including Stalin. In the Korean War in 1952, the Chinese acquitted themselves quite well. Lt.-Gen. James M. Gavin writes, "The real tragedy of Korea was that this great nation, with its scientific resources and tremendous industrial capacity, had to accept combat on the terms laid down by a rather primitive Asiatic power."*4

*2 Arnold Toynbee: *The World & the West* (New York: Meridian Books, Inc.: 1958) p.283
*3 *On the Protracted War*: (Peking: 1954) p.56.
*4 *War and Peace in Space Age*: (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1958) p.123

-8-

He deplores that the fighter-bombers failed to provide effective tactical air support and that "even horse cavalry divisions were able to move the length of North Korea and participate in the battles." In the Sino-Indian clashes in 1962, "swift attack and withdrawal", "swift concentration and dispersal" and "quick decision", resulted in a collapse of the Indian forces. This dogma has thus repeatedly proved its efficacy in the battlefield. It has almost revolutionalised the concept of war. A regular army with guerillas as its auxiliaries gains considerably in hitting power and in collecting intelligence. All Communist states maintain their own guerilla formations. Even the United States has started training irregular fighters. The techniques of guerilla warfare have thus come to stay.

Guerilla warfare admirably suits Asia's primary societies. The members of such societies are bound by loyalties which the strains of war strengthen. The Asian nations can produce or procure only rudimentary weapons which are good enough for the guerilla fighter. Their battles are mostly defensive which help build morale. Nationalism is another morale builder. The large populations of Asian nations provide adequate numbers of superb man-weapons. Their quality in general is such that according to General Alfred M. Gruenther it takes ten men in conventional forces to nullify one guerilla fighter. Even nuclear weapons will not be able to exterminate the guerilla fighters. In fact, they alone will be able to operate after a nuclear holocaust. The protracted or guerilla warfare has thus clear advantages. Its adoption, however, has consequences, not confined to the battlefield alone. It creates an attitude of the mind which may considerably influence Asia's future.

-------

To the Asian nations, the military provides stability and functional competence. But that is not the master link in the chain of reforms for the industrial revolution. It is technology. Left to themselves, the military leaders will not be able to import the revolution in its entirety and thus fulfil the aspirations of the people. The task is too big for any one section of a nation to accomplish. From whatever culture pattern, the military may isolate a part, it will need the incessant endeavours of the entire nation to enable the broken pattern to reconstitute itself in their midst. Without this nation-wide effort, a schism will enter the soul and hamper the growth of the nation. The entire economic structure of Asian societies is in fact under transformation. Its ramifications are far too many. The role of the military is to provide steadiness to these primary societies on the move. If helped in their venture, Asian nations may go forward and fill the large order they have set themselves. Otherwise they will fall beside the road and be lost.

---

85-P/Block 2, PECHS
KARACHI

My dear Henry Kissinger,

You must be extremely busy these days in your various capacities, probably. The Presidential election will make you busier still.

I have shifted from Rawalpindi to Karachi. I have joined the Central Institute of Islamic Research and will edit their publications. This is a new field, full of interest, and probably very important.

I thank you for the bibliography you sent to me. I am working on the book "Role of the Military in Asia". It will take a year to complete. I shall be grateful if you could send me any useful material that you may come across. As you know there is almost nothing available on the subject here in Pakistan.

With my best regards to Mrs. Kissinger,

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger,
Harvard University,
6 Divinity Avenue,
Cambridge, 08,
MASSACHUSETTS (USA)

25/5/63

85-P, Block-2,
P.E.C.H. Society,
Karachi.

September 3, 1963.

My dear Henry Kissinger,

I have been able to put together some of
my views and ideas in the form of a book. I
have called it "A Path for Pakistan". It consists
of eight chapters and about 200 pages.

The chapters are: 1. Geostrategy of Pakistan;
2. Martial Pakistan; 3. The Test of Fire; 4. The
Response; 5. Jihad; 6. Mixed Defence; 7. Reconst-
uction of Ideology; 8. The Great Confederation;
Conclusion. Pakistan Publishing House, Karachi,
hope to place it in the market in October 1963.

My last book was noticed only by the two
American journals; one was "Foreign Affairs". I
am told that one of the good ways to bring the
book to the notice of the American public is to
approach the Specialists and request them to review
or mention it in some appropriate journals.
I shall very much welcome your help and suggestions
in this matter.

A member of your staff, Mr. Halpern visited
our Institute in Karachi and had long discussion
on Pakistan-Chinese relations. He promised to review
the book in some journals. Maybe there are others
who can thus oblige.

With my best regards,

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger,
Harvard University,
6 Divinity Avenue,
Cambridge, 38,
**MASSACHUSETTS** (USA)

4, Gulistan Colony,
Ayub National Park

Rawalpindi, 22nd May, 1964

My dear Henry Kissinger,

You may have received copies of my book
"A Path for Pakistan".

Inside Pakistan, it has aroused rather sharp
reactions. Most of the people seem to like it, but
certain vested interests are not well-inclined. I am
sure you will find it worth while to glance through
some chapters at least. At your suggestion, I worked
developments in Islamic thought into a full chapter.
The approach is new and does not fall in line with the
so far accepted interpretation. It has been attacked
rather obliquely.

I hope, the London School of Economis and
Political Science, have made a reference to you in
this time.

By the way, I have come back to the
Government of Pakistan. I do not know whether the
type of work I am doing will permit me to avail of
such a Fellowship.

Mackinder's book has been re-issued, and
I am trying to get two copies from the United Kingdom.

Pakistan is passing through tense times.
In your encounter with the journalists, you probably
that
got a measure of the depth of feeling/Pakistanis
have in regard to India's stand on Kashmir. What
Pakistan will ultimately do is hard to visualise.
But it has been moved to its very depths.

With my best regards,

4,Gulistan Colony,
Ayub National Park,
Rawalpindi, the 16th July,1964

My dear Henry Kissinger,

By this time, I hope you have received copies
of my book "A Path for Pakistan". The present is a busy
period for you, but still I hope you have had the time
to glance through it. I will very much appreciate your
personal reaction about the thesis I have advanced.

The idea of "Confederation" or a "Common
Platform" is gathering momentum. The Press in these
countries is commenting on the possibilities of such
a link-up. I have devoted a chapter to this subject
which is sketchy at many places. Some positive economic
and cultural measures may shortly be taken.

Maybe there are other aspects of interest
to you.

I hope some American journals will be able
to carry its notice or review.

Is there any prospect of your visiting
this region? A new pattern of power relations is

With best regards,

4, Gulistan Colony,
Ayub National Park,
Rawalpindi, the 16th July, 1964

My dear Henry Kissinger,

Is there any prospect of your visiting
this region? A new pattern of power relations
is encouraging, emerging.

With best regards,

RABAT

4, Gulistan Colony,
Ayub National Park,

Rawalpindi, the 23rd September, 1964

My dear Henry Kissinger,

I am sorry to learn from your letter
of 28th July, 1964, that you have not received
copies of my book "A Path for Pakistan".

Four copies were despatched to you on 21st
April, 1964, under registered postal cover. I have
set the postal authorities to trace them out. Two
other addressees in the United States have received
their copies. Maybe this packet is lying somewhere
around your office. If you have not received any
copy by this time, I would like to send you one copy again
from Rawalpindi.

The London School of Economics has selected
a Japanese Professor for that Fellowship in Strategic
Studies. Thank you very much for the recommendation.

With my best regards,

Second fold here

4, Gulistan Colony,
Ayub National Park,
Rawalpindi, the 31st March, 1965.

My dear Henry Kissinger,

Thank you very much for your letter of
14th January, 1965.

I hope by this time you have completed
your book which, as usual, will be a great and vital
contribution in the field of international relations.

Asia is changing. The Indo-Pakistan sub-
continent is in a process of rapid transformation
which may have far-reaching repercussions. With the
American pre-occupation with China, a trip to the
Far East will be very rewarding. Maybe you will
touch Pakistan.

I am eagerly looking forward to your
comments on my book. Most unfortunately, there
are very few in Pakistan who really appreciate
the great problems I have dealt with in my book.
It is criticised for its wide range and the
number of topics discussed.

With my best regards,

BAYAR ZAYYAW

126-B, Range Road,
Rawalpindi, the 27th July, 1965.

My dear Henry A. Kissinger,

Thank you for your letter of July 15. I am glad to
find that the Sub-continent is engaging your attention. The
world trouble spots are shifting to Asia!

I do not know what the situation will be in Pakistan by
January next. All newly independent countries are psychological
cases. They suffered the insult of subordination for so long
that any suggestion of it throws them into jitters. This is
their weakness but also a strong point. In their temper they
can do things which otherwise are not possible. Pakistan's
reaction to President Johnson's latest move may take this country
anywhere. The people now act with greater confidence and sense
of responsibility than hitherto before.

So far I have come across only one review in the Royal
Central Asian Society Journal. It is written by Professor Rush-
brook Williams who has spent almost all his life in the Sub-
continent. He is very appreciative. He, however, points out that
one has to know Pakistan fairly well to understand the book.
I am looking forward to more reviews from which to benefit in
preparing the next edition of the book.

I hope Mr. Norton Harperin remembers his promise to
review this book.

I shall be most grateful to know your very kind comments.

With my very best regards,

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