ROBERT S. TAYLOR

ARNOLD ROAD, R.P.D. NO. 2
AMBERLY, MASSACHUSETTS 01002
103 Easterly Terrace
Dewitt, N.Y. 13214

21 December 1972

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
The White House
Washington, D.C.

Dear Henry:

I rather imagine this letter may not even
reach you - you must be well protected. But I have
to write it.

As an American - if I have to establish
my credentials - whose family has been here some
350 years and includes one President of this
country (albeit for only a few months), for the
first time in my life I am truly and deeply
ashamed of being an American, after the barbaric
decision of last weekend.

You know, Henry, one evening some twenty-five
years ago as we were sitting around our fireplace
in the old farm house outside Ithaca, you said
that America was a gangster's and woman's country.
I fought off this bit of youthful romanticism for
years, because I guess I believed in America. At
this moment, and with bitterness and sadness, I guess
you were right - except the gangsters have become
respectable.

If this is what power does to people, God help
us all! Without being a snob (effete?) or a purist,
Lord Acton was right. I had hope. I haven't anymore.
Not with decisions made by military maniacs.

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48

Newsday

Dear Mr. Kissinger

I would like to start a " FAN CLUB" with your permission. The
reason for this atcion is to show people the real mastermind
behind Nixon and AGnew. How this all got started was when I
looking thruogh a " MAD " magizine and found this song.

*He# calls Henry Kissinger;
Me6-Henry Kissinger-
Each time he,s caught in a bind;
In talks with Russians,
Or MID-East dissussions
I am right here to make up his mind!

I would really like to start this so would you
please send a replie.

(P.S.) With this letter I enclose a sample of one of
your membership

(2 P. S.) I think your GREA!!!!!!!!! 100%!!!!!!!

HARVARD UNIVERSITY

NIEMAN FOUNDATION

FOR JOURNALISM

OFFICE OF THE CURATOR
48 TROWBRIDGE STREET
CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS, 02138

December 27, 1972

Personal

Honorable Henry Kissinger
The White House
Washington, D.C.

Dear Henry:

You have been much in my thoughts ever since the collapse of
the peace talks and the initiation of terror bombing.

Much of the time I have been filled with anger and hatred for
your President; and at times, I must confess, I have felt similar
things about you. Mr. Nixon's decision to re-escalate comes as
little surprise, though I had hoped for greater personal growth on
his part. Your role does surprise me, though: your acquiescence
in such unbridled barbarism. From a man who has long combined a
profound understanding of history with a realistically melancholy
appraisal of American interests and prospects in Indochina, this
seems to me inexplicable. From a man who I know has both a con-
science and compassion, this seems to me even more inexplicable.

I have assumed that you have been striving for four years to
persuade both Hanoi and the President to accept what you described
to me in 1967 as the only realistic solution, a "decent interval"
outcome. Your effectiveness in achieving such a solution has
seemed best served by staying in the government despite periodic
major setbacks. But I wonder how long that rationale can hold.

Is it not time, at long last, for you to get out and speak out?
You have done great good beyond Southeast Asia in your years at the
White House, but those achievements are in jeopardy. For you are
now participating in a process that compels decent Americans to
despise their country and themselves. That is a terrible sickness
for which you personally can still help provide a cure.

I had thought not to write you at all. But it would be wrong
for the silence of friends and admirers to mislead you.

HARVARD UNIVERSITY

NIEMAN FOUNDATION

FOR JOURNALISM

December 29, 1972

Honorable Richard M. Nixon
The White House
Washington, D. C.

Dear Mr. President:

I write as a former East Asia specialist at the National Security Council and State Department, 1961-66, who believed from 1968 onward that you had a precious opportunity -- and greater assets than my own party -- to end the Indochina War. My belief and trust were still apparently shared by millions of Americans who voted for you last month.

To my deep dismay, you are now betraying that belief and trust. Both in sorrow and anger I write to tell you of the acute shame I feel for my country as a result of the unwarranted and indiscriminate slaughter we have unleashed upon North Vietnam.

There is still time for you to undo the harm that our bombs are doing to our ideals and honor as a nation. There is still time for you to build upon the historic foundation for peace you created through your bold initiatives with China and the Soviet Union.

I implore you to return to the values that have made our nation both a model and beacon for peace-loving men everywhere -- to end the bombing at once and to sign the October Paris agreement. If you do so, your position in history will be secure; and our country will be rid of the terrible sickness of shame and self-hate.

BOSTON UNIVERSITY

OVERSEAS GRADUATE PROGRAMS

BERLIN: G-1 Education Branch
Berlin Brigade, APO N. Y. 09742

BRUSSELS: Education Center (NSSG U. S.)
APO N. Y. 09088

FRANKFURT: Army Education Center
HQ (SUPDIST) Hessen, APO N. Y. 09757

KARLSRUHE: Directorate, US DESEA
APO N. Y. 09164

MANNHEIM: Army Education Center
Sullivan Barracks, APO N. Y. 09086

MUNICH: Army Education Center
McGraw Kaserne, APO N. Y. 09407

NAPLES: The Education Center
HQ AFSouth, FPO N. Y. 09524

STUTTGART: Army Education Center
Grenadier Kaserne,
BWD Consolidated Mail APO N. Y. 09154

HEIDELBERG: Campbell Barracks
(main office) APO N. Y. 09403

PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL

28 January 1972

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger

National Security Adviser to the President
The White House
Washington, D. C.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

Your warm and welcome letter of December 6, 1971 has just arrived on my desk after a rather circuitous route through the labyrinthine Army Postal Service.

Your willingness to serve as a reference is most gratifying, especially in light of your extraordinary schedule in the forthcoming weeks. Please carry my sincere wishes for success and progress as you undertake your historic journey with the President to Peking.

Harvard University Placement will be sending a reference form to your office in the next few weeks and I shall be flying to Washington later this spring in order to get the "lay of the land" firsthand at DOD and STATE. It is at that time (or soon thereafter) that you may receive inquiries concerning my "state of readiness" for positions in the national security realm.

It was additionally kind of you to think of me in the context of a potential opening on your own staff. Remembering with

SOME PERTINENT BACKGROUND DATA

Current areas of research concentration:

European Security Affairs, including CES and MBFR.

NATO politics, including nuclear sharing and "detente
diplomacy" comme alliance.

Warsaw Pact affairs, politico-military.

Intra-German affairs.

West German foreign policy, Ostpolitik, Westpolitik,
and Deutschlandpolitik.

Foreign and domestic politics of the DDR. (a book is
in process for the University Press of Cambridge-
Dunnellen on East German foreign policy in its
intra-German, bloc, European, regional and global
contexts.)

Dr. Ralph J. Thomson
Boston University
Education Center
NSSG (US)
APO NY 09088

From: The Rt. Hon. Jeremy Thorpe, M.P.

HOUSE OF COMMONS
LONDON SW1A OAA

CONFIDENTIAL

This Memorandum relates to Freeport, Grand Bahamas.

In 1955 an Agreement was entered into between the then Bahamian Government and the Grand Bahama Port Authority, which agreement was known as the Hawks Bill Creek Agreement. It was agreed there that the Company would carry out certain capital works and in return would be granted the right to control immigration into the defined area, would be exempt from certain import duties, and would act as the Licensing Authority for all businesses.

The immigration privileges have been terminated but the Company own:

1. The Harbour

2. The Airport

3. The Electricity and Water Companies.

4. The Port Authority

5. 98% of a development company of which 70,000 acres remain.

The Company remain the Port Authority and also the Licensing Authority for all businesses in the area, subject to Government approval. They have already granted exclusive refinery rights to Balco, which is a consortium formed by Standard Oil of California, North Eastern Petroleum Co. and Commonwealth Oil of Puerto Rico. Outside the Freeport area, Burma oil are currently erecting a trans-shipment terminal and another group headed by a Dutch Company are interested in putting up a fuel refinery.

The individuals who created the Company were closely associated politically with what is now the Opposition, and in the post Independence situation are anxious to sell. The present Prime Minister, whilst he has no intention to expel or appropriate

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the Company, would be very pleased to see "the old guard" go and a
new company, more in tune with the aspirations of an Independent
Bahamas, take over.

The writer knows Pindling through political
associations and at a meeting in London before Indendence, Pindling
made this fact abundantly clear. Pindling knows that the
Company are anxious to sell, and would, I am confident, give them every assistance to do so.

His argument then was that the Bahamas was about
to get its political independence, and he and his colleagues wanted
to be able to feel that by replacing certain relics of "colonial
commercialism" they had been able to achieve _economic_ independence
as well. I asked him whether he would welcome an American or
West German presence (both of which seemed to me to be the most
obvious options) and he indicated that either would be acceptable.

Subsequently, I lunched in the Bahamas with
Pindling on January 1st this year when I told him that I understood
that Mobil had expressed some interest in acquiring Freeport. He
told me that he would particularly welcome an American Corporation,
and, from our conversation I deduced that Freeport was politically
a sensitive area, that his deputy Prime Minister Hanna was an
ambitious man who would not particularly mind if interests slightly
more Left-orientated than the United States acquired the area in
question, and that Pindling himself regarded an American presence
there as a helpful way of underpinning his own political position.
I repeat that none of this was said specifically but I have
reason to believe this is a fair appraisal of the situation. If
any company expressed interest he would be delighted to handle the

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initial negotiations with them direct. I indicated that if I heard news I would pass it on, or alternatively give the Chairman of the Corporation a letter of introduction to Pindling. It remains to mention the Freeport personalities involved, and the possible action which might be taken to further this project if thought fit so to do.

The main creator of Freeport is Mr. Wallace Groves, a United States citizen, resident in the Bahamas, possibly now a reformed character, but a man who served time in prison in the U.S.A. for fraud! I don't think he would be particular as to what company or indeed country bought Freeport. However, my advice is that he should not be brought into the negotiations. The Chairman is Gerry Goldsmith of New York who is honest, but indiscreet. He should therefore likewise be avoided. My own contacts, whom I trust implicitly are Jack Hayward, and his lawyer, Edward St. George. Both are British nationals resident in the Bahamas (addresses: P.O. Box F-99, Freeport, Grand Bahama Island, and The Grand Bahama Port Authority Ltd., P.O. Box F-2666, Freeport). Either or both would be the correct line of approach.

It is not for me to assess whether the political interests of the United States would make the acquisition of Freeport by American interests desirable. If it was so felt, I would suggest that an American Corporation should make the approaches and carry on negotiations, although the State Department might feel it necessary

- 4 -

to give such corporation a guarantee or form of insurance against expropriation. This need not be known to the Bahamian Government although there would be no objection however to Pindling knowing the interest of the State Department in such a situation and my own name could certainly be mentioned to him in this connection.

I am aware that the whole matter requires discretion and confidentiality and I can assure the Secretary of State that both requirements will be strictly observed only by me. If further help or information can be given then the writer would be most happy to supply either.

Finally, I should add that in the light of my friendship with Hayward and Pindling I mentioned this matter last year in Washington, and visited the Executive Office of the National Security Office at the White House when I learnt that Mr. Flanigan would be looking into this proposition. I have no knowledge of what progress was subsequently made.

27th March 1974

THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON

December 3, 1974

Dear Henry:

After twenty-two years in the Federal Government, I have decided to retire from public service at the end of this month.

My experiences have been exciting, opportunities most challenging and I have enjoyed participating in many worthwhile causes. I would be remiss, however, if I didn't admit that one of the most rewarding aspects of my job at the White House has been getting to know and working with people like you who devote talent and energy so tirelessly to the public good. I especially want to thank you for the courtesies shown to me and your friendship in the course of our association.

I hope your own future is bright and filled with all the good things you deserve.

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
Secretary of State
U.S. Department of State
Washington, D.C.