ΕΙΚΟΝΟΚΛΑΣΤΗΣ
ΙΝ
Answer

To a Book Intitl'd
ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ,
ΤΗ

THE
PORTRATURE of his Sacred MAJESTY
in his Solitudes and Sufferings.

The Author I. M.

PROV. 28, 15, 16, 17.

15. As a roaring Lyon, and a ranging Beare, so is a wicked Ruler over the poor people.

16. The Prince that wanteth understanding, is also a great oppressor; but he that hateth covetousness shall prolong his dayes.

17. A man that doth violence to the blood of any person, shall fly to the pit, let no man stay him.

### Salust. Conjurat. Catilin.

Regium imperium, quod initio, confervandæ libertatis, atque augendæ reipub. causâ fuerat, in fuperbiam, dominationemque le convertit.

Regibus boni, quam mali, suspectiores funt; semperque his aliena virtus for-midolota est.

Quidlibet impunè facere, hoc liceret regium est.

Published by Authority.

London, Printed by Matthew Simmons, next dore to the gilded Lyon in Aldersgate street. 1649.

Εἰκονολαμμένοι.

2

gott'n. No man but may remember it was thir
continuall exercite to dispute and Preach against
them; and in thir common discourse nothing
was more frequent, then that they hoped the King
should now have no need of Parlaments any more. And
this was but the copy which his Parasites had in-
duſtriously tak'n from his own words and actions,
who never call'd a Parlament but to supply his
necessities; and having supply'd those, as fud-
denly and ignominiously difſolv'd it, without re-
dressing any one greevance of the people. Som-
times chooling rather to miſs of his Subſidies, or
to raiſe them by illegal courſes, then that the
people should not ſtill miſs of thir hopes, to be re-
leiv'd by Parlaments.

The firſt he broke off at his comming to the
Crown; for no other cause then to protect the
Duke of Buckingham againſt them who had ac-
cus'd him, besides other hainous crimes, of no leſs
than poyſoning the deceased King his Father.
And ſtill the latter breaking was with more af-
front and indignity put upon the House and her
worthiſt Members, then the former. In ſomuch
that in the fifth yeare of his Raigne, in a Procla-
mation he ſeemes offended at the very rumor of a
Parlament divulg'd among the people: as if hee
had tak'n it for a kind of ſlander, that men ſhould
think him that way exorable, much leſs inclin'd:
and forbidds it as a preſumption to preſcribe him
any time for Parlaments; that is to ſay, either by
perſwafion or Petition, or ſo much as the repor-
ting of ſuch a rumor; for other manner of pre-
ſcribing was at that time not ſuſpected. By which
feirce

Εἰκονολαμμένοι.

3

ſeirce Edict, the people, forbidd'n to complaine,
as well as fore'd to ſuffer, began from thenceforth
to diſpaire of Parlaments. Whereupon ſuch il-
legal actions, and especially to get valt ſumms of
Money, were put in practice by the King and his
new Officers, as Monopolies, compulsive Knight-
hoods, Cote, Conduct and Ship-mony, the ſei-
zing not of one Naboths Vineyard, but of whole
Inheritances under the pretence of Forreſt, or
Crown-Lands, corruption and Bribery compoun-
ded for, with impunities granted for the future,
as gave evident proof that the King never meant,
nor could it stand with the reaſon of his affairs,
ever to recall Parlaments; having brought by
theſe irregular courſes the peoples intereſt, and
his own to ſo direct an oppofition, that he might
foreſee plainely, if nothing but a Parlament could
ſave the people, it muſt neceſſarily bee his un-
doing.

Till eight or nine years after, proceeding with
a high hand in theſe enormities, and having the
ſecond time levied an injurious Warr againſt his
native Countrie Scotland, and finding all thofe o-
ther shifts of raiſing Mony, which bore out his
firſt expedition, now to ſaile him, not of his own
choife and inclination, as any Child may ſee, but
urg'd by ſtrong neceſſities, and the very pangs of
State which his owne violent proceedings had
brought him to, hee calls a Parlament; firſt in
Ireland, which onely was to give him four Subſi-
dies, and ſo to expire; then in England, where
his firſt demand was but twelve Subſidies, to
maintaine a Scotch Warr, condemn'd and abomi-
nated

P.

Εἰκονογραφία.

nated by the whole Kingdom; promising thir greevances should be considered afterwards. Which when the Parlament, who judg'd that Warr it selfe one of thir main greevances, made no haft to grant, not enduring the delay of his impatient will, or els fearing the conditions of thir grant, he breakes off the whole Session, and difmiffes them and thir greevances with ſcorn and frustration.

Much leſs therefore did hee call this laſt Parlament by his own chois and inclination; but having firſt try'd in vaine all undue ways to procure Mony, his Army of thir own accord being beat in the North, the Lords Petitioning, and the general voice of the people, almost hilling him and his ill-acted regalitie off the Stage, compell'd at length both by his wants, and by his ſeaſes, upon meer extremitie he ſummond this laſt Parlament. And how is it poffible that hee ſhould willingly incline to Parlaments, who never was perceiv'd to call them but for the greedy hope of a whole National Bribe, his Subſidies, and never lov'd, never fulfil'd, never promoted the true end of Parlaments, the redrefs of greevances, but ſtill put them off, and prolong'd them, whether gratify'd or not gratify'd; and was indeed the Author of all thofe greevances. To ſay therefore that he call'd this Parlament of his own chois and inclination, argues how little truth wee can expect from the ſequel of this Book, which ventures in the very firſt period to affront more then one Nation with an untruth ſo remarkable; and prefumes a more implicit Faith in the people of England,

Εἰκονογραφία.

England, then the Pope ever commanded from the Romiſh Laitie; or els a natural ſottilhneſs, firſt to be abus'd and ridd'n. While in the judge-ment of wife Men, by laying the foundation of his defence on the avouchment of that which is ſo manifeſtly untrue, he hath giv'n a worſe ſoile to his own cauſe, then when his whole Forces were at any time overthrown. They theſore who think ſuch great Service don to the Kings affaires in publicſhing this Book, will find themſelves in the end miſtak'n: if ſenſe and right mind, or but any mediocritie of knowledge and remembrance, hath not quite forſak'n men.

But to prove his inclination to Parlaments, he affirms heer To have always thought the right way of them, moſt safe for his Crown, and beſt pleasing to his People. What he thought we know not; but that he ever took the contrary way wee ſaw; and from his own actions we felt long agoe what hee thought of Parlaments or of pleasing his People: a ſurer evidence then what we heare now too late in words.

He alleges, that the cause of forbearing to convene Parlaments was the ſparkes which some mens diſtempers there studied to kindle. They were indeed not temper'd to his temper; for it neither was the Law, nor the rule by which all other tempers were to bee try'd; but they were eſteem'd and chos'n for the firſt men in thir ſeverall Counties, to allay and quench thofe diſtempers which his own inordinate doings had inflam'd. And if that were his refusing to convene, till thofe men had bin qualifi'd to his temper, that is to ſay, his will, we,

Εἰκονολαγίας.

6

we may easily conjecture what hope ther was of
Parlaments, had not fear and his infatiat power-
tie in the midst of his excesſive wealth conſtrain'd
him.

Hee hoped by his freedom, and their moderation to prevent misſunderſtandings. And wherefore not by their freedom and his moderation ? But freedom he thought too high a word for them; and moderation too mean a word for himſelf: this was not the way to prevent misſunderſtandings. He ſtill feard paſſion and prejudice in other men; not in himſelf: and doubted not by the weight of his own reaſon, to counterpoyſe any Faſtion; it being ſo eaſie for him, and ſo frequent, to call his obſtinacy reaſon, and other mens reaſon, Faſtion. Wee in the mean while muſt beleive, that wisdom and all reaſon came to him, by Title, with his Crowne; paſſion, prejudice, and Faſtion, came to others by being Subjects.

He was ſorry to heare with what popular heat E-
lections were carried in many places. Sorry rather
that Court Letters, and intimations prevail'd no
more, to divert, or to deterr the people from thir
free Election of those men, whom they thought beſt
affected to Religion, and thir Countries Libertie,
both at that time in danger to be loft. And ſuch
men they were as by the Kingdom were ſent to
adviſe him, not ſent to be cavill'd at, becauſe Ele-
ſed, or to be entertain'd by him with an undervale
and miſprifion of thir temper, judgement, or
affection. In vaine was a Parlament thought fit-
ted by the known Laws of our Nation, to adviſe
and regulate unruly Kings, if they, in ſtead of
hearkning

Εἰκονολαγίας.

7

hearkning to advice, ſhould be permitted to turn
it off, and refuse it by vilifying and traducing thir
adviſers, or by accuſing of a popular heat thate
that lawfully elected them.

His own and his Childrens interest oblig'd him to ſeeK
and to preserve the love and welfare of his Subjects.
Who doubts it? But the ſame interest, common to
all Kings, was never yet available to make them
all ſeeK that, which was indeed beſt for themselves
and their Poſteritie. All men by their own and their
Childrens interest are oblig'd to honestie and ju-
ſtice: but how little that consideration works in
private men, how much leſs in Kings, their deeds
declare beſt.

He intended to oblige both Friends and Enemies, and
to exceed their desires, did they but pretend to any mo-
deſt and ſober ſence; miſtaking the whole buſineſs
of a Parlament. Which mett not to receive from
him obligations, but Juitice; nor hee to expect
from them thir modeſty, but thir grave advice,
utter'd with freedom in the public cauſe. His
talk of modeſty in thir desires of the common wel-
fare, argues him not much to have underſtood
what he had to grant, who miſconceav'd ſo much
the nature of what they had to deſire. And for
ſober ſenſe the expreſſion was too mean; and re-
coiles with as much diſhonour upon himſelfe, to
be a King where ſober ſenſe could poſſibly be ſo
wanting in a Parlament.

The odium and offences which ſome mens rigour, or
remissneſs in Church and State had contracted upon his
Goverment, hee resolved to have expiated with better
Laws and regulations, And yet the worst of miſ-
demeanors

D

Hs
Hs
Ha

10

Εἰκονογραφία.

And this is the substance of his first Section, till wee come to the devout of it, model'd into the form of a privat Psaſter. Which they who so much admire either for the matter or the manner, may as well admire the Arch-Bishops late Breviary, and many other as good *Mannals*, and *Hand*-maids of Devotion, the lip-work of every Prelatical Liturgift, clapt together, and quilted out of Scripture phrase, with as much ease, and as little need of Christian diligence, or judgement, as belongs to the compiling of any ordinary and falable piece of English Divinity, that the Shops value. But he who from such a kind of Psaſmiftry, or any other verbal Devotion, without the pledge and earneſt of ſutable deeds, can be perſwaded of a zeale, and true righteouſneſs in the person, hath much yet to learn; and knows not that the deepest policy of a Tyrant hath bin ever to counterſet Religious. And *Ariſtotle* in his Politics, hath mentiond that ſpecial craft among twelve other tyrannical *Sophists*. Neither want wee examples. *Andronicus Commenus* the Byzantine Emperor, though a moſt cruel Tyrant, is reported by *Nicetas* to have bin a constant reader of Saint *Pauls* Epistles; and by continual ſtudy had ſo incorporated the phrase and ſtyle of that transcendent Apoſtle into all his familiar Letters, that the imitation ſeem'd to vie with the Original. Yet this availd not to deceave the people of that Empire, who notwithstanding his Saints vizard, tore him to pieces for his Tyranny. From Stories of this nature both Ancient and Modern which abound, the Poets also, and ſom English, have bin in this point

II

Εἰκονογραφία.

point ſo mindfull of *Decorum*, as to put never more pious words in the mouth of any person, then of a Tyrant. I ſhall not instance an abſtruse Author, wherein the King might be leſs converſant, but one whom wee well know was the Cloſet Companion of these his Solitudes, *William Shakespeare*; who introduces the Person of *Richard* the third. ſpeaking in as high a ſtrain of pictie, and mortification, as is utterd in any paſſage of this Book; and ſometimes to the fame ſenſe and purpofe with ſome words in this place, *I intended*, ſaith he, *not onely to oblige my Freinds, but mine Enemies*. The like ſaith *Richard*, Act. 2. Scen. 1.

> I do not know that Englishman alive.
> With whom my ſoule is any jott at odds,
> More then the Infant that is borne to night;
> I thank my God for my humilitie.

Other ſtuff of this fort may be read through-
out the whole Tragedie, wherein the Poet us'd
not much licence in departing from the truth of
Hiftory, which delivers him a deep diffembler, not
of his affections onely, but of Religion.

In Praying therefore, and in the outward work
of Devotion, this King wee see hath not at all
exceeded the worst of Kings before him. But
herein the worst of Kings, profefſing Christianifm,
have by far exceeded him. They, for ought we
know, have ſtill pray'd their own, or at least bor-
row'd from ſitt Authors. But this King, not con-
tent with that which, although in a thing holy,
is no holy theft, to attribute to his own making
other

other mens whole Prayers, hath as it were un-
hallow'd, and unchrift and the very duty of Pray-
er it self, by borrowing to a Christian use Prayers
offerd to a Heathen God. Who would have ima-
gin'd so little feare in him of the true all-seeing
Deitie, so little reverence of the Holy Ghost,
whose office is to dictat and preſent our Chriſtian
Prayers, to little care of truth in his laſt words,
or honour to himſelf, or to his Friends, or ſerle
of his affiCTIONS, or of that ſad hower which was
upon him, as immediatly before his death to popp
into the hand of that grave Bifhop who attended
him, as a ſpecial Relique of his Saintly exerci-
ſes, a Prayer ſtol'n word for word from the mouth
of a Heathen Woman praying to a Heathen God;
and that in no ſerious Book, but in the vaine
amatorious Poem of Sir Philip Sidneys Arcadia;
a Book in that kinde full of worth and witt, but a-
mong religious thoughts, and duties not wor-
thy to be nam'd; nor to be read at any time with-
out good caution; much leſs in time of trouble
and affliction to be a Chriſtians Prayer-Book. It
hardly can be thought upon without ſom laugh-
ter, that he who had acted over us ſo ſtately and ſo
Tragically, should leave the World at laſt with ſuch
a ridiculous exit, as to bequeath among his deifying
friends that ſtood about him, ſuch a peece of mocke-
ry to be publiſht by them, as muſt needs cover both
his and their heads with ſhame and confusion. And
ſure it was the hand of God that lett them fall & be
tak'n in ſuch a foolish Trapp, as hath expos'd them
to all deriſion, if for nothing els, to throw con-
tempt and disgrace in the fight of all Men upon
this

this his Idoliz'd Book, and the whole roſarie of
his Prayers; thereby teliſting how little he accep-
ted them from thofe who thought no better of the
living God, then of a Buzzard Idol, that would be
ſerv'd and worſcript with the polluted traſh of Ro-
mances and Arcadias, without diſcerning the af-
front to irreligiouſly and ſo boldly offerd him to
his face.

Thus much be ſaid in general to his Prayers;
and in ſpecial to that Arcadian Prayer us'd in his
Captivity; anough to undeceive us what eſteem
we are to ſet upon the reſt.

And thus far in the whole Chapter wee have
ſeen and consider'd, and it cannot but be cleer to
all men, how, and for what ends, what concern-
ments, and neceſtions the late King was no way in-
duc'd, but every way conſtrain'd to call this laſt
Parlament; yet heer in his firſt Prayer he trembles
not to avouch as in the cares of God, That he did it
with an upright intention, to his glory, and his people's
good: Of which dreadfull attestation how ſincere-
ly meant, God, to whom it was avow'd, can onely
judge; and he hath judg'd already; and hath writ-
ten his impartial ſentence in Characters legible to
all Chriſt'ndome; and belides hath taught us, that
there be ſom, whom he hath giv'n over to deluſion,
whose very mind and conſcience is deſil'd; of whom
Saint Paul to Titus makes mention.

Upon

40

Εἰκονογραφίας.

paucity, no freedom from tumults, could ever bring
his arbitrary wilfulneſs, and tyrannical Deſignes
to brook the left shape or similitude, the left coun-
terſet of a Parlament.

Finally in ſtead of praying for his people as a
good King ſhould doe, hee prays to be deliver'd
from them, as from wild Beasts, Inundations, and
raging Seas, that had overborn all Loyalty, Modesty,
Laws, Juitice, and Religion. God ſave the People
from ſuch Interceſſors.

Upon

41

Εἰκονογραφίας.

V. Upon the Bill for Triennial Paraments, and for fetling this, &c.

THE Bill for Triennial Paraments was
doubtles a good Bill, and the other
for fetling this was at that time very
expedient; and in the Kings own
words no more then what the World
was fully confirm'd hee might in Justice, Reason, Hon-
nour, and Conſcience grant them; for to that end he
affirmes to have don it.

But wheras he attributes the paſſing of them to
his own act of grace and willingneſs, as his manner
is to make vertues of his neceſſities, and giving to
himſelfe all the praeſe, heaps ingratitude upon the
Parlament, a little memory will ſett the cleane
contrary before us; that for thofe Beneficial acts
we ow what we ow to the Parlament; but to his
granting them neither praeſe nor thanks. The
first Bill granted much leſs then two former Sta-
tutes yet in force by Edward the third; that a Par-
lament ſhould be call'd every yeare, or often if need
were; nay from a farr ancienter Law Book call'd
the Mirror, it is affirm'd in a late Treatiſe call'd
Rights of the Kingdom, that Paraments by our old
Laws ought twice a yeare to be at London. The
ſecond was ſo neceſſary that nothing in the power

H 2

of

Εἰκονογραφία.

beleeve, the truest cause of his deferring the Par-
lament. The worst and strangest of that Any thing
which the people then demanded, was but the un-
lording of Bishops, and expelling them the House,
and the reducing of Church-Discipline to a con-
formity with other Protestant Churches: this was
the Barbarism of those Tumults; and that he might
avoid the granting of those honest and pious de-
mands, as well demanded by the Parliament as the
People, for this very cause, more then for fear,
by his own confession heer, he left the City; and
in a most tempestuous season forlook the Helme,
and steerage of the Common-wealth. This was
that terrible Any thing from which his Conscience
and his Reason chose to run rather then not deny.
To be importun'd the removing of evil Counte-
lors, and other greevances in Church and State,
was to him an intollerable oppression. If the Peo-
ples demanding were so burd'n home to him, what
was his denial and delay of Justice to them?

But as the demands of his People were to him
a burd'n and oppression, so was the advice of his
Parlament esteem'd a bondage, Whose agreeing Votes,
as he affirms, were not by any Law or reason conclu-
sive to his judgement. For the Law, it ordaines a
Parlament to advife him in his great affaires; but
if it ordaine also that the single judgement of a
King shall out-balance all the wisdom of his Par-
lament, it ordaines that which frustrats the end
of its own ordaining. For where the Kings judge-
ment may diffent, to the destruction, as it may
happ'n, both of himself and the Kingdom, there
advice, and no furder, is a most insufficient, and
frustraneous

Εἰκονογραφία.

frustraneous means to be provided by Law, in
causes of so high concernment. It being therefore
most unlike a Law, to ordain a remedy so slender
and unlawlike, to be the utmost means of all pub-
lic safety, or prevention, as advice is, which may
at any time be rejected by the sole judgement of
one man, the King, and so unlike the Law of Eng-
land, which Lawyers say is the quintefflence of
reason, wee may conclude that the Kings ne-
gative voice was never any Law, but an absurd
and reasonles Custom, begott'n and grown up
either from the flattery of bafeft times, or the u-
furpation of immoderat Princes. Thus much to
the Law of it, by a better evidence then Rowles
and Records, Reason.

But is it possible he should pretend also to rea-
son, that the judgement of one man, not as a
wife or good man, but as a King, and oft times
a wilfull, proud, and wicked King, should out-
weigh the prudence, and all the vertue of an ele-
cted Parlament? What an abusive thing it were
then to summon Parlaments, that by the major
part of voices greatest matters may be there de-
bated and resolv'd, when as one voice after
that shall dafh all thir Resolutions?

He attempts to give a reason why it should, Be-
cause the whole Parlament represents not him in any
kind. But mark how little he advances; for if
the Parlament represent the whole Kingdome, as
is sure anough they doe, then doth the King re-
present onely himself; and if a King without his
Kingdom be in a civil fense nothing, then with-
out or against the Representative of his whole
Kingdom,

82

Εἰκονολάγιοι·

most certain truth that the Parliament could never yet obtain of him any Guard fit to be confided in, then by his own confession some account of those pretended Tumults may in reason be given: and both concerning them and the Guards anough hath bin said, already.

Whom did hee protect against the Justice of Parliament? Whom did hee not to his utmost power? Endeavouring to have rescued Strafford from his Justice, though with the destruction of them and the City; to that end expressly commanding the admittance of new Soldiers into the Tower, raised by Suckling and other Conspirators, under presence for the Portugall; not to repeat his other Plot of bringing up the two Armies. But what can be disputed with such a King in whose mouth and opinion the Parliament it self was never but a Faction, and his Justice no Justice, but the dictates and overswaying insolence of Tumults and Rabbles; and under that excuse avouches himself op'ly the general Patron of most notorious Delinquents, and approves their flight out of the Land, whose crimes were such, as that the justice and the fairest tryal would have soonest condemn'd them to death. But did not Catiline plead in like manner against the Roman Senate and the injustice of their trial, and the Justice of his flight from Rome? Caesar also, then hatching Tyranny, injected the fame scrupulous demurrers to stop the sentence of death in full and free Senate decreed on Lentulus and Cethegus two of Catiline's accomplices, which were renewed and urg'd for Strafford. He voutfates to the reforma- tion by both Kingdoms intended, no better name then

83

Εἰκονολάγιοι·

then Innovation and ruine both in Church and State. And what we would have learnt so gladly of him in other passages before, to know wherein, hee tells us now of his own accord. The expelling of Bishops out of the House of Peers, this was rui-ine to the State, the removing them root and branch, this was ruine to the Church. How happy could this Nation be in such a Governor who counted that their ruin, which they thought their deliverance, the ruin both of Church and State, which was the recovery and the saving of them both.

To the passing of those Bills against Bishops, how is it likely that the House of Peers gave so hardly their consent, which they gave so easily before to the attaching them of High Treason, 12 at once, onely for protesting that the Parliament could not act without them. Surely if their rights and privileges were thought so undoubted in that House, as is heer maintain'd; then was that Protestation being meant and intended in the name of their whole spiritual Order, no Treason: and so that House it self will becom liable to a just construction either of Injustice in them for so consenting, or of usurpation, representing none but themselves, to expect that their voting or not voting should obstruct the Commons. Who not for five repulses of the Lords, no not for fifty, were to deft from what in name of the whole Kingdom they demanded, so long as those Lords were none of our Lords. And for the Bill against root and branch, though it pafs'd not in both Houses till many of the Lords and some few of the Commons, either intic'd away by the King, or overaw'd by the fence of

Εἰκονολαγης.

134

ment would have bin ended better by the best Divines in Christ'sDOM in a full and free Synod. A most improbable way, and such as never yet was us'd, at least with good success, by any Protestant Kingdom or State since the Reformation : Every true Church having wherewithall from Heav'n, and the affixing Spirit of Christ implor'd to be complete and perfect within it self. And the whole Nation is not easily to be thought so raw, and so perpetually a novice after all this light, as to need the help and direction of other Nations, more then what they write in public of their opinion, in a matter so familiar as Church Government.

In fine he accuses Pretie with the want of Loyalty and Religion with the breach of Allegiance, as if God and he were one Maiſter, whole commands were ſo oft'n contrary to the commands of God. He would perſwade the Scots that their chief Interest confifts in their fidelity to the Crown. But true policy will teach them to find a ſafer interest in the common freindſhip of England, then in the rules of one ejeſted Family.

Upon

Εἰκονολαγης.

135

XIIII. Upon the Covnant.

V
PON this theme his diſcourse is long,
his matter little but repetition; and
therfore ſoon anſwerd. First after an
abuſive and ſtrange apprehenſion of
Covnants, as if Men pawn'd their ſoules
to them with whom they Covnant, he digreſſes to
plead for Bishops; first from the antiquity of their
poſſession heer, ſince the first plantation of Christianity
in this Land, next from a universal preſcription ſince
the Apostles, till this last Centurie. But what availes
the moſt Primitive Antiquity againſt the plain
ſenſe of Scripture; which if the laſt Centurie have
beſt follow'd, it ought in our eſteem to be the first.
And yet it hath bin oft'n prov'd by Learned Men,
from the Writings and Epiftles of moſt ancient
Chriftians, that Epiſcopacy crept not up into an
order above the Preſbyters, till many yeareſ after
that the Apostles were deceas'd.

He next is unsatisfi'd with the Covnant, not onely
for some paſſages in it referring to himſelf, as he ſup-
poſes, with very dubious and dangerous limitations,
but for binding men by Oath and Covnant, to the
Reformation of Church Discipline. First those
limitations were not more dangerous to him, then
hee to our Libertie and Religion; next, that
which was there vow'd, to caſt out of the Church
an Antichriſtian Hierarchy which God had not
planted,
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Εἰκονολαμμ. Εἰκονολαμμ.

planted, but ambition and corruption had brought
in, and fostered to the Churches great damage
and oppression, was no point of controversy to be
argued without end, but a thing of clear moral ne-
cessity to be forthwith don. Neither was the Cov-
nant superfluous, though former engagements both re-
ligious and legal bound us before: But was the pra-
tice of all Churches heertofore intending Refor-
mation. All Israel, though bound anough before
by the Law of Mofes, to all necessary duties; yet
with Afa thir King enter'd into a new Covnant at
the beginning of a Reformation; And the Jews
after Captivity, without consent demanded of that
King who was thir Master, took solemn Oath to
walk in the Commandments of God. All Pro-
testant Churches have don the like, notwithstanding
former engagements to thir several duties.
And although his aim were to low variance be-
tween the Protestation and the Covnant, to reconcile
them is not difficult. The Protestation was but
one step, extending onely to the Doctrin of the
Church of England, as it was distinct from Church
Discipline; the Covnant went furder, as it pleas'd
God to dispense his light by degrees, and compre-
hended Church-Goverment; Former with latter
steps in the progress of well doing need not recon-
cilement. Nevertheless he breaks through to his
conclusion, That all honest and wise men ever thought
themselves sufficiently bound by former ties of Religion,
leaving Afa, Ezra, and the whole Church of God
in fundry Ages to shift for honestie and wisdom
from him other then his testimony. And although
after-contracts abfolve not till the former be made
void,

S

S

void, yet he first having don that, our duty re-
turnes back, which to him was neither moral nor
eternal; but conditional.

Willing to perfwade himself that many good men
took the Covnant either unwarily, or out of fear,
he feems to have befor'd him thoughts how thefe
good men following his advice may keep the Cov-
nant and not keep it. The first evafion is, prefuming
that the chief end of Covnanting in such mens intentions
was to preserve Religion in purity and the Kingdoms
peace. But the Covnant will more truly inform
them that purity of Religion and the Kingdoms
peace was not then in state to be preferv'd, but to
be referv'd; and therfore binds them, not to a pre-
fervation of what was, but to a Reformation of
what was evil, what was Traditional, and dangerous,
whether novelty or antiquity in Church or State.
To doe this, clafhes with no former Oath lawfully
fworn either to God or the King, and rightly un-
derstood.

In generall he brands all such confederations by
League and Covnant, as the common rode us'd in all
Fascious perturbations of State and Church. This
kind of language reflects with the fame ignominy
upon all the Protestant Reformations that have
bin since Luther ; and so indeed doth his whole
Book, replenifh'd throughout with hardly other
words or arguments then Papists, and especially
Popifh Kings, have us'd heertofore againſt his Pro-
testant Subjects; whom he would perfwade to be
every man his own Pope and to abfolve himselfe of thofe
ties, by the fuggeftion of fall or equivocal interpre-
tations too oft repeated to be now anſwer'd.

The

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137

140

Εἰκονολάγης.

XV. Upon the many jealousies, &c.

To wipe off jealousies and scandals, the best way had bin by clear Actions, or till Actions could be clear'd, by evident reasons; but meer words we are too well acquainted with. Had his honour and reputation bin dearer to him then the luft of Raigning, how could the Parlament of either Nation have laid so oft'n at his dore the breach of words, promifes, acts, Oaths, and execrations, as they doe avowedly in many of their Petitions, and addresses to him: whether I remitt the Reader. And who can beleive that whole Parlaments elected by the People from all parts of the Land, should meet in one mind, and resolution not to advife him, but to confpire against him, in a wors powder plot then Catesbies, to blow up, as he terms it, the peoples affection towards him, and batter downe their loyaltie by the Engins of foule aspersions: Waterworks rather then Engins to batter with, yet those aspersions were rais'd from the foulneſs of his own actions. Whereof to purge himſelf, he uses no other argument, then a general and ſo oft'n iterated commendation of himſelf; and thinks that Court holy water hath the vertue of expiation; at least with the filly people. To whom he familiarly imputes

141

Εἰκονολάγης.

putes ſin where none is, to seem liberal of his forgieneſs where none is ask'd or needed.

What wayes he hath tak'n toward the proſperity of his people, which he would seem so earneſtly to desire, if wee doe but once call to mind, it will be anough to teach us, looking on the ſmooth infinuations heer, that Tyrants are not more flatter'd by their Slaves, then forc'd to flatter others whom they feare.

For the peoples tranquillitie he would willingly be the Jonah; but leaſt he should be tak'n at his word, pretends to foreſee within Kenn two imaginarie windes never heard of in the Compafs, which threaten, if he be caſt overboard, to encreafe the ſtorm; but that controverſy, divine lot hath ended.

He had rather not rule then that his people should be ruin'd; and yet above these twenty yeares hath bin ruining the people about the niceties of his ruling. He is accurate to put a difference between the plague of malice, and the ague of mistakes, the itch of noveltie, and the leproſe of disſloyaltie. But had he as well known how to diſtinguish between the venerable gray haires of ancient Religion, and the old ſcurſe of Superſtition, between the wholſome heat of well Governing, and the fevorous rage of Tyrannizing, his judgment in State-phyſic, had bin of more autoritie.

Much he Prophefies, that the credit of those men who have caſt black ſcandals on him ſhal cre long be quite blasted by the fame, ſurnace of popular obloquie wherein they ſought to caſt his name and honour: I beleive not that a Romiſh gilded Portrature gives better Oracle then a Babyloniſh gold'n Image could doe, to tell

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Εἰκονολαγήσει

K

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K

tell us truely who heated that Furnace of obloquy,
or who deferves to be thrown in, Nebuchadnezzar or
the three Kingdoms. It gave him great caufe to suf-
pect his own innocence that he was oppos'd by so many
who profest singular pictie. But this qualm was soon
over, and he concluded rather to suspect their Re-
ligion, then his own innocence, affirming that
many with him were both learned and Religious above the
ordinary size. But if his great Seal without the Parla-
ment were not sufficient to create Lords, his Parole
muſt needs be farr more unable to create learned
and religious men ; and who ſhall authorize his
unleamed judgement to point them out?

He guesſes that many well minded men were by po-
pular Preachers urg'd to oppoſe him. But the oppo-
fition undoubtedly proceeded and continues from
heads farr wiser, and ſpirits of a Nobler ſtraine;
thofe Prief-led Herodians with thir blind guides are
in the Ditch already; travailing, as they thought,
to Sion, but moor'd in the Ile of Wight.

He thanks God for his conftancy to the Protestant
Religion both abroad and at home. Abroad, his Let-
ter to the Pope, at home, his Innovations in the
Church will ſpeak his conftancy in Religion what
it was, without furder credit to this vain boaft.

His using the affistance of some Papists, as the caufe
might be, could not hurt his Religion; but in the
fetling of Proteſtantifm, thir aid was both unfeem-
ly and ſuſpicious, and inferr'd that the greatelt part
of Proteſtants were againſt him and his obtruded
fettlement.

But this is ſtrange indeed, that he ſhould appeare
now teaching the Parlament, what no man, till
this

Εἰκονολαγήσει

143

S

this was read, thought ever he had learnt, that dif-
ference of perſwasion in religious matters may fall out
where there is the ſameneſs of Allegiance and Subjeſſion.
If he thought ſo from the beginning, wherfore
was ther ſuch compulſion us'd to the Puritans of
England, and the whole Realm of Scotland, about
conforming to a Liturgie ? Wherfore no Bifhop
no King ? Wherfore Epiſcopacie more agreeable
to Monarchie, if different perſwasions in Religion
may agree in one Duty and Allegiance? Thus doe
Court Maxims like Court Minions rife or fall as
the King pleates.

Not to tax him for want of Elegance as a Cour-
tier, in writing Oglio for Olla the Spanifh word, it
might be well affirm'd that there was a greater
Medley and disproportioning of Religions to mix
Papilts with Proteſtants in a religious caufe, then
to entertaine all thofe diverſiſ'd Sects, who yet
were all Proteſtants, one Religion, though many
Opinions.

Neither was it any ſhame to Proteſtants, that he a
declar'd Papift, if his own Letter to the Pope, not
yet renowne'd, bely him not, found ſo few Pro-
teftants of his Religion, as enforc'd him to call in
both the counsel and the aid of Papilts to help e-
ſtablish Proteſtancy, who were led on, not by the
ſense of thir Allegiance, but by the hope of his Apo-
stacy to Rome, from disputing to warring; his own
voluntary, and firſt appeale.

His hearkning to evil Counselers, charg'd upon
him ſo oft'n by the Parlament, he puts off as a de-
vice of thofe men who were ſo eager to give him better
counſell. That thofe men were the Parlament, and
that

X

210

Εἰκονολαγή.

the Parlament and thir cause is pursu'd with Divine vengeance, he hath attain'd his end, to make all men forfakethem, and think the worst that can be thought of them.

Nor is he onely content to suborne Divine Justice in his censure of what is pait, but he affumes the person of Christ himself to prognosticate over us what he wishe's would come. So little is any thing or person sacred from him, no not in Heaven, which he will not use, and put on, if it may serve him plausibly, to wreck his spleen, or eafe his mind upon the Parlament. Although if ever fatal blindness did both attend and pumfish wilfulneſs, if ever any enjoy'd not comfort, for neglecting countfel belonging to their peace, it was in none more evi-dently brought to pafs then in himself: and his predictions againſt the Parlament and thir adherents have for the moſt part bin verify'd upon his own head, and upon his cheif Counselors.

He concludes with high praisęs of the Army. But praisęs in an enemy are ſuperfluous, or ſmell of craft; and the Army ſhall not need his praisęs; nor the Parlament fare worſe for his accufing prayers that follow. Wherin as his Charity can be no way comparable to that of Christ, ſo neither can his affurance that they whom he ſeems to pray for, in doing what they did againſt him, *knew not what they did.* It was but arrogance therfore and not charity to lay ſuch ignorance to others in the ſight of God, till he himself had bin infallible, like him whose peculiar words he overweeningly affumes.

Intitl'd

Εἰκονολαγή.

211

## XXVII. Intitl'd to the Prince of Wales.

WHAT the King wrote to his Son, as a Father, concerns not us; what he wrote to him, as a King of England, concerns not him; God and the Parlament having now other-wise dispos'd of England. But becaufe I see it don with ſome artifice and labour, to poffeſs the people that they might amend thir preeſent condition, by his or by his Sons restorement, I ſhall ſhow point by point, that although the King had bin reinfall'd to his defire, or that his Son admitted, ſhould obſerve exactly all his Fathers precepts, yet that this would be ſo farre from conducuing to our happineſs, either as a *remedy to the preeſent diſtempers, or a prevention of the like to come*, that it would inevitably throw us back againe into all our pait and fulſill'd miſeries; would force us to fight over againe all our tedious Warrs, and put us to another fatal ſtruggling for Libertie and life, more dubious then the former. In which as our ſucceſs hath bin no other then our cause; ſo it will be evident to all poſteritie, that his *misfortunes* were the meer conſequence of his perverſe judgment.

First he argues from the experience of those trou-bles

218

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Parlament, and in them the People have consented to diveis Laws, and, according to our ancient Rights, demanded them, hee took upon him to have a negative will, as the transcendent and ultimat Law above all our Laws; and to rule us forсиely by Laws to which we our Selves did not consent, but complain'd of. Thus these two heads wherein the utmoft of his allowance heer will give our Liberties leave to conſift, the one of them ſhall be ſo far ſonely made good to us, as may ſupport his own intereſt, and Crown, from ruin or debilitation; and ſo far Turkish Vassals enjoy as much liberty under Mahomet and the Grand Signor: the other we neither yet have enjoyd under him, nor were ever like to doe under the Tyranny of a negative voice, which he claimes above the unanimous consent and power of a whole Nation virtually in the Parlament.

In which negative voice to have bin caſt by the doom of Warr, and put to death by thofe who vanquiſht him in thir own defence, hee reek'ns to himſelf more then a negative Martyrdom. But Martyrs bear witneſs to the truth, not to themſelves. If I beare witneſs of my ſelf, faith Chriſt, my witneſs is not true. Hee who writes himſelf Martyr by his own inſcription, is like an ill Painter, who, by writing on the shapeleſs Picture which he hath drawn, is ſain to tel paſſengers what shape it is; which els no man could imagin: no more then how a Martyrdom can belong to him, who therfore dyes for his Religion becauſe it is eſtabliſht. Certainly if Agrippa had turn'd Chriſtian, as hee was once turning, and had put to death Scribes and Pharisees for

Εἰκονολάγης

219

for obſerving the Law of *Moses*, and reſufing Christianitie, they had di'd a truer Martyrdom. For thofe Laws were eſtabliſht by God and *Moses*, theſe by no warrantable authors of religion, whofe Laws in al other beſt reformed Churches are rejected. And if to die for an eſtabliſhment of Religion be Martyrdom, then Romiſh Priefts executed for that, which had ſo many hundred yeares bin eſtabliſht in this Land, are no wors Martyrs then he. Laſtly, it to die for the testimony of his own conſcience, be a-nough to make him Martyr, what Heretic dying for direct blaſphemie, as ſom have don conſtantly, may not boaſt a martyrdom? As for the constitution or repeale of civil Laws, that power lying onely in the Parlament, which he by the very Law of his Coronation was to grant them, not to debarr them, nor to preſerve a leſſer Law with the contempt and violation of a greater, it will conclude him not ſo much as in a civil and metaphori-cal ſenſe to have di'd a Martyr of our Laws, but a plaine tranſgreſſor of them. And ſhould the Parlament, endu'd with Legiſtative power, make our Laws, and be after to dispute them peice-meale with the reaſon, conſcience, humour, paſſion, ſanſie, folly, obſtinacy, or other ends of one man, whofe ſole word and will ſhall baffle and unmake what all the wisdom of a Parlament hath bin deliberately framing, what a ridiculous and contemptible thing a Parlament would ſoon be, and what a base unworthy Nation we, who boaſt our freedom, and ſend them with the manifeſt peril of their lives to preſerve it, they who are not mark'd by deſtiny for Slaves, may apprehend. In this ſervile condition

10

230

Εἰκονολαμμένοι.

fed of the blood that is shedd therein, but by the blood of him that shedd it. This is so spoken, as that which concerned all Israel, not one man alone to see performed; and if no satisfaction were to be taken, then certainly no exception. Nay the King, when they should act up any, was to observe the whole Law, and not only to see it done, but to do it; that his heart might not be lifted up above his Brethren, to dream of vain and unreasonable prerogatives or exemptions, whereby the Law itself must needs be founded in unrighteousness.

And were that true, which is most fall, that all Kings are the Lords Anointed, it were yet absurd to think that the Anointment of God, should be as it were a charme against Law; and give them privilege who punish others, to sin themselves unpunishably. The high Preist was the Lords Anointed, as well as any King, and with the same consecrated oile: yet Salomon had put to death Abiather, had it not been for other respects then that anointment. If God himself say to Kings, Touch not mine anointed, meaning his chosen people, as is evident in that Psaime, yet no man will argue thence, that he protects them from Civil Lawes if they offend, then certainly, though David as a private man, and in his own cause, feard to lift his hand against the Lords Anointed, much less can this forbid the Law, or disarm justice from having legal power against any King. No other supreme Magistrate in what kind of Government soever laies claim to any such enormous Privilege; wherefore, then should any King, who is but one kind of Magistrate, and set over the People for no other end then they?

Next

Εἰκονολαμμένοι.

231

Next in order of time to the Laws of Moses, are those of Christ, who declares professedly his jurisdiction to be spiritual, abstract from civil manage- ments, and therefore leaves all Nations to their own particular Lawes, and way of Government. Yet because the Church hath a kind of Jurisdiction within her own bounds, and that also, though in proceeds of time much corrupted and plainly turned into a corporal judicature, yet much approved by this King, it will be firm, enough and valid against him, if subjects, by the Laws of Church also, be invested with a power of judicature both without and against their King, though pretending, and by them acknowledged next and immediately under Christ supreme head and Governour. Theodothus the Emperour having made a slaughter of the Theffalonians for sedition, but too cruelly, was excommunicated to his face by Saint Ambrose, who was his subject: and excommunion is the utmost of Ecclesiastical Judicature, a spiritual putting to death. But this, yee will say, was only an example. Reade then the Story; and it will appeare, both that Ambrose avouch'd it for the Law of God, and Theodothus confest it of his own accord to be so; and that the Law of God was not to be made voyd in him, for any reverence to his Imperial power. From hence, not to be tedious, I shall pass into our own Land of Brittain; and show that Subjects heer have exercises'd the utmost of spiritual Judicature and more then spiritual against their Kings, his Predeceflours. Fortiger for committing incest with his Daughter, was by Saint German, at that time his Subject, curs'd and condemn'd in a British Council about the

Invest.

11

Εἰκονολαγισμός.

the year 4435 and therupon soon after was de-
pos'd. Mauricus a King in Wales, for breach of
Oath, and the murder of Cynthus was excommunic-
ated, and curst with all his offspring, by Oudocerus
Bishop of Landaff in full Synod, about the year
560; and not restored, till he had repented. Mor-
cant another King in Wales having flain Frioc his
Unkle, was faine to come in Perlon and receave
judgement from the same Bishop and his Clergie;
who upon his penitence acquitted him, for no o-
ther cause then left the Kingdom should be defini-
tute of a Succesflour in the Royal Line. These
examples are of the Primitive, Britifh, and Epif-
copal Church; long ere they had any commerce or
communion with the Church of Rome. What
power afterward of depofing Kings, and so confef.
quently of putting them to death, was affum'd
and practis'd by the Canon Law. Iomitt as a thing
generally known. Certainly if whole Councels
of the Romifh Church have in the midft of their
dimneſs discern ſo much of Truth, as to Decree
at Conſtance, and at Basil, and many of them to a-
vouch at Trent alſo, that a Councel is above the
Pope, and may judge him, though by them not
deni'd to be the Vicar of Chriſt, we in our clearer
light may be aſham'd not to discern ſurder, that a
Parliament is, by all equity, and right, above a King,
and may judge him, whole reaſons and pretenſions
to hold of God onely, as his immediat Vicege-
rent, we know how farre fetch'd they are, and in-
fufficient.

As for the Laws of man, it would ask a Volume
to repeat all that might be cited in this point a-
gainſt

Εἰκονολαγισμός.

gainſt him from all Antiquity. In Greece, Orestes the
Son of Agamemnon, and by ſuccellion King of Ar-
gos, was in that Countrey judg'd and condemn'd
to death for killing his Mother: whence eloping,
he was judg'd againe, though a Stranger, before the
great Counſel of Areopagus in Athens. And this me-
morable act of Judicature, was the first that brought
the Juſtice of that grave Senat into fame and high
eſtimation over all Greece for many ages after.
And in the fame Citty Tyrants were to undergoe
Legall ſentence by the Laws of Solon. The Kings
of Sparta, though deſcended lineally from Heru-
les eſteem'd a God among them, were oft'n judg'd
and ſomtimes put to death by the moſt juſt and
re-
nowned Laws of Lycurgus; who, though a King,
thought it moſt unequal to bind his Subjeſts by a-
ny Law, to which he bound not himself. In Rome
the Laws made by Valerius Publicola, and what the
Senate decreed againſt Nero, that hee should be
judg'd and puniſh'd according to the Laws of this
Anceftors, and what in like manner was decreed a-
gainſt other Emperours, is vulgarly known. And
that the Civil Law warrants like power of Judica-
ture to Subjeſts againſt Tyrants, is writt'n clearly
by the beſt and famouſeſt Civilians. For if it was
decreed by Theodafus, and stands yet firme in the
Code of Jnſtinian, that the Law is above the Em-
perour, then certainly the Emperour being under
Law, the Law may judge him, and if judge him,
may puniſh him proving tyrannous: how els is
the Law above him, or to what purpofe. These
are neceſsary deductions; and therafter hath bin
don in all: Ages and Kingdoms, ofſtner then to be
heer recited.

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But

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Εἰκονολαγίας.

But what need we any furder search after the Laws of other Lands, for that which is so fully and so plainly set down lawfull in our owne. Where ancient Books tell us, Bracton, Fleta, and others, that the King is under Law, and inferior to his Court of Parlament; that although his place to doe Justice be highest, yet that he stands as liable to receive Justice, as the meanest of his Kingdom. Nay Alfred the most worthy King, and by whom accounted first absolute Monarch of the Saxons heer, so ordain'd; as is cited out of an ancient Law Book call'd the Mirror; in Rights of the Kingdom, p. 31, where it is complain'd on, As the fouzan abuse of all, that the King should be deem'd above the Law, whereas he ought be subject to it by his Oath: Of which Oath anciently it was the last clause, that the King should be as liable, and obedient to suffer right, as others of his people. And indeed it were but fond and senfles, that the King should be accountable to every petty suit in lesser Courts, as we all know he was, and not be subject to the Judicature of Parlament in the main matters of our common safety or destruction; that hee should be answerable in the ordinary cours of Law for any wrong don to a privat Person, and not answerable in Court of Parlament for destroying the whole Kingdom. By all this, and much more that might be added as in an argument overcopious rather then barren, we see it manifest that all Laws both of God and Man are made without exemption of any person whom foever; and that if Kings presume to overtopp the Law by which they raigne for the public good, they are by Law to be reduc'd into order: and that can

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235

can no way be more justly, then by those who exalted them to that high place. For who should better understand thir own Laws, and when they are transgreft, then they who are govern'd by them, and whole consent first made them: and who can have more right to take knowledge of things don within a free Nation then they within themselves ?

Those objected Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy wefwore, not to his Person, but as it was invested with his Authority; and his authority was by the People first given him conditionally, in Law and under Law and under Oath also for the Kingdoms good, and not otherwise: the Oathes then were interchang'd, and mutual; first and fell together; hefwore fidelity to his trust; not as a de-luding ceremony, but as a real condition of their admitting him for King; and the Conqueror himselfe fwore it often then at his Crowning: they fwore Homage, and Fealty to his Person in that trust. There was no reason why the Kingdom should be furder bound by Oaths to him, then hee by his Coronation Oath to us, which he hath every way broken: and having broken the ancient Crown-Oath of Alfred above mention'd, conceales not his penalty.

As for the Covenant, if that be meant, certainly no discreet Person can imagin it should bind us to him in any stricter sense then those Oaths formerly. The acts of Hoxility which we receiv'd from him, were no such dear obligations that we should ow him more fealty and defence for being our Enemy, then we could before when we took him onely for a King. They were accus'd by him and his Party to: