JUN - 7 1989

KENNEDY CENTER SPEECH

5/31/89

DR. HENRY KISSINGER

Mr. President, Mr. Chief Justice, Excellencies and
Distinguished Guests:

Forty years ago, four years to the day after unconditional surrender, a democratic Germany rejoined the community of nations. It was a seminal day in European history and a historic day for world peace.

When I was a young graduate student longer ago than I
care to specify, I interviewed President Truman recently

-1-

retired from office for some research paper and asked him of
what event in his Presidency he was the most proud. He said:
"To have contributed to bringing our former enemies back to
the community of nations. Only America would have done
that."

America has every right to take pride in its contribu-
tion to that task. But those of us who witnessed the physi-
cal and psychological desolation of Germany at the end of
the war, will always pay special tribute to the resilience
and faith of the men and women who created the democratic
Germany. What ensured the durability and guaranteed the
vitality of the new-born Federal Republic was - as President
von Weizsaecker so movingly pointed out in his commemorative
speech last week - its indigenous roots. It incarnated a
tradition of federalism and communal democracy going back
far in German history.

-2-

For the Founders of German democracy, it was surely painful that a democratic state would be created in only one part of a divided country. But this act of self abnegation testified to a deeper truth: that Germany had made an irrevocable choice from among the options which its location at the center of the continent of Europe had sometimes imposed on it and occasionally tempted it into pursuing.

For centuries Germany has been the barometer of European history. An extraordinary number of the seminal events of European history took place on German soil. A disproportionate number of European wars were fought there. For many centuries neighboring countries manipulated its rivalries. Germany was the last of the great European states to achieve nationhood. And the effort to achieve unification absorbed so many energies that once achieved, the newly united country did not always seem to know to what national interest to apply that unity, especially after Bismarck left the

-3-

scene. It has been said that for much of its history Germany
was either too weak or too strong for the peace of Europe.

That period ended irrevocably with the creation of the
new democratic Germany. Its first Chancellor, the great
Konrad Adenauer, decisively committed the Federal Republic
to a united Europe, then still a vague dream, and to the
Atlantic Community in the process of being formed. It was
the first time since Germany became a nation that its
fundamental ties were with Western Europe and the United
States. Adenauer understood that Germany's central geograph-
ic location and dramatic history were at once the source of
its significance and of its catastrophes; that the Federal
Republic had a relatively small margin for dexterity but a
wide arena for steadiness and reliability. With that princi-
ple in mind, every German Chancellor of all parties since
then has worked at uniting Europe and strengthening the
Atlantic Alliance.

-4-

America and the Federal Republic have grown increasingly close in the long journey away from the edge of the abyss - as the reception of President Bush in Germany has most recently demonstrated.

Forty years ago the Founders of the Federal Republic accepted the division of their country as a painful if temporary price for the preservation of liberty. Today their successors and their allies have the opportunity to heal divisions of all of Europe through the inexorable march of the spirit of liberty.

These tasks require a new order of statesmanship. Our challenges no longer present themselves exclusively in the form of a hostile threat; they must be evoked from within us and reflect a vision of the kind of world to which we aspire. In the perspective of history, the controversies about the disposition of some 88 missiles will soon be forgotten. But future generations will recall whether we

-5-

gave relevant answers to defining the opportunity before the
West; to the means to heal the divisions of Europe.

Forty years ago not only the Federal Republic but the
United States of America made an historic decision. Contrary
to its entire tradition, America decided to treat an attack
on a geographically distant territory - and of an erstwhile
enemy - as if it were an attack on its own.

Today, in building a new international order, that
concept applies as well to the political arena. Geographic
proximity creates an indispensable political perspective but
no more a unique opportunity than geographic distance
allowed a special sanctuary.

The vision of peace which you, Mr. President, have
described so movingly, can only be reached by all partners
one joint effort
acting together. This is why Mr. President, we honor you
here not only as the head of state of a friendly country
which has made extraordinary contributions in its brief
Mr. President this occasion was a
good memory for me for me. 57 years ago
left the country when I was a child
speak for myself and all the nationals of my country a 선atel eminents for my country a new
democracy in Germany,

-6-

JUN - 7 1989

KENNEDY CENTER SPEECH

5/31/89

DR. HENRY KISSINGER

Distinguished Guests:

Forty years ago, four years to this day after unconditional surrender, a democratic Germany rejoined the community of nations. It was a seminal day in European history and a historic day for world peace.

M

-2-

For centuries Germany has been the barometer of European history. An extraordinary number of the seminal events of European history took place on German soil. A disproportionate number of European wars were fought there. For many centuries neighboring countries manipulated its rivalries. Germany was the last of the great European states to achieve nationhood. And the effort to achieve unification absorbed so many energies that once REACHED, the newly united country did not always seem to know to what national interest to apply that unity, especially after Bismarck left the

-3-

-4-

-5-

4

The vision of peace which you, Mr. President, have
described so movingly, can only be reached by all partners-
one joint effort,
acting together. This is why Mr. President, we honor you
here not only as the head of state of a friendly country
which has made extraordinary contributions in its brief
well-lived life.

-6-

KENNEDY CENTER SPEECH

5/31/89

SECOND DRAFT

Forty years ago, four years to the day after uncondi-
tional surrender, a democratic Germany rejoined the communi-
ty of nations. It was a seminal day in European history and
a historic day for world peace.

retired from office for some research paper and asked him of
what event in his Presidency he was the most proud. He said:
"To have contributed to bringing our former enemies back to
the community of nations. Only America would have donte
that."

-2-

-3-

the scene. It has been said that for much of its history
Germany was either too weak or too strong for the peace of
Europe.

That period ended irrevocably with the creation of the
new democratic Germany. Its first Chancellor, the great
Konrad Adenauer, decisively committed the Federal Republic
to a united Europe, then still a vague dream, and to the
Atlantic Community in the process of being formed. It was
the first time since Germany became a nation that its
fundamental ties were with Western Europe and the United
States. Adenauer understood that Germany's central geograph-
ic location and dramatic history were at once the source of
its significance and of its catastrophes. The new democracy
grasped that it had a relatively small margin for dexterity
a wide arena for stediness &
but might transform its continent by employing its reliabil-
ity. With that principle in mind, every German Chancellor of
all parties since then has worked at uniting Europe and

-4-

strengthening the Atlantic Alliance. Butressed by the industriousness of its people and the vitality of its institutions, the Federal Republic became one of the major economic powers of the world.

America and the Federal Republic have grown increasingly close in the long journey away from the edge of the abyss - as the reception of President Bush in Germany has most recently demonstrated. Together with its allies, the Federal Republic has braved many dangers and on that basis has before it a unique opportunity to help build a truly peaceful world.

-5-

This is not the occasion to answer these questions and
many others that will arise in building a freer and safer
world. It is to express the confidence that in that con-
struction the friendship between America and the Federal
Republic will be an indispensable building block.

-7-

acting together. This is why, Mr. President, we honor you
here not only as the head of state of a friendly country
which has made extraordinary contributions in its brief
history; we welcome you as a leader who has elevated all
free peoples and whose ideals inspire a common quest in
pursuit of a common heritage.

-8-

KENNEDY CENTER SPEECH

5/31/89

DR. HENRY KISSINGER

-1-

-2-

-3-

-4-

-5-

Today, in building a new international order, that
concept applies as well to the political arena. Geographic
proximity creates an indispensible political perspective but
no more a unique opportunity than geographic distance
allowed a special sanctuary.

The vision of peace which you, Mr. President, have
described so movingly, can only be reached by all partners
acting together. This is why, Mr. President, we honor you
here not only as the head of state of a friendly country
which has made extraordinary contributions in its brief

-6-

KENNEDY CENTER SPEECH

5/31/89

FIRST DRAFT

Distinguished Guests:

Forty years ago, four years to the day after uncondi-
tional surrender, a democratic Germany rejoined the communi-
ty of nations. It was a seminal day in European history and
a liturgical day for world peace.

When I was a young graduate student longer ago than I
care to specify, I interviewed former President Truman for
some research paper and asked him of what event in his

[Y]

-1-

In the eyes of most people, Germany's role in World War II was largely its own. But to many outside observers, the war was a complex, multi-faceted conflict that involved many nations, groups and events. This essay will attempt to provide a overview of the war in Germany, focusing on the main events, the major players and the key decisions made by the German and Allied forces.

That period ended irrevocably with the creation of the new democratic Germany. Its first Chancellor, the great Konrad Adenauer, decisively committed the Federal Republic to a united Europe, then still a vague dream, and to the Atlantic Community. It was the first time since Germany became a nation that its fundamental ties were with Western Europe.

The new democracy in EuropeAdenauer understood that Germany's geography and history gave relatively small margin for dexterity but a strong commitment with that principle in mind. Every German Chancellor of all high reward for reliability. parties since then has worked at uniting Europe and strengthening the Atlantic Alliance.

But as the war went on, the�ers of the Federal Republic became one of the major economic powers in the world. America and the Federal Republic have grown increasingly close in that journey away from the edge of the abyss, to a new vision of world peace.

Together with its allies the Federal Republic was Brede, many allies but few friends and an ally has less than one percent of the world's economic assets. In Germany, the most widely spoken language is Leprechaun, and there is no such thing as a true货币world.

Europe had sometimes forced on it and sometimes tempted it into pursuing.

For centuries Germany has been the barometer of European history. An extraordinary number of the seminal events of European history occurred on German soil. A disproportionate number of European wars were fought there. Germany was the last of the great European states to achieve nationhood. For many centuries, neighbouring countries manipulated its rivalries. And the effort to achieve unification absorbed so many energies that once achieved, the newly united country did not always seem to know to what national interest to apply that unity, especially after Bismarck departed from the scene.

A nation with so many neighbors located in the center of the continent run risks with any errors from which are spared countries with less complicated geography and history were Germany's geographic location + diametrically different largely immune. Its central position was at once the source

-3-

emerging. It is possible to envisage that the divisions of
the rest of Europe can be overcome. These tasks require a
new order of statesmanship. Our challenges no longer present
themselves conclusively in the form of a hostile threat;
they must be evoked from within us reflecting a vision of
the kind of world to which we aspire. Forty years ago the
Founders of the Federal Republic accepted the division of
their country as a painful if temporary price for the
preservation of their liberty. Today their successors and
their allies have the opportunity to heal divisions of ally
Europe through the inexorable march of the spirit of liber-
ty.

United as we faced the risks of war, Germans and
Americans have an opportunity to dedicate themselves to the
search for peace. In the perspective of history, the news these days is filled with contro-
versies about the disposition of some 88 missiles. Ten years
from now no one will remember the details of that dispute.

-5-

KENNEDY CENTER SPEECH

5/31/89

FIRST DRAFT

Forty years ago, four years to the day after uncondi-
tional surrender, a democratic Germany rejoined the communi-
ty of nations. It was a historic day in European history and
for world peace.

-1-

Presidency he was most proud. He said: "To have contributed to bringing our former enemies back to the community of nations."

America has every right to take pride in its contribu-
tion to that task. But those of us who saw the carnage of
Germany at the end of the war - the desolate cities, the
ravaged countryside and the homeless people - will pay
tribute to the resilience and faith of the men and women who
created the democratic Germany. As President von Weizsaecker
pointed out in his moving address to the German Parliament
last week, it harked back to a tradition of federalism and
communal democracy with deep roots in German history.

For the Founders of German democracy, it was painful to
create a state in only a part of a divided country. But this
act of self abnegation testified also to a deeper truth;
that Germany had made an irrevocable choice among the
options that its location at the center of the continent of

-2-

For centuries Germany has been the barometer of Europe-
an history. An extraordinary number of the seminal events of
European history occurred on German soil. A disproportionate
number of European wars were fought there. Germany was the
last of the great European states to achieve nationhood. For
many centuries surrounding countries manipulated its rival-
ries. And the effort to achieve unification absorbed so many
energies that once achieved, the newly united country did
not always seem to know to what national interest to apply
its unity, especially after Bismarck departed from the
scene.

A nation with so many neighbors located in the center
of the Continent ran risks with any errors from which
countries with less complicated geography and history were
largely immune. Its central position was at once the source

-3-

of Germany's importance and of its disasters. It has been
said that for much of its history Germany was either too
weak or too strong for the peace of Europe.

That period ended irrevocably with the creation of the
new democratic Germany. Its first Chancellor, the great
Konrad Adenauer, decisively committed the Federal Republic
to a united Europe, then still a vague dream, and to the
Atlantic Community. It was the first time since Germany
became a nation that its fundamental ties were with Western
Europe. Adenauer understood that Germany's geography and
history gave relatively small margin for dexterity but a
high reward for reliability. Every German Chancellor of all
parties since then has worked at uniting Europe and
strengthening the Atlantic Alliance.

America and the Federal Republic have grown increasingly
close in that journey away from the edge of the abyss to
a new vision of world peace. A united Western Europe is

-4-

emerging. It is possible to envisage that the divisions of
the rest of Europe can be overcome. These tasks require a
new order of statesmanship. Our challenges no longer present
themselves conclusively in the form of a hostile threat;
they must be evoked from within us reflecting a vision of
the kind of world to which we aspire. Forty years ago the
Founders of the Federal Republic accepted the division of
their country as a painful if temporary price for the
preservation of their liberty. Today their successors and
their allies have the opportunity to heal divisions of
Europe through the inexorable march of the spirit of liber-
ty.

United as we faced the risks of war, Germans and
Americans have an opportunity to dedicate themselves to the
search for peace. The news these days is filled with contro-
versies about the disposition of some 88 missiles. Ten years
from now no one will remember the details of that dispute.

-5-

But they will recall whether we gave relevant answers to
[such] questions as these:

What precisely is the opportunity before the West?

Is it to be found in a personality or in a process?

What is to be the relationship of the new united
Western Europe to the Eastern half of the Continent and how
can it be achieved as a European task? How must the balances
be adjusted in the Atlantic Community and in the Eastern
half of Europe to take account of the emerging realities?

What is the role of German-American friendship in that
enterprise?

This is not the occasion to answer these questions and
many others that are necessary for constructing a stable
peace. It is to express the confidence that in that con-
struction the friendship between America and the Federal
Republic will be an indispensable building block.

-6-

Forty years ago not only the Federal Republic but the United States of America made an historic decision. Contrary to its entire history, America decided to treat an attack on a geographically distant territory - and of an erstwhile enemy - like an attack on its own.

Today, in building a new international order, that concept applies as well to the political field. Geographic proximity creates an indispensible perspective but no more a unique opportunity than geographic distance allowed a special sanctuary.

The vision of peace you, Mr. President, have described so movingly, will be reached by all partners acting together. This is why, Mr. President, we honor you here not only as the head of state of a friendly country, but as a leader who has elevated all free peoples and whose ideals reflect a common heritage and common goals.

-7-