S 80

CONGRESSIONAL RECORD—SENATE

January 19, 1978

school of patriotism was well known and who engaged early and ferociously in the fight against Joseph McCarthy, was obliged to defend his loyalty from attack by the right. His loyalty to this country and its institutions was almost fanatic. "There are people," he once wrote, "who—no matter where they were born—can fully find themselves only when they come over here. At least, this has been my case." Max Ascoli was a naturalized citizen. But he was, above all things, a national American.

EUROCOMMUNISM

Mr. PERCY. Mr. President, I am pleased that the Carter administration has now strengthened its position against Eurocommunism. It would be dangerously naive to assume that the Communist parties of Western Europe, once in power, would not behave as Communists. Moreover, a Communist government in a major nation of Western Europe would create the most serious problems for the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the effectiveness of its defense and security arrangements.

Operating within parliamentary systems, the Eurocommunists have sought power by showing some independence of the Soviet Union. But I submit that there is no way to know how they would perform in either domestic or foreign affairs if they came to power. Those of us who care about democracy, about the well being of the peoples of Italy and France, and about the viability of NATO, should speak out now as friends of the free peoples of Western Europe. It is not interference when friends express their heartfelt concerns.

LEGAL INTERPRETATION OF THE GENOCIDE TREATY: THE VIEW OF THE AMERICAN BAR ASSOCIATION

Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, in the past one of the major and most influential objections to the ratification of the Genocide Convention has been the lack of support of the American Bar Association. Fortunately, this lack of support no longer exists. In February of 1976, the ABA gave their full endorsement to the treaty.

In the minds of some people, however, doubts may still remain. Therefore, I would like to submit for the record an excerpt from the American Bar Association Journal, volume 58, February 1972, article entitled "Time To Act On The Genocide Convention," by Arthur J. Goldberg and Richard N. Gardner. This article, written before the ABA officially endorsed the Genocide Convention, begins by urging the ABA to support its ratification. The excerpt goes on to give a point-to-point rebuttal of the legal arguments against the treaty.

I sincerely hope that this review will allay any doubts relating to the legal interpretation of the convention. I urge my colleagues to join the ABA in endorsement of this important human rights treaty through immediate ratification.

I ask unanimous consent that the article be printed in the RECORD.

There being no objection, the article was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows:

We present here a point-by-point rebuttal of the legal arguments against the convention, drawing from our testimony to the Foreign Relations Committee as well as the committee's own report, in the hope that it may clarify the legal issues and contribute to speedy and favorable action by the Senate.

1. The contention that the Constitution prevents ratification of the Genocide Convention because genocide is a "domestic" matter is without foundation.

In his testimony to the Foreign Relations Committee, Mr. Deutsch declared himself fully in agreement with the decision of the United States to vote in favor of the General Assembly resolution on genocide of December 11, 1946: "Standing foremost as a world leader in the protection of individual rights, she could do no less." But he added the "having joined in such a declaration as to a matter which lies, ultimately, within the domestic sphere of each of the world's nations, the United States has gone far enough" (italics supplied). The italicized language is clearly incompatible with the statement in the General Assembly resolution that "genocide is a crime under international law". Mr. Deutsch's extensive quotations from Resolution 96(I) neglected to include this key provision.

Nowhere in his testimony did Mr. Deutsch explain his conclusion that genocide is a "domestic matter". His reasoning on this general issue may be found, however, in a report which he prepared in 1967 as chairman of the American Bar Association's Standing Committee on Peace and Law Through United Nations. It is there stated that a convention deals with "domestic" matters when it deals "with the relation between a state and its own citizen".⁴ But this is not the relevant constitutional test.

As the Supreme Court declared in *Geoefroy v. Riggs* 133 U.S. 258, 267 (1890), the treaty-making power may be exercised on any matter "which is properly the subject of negotiation with a foreign country". The United States is a party to numerous international agreements relating to the activities of its own citizens within the United States (and therefore "domestic" under Mr. Deutsch's definition) because those treaties nevertheless deal with matters appropriate for international negotiation. Examples include treaties on narcotics,⁵ public health⁶ and nature conservation,⁷ and the Supplementary Convention on Slavery, which Mr. Deutsch initially opposed on the ground that it also dealt with "matters essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of the United States".⁸

In the words of the Special Committee of Lawyers of the President's Commission for the Observance of Human Rights Year, of which retired Supreme Court Justice Tom C. Clark was chairman: "Treaties which deal with the rights of individuals within their own countries as a matter of international concern may be a proper exercise of the treaty making power of the United States. ... It may seem almost anachronistic that this question continues to be raised."⁹

What is "properly the subject of negotiation with a foreign country" and, therefore, a valid subject of a treaty is something the Senate has an obligation to determine in each case. We do not take the position that the executive branch can make any matter "international" by putting it in a treaty. But the question should be determined objectively in the light of the current interests of the United States in an interdependent world and contemporary concepts of international law—not on the basis of notions

that may have been appropriate to a different historical era.

By any objective standard, genocide is a matter of international concern and is, therefore, an appropriate subject for the exercise of the treaty-making power. In our shrinking world the massive destruction of a racial, religious or national group in one country has its impact on members of this group in other countries, stimulates demands for intervention and inevitably troubles international relations. The fact that the United Nations General Assembly unanimously declared genocide to be a crime under international law in 1949 and that seventy-five members of the United Nations are parties to the Genocide Convention (including, to name just a few, such democracies as the United Kingdom, Canada, France, Mexico and the Scandinavian countries) is further evidence that genocide can no longer be considered a matter wholly within domestic jurisdiction. As was said by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: "On both moral and practical grounds, the commission of genocide, involving as it must mass action, cannot help but be of concern to the community of nations."

2. The contention that the Genocide Convention would alter the balance of authority between the states and the Federal Government is unfounded.¹⁰

The Constitution by Article I, Section 8, specifically gives Congress the power to "define and punish ... offenses against the law of Nations". Genocide is an offense against the law of nations and is thus within the power of Congress to outlaw. Moreover, the power of the Federal Government in this field has been confirmed in the Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The Association's Section on Individual Rights and Responsibilities said in its report: "Ratification of the convention will add no powers to those the Federal Government already possesses."

3. The contention that ratification of the Genocide Convention would subject American citizens to trial in foreign countries like North Vietnam on trumped-up charges of genocide is wholly false.¹¹

There is nothing in the Genocide Convention that would provide warrant for charges by North Vietnam that our prisoners of war, being held under conditions in violation of the Geneva Convention, are guilty of genocide. This is a matter of great concern to the authors and, of course, many Americans regardless of their views about the war in Vietnam. As the Senate Foreign Relations Committee pointed out in its report, however, Hanoi can make trumped-up charges of genocide against our servicemen who fall into their hands with or without reference to the Genocide Convention. In the words of the committee: "It is reality that American prisoners of war in North Vietnam could now be charged by the Hanoi government for war crimes or genocidal acts on whatever trumped-up charges Hanoi wishes to make. Their peril will not be increased by approval of this convention while peril may be avoided for tens of millions by ratification of the convention."

As to the possibility of extraditing Americans from the United States to North Vietnam or other countries for acts of genocide allegedly having occurred there, it should be remembered that under the Genocide Convention, extradition would take place only in accordance with laws and treaties in force. We have no extradition treaties with North Vietnam. Nor do we make such treaties with countries whose legal systems do not afford basic procedural safeguards. We do not grant extradition in any event unless a prima facie case is established against the accused and unless the accused will be afforded by the requesting state the due process provided by our own law.

Footnotes at end of article.

Howard Clark
John deButts
C. Douglas Dillon
David L. Guyer
Mildred Hilson
Henry Kissinger

James A. Linen III
Peter G. Peterson
David Rockefeller
Felix Rohatyn
George Woods
Louise Woods

Request the Pleasure of Your Company
at a Reception in Honor of
United States Senator
**CHARLES H. PERCY**
of Illinois

Thursday, March 30, 1978

5:00 p.m. - 7:00 p.m.
The River Club
447 E. 52nd Street
City of New York

RSVP
Card Enclosed
212/584-4335
Mrs. Buckley

senator charles h.
PERCY

ILLINOIS

FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE

FRIDAY, JUNE 23, 1978

CONTACT: VALLI McDOUGLE 202-224-7924
LEE WILSON 202-224-2173

PERCY INTRODUCES BILL TO REQUIRE
LONG-RANGE ENERGY PLANNING

WASHINGTON--- Senator Charles H. Percy (R-Ill.) today introduced legislation that would require the President to plan for the nation's energy needs on a 50 year basis.

The Energy Planning Act of 1978 would amend the Department of Energy Organization Act which now requires the President to write National Energy Policy Plans for periods of five and ten years once every two years.

In a Senate speech, Percy said five- and ten-year planning periods are inadequate.

"When dealing with energy issues, five- and ten-year planning periods are not long range. If planning is really going to help us aim our present energy policy at solutions to the unavoidable questions of energy transition we should plan ahead for 50 years."

Percy said the U.S. now derives 75% of its energy from domestic and imported oil and natural gas. By the 1990's demand will exceed supply driving prices higher that the economy can bear and making oil and gas luxury items.

Percy said a time-consuming transition to other prime energy sources will be necessary.

"It takes approximately ten years to replace the American automobile fleet. With today's ten year National Energy Policy Plans auto manufacturers and the public could adapt to changing energy conditions. But it may take as long as 50 years to replace or renovate our building stock. If we anticipate an impending crisis in heating fuels by only 10 years, we will be 30 to 40 years too late to avoid it."

Percy said the effects of energy policies made today may not even show for many years.

"The possible harmful effects of increased carbon dioxide in the air resulting from heavy dependence on fossil fuels may not be significant for 30 years. But if we wait until the harmful effects are confirmed, it will be too late to do anything about the problem. Better to look ahead 50 years and direct our present policy and research toward the solution of such problems."

Percy said the Energy Planning Act would require no new Federal employees or additional funding.

"The Congressional Budget Office has assured me that 'no additional cost' to the government would be incurred as a result of enactment of this bill in its present form."

Percy said the bill could have a strong impact on national energy policy.

"For the first time, the President would base recommendations for today's energy policy on a strategy to see us through the entire period of energy transition."

#####

ABRAHAM RIBCOFF, CONN., CHAIRMAN

HENRY M. JACKSON, WASH.
EDMUND S. MUSKIE, MAINE
THOMAS F. EAGLETON, MO.
LAWTON CHILES, FLA.
SAM NUNN, GA.
JOHN GLENN, OHIO
JIM SASSER, TENN.
MURIEL HUMPHREY, MINN.

CHARLES H. PERCY, JLL.
JACOB K. JAVITS, N.Y.
WILLIAM V. ROTH, JR., DEL.
TED STEVENS, ALASKA
CHARLES MCC. MATHIAS, JR., MD.
JOHN C. DANFORTH, MO.
H. JOHN HEINZ III, PA.

RICHARD A. WEGMAN
CHIEF COUNSEL AND STAFF DIRECTOR

United States Senate

COMMITTEE ON
GOVERNMENTAL AFFAIRS
WASHINGTON, D.C. 20510

July 18, 1978

The President
The White House
Washington, D. C. 20500

Dear Mr. President:

The recent trials, conviction and sentencing of Anatoly Shcharansky, Aleksandr Ginzburg and others have aroused the indignation of decent persons of all political persuasions throughout the world.

I think it is essential that we take actions that might be helpful to the unfortunate individual victims, that would not increase the jeopardy of other dissidents still active in the cause of human rights, and that would not seek to "link" human rights violations with strategic arms limitation talks or other matters in which the U.S. interest is as strong as that of the Soviet Union. In short, is there a way for us not just to talk but to act, that does not do more harm than good? I think there is.

The Helsinki Final Act, signed by the heads of government of the United States, the Soviet Union and more than 30 other nations, ranges very widely, but it has two main features, having to do with frontiers and human rights. The Soviets have always maintained that the signing at Helsinki meant that the United States and its Western allies were "legitimizing" the frontiers established by Soviet arms throughout Eastern Europe. But no such language is to be found in the Helsinki document.

What we do find is a pledge by all the participating nations to the agreement that they will not use force or the threat of force to change existing frontiers in Europe. But this does not mean that no frontier can be changed under the agreement. They also said that "They consider that their frontiers can be changed, in accordance with international law, by peaceful means and by agreement."

In short, on this matter of frontiers and boundaries, the United States agreed *not* to do what it never intended trying to do---change the present borders by force---without sacrificing the ultimate hope that

The President

July 18, 1978

Page two

unjust existing boundaries might be changed by peaceful and legal means,
by agreement.

The other most important feature of the same document that the Soviets,
and all of the participating states, pledged themselves to was respect
for human rights. Now the Soviets have gone out of their way to
violate that solemn pledge in an outrageous and flagrant fashion, and
that raises a new and terrible question.

The Helsinki document makes it abundantly clear that human rights is
an integral part of the whole agreement: Respect for human rights and
fundamental freedoms is an "essential factor for the peace, justice,
and well-being necessary to ensure the development of friendly relations
and co-operation among themselves as well as among all States."

In short, if the Soviets have openly and blatantly violated key
provisions of the Helsinki agreement, how can we have confidence that
they will adhere to other provisions no less vital to co-operation and
security? What do these violations tell us about their pledges not to
use force "against the territorial integrity or political independence"
of the other European signatories? The whole logic of the Helsinki
document is that the matters it deals with are of a piece -- that
military, economic, and humanitarian matters are threads woven
together as a seamless fabric.

Now the Soviets have ripped the fabric to shreds. What remains? What
does the prosecution of the dissidents in the Soviet Union do to the
status of the rest of the Helsinki accords, especially the security
pledges? These are questions of the most vital possible significance
for the West, for they go to the questions of safety and survival.

For these reasons, I suggest that the United States take the initiative
in convening a meeting of the foreign ministers of all the free-nation
signatories of the Helsinki Final Act--and any others who share our
concern--to consider, on the most urgent basis, what the status now is
of the Helsinki accords.

The questions are: How have the recent attacks on human rights by the
Soviets affected other provisions of the Helsinki accords? What
confidence can other signatory nations now have in the Soviet pledges
not to use force against their territorial integrity or political
independence? If the conference finds that the Helsinki accords are
in effect null and void, are further steps necessary to bolster Western
defenses?

ABRAHAM RIBICOFF, CONN., CHAIRMAN

CHARLES H. PERCY, III.
JACOB K. JAVITS, N.Y.
WILLIAM V. ROTH, JR., DEL.
TED STEVENS, ALASKA
CHARLES MCC. MATHIAS, JR., MD.
JOHN C. DANFORTH, MO.
H. JOHN HEINZ III, PA.

United States Senate

July 13, 1978

General Zia ul Haq
Chief Martial Law Administrator
of Pakistan
Islamabad, Pakistan

Dear General Zia:

It will soon fall to you to decide the fate of former Prime
Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.

Notwithstanding the gravity of the alleged crime, and without minimizing the corruption, denials of human rights and political assassinations that characterized the latter period of Mr. Bhutto's stewardship, I feel strongly that it would be a mistake to execute this man and I appeal to you to consider clemency.

I do not question the integrity of the judicial process of Pakistan or the handling of this case, but it is obvious that the trial of Mr. Bhutto, still a very popular civilian politician in his country, could not be carried out under the most dispassionate circumstances. No matter how impeccable and fair the handling of this case, the thought may always remain that perhaps Mr. Bhutto was convicted for primarily political reasons.

Mr. Bhutto presided over one of the few interludes of civilian government in Pakistan's thirty-year existence as an independent state. He successfully brought the country back from the brink of disaster following the 1971 India-Pakistan war and the secession of the country's eastern wing. Mr. Bhutto repaired the damage to Pakistan's external relations and gave the country renewed self-confidence. He successfully managed the drafting the adoption of Pakistan's first working constitution, one which provided for specific freedoms and rights and a parliamentary form of government. This constitution, as did previous interim constitutional arrangements, left broad emergency powers to the Prime Minister (as exercised through binding advice to the President), but it nonetheless represented a major step toward the establishment of a free and democratic political system.

General Zia ul Haq

July 13, 1978

Page two

It is to be regretted that Mr. Bhutto felt it necessary to resort to
various emergency provisions within such a short period of the
constitution's enactment. In judging his performance in this regard,
however, we must remember the enormous problems of regionalism, economic
disparity, poverty and external threats that have always hindered the
establishment and maintenance of a smoothly working political system
in Pakistan.

Apart from these considerations which are a remainder of Mr. Bhutto's
positive achievements and which perhaps move us to temper our judgment
of him, there remains the question of Pakistan's national interest.
The execution of a head of state or government, for whatever reason,
could not possibly enhance the image of Pakistan in the world.

It is a basic element of constitutional government that political
leaders must not be above the law. But the exactment of the ultimate
penalty in the case of a national political leader can only be seen in
the world at large--as it would undoubtedly be seen by many within
Pakistan--as a perpetuation of the conditions which were the basis for
your instituting martial law. The enclosed article from the New York
Times of June 24, 1978, raises the concern that Mr. Bhutto's execution
could threaten Pakistan's stability.

Pakistan has many friends and well wishers in the community of nations,
especially in the Western world and among the Islamic countries.
Pakistan's friends have maintained a solicitous regard for the country's
welfare and security, and have provided both moral and material support
over a long period of time. Mr. Bhutto's execution would only be
regarded by many with considerable dismay and disappointment.

I believe that a degree of magnanimity in regard to Mr. Bhutto would
redound both to your credit and to that of your country.

CHP:ync
enclosure

HK BLURB FOR THE ENCYCLOPEDIA OF SOCCER

Americans are beginning to experience the excitement, dynamism, athletic skill and genius that have made soccer the world's universal sport. The Encyclopedia of World Soccer is ideal for those who want to learn about the game. Its history, leagues, clubs and stars are all here. This is the most complete book on soccer I have seen. It is comprehensive and readable, invaluable to every soccer enthusiast.

THE NEW
REPUBLIC

Martin Peretz
Editor

November 15, 1978

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
1800 K Street N.W., Room 1021
Washington, D.C. 20006

Dear Henry,

What follows is the information about the soccer book for
which you said you would give us a blurb of several sentences.

The book is called _The Encyclopedia of World Soccer_, and is written by Richard Henshaw. It carries a foreword by Sir Stanley Rous, Honorary President of the Federation Internationale de Football Association, whom I assume you know. Above all, the book's virtues are these: it is truly international in scope; it is more comprehensive than any other soccer book on the American market; and it is written in a vivid and accessible style. It not only complements the burgeoning American interest in the game, but answers most any question either a soccer enthusiast or a serious student of the game would have about its club and league history, its growth and its greatest stars. A colleague adds that, beyond all this, it shows the influence of soccer as a unifying force in world affairs.

The above is not my effort to ghostwrite a statement for
you. That, alas, I leave to you, though with the caveat that
I need it quickly.

Just in case you haven't seen these two _TNR_ items that might
interest you, they are herein enclosed.

Many thanks.

Warm and good wishes to you and Nancy,

As always,

MP:gs

Enc.

1220 Nineteenth Street, NW • Washington, D.C. 20036 • (202) 331-7494

הנהלת האגודה

האגודה
למען
החייל
בישראל

THE ASSOCIATION for WELFARE
of SOLDIERS in ISRAEL **THE NATIONAL EXECUTIVE**

רחוב הארבעה 8, טלפין 26 22 91 תל-אביב 64 739

8, Haarbaa Street, Phone: 26 22 91 Tel-Aviv 64 739

March 3, 1978

Dr. Henry Kissinger
37 and 0 Street
N.W. Washington D.C.
U.S.A.

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

I am taking the liberty of addressing myself to you, in order to invite you to participate in one of the important events that we are organizing for the soldiers serving in the Israel Defence Forces, on the occasion of the 30th Anniversary of the State of Israel.

The Association for Welfare of Soldiers, which I have the honor to direct, represents the civilian population in the State of Israel, and its mission is to transform into action the love of the people for its soldiers.

Our Association cares of the entertainment for the soldiers in the Israel Defence Forces throughout the country, builds clubs for them in the military bases; Soldiers Houses in the big cities; Rest Homes along the shores of the Mediterranean Sea, and creates periodical encounters between the people and the soldiers; these encounters have a very high morale value for both sides.

This year we intend spending more than a hundred million Israeli Pounds for all the activities on behalf of the soldiers.

In order to raise part of these funds we decided to organize, on the occasion of the 30th Anniversary of the State of Israel, on May 6, 1978, in Tel Aviv, an enormous Public Sale of works of art, of archeological findings and especially articles that have a sentimental and historical value, which belong to prominent people in Israeli society, and to the public in general. This sale is going to be open to a big public and to the population as a whole, through the assistance of our means of communication.

Cont. /

הנהלת האגודה

האגודה
למען
החייל
בישראל

THE ASSOCIATION for WELFARE
of SOLDIERS in ISRAEL THE NATIONAL
EXECUTIVE

רחוב הארבעה 8, טלפון 26 22 91 תל-אביב 64 739

Cont/2

I would like to ask you to take a part in this very special occasion
by simply donating any kind of article of sentiment that accompanied you in
your historical pathways.

It is my deep felt desire, that you, knowing better than anyone else
that our Army is the most important asset we have to ensure the existence and
the future of the State of Israel, will respond to this request and will find
the possibility to dedicate something personal and direct to our soldiers.

If your answer will be positive, as I hope it will be, we will take
care of the necessary arrangements, in order to receive your present through
our Embassy in Washington or through our representatives in New York.

With our grateful thanks for your kind cooperation in this most impor-
tant event.

Sincerely yours,

Maj. Gen(Res.) Yaacov Peri
Chairman
The Association for Welfare of Soldiers in Israel

YP/nc

[LC]

Leon Perlsweig
A Professional Law Corporation
9250 Wilshire Boulevard, 21st Floor
Los Angeles, California 90010
(213) 386-1420

November 7, 1978

Dr. Henry Kissinger
1800 K Street N.W. - suite 520
Washington, D. C. 20006

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

For some time now I have pondered a question in the area of human behavior that might be of interest to you. In fact, you might find it a challenging intellectual exercise by posing it to those of your colleagues who may be philosophically and psychologically oriented.

More specifically, through the course of my life, and particularly in the conduct of my present profession, I have noticed that very often, people to whom we would assign the appellation "persons of superior intellect", are also people who are most glaringly deficient in what, in my profession, we would describe as "street sense".

Let me give you several f'r instances. The common criminal type, the person who is so incompetent and so stupid that he is arrested and convicted time and time again, who, although unregenerate and unremorseful in his attitude, is sufficiently smart to know what words, what posture, and what pose is expected of him as he engages in verbal sparring during the course of interviews with court-appointed psychologists, with probation officers, and even with judges. And more often than is good for us, these "failures" are released from custody prematurely, they laughing all the way out as they brag of how they outwitted "the brains", while they prepare their next unlawful escapade. The superior intellect foisted by the "inferior" intellect.

And another example. Attorneys, doctors and like professionals (including even professors who have earned enough supplemental income from privaqte industry consulting, the lecture circuit and books) have been "taken" for great sums of money time and time again by partially educated syndicators, typically in the area of "tax shelters". Once again, the superior intellect is bested by the "inferior".

And still another. Some years ago, when I held an executive position with an electronic manufacturing firm, I proudly set out to my employer, the owner of the firm, a plan which I felt would

HKissinger

- 2 -

11/7/78

benefit the firm. My employer, a millionaire several times over, an uneducated Russian Jewish immigrant with the shtetle equivalent of but an eight grade education, plainly a self-made man, after listening quietly to my learned and eloquent exposition, partially deflated me by commenting, with a display of intelligent insight which anticipated that an integral, but unspoken component of my presentation was that I was expecting a fat raise in my salary, "So, considering the money we'd be saving with this paln, how come you didn't put it into effect a year ago?" Once again, the "superior intellect" finessed by the "inferior".

Of course, one may challenge the common conception of equating education and "professional" accomplishment as being synonymous with intellectual accomplishment.

Now, to get down to the point of this letter.

You undertook, as you recently stated, "In the first blush of euphoria following Sadat's visit to Jerusalem" to nominate him for the Nobel Peace Prize. You, and much of the world were overwhelmed and taken by this great display of "magnanimity" by Sadat; so, he is nothing but the angel of peace.

Yet, for the 28 years of the short life of the State of Israel, as Israeli leaders repeatedly pleaded with her Arab neighbors for peace and face-to-face consultations to bring peace, she was threatened, rebuffed, insulted, attacked by instruments of war, attacked economically, attacked politically and ignored as though she were a non-existent, non-people by Sadat and people of his kind. What greater "intransigence" (the favorite anti-Israeli code word) could anyone have displayed than this pervasive, malignant Arab conduct? What greater efforts towards peace could have one expected of the Israelis than to, over the years, plead with the Arabs to talk to them?

Our intellects let totally slip past their perceptive minds the fact that the enormity of the ongoing Arab malignancy was only emphasized by the unseemly, super-euphoria which enveloped much of the world by the mere visit to Jerusalem.

To get back to another f'rinstance. In employer - employee relations we have a common situation where the employer who is always pleasant, fair and decent, finds that his employees become abnormally resentful if he, just for one day, lapses and becomes unpleasant and contrary to the way they have become conditioned to expect of him. But conversely, the employer who is always a mean, unpleasant S.O.B., gets an abnormal amount of obsequious gratitude from these long-abused employees but for the one day he smiles and shows some slight signs of humanity.

Would you say that, as between the typically incompetent and unaccomplished Arab nations and the super-intellects of other nations with whom they spar, the Arabs display a greater "street

HKissinger

- 3 -

11/7/78

sense" - - - or what some may call, "common sense"?

There is a Yiddish word which quite colorfully and aptly
describes this common deficiency in many of the intellectuals
around us. The word is "saichel" and when said, is often ac-
companied by a gesture which can only be described as a frustrated,
repeated pointing of one's own finger to one's own head.

lp/efb

P.S. And how come we never have to worry about Israel withdrawing
from negotiations - - - and are so grateful if Egypt doesn't?

PUEYRREDÓN 2409 - 11°
BUENOS AIRES

JAIME PERRIAUX
ABOGADO

TEL. 80-9357/85-6583

CABLES: EROMAI BAIRES

Buenos Aires, August 18th, 1978

Doctor Henry Kissinger
1800 K. Street (Suite 520)
Washington D.C.

Dear Doctor Kissinger:

It is a shame indeed. After Washington I spent three days in El Salvador, and I arrived here on the 1st. Although my intention was to write to you as soon as possible, the fact is that an unusual burden of activity has prevented me to do it until today.

I intended to join to my letter the memo I pro-
missed Senator Baker and Congressman Rhodes I would send to them, summing
up my exposé at that extremely pleasant breakfast.

Unfortunately, I haven't been able to write it up yet. I hope I will have it ready within the next fortnight, and I will send it immediately to you, as we had agreed.

Meanwhile I want to thank you very warmly for the exceedingly interesting chance you gave me of both seeing you and meeting Senator Baker and Congressman Rhodes. The top people here are also very thankful for this.

If you think another conversation of this sort could be arranged with the group of Senators you mentioned, I would be very willing to fly to Washington some time between the 8th and the 20th of September.

Doctor Martínez de Hoz will be there for a mee-
ting of the IMF towards the end of the month. He will certainly write
to you giving you more details.

If you have any clippings with what the Arizo-
na newspaper's report in detail of your speech in Phoenix at the end of
this month, please do send me a copy, I am extremely interested in this.

JAIME PERRIAUX
ABOGADO

COPY

Dear Doctor Kissinger:

Doctor Martínez de Hoz will be there for a meeting of the IMF towards the end of the month. He will certainly write to you giving you more details.

If you have any clippings with what the Arizo-
na newspaper report in detail of your speech in Phoenix at the end of
this month, please do send me a copy, I am extremely interested in this.

León, (ESPAÑA) Enero de 1.978

Excmo. Sr. Don Henry Kissinger

Washington (U.S.A.)

Excmo. Sr.:

La televisión española nos ha ofrecido, días atrás, imágenes y palabras suyas acerca de los peligros del comunismo en la Europa libre.

Excelentes y oportunas sus apreciaciones.

Como prócer de la nación estadounidense, y desde la altitud de su esmerada cultura de hombre letrado, comprenderá Vd. mis inquietudes.

El próximo año será el centenario del PSOE (partido socialista obrero español), de raíces filomarxistas.

Constituye la segunda fuerza política del país y, por el momento, es la oposición gubernamental....

El PSOE capitanea el sindicato más abundante, UGT, unión general de trabajadores. UGT es vasallo mental del PSOE, si bien, más aferrada a los mandatos marxistas que sus patrocinadores.

El almibarado eurocomunismo, tristemente, pulula, al tiempo que lo hace una caterva de filiales, encargadas del terrorismo.

Toda la tribu marxista, conchabada, aspira a grandes logros en las elecciones sindicales ya en marcha, rabiosamente politizadas.

Los sindicatos politizados por el izquierdismo furibundo son los filibusteros de la confianza entre empresarios y trabajadores.

Resta una larga mitad del censo laboral sin politizar, ansiando mejoras generales cuando el país las consiga.

Uno entre muchos, yo, siento dentro de mi alma vehe-mentes ánimos de oponerme a los desmanes marxistas, definidos o disfrazados, promo-viendo la creación de unos sindicatos libres, apolíticos, sanosy equilibrados con la situación económica presente y futura de la nación, actuando desde la inteligencia respetando la iniciativa privada y el libre mercado.

Escucharé de muy buen grado todo aquello que Vd. se sirviera tener a bien informarme de las entidades laborales de U.S.A, armónicas y cooperadoras a la grandeza de los Estados Unidos.

Soy varón de 44 años, hasta el presente sin vincula-ciones político-sindicales, cristiano, casado, con tres hijas, empleado de Laborato-rios Parke Davis (España). Ex-marino mercante, 16 viajes a U.S.A que, un día, probó a quedarse en el país de Uncle Sam y el servicio de Inmigración opinó lo contrario...

Desde para Vd., su familia y su patria la salud y el vigor que nos mantenga libres de la pesadilla marxista.

suyo affmo.

[L.C.]

# 1

Jefers.

In reply to
Neusday's Weekly Guide to Television.
N. B. C.'s David Brinkley Probes Henry Kissingers
Thoughts on The Growth of Communism.
In the matter of Eurocommunism. ( By Warren Berry )

In order to express myself correctly, I use my German language.
Meine Kenntnisse, sind meine eigenen Lebenserfahrungen die ich mir
auf der Wanderschaft in allen fünf Erdteilen erworben habe.
Mein Lehrbuch für Weltgeschichte ist die Bibel das älteste Geschichts-
buch aller Völker dieser Welt.

Meine Politische Überzeugung war im neunten lebensjahr Conservative
Sozialistisch und habe bis zum heutigen Tage dafür gesprochen und ge-
schrieben, in allen Teilen der Welt. Mein einziger Wunsch ist, dass
alle Völker der Welt unter einer Regierung stehen, mit einer Sprache
und einer einheitlichen Geldwährung, nur dann hätten wir einen Weltfriede
Ich glaube an Gott in der NATUR UND Universe, aber ich verdamme den grös-
ten unsichbaren Feind aller Nationen: Die Welt Propaganda!
In alten Zeiten waren es Zeitschriften, heute ist es Radio und T. V.
was mich zum Schreiben dieser Aufklärung treibt.

Mr. Brinkley ihr Statement von Washington war: " I quote, almost every
major City in Italy is run by a Communist Mayor and, wherever N. B. C.
Crews traveled in France - that other Birthplace of republican govern-
ment - they found Town politics dominated by the Movement.

Mr. Kissinger thinks, that means dominated by Moscow. Ich bin einer
anderen Überzeugung und kann die Beweise vorlegen:" Europa hat eine
Geschichte seit Jesus Geburt und ist kein Vergleich mit America, nicht
in der Sprache, Geografie, Rohmaterial, Industrie, Landwirtschaft, oder
Kultur. Europa ist ein Vergleich mit einem Schachbrett, wo man die
Figuren von einem Feld zum andern schiebt, nur benutzte man die Völker
für diesen Zweck und vertrieb sie von Osten nach Westen und von Süden
nach Norden. Schauen wir auf eine Landkarte nach der Geburt Jesus bis
zum heutigen Tage und wir sehen, Europa war immer der Kriegs Schauplatz
für fremde Völker. Die Volksmassen wurden immer unterdrückt um Reichtümer

# 2

[LC]

Heifers.

zu gewerben und Macht zu gewinnen, ob es Kirchen Rелиgionen oder Politisch war, Macht bekam eine Obsession bis zum heutigen Tage, nicht nur in Europa sondern über die ganze Welt.

Rotary International hat für ihre Mitglieder eine wundervolle Mahnung: "The Four Way Test; Oder Mosses und seine zehn Gebote, es sind die Grundlagen für die Menschheit zu existieren und halten wir uns nicht an diese Richtlinien, gibt es keinen Frieden

auf Erden. Gehen wir zurück zu der Mittleren Geschichte, das Römische Reich wurde von den jahre langen unterdrückten Germanischen Stämmen vernichtet, dann folgte die Völkerwanderung und die Sucht nach Reichtum und Macht war geboren.

Die Ignorance der Volksmassen, leidet zu missverstehen und dann zu fanatischen Hass, dann kommen Revolutionen oder Kriege und die Völker werden wieder auseiander gerissen und das ist die zwei tausend jährige Geschichte der Welt. In Europa hat es angefangen und in Europa wird es enden, es ist keine Theorie, sondern eine Evolution der Vereinigten Staaten von Europa, unter conservatiev Sozialismus mit Russland im Hintergrund, ob früher oder später Bevor des zweiten Weltkrieges wäre es unmöglich gewesen, aber die Politische Lage der Welt hat sich bei dem Eingriff Americas in den zeiten Weltkrieg verschoben, zu gunsten Russlands, China, Europas, Asien und Africa.

Die Propaganda war ein Meisterstück des Internationalen Capitalismus, gegen den Communismus, aber Russland hatte einen eignen plan um den Krieg mit Hitler zu gewinnen; Mr. Churchill wusste, das England die 500 jährige Weltherrschaft verloren hatte, Diplomatisch überredete er das americanische Capital und die Kriegsindustrie, welche Mr. Roosevelt schon angekurbelt hatte, nur musste er noch die americanische Bevölkerung überraschen, um ein Grund für den zweiten Weltkrieg zuhaben.

Obwohl die Bevölkerung neutral bleiben wollte; Hitlers Juden Verfolgung in Europa war nur ein Seitenspiel, sein Hauptziel war der Communismus, was ihm im Wege stand um Europa zu vereinigen und Mr. Stalin wusste, dass ein Sieg gegen Russland unmöglich war, er kante die Russische Natur und die grossen Flächen und Gebirge.

Die Jüdische Rache Propaganda in America gegen Hitlers Armee war für Stalin ein grosses willkommen und sie taten ihr bestes den größten Feind des Communismuss zu schlagen, ohne zu denken das Russland dabei immer stärker wurde. Der Racheplan ist uns allen verständlich, nur der Zeitpunkt

# 3

Jefers.

war noch nicht da! In Malta verstand Mr. Stalin zu
diktieren, was er für die nachkriegszeit brauchte,
ohne seine Geheimnisse zu offenbaren, niemand wusste
damalswas Russland für grosse Fortschritte in Physik
und Science gemacht hatte.

General Patten erkante noch im lezten Moment den
politischen Fehler, als er an der Ostgrenze stand
und wollte weiter nach Russland marschieren, er wurde
von Washington zurück gehalten, General Patton hat

nicht durch Kriegsfeinde seinen Tod gefunden, aber Politische Feinde haben
es fertig gebracht.

Als Part of N. B. C.'s controversial Decision Year to put Mr. Kissinger
on the Payroll esspecial Consultant for World Affairs, ich habe mein
Bedenken was N. B. C. von einem former Staatsman der in der Welt verhasst
ist erwartet ?? In Chile nennt man ihn den Massenmörder, in America kennt
man Mr. Kissinger als den Staatsmann der mit einem Handstreich Empires
stürzen konnte.

Während meiner Europa Reise 1977 hörte ich durch die Grapewine, dass man für Mr. Kissinger wartet, aber die Begrüssung ist kein 21 Gun Salut.
Mr. Kissinger war mal ein guter Staatsman, aber er hat sich zuviel von Hitlers Gestapo angeeignet und deshalb der Rückschlag.

Europa hat gelernt:" Einigkeit macht Stärke und sie leben bei ihren
Gesetzen, was wir hier in America noch lernen müssen. Ordnung, Arbeit und
Ehrlichkeit sind die Grundlagen in allen Staaten. Wenn Politiker Fehler
machen, Vater Zeit steht immer hinter der Volks masse und befreit uns von
solchen Übel; Also Mr. Brinkley, wenn Sie annehmen, dass Moscow Europa
regiert, dann bin ich überzeugt das Telavive die U. S. A. regiert, was
natürlich lücherlich ist: " Oder ??

Respectfully
Siegfried Peters

\#8 Thurms Estates

Calverton, N.Y. 11933

cc: Mr. Henry Kissinger

cc: Mr. David Brinkley

cc: Mr. Warren Berry

World Trade Americas/Far East Corporation

Office of the Chairman

Town of Mount Pleasant, Route 9, North Tarrytown, New York 10591

March 9, 1978

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Center for Strategic and
International Studies
Georgetown University
1800 K Street
Washington, D. C. 20006

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

Thank you very much for your letter of February 22 and the background material on the Center's National Coal Policy Project. Everyone associated with the Project should be commended for making a vital contribution to the evolution of a national energy policy.

Since the agenda for the Council's meeting in September is still in the formative stage, we might consider the evolving relationship between transnational corporations and host governments as a possible topic to be pursued by the Center's Future of Business Program.

This discussion might include such items as the role of international investment in the development process; the function of transnational corporations in providing technology and know-how to developing countries; and finally, the ways in which business and government in developing nations can work together to develop the managers of the future.

Thanks very much for the opportunity to share my thoughts with you. I look forward to our meeting in September.

RAP:jm

HENRY A. KISSINGER

AUG 4 1978

Dear Mr. Pfeiffer:

This note is to bring you up to date on plans
for the September 7-8 meeting of the Center's
International Councillors. We will focus on
three tasks: analyzing the problem of declin-
ing economic growth rates; studying the inter-
national energy situation, particularly as it
applies to oil; and advising the Center on the
overall Future of Business program. I will be
leading the discussion on both days and doing
the summation.

I am enclosing a list of Councillors, who have
so far indicated they will attend, and an agenda
which lists the speakers and the subjects to be
discussed.

The meeting should be an interesting one and
I look forward to seeing you.

Mr. Ralph A. Pfeiffer, Jr.
President, IBM World Trade
Americas/Far East Corporation
Town of Mount Pleasant
Route 9
North Tarrytown, New York 10597