and the United States have much to contribute. The world's best minds must be mobilized and India has the third largest pool of scientific talent while the United States has the first. We must apply the great economic strength of our two nations, both the United States has the largest industrial output in the world, and India the tenth largest. Our economies are complimentary; the fact that India is only 26th largest trading partner of the United States reveals what potential is yet untapped.

The Joint Commission we are establishing -- for scientific, cultural, and economic cooperation -- provides a new means to match our resources with our challenges. It is the symbol of the new era of equality. And the United States stand ready to expand the concept of the Joint Commissions into other areas.

We share a concern for economic development.

It is impossible to visit South Asia without being deeply affected by the ongoing plight of so many of the peoples of

26

consultation has defined areas where we agree and narrowed
those where we do not. We have found aanew the basis for
collaboration in many areas.

Half a century ago, Tagore wrote with foresight:

"During the evolution of the nation the moral culture of brotherhood was limited by geographic boundaries, because at that time those boundaries were true. Now they have become imaginary lines of tradition divested of the qualities of real obstacles. So the time has come when man's moral nature must deal with this fact with all seriousness or perish."

The time has come for nations to act on this vision.

Let there be hope rather than despair, creativity rather than disarray. The recognition and understanding of our problems are clearly emerging. We have the technical means to solve them. And the urgency of our tasks impels us.

Mahatma Ghandi wrote half a century ago, we must launch
"experiments with truth." In this spirit, let us resolve to
strengthen the new beginnings between India and America. Let

27

us build a relationship that can endure over the long-term.

Let us make our contribution to help mankind match its capacity
to its challenges for the benefit of our two peoples and of
all of mankind.

REMARKS BY SECRETARY OF STATE
HENRY A. KISSINGER
INDIAN COUNCIL ON WORLD AFFAIRS

October 28, 1974

Seventh Draft

It is an honor to address such a distinguished gathering.

The basic objective of this organization -- to comprehend, communicate, and help shape the state of world affairs -- has been the central purpose of my life. Thus I am particularly pleased to share my thoughts with you tonight.

Former President Radhakrishnan once said, "Life becomes meaningful only when we grasp the character of the age we live in, see its significance, understand the objectives it sets us and strive to realize them."

The fundamental fact of our age is that we live in a world inextricably linked by the spectre of nuclear weapons and the speed of communications, by interdependent economies and universal aspirations. The significance of our age is that the national interest can no longer be defined in isolation from the global interest. And the central challenge of our age is to free ourselves from narrow national or bloc

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"at this subcontinent as being composed of some countries that are clients of China, others that are clients of the Soviet Union, others that should be clients of the United States. We believe that we can have productive relationships with all of them. And we believe also, especially with respect to India, that our relations are in a stage of dramatic improvement."

A new attitude on both sides has led to a bettering of

stability and economic success in South Asia; it is
what we believe South Asians hope for, and what the
rest of the world should hope for as well.

The statesmanship of South Asia's leaders directly concerned -- of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Shakh Mujibur Rahman -- is at the heart of this process. It has taken great courage to persevere toward the goal agreed upon by Pakistan and India at the Simla Conference in 1972: "The promotion of a friendly and harmonious relationship and the establishment of a durable peace in the subcontinent."
The size and position of the Republic of India give it a special capacity for leadership in South Asian affairs. They give her at the same time the responsibility for accommodation and restraint that strength entails. The United States recognizes these realities, and accepts them as wholly compatible with the close friendships and special bonds we have with the various nations of the region. As

we wish South Asia well, we wish India well.

A New Indo-American Relationship

Thus a more mature relationship is emerging between India and the United States -- one which leaves behind the peaks and valleys of the past. Both India and the United States still consider themselves youthful nations. The restlessness, the striving, and the ideals of our people attest to the reality of that image. But a basic quality of youth -- unlimited expectations unseasoned by experience -- has meant we tended to place unreasonable demands on ourselves and upon one another. There has been a lack of compassionate understanding, at times an excess of zeal, which have often led us into unintended, if in circumstances unavoidable, disagreements.

The past few years have been a sobering period for both countries. We have both developed a more mature perception. Both have limited crusading zeal. Both have had to understand their ability to bend the model to their own limitations. Both are learning our basic compatibility in our relations with each other, of interests and the means to cooperate.

Equality and mutual respect are more than doctrines of
international law. They are political realities that arise
not least because we are both of us democracies, with all
that implies for the kinds of decisions we are able to make.
The leaders of a democracy can only sustain, over time,
policies with respect to other nations which their electorate
can and will support. If there are no general rules as to
what such policies are likely to be, there are specific
limitations as to what they cannot be. They cannot be based on the dependence of one country on another. Nor can they be based on the constant criticism of one by the other in all international forums. In short, they require a sense of shared purpose in at least some endeavors.

In the past year or two we removed the two major
obstacles which have impeded a relationship of equality and
respect, which doomed us for a quarter century to perpetual
oscillation between excessive expectations and deep hostility.

We share a deep concern for cooperation. The present crisis
confronting both developed and developing nations reveals
all too clearly our past failure to address man's needs on a
truly cooperative basis. We must perceive in the current situation

the basic structural and conceptual changes our long-range

survival demands. Even as we cope with pressing problems, we

must move toward global community.

India and the United States have much to contribute to
each other and to mankind. We must bring together the world's
best minds to solve the world's pressing problems -- India
has the third largest pool of scientific talent and the United
States the first. We must apply the great economic strength of
our two nations -- the United States has the largest industrial
output in the world; India the tenth largest. Our economies
are complimentary -- the magnitude of untapped potential is
measured by the fact that India is only the 26th largest
trading partner of the United States.

We share a deep concern for development. It is impossible to visit South Asia at this time without being deeply affected by the tragic plight of so many of the people of this region. Individual hopes for survival and national dreams of development have been dealt a cruel blow by international crises in energy, food and inflation.

The American people profoundly respect and support the striving of South Asia's people for a life free from fear and despair. We want to find new ways to be helpful, while avoiding the old dependency we both reject. I have already mentioned the rescheduling of debts. The United States will launch a modest bilateral aid program this year. A substantial part of our multilateral aid comes to India. Our food program will be of help in this particularly difficult period. And there are many other areas where the United States can and will be of assistance in the future.

The Joint Commission we are establishing -- for scientific, cultural, and economic cooperation -- provides a new means to match our resources with our challenges. It is a concrete manifestation that we are moving from an era of dependency to an era of equality.

We share a deep concern for peace. Neither India nor the United States will ever be satisfied with a world of chronic conflicts, of uneasy truces and offsetting blocs. We must build together a comprehensive, institutionalized peace, one based not merely on a balance of forces but on a sense of justice. In recent months our dialogue on the entire range of global concerns has assumed a new intensity and depth. The once familiar tone of rancor and distrust has given way to a serious effort to define areas where we agree and narrow those where we do not. The United States will continue this new level of consultation and its new spirit.

Now we are summoned to build on hopeful beginnings and to travel down the road we have chosen together.

America's Purposes

For our new relationship to endure and strengthen, we
must understand each other's perspectives. Nations face
different problems and different opportunities -- their
positions and power inevitably vary. Let me set forth the
a few words about America's
United States' perspective in some detail.

CD

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in avoiding nuclear holocaust, but the potential for conflict persists and the consequences of conflict have assumed new and devastating dimensions. The United States and the People's Republic of China have overcome two decades of estrangement, but deep differences in philosophy and interests remain. And as old blocs among old powers decline, new blocs among new nations threaten to emerge.

Thus if we are to move toward a world where power blocs and balances are not dominated; where justice, not stability can be our overriding preoccupation; where countries consider cooperation in the world interest to be in their national interest, we must begin from the world as it is.

The United States has three global objectives:

First, America seeks to evoke a new spirit of all responsibility and restraint among major powers.

Since the dawn of the nuclear age man's fears of holocaust and his hopes for peace have turned on the relationship between the United States and the Soviet Union. Never before have two nations had the capability to annihilate civilization. Never before has it been so important to the world that two nations understand one another, and through methodical contact contain problems before they become confrontations.

In the past few years a decade ago, the progress that has been achieved in our relationship would have been unthinkable. Now it has become routine. But we take the easing of tensions for granted only at the risk of their return. In my discussions in Moscow I was

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isolation and hostility. The principles of the Shanghai

If there is a wider interpretation of these principles, the independence

Communique commit our nations to respect our relations.

The independent

integrity of all nations

relationships

with others even as we work to improve our own.

Europe

And the relationship among the industrialized democracies

with our Western allies and Japan.

This is essential to both the world's peace and prosperity.

Only our common

aspirations, interests, and cooperation allow us to move with confidence down the path of detente.

They enable us to contribute to world economic growth.

And the nations which

provide the industrial, financial and technological backbone of the global economy face a heavy responsibility to concert their efforts in a time of global economic stress.

No agreements among major powers can be durable if

the more powerful countries

Nap

All countries

made over the heads of other nations which have a stake in

a peaceful world. It is all right - and cannot -

the outcome. They should not seek to impose solutions; they can

seek a consensus of all nations.

however see that their actions and conduct are conducive to

in their own interest.

peace.

Our relation with the non-aligned countries, particularly with a major nation like India, are knottler put there to prevent our seek to build a

As the survival of mankind may depend upon their outcome, the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks can be the most crucial negotiations ever conducted between nations. The SALT agreements already signed by the United States and the Soviet Union represent a major step toward strategic stability. They placed by placing an interim limit on offensive nuclear weapons, and a permanent limit on defensive weapons. Our problems are now more complex. For the next goal is to control the qualitative as well as quantitative growth of weapons. We seek a ten-year agreement which would permit the negotiation of stable ceilings, from which we could begin a process of arms reductions.

We face as well the problem of proliferation. A world in which an ever-increasing number of nations possess

Surely the community of nations is not so frozen into
outdated conceptions of national or bloc advantage that it
will allow a self-evident tragedy to occur. Surely we can
summon the will to find a solution to the energy problem
which will meet the needs of both producers and consumers.

* * * * *

I have set forth America's objectives -- to evoke a
spirit of responsibility and restraint among major powers,
to apply the power of the atom to human betterment rather
than devastation, and to make our interdependence a source
of unity not division. These specific tasks reflect one
over-riding goal -- to create a fundamentally new era in the
relationship between nations, to make cooperation the central
theme of the future.

These are America's purposes. We believe they are
entirely consistent with India's purposes. We are nations
whose values, language and aspirations are so similar that our
disputes are in the nature of a family quarrel.

CONCLUSION

Let me conclude.

Tagore wrote with foresight a half century ago, "During
the evolution of the nation the moral culture of

brotherhood was limited by geographic boundaries, because
at that time those boundaries were true. Now they have
become imaginary lines of tradition divested of the qualities
of real obstacles. So the time has come when man's moral
nature must deal with this great fact with all seriousness
or perish."

The time has come, as I noted at the United Nations
last month, for nations to act on the recognition that
old slogans and traditional rivalries will lead us towards:

- A world ever torn between rich and poor, East and West, producer and consumer;

- A world of rising costs and dwindling supplies,
of growing populations and declining production;

- A world where local crises threaten global confrontation and where the spreading atom threatens global peril.

This need not be our fate. There can be great hope
rather than despair, great creativity rather than disarray.

The contours of our problems are clearly emerging. We have
the technical means to solve them. And the urgency of our

tasks forces us to choose.

The only element in question is our political will,
the courage to reflect reality in our actions. As Mahatma
Ghandi wrote half a century ago, we must "experiment with
truth."

In this spirit, let us resolve to strengthen the new
beginnings between India and America. Let us build a
relationship that can endure over the longer-term as
our contribution to matching man's vision to his challenges,
the benefit of force to all peoples and
of all mankind.