DATE 2/3/05

CORR. FILE Rumsfeld, DONALD

ACTION: Alan Stape Dennis
Jessee Theresa John B.
Maggie Suzanne

COMMENTS:

SUBJ. FILE

CROSS REF.

STAFF MEMO

DC OFFICE:
Christie / Jody / Ann

INFO COPY TO:

ROUTE CC COPY TO:

TC

TO BE FILED ✓

Sir:

I wanted to make sure you saw the attached
note from Secretary Rumsfeld acknowledging
your letter about the Trilateral Commission
and complimenting you on your article with
George Shultz.

Noted; okay to file __________

Draft a response saying: __________

tc

DATE 1/17/05

CORR. FILE Rumsfeld, Sec. : Mrs. [Y]

COMMENTS:

TC regretted on 1/17 per HAK's
instructions.

SUBJ. FILE

CROSS REF.

STAFF MEMO

DC OFFICE: ✓
Christie /Jody/ Tiffany

INFO COPY TO:

ROUTE CC COPY TO: ✓NMR

TO BE FILED MY

Jessee Incao

From: Murphy, Mary Claire, CIV, OSD [MaryClaire.Murphy@osd.pentagon.mil]
Sent: Friday, January 14, 2005 4:23 PM
To: 'Jincao@kmaglobal.com'
Subject: Dinner Invitation for Kissingers

JAN 17 2005

Dear Jessee,

Sec. and Mrs. Rumsfeld (Joyce) would like to invite the Kissingers to join them for a
small private dinner on Friday evening, January 21 at 7:00 p.m.
--- at the Hay Adams Hotel (in the private dining area of the main Lafayette
Room) --

The dinner will also include their longtime mutual friends who are visiting
from Belgium --- Etienne "Stevy" Davignon and Antoinette Denie. Viscount
Davignon is the former Director General of the Belgium Foreign Service and was an EU
Commissioner, and Chairman of the Societe Generale de Belgique. (Antoinette is the
daughter of Paul-Henri Spaak, former Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Belgium, and
the first president of the United Nations General Assembly.)

Also, Mr. and Mrs. Carlos (Edi) Gutierrez, the CEO of Kellogg and the Commerce Secretary-
designate, and most like a couple of others.

Thank you so much --

Mary Claire Murphy
Director of Protocol
Office of the Secretary of Defense
703-692-7160

File: Rumsfeld

✓Sub. File: Inlateral

HENRY A. KISSINGER

January 7, 2005

Dear Don:

I understand from Tom Foley that he has extended you an invitation on behalf of the Trilateral Commission to speak at the Commission's 2005 annual meeting in Washington on Saturday morning, April 16. I would like to add my own very warm and enthusiastic endorsement. Nothing would be of greater interest and importance to the membership than to have the opportunity to hear your outlook on international security policy since you last spoke at the Commission meeting in April 2002. Knowing the heavy demands on your time, however, Tom hastened to assure me that every attempt would be made to accommodate your schedule during the meeting dates of April 15-18, should Saturday morning be inconvenient. It goes without saying that I hope very much that you will be able to accept.

The Honorable Donald H. Rumsfeld
The Secretary of Defense
The Pentagon
Washington, DC 20301-1000

TWENTY-SIXTH FLOOR • 350 PARK AVENUE • NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10022 • (212) 759-7919
FACSIMILE (212) 759-0042

As delivered

Remarks by Henry A. Kissinger
at American Academy of Diplomacy
Fifteenth Annual Diplomatic Awards Luncheon
honoring the late Joseph Sisco
December 9, 2004

Joe Sisco was an original; when they made him, they threw away the mold. Indefatigable, dedicated, knowledgeable, a superb diplomat, and a skillful bureaucratic infighter, Joe was an indispensable colleague and a valued friend. We met in the early days of the Nixon administration. The Cold War has, in retrospect, acquired an almost nostalgic quality as being relatively simple because it was seemingly bipolar. But it did not look that way to those of us required to manage it. The Soviet Union had just occupied Czechoslovakia; there was no contact of any kind with China; India was aloof; hostilities were raging along the Suez Canal. And Vietnam was tearing the country apart.

A new American administration was seeking to distill a sense of direction from the conflicting pressures, fears, and hopes that greeted it. The combination of a new presidency and domestic turmoil raised an issue that periodically preoccupies this city: the relationship between the Foreign Service and the policymaking apparatus beyond the State Department.

This issue is often put in terms of prerogative. In my experience, the problem is best overcome by a demonstration of indispensability.

Joe Sisco understood this and set about to implement his insight. When I was appointed National Security Adviser, Dean Rusk had urged me to keep an eye out for him if we ever needed help in times of trouble. As it turned out, I did not have to find Joe; he presented himself, and he was not to be ignored. He could wear down any objections by sheer persistence and outwork any aspirations to arbitrary decisions using three methods: (1) In crises, he would move himself physically as close to my office as circumstances permitted - preferably into the Situation Room, which had the added advantage of assuring his participation in all

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meetings. (2) From his office issued a seemingly endless array of policy proposals. Some say he offered more solutions than there were problems. But it kept me busy and cut down the time available for interfering in his concern. (3) Finally, he knew that, in the end, strategy winds up as a cable, and he made certain that the process started with his draft. By these methods, Joe helped us through the 1970 crises along the Suez Canal, the Black September, the Syrian invasion of Jordan, and the diplomacy that followed. He was a steadying element in the Indo-Pakistan war of 1971.

When I became Secretary in 1973, Joe had already established himself and the role of the Foreign Service. Now there was no longer a question of jurisdiction. And what a group Joe had assembled: Roy Atherton, Hal Saunders, Dean Brown, Dick Murphy, Hermann Eilts, and others. Any Secretary would look good with their help. And the country had every reason to be proud of them, and the Foreign Service that produced them.

Joe and the team he assembled were simply indispensable. They helped manage the Yom Kippur War of 1973 and the diplomacy that followed. Together we navigated the war, a nuclear alert, shuttle diplomacy, two disengagement agreements and one political agreement between Israel and Syria and Egypt. And then Joe became my emissary when the Cyprus crisis erupted and contributed decisively to preventing the outbreak of war between two NATO allies.

All of this was accomplished with buoyancy, good humor, and great serenity sometimes belied by Joe's stentorian voice. Joe was very conscious of his background as the son of Italian immigrants. He had entered the Foreign Service laterally from the Civil Service. And he was enormously proud of that distinction. First, Joe viewed the United States as embodying a special responsibility for peace and progress. He was impatient with self-pitying righteousness. The disputes of the Vietnam and Watergate period were to him challenges to America to demonstrate that it retained its sense of mission and was capable of translating it into a contribution toward a better world.

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A great deal has been written about shuttle diplomacy. Not enough credit is given to those whose dedication and ability provided the framework and the impetus. I did the negotiating under the wary eye of Joe and his team. But the professionals here know who sustained it. No matter how late in the night the negotiations lasted, I could count on finding the next morning a summary of what had happened, a report to the President, and an outline of necessary next steps.

Joe's buoyancy made the enterprise a lot of fun. On one of our shuttles, a Xerox machine got loose from its moorings on the airplane and began rolling around, with Joe frantically trying to corral it. One of my assistants shouted, "Grab him before he falls into it; if there were a duplicate of him, we would never get any sleep." On another occasion, Joe was with me on a shuttle in Damascus even after he had been promoted to Political Under Secretary. I explained to Assad that I had brought along such a high-ranking officer because Joe had been caught measuring the curtains in my office when I left him alone in Washington. Coups were something Assad understood, and Joe reported to me gleefully that after that remark, his protocol treatment in Damascus improved dramatically.

Joe left the Foreign Service in 1975 because the opportunity came along to head a university. It had always been his dream to follow his service to American diplomacy with a career in education. In 1974, he had been asked to head Hamilton College, but he could not yet bring himself to separate from his beloved Foreign Service. Eighteen months later, however, the opportunity to preside over American University proved irresistible.

Joe loved his country, was proud of the Foreign Service, and adored his family. His wife Jean - beautiful, charming, worldly - provided the emotional ballast and security that was the foundation of his ebullience. And he was devoted to his daughters. I invited him to my 80th birthday party and seated him next to my daughter Elizabeth so that he could talk about his family and perhaps tell me something about the battles where we stood shoulder-to-shoulder in trying to repay our country for the opportunities it had given us.

4

(Y)

After Joe retired from the Foreign Service, he and I remained in
contact by telephone and occasional dinners. He never fully
recovered from Jean's premature death. In his last years, he threw
himself with characteristic relish into the service of this institution.
I spoke to him the last time a few days after he entered the
hospital on his final illness. He mentioned the infirmity of age. But
he would not dwell on his disabilities. He wanted to know what I
thought of Iraq. When he got better, he would devote himself to
healing the rift between the administration and some of his
colleagues. I could imagine the old warrior saddling his horse for
another adventure.

Joe's passing leaves a huge void, also for me personally. I admired
his gallantry, his wisdom, and his humility. I shared many of his
attitudes derived from his origins. Amidst the bedlam of day-to-day
events, it was reassuring to know that Joe was there - a national
treasure, a personal safe haven. We who loved and admired Joe
will miss him for as long as we live. But we would not trade places
with those who were never fortunate enough to benefit from the
dedication, the love of country, the humanity, and the inspiration of
our honoree today.

# Eulogy for Fritz Kraemer

By Henry A. Kissinger

October 8, 2003

Fritz Kraemer was the greatest single influence of my formative years, and his inspiration remained with me even during the last thirty years when he would not speak to me.

We met in 1944 in Camp Claiborne, Louisiana. We were both privates in the 84th Infantry Division. I served in G Company of the 335th Regiment, Kraemer in the G-2 section of division headquarters. We were both refugees from Germany, I by necessity, Kraemer by choice. He was thirty-six years of age; I nineteen. He had two Ph. D. degrees. I had two years of night college in accounting.

When I first saw Kraemer, he was dressed in a German uniform, wore a monocle, and carried a riding crop. The occasion was a speech to the regiment in which I was serving. The subject was the moral and political stakes of the war, and the Commanding General thought Kraemer's outfit would endow his presentation with verisimilitude. Kraemer spoke with passion, erudition, and overwhelming force, as if he were addressing each member of the regiment individually. For the first time in my life—and perhaps the only one—at least I can recall no other such occurrence—I wrote to a speaker how much he had moved me. A few days later Kraemer came to where my company was training. Now the uniform was American, but he still wore the monocle around his neck and continued to carry his riding crop. He invited me to have dinner with him at the enlisted men's club at which he questioned me about my views and spoke to me about his values.

Out of this encounter grew a relationship that changed my life. After the division reached Europe, Kraemer arranged to have me transferred to the G-2 section. We worked together and, after work, we walked the streets of battle scarred towns at night during total blackouts while Kraemer spoke of history and postwar challenges in his stentorian voice—sometimes in German, tempting nervous sentries. Over the next decades Kraemer shaped my reading and thinking, influenced my choice of college, awakened my interest in political philosophy and history, inspired both my undergraduate and graduate theses, and became an integral and indispensable part of my life. He was always there to discuss my concerns; he never talked of his own needs to me, and I doubt to anyone else, as if such an admission would derogate from his mission.

Kraemer dedicated his life to fighting against the triumph of the expedient over the principled. "Intellectuals," Kraemer once said, "have always preached that everything is relative and that there are no absolute values... The result is spiritual emptiness. Everything is possible and therefore nothing is." "The worst

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thing about a loss of faith is not the fact that someone has stopped believing but
that they are ready to believe anything."

Kraemer fought his battle not so much by seeking to influence policymakers--
though on occasion he had that opportunity--but by giving lectures and above all
by discovering in young people qualities they did not always know they
possessed. He would then devote an enormous amount of his time on
encouraging them towards a life of duty and honor. He lived an ascetic, nearly
monastic existence. His learning matched his commitment. For decades he
spent much of his day clipping newspaper articles from all over the world,
marking significant passages, and filing them by major categories--a one-man,
handmade internet. He asked nothing for himself. He refused all promotions
beyond civil service grades.

Kraemer's values were absolute. Like the ancient prophets, he made no concessions to human frailty or to historic evolution; he treated intermediate solutions as derogation from principle.

And therein lay the source of our later estrangement. When I became part of the
world of policymaking, I entered the realm of the contingent. For the prophet,
there can be no gap between conception and implementation; the policymaker
must build the necessary from the possible. For the prophet, values are eternal,
independent of time. For the policymaker, absolute values must be approached
in stages, each of which is by definition imperfect. The prophet thinks in terms of
crusades; the policymaker hedges against the possibility of human fallibility. The
policymaker, if he wants to avoid stagnation, needs the prophet's inspiration, but
he cannot live by all the prophet's prescriptions in the short term; he must leave
something to history.

Kraemer could not accept this distinction. And so we did not speak for thirty
years. He felt he needed to make a demonstration--even a personal sacrifice--to
vindicate the absoluteness of his convictions. It was not personal. During the
decades of silence, he never spoke of me except with respect nor of him with
anything but devotion.

As Kraemer enters the realm of eternity, and I approach it, I want to thank his
children, Sven and Madeleine, for allowing me this occasion of reconciliation with
an extraordinary man who will be part of my life as long as I draw breath.
Kraemer will remain to me, as to so many in this room whose lives he touched, a
symbol of commitment and dedication, a beacon that, amidst the turmoil of the
moment, guides us to the transcendental.

DEC-08-2005 19:22

P. 02/02

DEC 09 2005

MEMORANDUM

To: The Honorable Henry Kissinger

From: Allison Barber
Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Internal Communication
and Public Liaison
Office of the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Public Affairs

Date: December 8, 2005

Re: Luncheon Meeting with Secretary Donald Rumsfeld

Secretary Donald Rumsfeld invites you to attend a lunch meeting Tuesday, December 13, in his private dining room at the Pentagon. The focus of this meeting will be an update on global military operations and current operations in Iraq.

The briefing will start promptly at 11:15 a.m. and is expected to conclude by 1:00 p.m. Due to security issues, it will be necessary for you to arrive at the Pentagon by 11:00 a.m.

Instructions concerning transportation logistics will follow via email or phone as soon as we hear back from you regarding your participation.

Please R.S.V.P. to Ann Quinlan at (703) 695-2113, ann.quinlan.ctr@osd.mil. If you have any questions or concerns, please contact Babs Chase, at (703) 695-3382, babs.chase@osd.mil.

We hope you are able to participate.

TOTAL P. 02