SV

JAN 10 1969

Suhrkamp Verlag

am 6. Januar 1969

Lieber Henry,

über Deine Weihnachts- und Neujahrsgrüße habe ich mich sehr gefreut. Ich selbst verschicke seit Jahren keine solchen Grüße mehr, aber andererseits sehe ich doch, daß auch solche Grüße ein Mittel der Kommunikation unter Freunden darstellt.

Für Deine neue Aufgabe wünsche ich Dir von Herzen alles Gute, vor allen Dingen aber hoffe ich, daß wir uns irgendwann einmal wiedersehen und sprechen können.

Mit freundlichen Grüßen

6 Frankfurt am Main, Grüneburgweg 69, Postschließfach 2446. Telefon 72 08 81. Telex 4 13972. Telegramme Suhrkampverlag Frankfurtmain. Konten: Deutsche Bank Frankfurt am Main 95/7100. Postscheck Frankfurt am Main 115761.

John --

a submission for your column

"When the American public gets around to looking for a <u>NEPAX</u> man who lost India and the subcontinent --and won't we, inevitably? --I have a candidate. He is sitting right there on the River with all you people in Cambridge, none other than that great folk-hero of the American liberal, John Kenneth Galbraith.

\#x "Mr. G. spent most of his time in Indjah writing the memoirs of his childhood in Canada, although as it turned out, even his following couldn't really get interested in that. When he was not writing the memoirs of Scots' paradise lost in Canada, <u>NEXX</u> nor drowning Washington in cables on unasked advice to JFK, he was a grand strategist.

"The Chinese Communists attacked India, as you remember, in 1962. They reacted to Krishna Menon's so-called "forward policy", in which Menon thought the Russians and bluff would save him if he tried to get back positions which Nehru had given up to the Chinese without a fight in the 1950s. The Chinese reacted, and surprised themselves, tumbled, literally, over the Himlayas with <u>NEXX</u> nothing to stop them from marching right into Delhi.

"Galbraith panicked. The man who was later to criticize <u>ix</u> U.S. policy for getting <u>xx</u> bogged down in Vietnam, hysterically called for everything --including The Bomb if need be --to halt the Chinese and save the Indians.

"But, looking into the loving eyes of his fellow Cosmos-thinker, Nehru, he was willing to give all for nothing on the barrel-head. The rest of us in Delhi then, or at least a small contingent of American observers, asked for two things: 1) A <u>quid pro quo</u> that Nehru was going to get off his duff and start making the kind of domestic decisions that would permit Indians to defend themselves and build their economy for the long-run fight against China; and 2) for a settlement --under the duress of the moment --between India and Pakistan. Without this latter, it was obvious that there could be no defence of the subcontinent by either power against <u>xx</u> any outsider. And no economic development would be possible given all the problems of India and Pakistan, no matter how much outside aid, if both <u>xx</u> devoted overwhelming amounts to armaments in a race to finish off the other.

"But Galbraith wanted to be a gauleiter, a viceroy. So the military aid poured in. As one Indian friend said: 'Don't you know that you are arming Chinese divisions as they cross the Himalayas!' The Chinese, of their own accord, turned back. And India and Pakistan went back to their knitting --arming for the 1965 war, and now this new catastrophe. The opportunity to build a <u>chance</u> for development and peace in the subcontinent went with the wind --and Galbraith's trust in Nehru, father and daughter.

"And now that <u>NEXX</u> unmitigated hypocrite has the nerve to write letters to the <u>NYTimes</u> criticizing Nixon's policies, a mess no doubt, but one which JKG more than contributed to."

I. 7 Jun 72

A 6

PRC
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

Together with people of the whole country, the South Vietnam people, faithful to the joint statement of the Summit Conference of the Indochinese Peoples, pledge themselves to stand side by side with the brother armed forces and people of Laos and Cambodia, to fight and expel the U.S. aggressors out of the Indochinese peninsula, contributing to the defence of peace in Asia and the world.

Dear comrades and friends, our struggle will be long, hard and fierce. But we are winning victory; the situation of the war is changing in our favour and more and more in our favour. The Vietnamese people have an iron determination, an inextinguishable potential to persevere in a protracted war. Justice stands on our side. The whole world is supporting us and condemning the U.S. aggressors.

Vietnam is bound to win! The people of the three Indochinese countries are bound to win!

The U.S. imperialists are bound to be defeated!

Once again we renew to our today's guests our thanks and propose you to raise a toast:

- To the everlasting friendship and militant solidarity between Vietnam and China,

- To the perfect health and long life of Chairman Mao,

- To the health of Acting Chairman Tung Pi-wu,

- To the health of Premier Chou En-lai,

- To the health of Vice Chairman Yeh Chien-ying,

- To the health of Comrade Chang Chun-chiao,

- To the health of Vice Premier Li Hsien-nien,

- To the health of other leading comrades of the Chinese party and government,

- To the health of Special Envoy Ieng Sary and other distinguished Cambodian guests,

- To the health of Ambassador Ngo Thuyen,

- To the health of the excellencies ambassadors, charges d'affaires and mesdames, and

- To the health of all comrades and friends present!

Yeh-Chien-ying Speech

Peking NCNA International Service in English 2118 GMT 6 Jun 72 B

[Text] Peking, June 6, 1972 (HSINHUA)--Following is the full text of the speech made by Comrade Yeh Chien-ying at the reception given here this evening by Nguyen Van Quang, ambassador of the Republic of South Vietnam to China, to mark the third anniversary of the founding of the RSV Provisional Revolutionary Government:

Respected Ambassador Nguyen Van Quang,

Respected Ambassador Ngo Thuyen,

Respected Vice Minister Ly Ban,

Respected Your Excellency Special Envoy Ieng Sary,

Comrades and friends:

Today is the 3rd anniversary of the founding of the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam. With great elation, we join our Vietnamese comrades-in-arms in celebrating this glorious day. First of all, please allow me, on behalf of the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese Government and people, to express the warmest congratulations to the South Vietnamese National Front for Liberation, the Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam and the fraternal South Vietnamese armed forces and people who are fighting valiantly at the front of resistance to U.S. aggression!

I. 7 Jun 72

A 5

PRC
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

Once again, I would like to express sincerely in the name of the South Vietnam people, the NFL and the PRGRSV our deep thanks for the invariable attitude of Chairman Mao, of the Chinese CP, Government and brother people towards our just cause against U.S. aggression and for national salvation.

The SV people, while struggling, rejoice deeply and with enthusiasm over the big and all-sided results recorded by the brother Chinese people in the country building and strengthening; we regard them as ours. We sincerely wish the heroic Chinese people, under the leadership of the Chinese CP headed by venerated Chairman Mao, many more brilliant victories in the fulfillment of the 4th five-year plan of building a powerful PRC, and more worthy contribution to the revolutionary cause of the world people.

Dear comrades and friends, the special war, the local war, the war Vietnamization are all but U.S. aggressive war. The U.S. imperialists have suffered setbacks in the "special war", "the local war" and are met with great defeats on the three Indochinese battlefields, but they remain still very stubborn, perfidious and belligerent. They do not refrain yet from their aggressive designs against South Vietnam. They are intensifying and recklessly carrying out the war escalation more higher than ever on both the two zones of Vietnam. They try to wrest a military victory and unilaterally stop the Paris conference sine die. They proceed to the combing and strafing of North Vietnam and to the blockade of the ports of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam. They are insolently challenging the Vietnamese and world people.

The Vietnamese people doubtlessly do not fear. The South Vietnam armed forces and people rejoice deeply over the victories recorded by their northern counterparts and are resolved to hold to their pledge: Should the U.S. aggressors strike once at North Vietnam, we would riposte heavily 5 or 10 times more. We are determined to overcome any difficulties and sacrifices to foil completely the "war Vietnamization" and the "Nixon doctrine".

The Vietnamese people cherish earnestly peace, but it should be peace in genuine independence and freedom, and not peace in the Nixon's way.

The honourable outcome for the U.S. imperialists is to accept our 7-point proposal, the 2 key points which have been elaborated further by the PRGRSV. The U.S. imperialists should resume seriously the discussions at the Paris conference, end the escalation of bombing and the blockade of the ports of North Vietnam. Besides, there is no other way. The January 25, 1972 eight points put forth by Nixon are only a bluff.

Nixon must not believe that the U.S. highest war escalation could stop the aid by North to South Vietnam, and cut off the kith and kin feelings of the Vietnamese people. Imbued with President Ho Chi Minh's teachings: "Nothing is more precious than independence and freedom", "We would rather sacrifice everything than lose our country and be enslaved", the South Vietnam armed forces and people are carrying out the April 15, 1972 appeal published by the National Front for Liberation and the PRGRSV, together with their counterparts of North Vietnam. They develop to the utmost the revolutionary heroism, promote further the initiative of offensive and insurrection, strike hard, [and] strike repeatedly until reaching their objective: to liberate the south, defend socialist North Vietnam and proceed to the peaceful reunification of the fatherland.

I. 7 Jun 72

A 7

PRC
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

The Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam is the truly
lawful government representing the interests of the South Vietnamese people. Its
birth marked the advance of the South Vietnamese people's War against U.S. aggression
and for national salvation to a new historical stage. In the past three years, under
the staunch leadership of the South Vietnam National Front for Liberation and the
Provisional Revolutionary Government of the Republic of South Vietnam, the South
Vietnamese armed forces and people have waged fierce battles with dauntless heroism
and an unyielding militant spirit against the U.S. aggressors and their lackeys, again
and again frustrated the military adventures and smashed the political schemes of the
enemy and won splendid victories on the military, political and diplomatic fronts.

On this brilliant day, we are glad to see that the situation today of the Vietnamese
people's war against U.S. aggression and for national salvation is more favourable
than ever. The large-scale offensive launched by the South Vietnamese armed forces
and people in late March this year is continuing to develop vigorously. Good tidings
of victory have poured in from the whole theatre of South Vietnam, from Quang Tri and
Thua Thien south of the Demilitarized Zone to the Binh Long-Tay Ninh area near Saigon,
and from the central highlands to the Mekong Delta. The mighty offensive of the
South Vietnamese armed forces and people has landed the U.S. aggressors and their
lackeys in utter chaos. The victorious battles of the South Vietnamese armed forces
and people have exploded the American hoax that Vietnamization is winning and vividly
demonstrated to the whole world that even fully U.S.-equipped South Vietnamese puppet
troops, plus U.S. air and naval support, are no match for the South Vietnamese people.
Like the strategies of "special warfare" and "local war" of the past, the U.S.
"Vietnamization" programme will surely go completely bankrupt.

The Chinese people warmly hail the great victories won by the Vietnamese people and
sincerely wish them new and still greater victories in their future struggle.

At present, U.S. imperialism, beset with difficulties both at home and abroad, is
still unwilling to quit its positions of aggression in Indochina and is putting up a
desperate struggle in a thousand and one ways. The U.S. Government has not only
completely resumed its air and naval raids against the Democratic Republic of Vietnam,
but also brazenly resorted to a series of new acts of aggression such as the mining of
the ports in the vain hope that the Vietnamese people would thus be forced to stop
fighting and submit to the United States.

However, the Vietnamese people are a heroic people tempered by protracted wars. They
hold high President Ho Chi Minh's banner of "firm resolve to fight and to win." They
have rich experience in coping with the enemy's military blackmail and political
deception. They have the strong will to defeat the enemy and confidence in a sure
victory, and no brute force or treacherous intrigue can make them depart from the
road of struggle against U.S. aggression and for national salvation. When recently
U.S. imperialism began its massive war escalation, the North Vietnamese people
put forward the resounding slogan of "every factory, building site, state farm, co-operative, public organ, school and street should be a trench", and the South Vietnamese
people made the iron vow that "every criminal act committed by the U.S. against the
north will meet with riposte five or ten times harder from the South Vietnam armed
forces and people." No matter what military adventures U.S. imperialism may undertake,
it cannot save itself from its doomed defeat, but will only meet with still stronger
resistance from the Vietnamese and other Indochinese peoples and end up even more
dismally.

I. 7 Jun 72

A 8

PRC
INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS

We are firmly convinced: Victory will surely belong to the heroic Vietnamese people. Victory will surely belong to the heroic Indochinese people.

Comrades and friends, the war against U.S. aggression and for national salvation waged by the Vietnamese and the other Indochinese peoples is an important component part of the anti-imperialist revolutionary struggle of the people of the whole world. By your victories you have greatly inspired and supported all the oppressed nations and peoples in their struggle for liberation, and set a brilliant example for and made valuable contributions to the anti-imperialist revolutionary cause of the people of the whole world. All revolutionary people are on your side and support your struggle whole-heartedly. Following Chairman Mao's teachings, the Chinese people are determined to do their utmost in giving all-out support and assistance to the Vietnamese people and all the Indochinese peoples in carrying their war against U.S. aggression and for national salvation to the end. This stand of ours is unswerving. No matter what happens, the Chinese people will always unite together, fight together and win victory together with the peoples of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia.

Now I propose a toast

To the great victories of the Vietnamese people in their war against U.S. aggression and for national salvation,

To the great victories of the three Indochinese peoples in their war against U.S. aggression and for national salvation,

To the great friendship and militant solidarity between the Chinese people and the three Indochinese peoples,

To the health of President Nguyen Huu Tho,

To the health of President Huynh Tan Phat,

To the health of Ambassador Nguyen Van Quang,

To the health of Vice Minister Ly Ban,

To the health of His Excellency Ieng Sary, special envoy of the Interior Part of the Royal Government of National Union and the National United Front of Cambodia, and the ministers of the Royal Government of National Union of Cambodia present,

To the health of the head of diplomatic missions and their wives, and

To the health of all our comrades and friends present here.

- 0 -

- 2 -

(2) Should the Center offer its top authorized stipend rate of $2,500 per month automatically to such invitees, or should it deduct from that sum other support to be received by the invitees during the appointment period as in other cases?

(3) Should such invitees be (required) (requested) to give public lecture series whenever appropriate?

b. Four Pending Suggested Invitees (c.v. data already distributed)

(1) Charles S. Hyneman, 72, political scientist (emeritus), Indiana University (Mr. Baroody)

(2) Claude Levi-Strauss, 64, social anthropologist, University of Paris (Mr. Ripley)

(3) Charles A. Malik, 66, philosopher and diplomat, University of Beirut (Mr. Baroody)

(4) Edward A. Shils, sociologist, University of Chicago (Mr. Moynihan)

Query: If the Committee recommends invitations to any one of the above scholars at its December 29 meeting, shall we obtain required Board approval by mail at this time -- or wait until the next meeting of the Board in May?

3. <u>Procedures for Next Rounds of Scholar Selection</u>

a. **Schedule:** We propose setting a March 1 deadline for receipt of all applications and nominations to be acted on by the Fellowship and Guest Scholar Committee -- at a 9:00 a.m. meeting on Friday, May 18, 1973, preceding the scheduled 10:30 a.m. Board meeting on that date.

Likewise, we propose an October 1 deadline for submissions of fellowship candidates to be acted on by the Committee at 9:00 a.m. on Friday, December 14, prior to the 10:30 a.m. Board meeting on that date.

Will the Committee confirm this schedule or set other dates?

b. <u>Interim Appointment Authority</u>. If a prospective fellow of widely acknowledged excellence needs a decision between the regular twice yearly committee rounds of decision, I would propose to consult the advisory panel and committee by mail to obtain an interim appointment decision -- but only if the Center would be apt to lose him without such action.

c. <u>General Studies Advisory Panel.</u>

(Ripley Committee report: "...we would suggest the establishment of a small selection committee (say, five or six members) for ... the general fellowship category. The members and chairman ... should be appointed by the Board of Trustees on recommendation of the Director, and the membership should be arranged as to insure a combination of continuity and change .... We suggest a member of the Board (and especially of its Fellowship and Guest Scholar Committee) be made an ex officio member of each selection committee....")

[L]

- 3 -

Recommendations of Director for General Studies Advisory Panel:

Daniel J. Boorstin, Chairman (1 year)

Mary Bunting (2 years)

Martin Kilson (1 year)

David Riesman (2 years)

*One Senior Fellow chosen by Director (1 year)

Ronald S. Berman, ex officio

Other suggestions received from Trustees and elsewhere are listed
at Attachment A.

d. Special Areas Advisory Panels.

(The Ripley Committee report also recommended establishment of a "small selection committee (say, five or six members) for each of the special thematic areas," chosen in the same manner as the general studies panel. "We recognize that there may be circumstances under which this elaborate and formal procedure will be inappropriate.... It would not make sense, we suppose, to assemble a six-man committee to consider three applicants for two positions in the Ocean Studies Program. In such cases, we assume the Director and the Trustees' Fellowship and Guest Scholar Committee will be able to agree on other, more appropriate procedures." ..."In the case of applicants for the special thematic programs of the Center, the appropriateness of the proposed research will, of course, be paramount ... we urge a certain breadth of view and imagination -- judging appropriateness.")

When warranted by the number of applicants and vacancies, I recommend
advisory panels in the special areas to serve for one year constituted as
follows for the 1973 rounds:

International Affairs

Fellow-Coordinator, Chairman

*Fellow

Richard Holbrooke, Foreign Policy

Francis Wilcox, SAIS

Henry A. Kissinger, ex officio

Environment

Fellow-Coordinator, Chairman

*Fellow

James A. Lee, World Bank

Lee Talbot, CEQ

S. Dillon Ripley, ex officio

*To be appointed by Director to help find out coverage of fields of applicants to be judged.

- 4 -

Oceans
---

Amb. Pardo, Coordinator, Chairman
*Fellow
Edward Miles
Louis B. Sohn, Harvard
Robert H. Bork, ex officio

Growth
---

Chester L. Cooper, Coordinator, Chairman
Lincoln Gordon, Fellow
Daniel Bell
Barbara Ward Jackson
Paul W. McCracken, ex officio

Bicentennial (correspondence)
---

Professor Plumb
*Fellow
James MacGregor Burns
O.B. Hardison
Alice Rivlin
John P. Roche, ex officio

*To be appointed by Director to help round out coverage of fields of applicants to be judged.

When the contingency mentioned in the Ripley report exists and there are
too few qualified applicants or potential vacancies to warrant formal panel
meetings, I would propose to obtain individual judgments and ratings of the
candidates by correspondence or otherwise from the above panelists and/or
the wider group of scholars and experts listed on Attachment B with any
modifications suggested by committee members.

e. Schedule of Panel Meetings or Actions -- usually during the last week of April and November.

f. "Technically Invalid and Clearly Inadequate" Applications.

(The Ripley Committee report states that there shall be preliminary staff screening "to remove technically invalid and clearly inadequate applications" before the remaining applications and a list of those eliminated are sent on to the advisory panels.)

I would propose to utilize both appointed scholars panels of the Center and staff to reach appropriate decisions on which applications are "clearly inadequate." Any application not considered "technically invalid and clearly inadequate" by any one Fellow or staff member will be referred on to the appropriate advisory panels cited above for final decision along with a list of all scholars and projects eliminated by this procedure -- which will usually occur in the first part of April and November.

ATTACHMENT A

[lc]

Anthropology

Margaret Mead (BR)
Marc Swartz, U. of Ca., San Diego (RB)
Sol Tax
A.F.C. Wallace, U. of Pa., Former
pres. of Am. Anthro. Assoc. (BR)

Biology

Don Farmer, Univ. of Wn (SDR)
Dale Jenkins, Smithsonian (SDE)
Ernst Mayr, Harvard (SDR)
George Gaylord Simpson, now retired.
(JMB)

Economics

Kenneth Boulding (BR)
Richard Cooper (BR)
Albert O. Hirschman, Development
economist, Harvard (BR)
Arthur Okun (BR)
Daniel Orr, U. of Ca., San Diego (RB)
Joseph Spengler, Resource-economist and
econ. history. At Duke. (BR)

English

Russell Fraser, U. of Mich. (RB)
O.B. Hardison (RB)
Jeffrey Hart, Dartmouth (RB)
Samuel McCracken, Reed College (RB)

General

John Dunlop, Dean, Harvard, economist (RB)
William Tyler (BR)
John Voss (BR)

Government

Martin Kilson, political scientist (black)
Harvard (RB)
Don K. Price (BR)

KEY: AM - Albert Meisel
BR - Ben Read
HMcP - Harry McPherson
JMB - James MacGregor Burns
RB - Ronald Berman
SDR - S. Dillon Ripley

History

Daniel J. Boorstin (BR)
Henry Steele Commager (JMB)
Samuel P. Hays, U. of Pittsburgh (BR)
J. D. Hexter, Yale (RB)
Robert Skotheim, U. of Colorado, Boulder (RB)
Richard Morris, Columbia (JMB)
Stephan Thernstrom, UCLA (BR)
C. Vann Woodward (BR)

Journalism

Elis Abel (BR)
Robert Donovan (AM)
John Fischer (AM)
Louis Lyons, former curator Nieman Found. (AM)
Robert Manning (BR)
Norman Podhoretz (RB)
James Reston (AM)
Robert Shnayerson, editor, *Harpers* (AM)
Theodore H. White (AM)

Law

Paul Freund (BR)
Willard Hurst, legal hist. U. of Wisconsin (BR)

Political Science

Robert Dahl (BR)
Robert Goldwin, Dean, St. John's College,
Annapolis, political theory (HMcP)
Theodore Lowi, Am. Gov't specialist. Was at
Chicago. May be moving to Princeton (BR)
James Q. Wilson, government (BR)

Sociology

James S. Coleman (BR)
Otis D. Duncan (BR)
Everett Ladd, political scientist, U. of Conn.
(RB)
Seymour M. Lipset (RB)
David Riesman (BR)

TV

Richard Wald, NBC (AM)

Urban Studies

Irving Kristol (RB)
Robert Wood (BR)

[L]

ATTACHMENT B

Possible WWICS Special Area Panelists

International Affairs

Lucius D. Battle, Middle East
Parker T. Hart, ME
Joseph Sisco, ME

Doak Barnett, East Asian & Pacific
Robert Barnett
William Bundy
James C. Thomson, EA

Wayne Fredericks, Africa
Robert Goode
Wally Nielson
Roger Wilkins

Guido Goldman, Europe
John Leddy, Eur
Hal Sonnenfeld, Eur

Zbignew Brezinski, USSR
George Kennan
Marshall Shulman

Covey T. Oliver, Latin America
Galo Plaza, LA
William Rogers, LA

Elmore Jackson, International Organizations
David Kay
Dean Rusk
Eugene Skolnikoff, IO

Fred Bergstrom, International Economics
Richard Cooper, IE

Morton Halperin, Defense/Arms control
Paul Warnke, Def/AC

Samuel Huntington, General
Robert Osgood, G
Thomas Schelling, G
Francis Wilcox, G

Oceans

Lewis M. Alexander, geographer
William Burke, law and marine research
Francis T. Christy, resource economist
Laurence Fabian, political scientist
Louis Henkin, law
Roger Revelle, oceanography
Louis B. Sohn, law
Edward Wenk, Jr., marine science

Environment

Timothy Atkeson, law
Wallace Bowman, CRS
Robert Cahn, env. journalism
Richard Carpenter, NAS
James A. Lee, health, IBRD
Gordon MacDonald, env. science
Maurice Strong, political diplomacy
Lee Talbot, ecology, CEQ

Growth (Advisory Committee)

Daniel Bell, sociologist
Detlev Bronk, Rockefeller University
Joseph Fisher, Resources for the Future
James Grant, development economist
Walter Hamilton, NICB
Mahbub ul Haq, economist, IBRD
Ambassador L. K. Jha of India
Harold Linder
Barbara Ward Jackson, economist
Carroll Wilson, social scientist

249-8220

[Lc]

28 Décembre 1978

FICHE

Les Soviétiques commencent à s'inquiéter sérieusement des activités politiques du Dr. Kissinger passé progressivement de l'opposition discrète à la critique publique de l'Administration Carter, plus spécialement de sa politique étrangère.

Une campagne anti-Kissinger est amorcée dans des périodiques européens (français, italiens, espagnols, portugais), canaux habituels de la Désinformation soviétique. Elle portera sur le rappel des thèmes de la guerre du Vietnam et de l'affaire du Watergate. En outre le Dr. Kissinger sera plus spécialement accusé d'avoir partie liée avec la Nouvelle Droite européenne ("Eurodroite").

La presse de différents pays ayant ainsi fourni les "matériaux de base", ceux-ci seront repris et synthétisés dans la revue "Problèmes de la Paix et du Socialisme" (1), ce qui permettra de passer au deuxième stade de l'opération avant la grande offensive des élections européennes.

Toute la manoeuvre est conduite par Boris Ponomarev, membre suppléant du Politburo chargé de la coordination de l'action de l'ensemble des partis communistes.

Il est à noter que l'opération aura valeur d'un soutien au Président Carter au moment où le problème de sa réélection va passer au premier rang de ses préoccupations.

(1) -Revue mensuelle dont le Comité de rédaction est à Prague. Elle a pris la succession du Kominform en tant qu'appareil de formulation de l'orthodoxie du communisme international d'obédience soviétique. L'édition française paraît sous le titre "La Nouvelle Revue Internationale".