2CZC LUAVVO 100120 - LUAVVO
00 LEA

## INDOCHINA 12-10

BY ARTHUR HIGBEE

SAIGON (UPI)--COMMUNIST ATTACKS ACROSS SOUTH VIETNAM DECREASED IN INTENSITY SATURDAY, BUT LOCAL VIET CONG FORCES WERE REPORTED ON THE MOVE IN THE SAIGON AREA ONCE AGAIN, SOUTH VIETNAMESE MILITARY SPOKESMEN SAID TODAY.

THE U.S. COMMAND ORDERED A FOURTH DAY OF INTENSE BOMBING RAIDS AT VIETNAM'S MID-SECTION AROUND THE SO-CALLED DEMILITARIZED ZONE (PMZ) IN AN EFFORT TO CHOKE NORTH VIETNAMESE SOUTHBOUND TROOPS AND EQUIPMENT, THE U.S. COMMAND SAID.

AFTER HEAVY STRIKES IN THE AREA FRIDAY AND EARLY SATURDAY, THE RAIDS CONTINUED SATURDAY AFTERNOON AND EARLY TODAY WITH AT LEAST 25 B52 MISSIONS, EACH WITH AN AVERAGE THREE PLANES AND 90 TONS OF BOMBS.

THE SAIGON COMMAND SAID SCATTERED HEAVY FIGHTING IN THE NORTHERN PART OF SOUTH VIETNAM WAS REPORTED ATURDAY, BUT THE NUMBER OF "ENEMY-INITIATED INCIDENTS" FELL FROM 83 FRIDAY TO JUST 58.

MILITIAMEN JUST 15 MILES (24 KM) NORTH OF SAIGON SET A PRE-CAUTIONARY AMBUSH BEFORE DUSK SATURDAY. IT PAID OFF TWO HOURS LATER, WHEN A VIET CONG FORCE OF ABOUT 32 MEN WALKED THROUGH THE GOVERNMENT "KILL ZONE."

THE MILITIA TROOPS OPENED UP AND THE SHOOTING LEFT SIX COMMUNISTS DEAD AT A COST OF TWO MILITIAMEN WOUNDED.

THE ACTION WAS FOUGH LESS THAN THREE MILES (5 KMS) FROM THE PROVINCE CAPITAL OF PHU CUONG, 13 MILES (21 KMS) NORTH OF SAIGON.

MORE

RONØ22Ø NNNN

2CZC LUAØ07 100132 PLAØ07
00 LEA

## INDOCHINA 12-10

1ST ADD INDOCHINA SAIGON PLAØ06 X X X SAIGON.

THE COMMUNISTS AMBUSHED A CIVILIAN BUS ON MAIN HIGHWAY 1 ONLY 29 MILES (47 KMS) EAST OF SAIGON SATURDAY NOON, FIRING ROCKET-PROPELLED GRENADES INTO THE VEHICLE, SPOKESMEN SAID. ONE CIVILIAN WAS KILLED AND ANOTHER WOUNDED.

IN THE FAR NORTHERN PROVINCE OF QUANG TRI, PARATROOPERS ATTEMPTING TO PUSH WESTWARD FROM THE SOUTHEASTERN QUARTER OF THE PROVINCE HELD BY THE GOVERNMENT RAN INTO STIFF OPPOSITION FROM NORTH VIETNAMESE FORCES SATURDAY IN FOUR LOCATIONS, SPOKESMEN SAID.

WITH JET FIGHTER-BOMBERS AND ARTILLERY HELPING OUT, THE SOUTH VIETNAMESE KILLED 53 COMMUNIST SOLDIERS WHILE LOSING 10 MEN WOUNDED.

TO THE SOUTH, GOVERNMENT TROOPS SWEEPING A COMMUNIST-HELP AREA NEAR TAM KY PROVINCE CAPITAL, 340 MILES (547 KMS) NORTH OF SAIGON, KILLED 48 NORTH VIETNAMESE IN A FIERCE ONE-HOUR BATTLE, WHILE SUFFERING JUST THREE MEN WOUNDED.

IN THE CENTRAL HIGHLANDS, A SOUTH VIETNAMESE FORCE BEHIND COMMUNIST FRONT LINES IN PLEIKU PROVINCE KILLED 25 NORTH VIETNAMESE IN A 50-MINUTE FIGHT TWO MILES (3KMS) NORTHEAST OF THE. ABANDONED PUC CO SPECIAL FORCES CAMP AND 215 MILES (345 KMS) NORTH OF SAIGON.

SPOKESMEN PUT GOVERNMENT LOSSES AT ONLY ONE WOUNDED.

RONØ23Ø NNNN

# Kissinger: A Colossus

## FROM PRECEDING PAGE

vigor, a great ability even, in picking me."

This arrogance, however, is softened by Kissinger's wry, self-depreciating sense of humor, and by his deep sense of the tragic aspects of human existence. In the opinion of his friends, these traits reflect his European Jewish heritage — and his insecurity.

So much of his humor is directed at himself — at his German accent, his struggle to avoid putting his verbs at the end of his sentences, his Strangelove image — that even when he sounds most supercilious there is a suspicion that inwardly he is laughing at himself.

One of his best-known jokes illustrates both his arrogance and his capacity for poking fun at himself. "There cannot be a crisis next week," he says. "My schedule is already full."

Prof. Hoffmann speaks of his "brooding melancholy." It is evident throughout his prolific writings.

In the book that first established his academic reputation, "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy," Kissinger wrote: "Our generation has succeeded in stealing the fire of the gods, and it is doomed to live with the horror of its achievement."

Of Europe before the holocaust of World War II, he wrote: "in the long interval of peace, the sense of the tragic was lost; it was forgotten that states could die..."

Of the present-day United States, he has said: "Nothing is more difficult for Americans to understand than the possibility of tragedy."

**MONDAY:** Kissinger's personal life and his staff.

2-N Sunday, Dec. 10, 1972

Philadelphia Inquirer

Help for Disabled Persons Under 65

Social Security and Medicare

I am 62 years of age and have been on disability Social Security since January 1971. I have heard that President Nixon passed a bill that would help sick, disabled people. Would I be eligible for Medicare and if so, could I drop my private health insurance. This is very expensive for me.

Yes, Medicare has been extended to cover individuals under 65 who are receiving Social Security disability benefits. The earliest effective date however is July 1973. If at that time you are still disabled and have received benefits for 24 consecutive months, you will be eligible for hospital insurance benefits and can enroll in the supplementary medical insurance program. The hospital protection is free for qualified beneficiaries.

The medical insurance costs $5.80 per month at present and will be deducted from your benefit check. Benefits for disabled persons generally are the same as for individuals age 62 and over.

This change in the law recognizes that individuals receiving disability insurance benefits have a greater need for health care services, and generally, a lesser ability to pay for them. By establishing a 24-month waiting period, however, program costs are lessoned and health protection this made available only to those who need it most.

Consult your private health

insurance agency regarding the advisability or dropping or modifying your policies when you qualify for Medicare.

My first husband died in 1952. Three years later in 1955 I remarried. Four years later in 1959 we separated and I have now filed for divorce. I expect my final divorce decree by the end of this year and will re-assume my first husband's surname.

Will I have the status of a widow or that of a divorcee? I am now 62 and I am wondering what the situation will be when I retire.

Payments may be made to a divorced wife at age 62 or later but only if the divorced wife had been married to the worker for 20 years. If your divorce becomes effective this year, you will not meet this requirement. Since you will not qualify for benefits on your second husband's earnings record, you revert to the status of a widow of your first husband.

A widow's remarriage before age 60 will prevent her entitlement to benefits except where her subsequent marriage ends by death, divorce or annulment.

Send your questions to Social Security and Medicare, c/o The Philadelphia Inquirer, 400 N. Broad st., Philadelphia. Pa. 19101.

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bypassed Bureaucracy

seems to have been less than
wholehearted about decisions
that Mr. Nixon pushed
through.

But Mr. Nixon was taken
with the record as a whole
and put the Kissinger Model
on the drawing board for his
larger administrative reorgan-
ization in the rest of the gov-
ernment. The trouble is that
it is a model which requires a
Kissinger to run — and how
many are there?

One too many, some critics
feel. On the Vietnamese war
they come from the left. On
the Chinese and Soviet agree-
ments and the SALT treaty
they come largely from the
right. The left attacks him as
a hawk in dove's feathers and
as an intellectual who has

sold out to power. The right
attacks him as a Jewish
emigre and a stalking-horse
for Communism.

When Kissinger was asked
(the story is in David Halber-
stam's new book on the war,
"The Best and the Bright-
est") whether the Nixon ad-
ministration would repeat the
mistakes of Kennedy and
Johnson on the war, his an-
swer was, "No, but we'll
make our own mistakes."
Halberstam insists that they
did make the same mistakes,
as does David Landau's book-
length study of Kissinger.
Both are wrong, largely be-
cause neither has truly as-
sessed the novel elements in
the partnership.

The treatment of Kissinger

in both books (in Halber-
stam's jt is a brief end piece)
has been made archaic by the
series of events from the Rus-
sian response on the mining
and bombing to the series of
Kissinger talks with Le Duc
Tho. There was a parallelo-
gram of pressures applied to
Hanoi—the stiff American re-
sponse to the 1972 spring of-
fensive, the success of the Nix-
on-Kissinger initiatives toward
China and Russia, the conse-
quent undercutting of the anti-
war movement at home, the
looming, inevitable Nixón vic-
tory at the polls, the offer of
a reasonable settlement —
which made Hanoi alter its
unalterable resolve to fight
forever, on which Halberstam
and Landau counted so heavi-
ly.

As it turned out, Kissinger
was neither hawk nor dove
but a skillful, imaginative
realist. The partners had their
hands on all the reins of pow-
er and knew how to use
them. The process of ending
the war is not yet over, and
it will still have its crises.
But it has gone far enough,
and is close enough to its
goal, to belie those who have
mocked Kissinger's approach
as either naive or wicked.

No, he doesn't fall into Hal-
berstam's category of the
"best and the brightest" of
the American elite who bun-
gled and botched what their
own best instincts cried out
for. Perhaps this shows that a
man attuned to history can
learn from it.

Citizen Smith

By DAVE GERARD

"That's for sure! It's not the line it used to be!"

NEWSWEEK 11 DECEMBER 1972. (7)

# THE BEST DEAL WE COULD GET

BY STEWART ALSOP

**WASHINGTON**—Unless those who know the score are victims of self-hypnosis, there will be a settlement of the Vietnam war, and soon. How good a deal will it be?

The answer seems to be: a good deal, so long as the Communists don't cheat. But the plain fact is that, once the deal is made, the Communist side is going to have plenty of reasons, or excuses, for cheating. For example:

The cease-fire that is supposed to precede "free and democratic elections" is sure to be broken. There have been numerous cease-fires in Vietnam, and they have all been broken. Given the history and geography of the war, with people who hate each others' guts living within a rifle shot of each other, the breaking of the cease-fire is inevitable. The only question is how flagrantly it will be broken, and by whom.

The agreed-on elections will either not take place at all, or they will be denounced as a farce by one side, or the other, or both. A National Council of Reconciliation and Concord, to include representatives of both Saigon and the Viet Cong, is supposed to lay down the ground rules for the election. Both sides can exercise a veto power. Neither side can afford to lose an election. This means that one side or the other will either exercise the veto power to prevent an election or denounce the election as a cheat and a farce.

## RELEASE THE VC?

The South Vietnamese, under the agreement worked out by Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho, are supposed to return "all captured and detained personnel." This means, or seems to mean, that Saigon is obligated to release the many thousands of Viet Cong and suspected Viet Cong in South Vietnamese jails. Will Saigon do so? The answer seems obvious: not bloody likeably. To free a flood of hard-core VC would threaten the existence of the Saigon regime.

The Communist side can use the failure of Saigon to release all political prisoners, or the failure to hold a "free and democratic election," or the breakdown of the cease-fire, or all three, as reasons or excuses for welshing on the key provision of the settlement. The key provision is that "all foreign troops"

must be withdrawn from Laos and Cambodia. It is this provision that makes the deal a good deal.

There are some 180,000 North Vietnamese troops in Laos and Cambodia. These are "foreign troops," ethnically and linguistically, and Le Duc Tho has acknowledged as much in his talks with Kissinger. The Viet Cong are deeply dependent on supplies and reinforcement via Laos and Cambodia. If these "foreign troops" are actually withdrawn, that will mean that the Hanoi Communists have abandoned, at least for the time being, the attempt to impose by force a Communist regime on all former French Indochina.

## TURNABOUT

Perhaps they have indeed abandoned that goal, which they have pursued relentlessly for more than a generation. Henry Kissinger has said that he believes that "both sides ... want to have, not an armistice, but peace." If the Hanoi Communists have really opted for "peace," that can only mean that they have made one of those turnabouts or "zigzags" sanctified in the holy writ according to Lenin.

The simple fact that they have agreed, at least on paper, to withdraw from Laos and Cambodia is part of the evidence that a basic policy change has been made in Hanoi. Another is the intense interest displayed by the Communist side during the talks in the proposed five-year program of American economic support—the North Vietnamese prefer the word "reparations"—for North Vietnam.

If they cheat on the settlement—if they fail to withdraw their troops from Laos and Cambodia—then the economic aid can be cut off. If they cheat too flagrantly—if they mount another main-force attack on South Vietnam, for example—the bombing can be resumed. The North Vietnamese must know that a President who invaded Cambodia and blockaded Haiphong is quite capable of resuming the bombing.

These are the reasons for believing, or at least hoping, that the settlement really will result in "not an armistice, but peace." The test will be whether the Communist troops are withdrawn from Cambodia and Laos. Even if they are withdrawn, the "peace" is sure to be a messy and intermittently bloody peace, but it will be peace of a sort all

the same, simply because neither side will be attempting to destroy the other.

So runs the official rationale for supposing that the settlement will be a true and lasting settlement. The rationale is logical. But a nagging doubt remains. The 1954 and 1962 Geneva settlements of the French Indochina war and the Laos war came apart at the seams, almost before the ink was dry on the signatures. It is hard to believe that something of the same sort will not happen again, as soon as the American withdrawal is complete.

It is hard to believe that the North Vietnamese will really withdraw from Laos and Cambodia, when they will have so many excellent excuses for not doing so. For what it is worth, it is this writer's instinct that they will not withdraw more than token forces from Laos and Cambodia; that they will not abandon, even temporarily, their cherished goal of renaming Saigon Ho Chi Minh City, and that they will continue to try to achieve that goal by all means short of overt, main-force invasion.

If this instinct turns out to be right, there will not be "peace" in Vietnam, even in quotation marks. There will not even be an armistice that lasts more than a few weeks or months. And the deal that is now in the making will turn out to be, not a good deal, but simply the best deal we could get; not so much a settlement as a reasonably respectable extrication.

## TRADE-OFF

The North Vietnamese wanted an end to our bombing of the north, and an end to our air support for the South Vietnamese. We wanted to get out of Vietnam on a reasonably respectable basis, and we wanted our prisoners back. Despite all the hours of secret wrangling and all the pages of fine print, the deal may turn out in the end to be a simple trade-off—what they wanted for what we wanted.

But even if that is all the settlement amounts to, it is still the best deal we could get, a much better deal than what the Communists always demanded before Oct. 8—the indirect imposition of a Communist regime on Saigon by the United States. Short of that act of perfidy, we had to take the best deal we could get, because we had to get out of Vietnam to preserve our national sanity.

INTELLIGENCE DIGEST DEC. 1972 (7)

The true factors behind the Vietnam
peace proposals

Hundreds of thousands of words have
been written about the Vietnam peace
settlement proposals. No one seems to
have produced anything like a correct
strategic appreciation—and a correct
strategic appreciation is what really
matters.

The United States is being subjected
to a great deal of severe criticism—as
well as some support for the wrong
reasons.

The critics talk about undignified
withdrawal, ignominious defeat, betrayal
of allies, and so on. These may be
arguable allegations. But they are out-
side the context of what really matters.

An unwilling war

The Vietnam war was forced upon
the United States against her will. (This
was partly due to her own mistaken
policy of being so anxious to force
Britain, France and the Netherlands
out of their eastern empires after World
War II. But that is old history and no
useful purpose will now be served by
dwelling on it.)

In fact, however, the Vietnam war
was an action in a prolonged World
War III which has been confined to a
curious pattern by the existence of
nuclear weapons which no one, so far,
has dared to use.

Nothing surprising

Nor is there anything astonishing in
America's withdrawal from Vietnam on
the terms now proposed. In the April,
1965, issue of *Intelligence Digest* we
reported:

"Ultimately, however, as pressures for a settlement continue to mount—also on the Vietnam battlefield—‘neutralisation’ of Vietnam seems inevitable. Such a ‘neutralisation’ would not be too odious to the United States if it can follow the same pattern as the Laotian status quo.

"As a matter of fact, there are sufficient indications that this seems to be America's long-range political objective in Asia. In essence, this is actually not much different from America's previous policy in Vietnam which has led to the present situation because of its diametric difference from Red China's objectives.

"As the picture in south-east Asia looks now, the United States will eventually agree to a mediated 'neutralisation' of Vietnam with the attendant agreements, which neither Red China nor North Vietnam intends to abide by.

"It would be quite naive to assume that people in the United States and the European countries advocating 'neutralisation' really believe that south-east Asia and Red China will live happily ever after, once it is accomplished. The history of Vietnam itself since 1955 not

nothing to be surprised at in the present
proposed peace terms.

In fact, the long and costly war in
Vietnam has put a considerable strain
on the military and diplomatic resources
of the Communist powers.

As far as the U.S. is concerned,
Vietnam seems to have been an opera-
tion without a strategic result. But.such
operations are sometimes necessary or
unavoidable in great conflicts.

Modified attitudes

The U.S. and Russia have both
modified their respective positions about
Vietnam for the following reasons:

1. Domestic opinion in both countries is confused and divided. Neither country is willing to continue to take risks of any kind in south-east Asia. The challenge there has ended to the satisfaction of neither power.

As far as Russia is concerned,
China is welcome to engross herself in
the troubles of south-east Asia.

2. Both the U.S. and Russia foresee a transfer of major tension from *all* other areas to the Middle East. Both are therefore compelled to free themselves for confrontation in the crucial Middle East area. Hence the secret talks between Moscow and Peking on which this Service reported exclusively in the July, 1972, issue of *Intelligence Digest*.

As far as America is concerned, the
report on Dr. Henry Kissinger on page
7 of this issue is closely relevant. This
is very important indeed.

Moreover, the U.S. can no longer
continue to resist Communist aggression
anywhere except on an issue which is of
such strategic importance that it can be
grasped and supported by a big majority
of Americans.

It would therefore be most imprudent and strategically dangerous for the U.S. to continue to drain her material or domestic political resources in south-east Asia.

That is a plain fact—like it or not.

Betrayal?

Has the United States in fact
betrayed South Vietnam?

The South Vietnamese have been
given enormous help to procure and
develop the safeguards they said that
they required and deserved. If they
cannot now defend themselves, then it is
questionable whether the people really
want to do so, as distinct from the
desire of certain politicians to maintain
power.

The American aim was never to

Nuclear weapons in the Middle
East

But the really big factor behind the
Vietnam peace has, as far as we know,
not been mentioned anywhere. It is that,
probably within the next ten years,
nuclear weapons may be in the possession
of at least one Arab country and no
doubt under irresponsible direction.

There is now no insuperable
technical difficulty in the manufacture
of nuclear weapons, and China may well
give what help is necessary.

This would create a situation in
which both Russia and the U.S.—
perhaps against the will of either—will
be drawn into opposed positions from
which it will probably be impossible
for either to be able to withdraw.

Both are therefore determined to
free themselves from other entangle-
ments and burdens.

The Mediterranean

It is essential for the United States
to concentrate considerable power in the
Mediterranean. Good relations with
Greece (especially in view of the situa-
tion in Italy on which we report on page
8 and the uncertainties of Turkey) are
therefore of great importance.

Our Athens Correspondent says
that the Vietnam peace terms will bring
about a deterioration of U.S. prestige
abroad and that feeling in Greece is
that within the space of half a year "the
almighty U.S.A. has let down four
eastern allies—Formosa, South Viet-
nam, Laos and Cambodia". Our
Correspondent goes on to say that, after
this, several other nations will begin to
'think in terms of coming to some
arrangement with the USSR and
Chinese Governments.

In the very important interests of
good relations in the east Mediter-
ranean, the strategic factors behind the
Vietnam peace should therefore be
explained to the Greek Government.

Peripheral defence

It is also increasingly important
for the United States to build and
develop a peripheral defence system in
the south Atlantic, the Indian Ocean and
the south Pacific.

This necessarily involves southern
Africa, Australia and New Zealand.
The closest strategic ties with South
Africa are essential and this also involves
relations with Rhodesia and Portugal.

South Africa guards a vital link
in the sea communications of the
western world. It is therefore strategically
necessary to support the maintenance of
a stable situation there and to stop
condoning (and sometimes helping and

AFP190

URGENT:

-NEGOCIATIONS VIETNAM-

INTENSE ACTIVITE AMERICANO NORD VIETNAMIENNES
PARIS, 11 DEC (AFP)

ON INDIQUE A LA DELEGATION AMERICAINE QUE DEUX RENCONTRES
AVEC LES NORD VIETNAMIENS SONT PREVUES POUR LA MATINEE DE MARDI
D'UNE PART A NEUILLY, A LA RESIDENCE DU BIJOUTIER PARISIEN AR-
NAUD CLERC, L'AMBASSADEUR WILLIAM PORTER, CHEF DE LA DELEGATION
DES ETATS-UNIS A LA CONFERENCE DU VIETNAM ACCOMPAGNE DE M. WILLIAM
SULLIVAN, SECRETAIRE D'ETAT ADJOINT, AURA UN ENTRETIEN AVEC MM.
XUAN THUY, CHEF DE LA DELEGATION NORD VIETNAMIENNE A LA CONFERENCE
DE PARIS ET NGUYEN CO THACH, VICE-PRESIDENT DES AFFAIRES EXTRANGERES
D'HANOI.

D'AUTRE PART, A CHOISY-LE-ROI, AU SIEGE DE LA DELEGATION
NORD VIETNAMIENNE, AURA LIEU UNE RENCONTRE D'EXPERTS TECHNIQUES
DES DEUX DELEGATIONS.

ENFIN, ON CNFIRME A LA DELEGATION AMERICAINE QUE LES DEUX
PRINCIPAUX NEGOCIATEURS, MM. HENRY KISSINGER (ETATS-UNIS) ET LE
DUC THO (HANOI), AURONT UN ENTRETIEN A PARTIR DE 15 HEURES A
GIF-SUR-YVETTE.

BIEN LIRE NGUYEN CO THACH, VICE MINISTRE DES AFFAIRES EXTRANGERES
D'HANOI.

RESTE INCHANGE...

AFP-0H-%22 21.01

I %00

AFP186

ARRIVEE A PARIS D'UNE HAUTE PERSONNALITE DU F.N.L. SUD-VIETNA
MIEN.

PARIS, 11 DEC (AFP)

M. VO DONG GIANG, MEMBRE DU COMITE CENTRAL DU FRONT NATIONAL
DE LIBERATION SUD-VIETNAMIEN, EST ARRIVE CE SOIR A 20 HEURES A L'AERO
DROME D'ORLY VENANT DE MOSCOU.

ON CROIT SAVOIR QUE M. GIANG VIENT A PARIS POUR REPRESENTER
LE G.R.P. ET LE F.N.L. AU CONGRES DU PARTI COMMUNISTE FRANCAIS
QUI S'OUVRE MERCREDI A SAINT-OUEN.

LA REPUBLIQUE DEMOCRATIQUE DU VIETNAM (HANOI) EST REPRESENTEE
A CE MEME CONGRES PAR M. LE THANH NGHI, VICE-PREMIER MINISTRE
NORD-VIETNAMIEN, QUI EST ARRIVE A PARIS DIMANCHE.

AFP-0H- %22 20.41

1/300
AFP200
VIETNAM

LA NEGOCIATION S'ACCELERE

PARIS 11 DEC. (AFP) DE SERGE DE GUNZBURG

COMME SI ON APPROCHAIT DU BUT LE RYTHME DE LA NEGOCIATION SECRETE AMERICANO-NORD-VIETNAMIENNE S'ACCELERE. LES PLENIPOTENTIAIRES D'HANOI ET DE WASHINGTON, MM. LE DUC THO ET HENRY KISSINGER QUI ONT TENU UNE SEANCE DE NEGOCIATIONS DE QUATRE HEURES ET QUART, CET APRES-MIDI, A LA RESIDENCE DU BIJOUTIER PARISIEN ARNAUD CLERC, ONT DECIDE DE SE RETROUVER DEMAIN APRES MIDI A GIF-SURYETTE. LES DEUX DELEGATIONS AU GRAND COMPLET PARTICIPERONT A CES DELIBERATIONS.

MAIS, AVANT LA REUNION DE GIF, DEUX RENCONTRES AURONT LIEU PENDANT LA MATINEE: L'AMBASSADEUR WILLIAM PORTER, CHEF DE LA DELEGATION AMERICAINE A LA CONFERENCE PLENIERE DE L'AVENUE KLEBER, QUI PARTICIPAIT POUR LA PREMIERE FOIS CET APRES-MIDI AUX ENTRETIENS SECRETS KISSINGER-LE DU THO, ACCOMPAGNE DE M.WILLIAM SILLIVAN, SECRETAIRE D'ETAT ADJOINT RECEVRA A NEUILLY SUR SEINE SON HOMOLOGUE NORD-VIETNAMIEN, LE MINISTRE XUAN THUY, QUI SERA ASSISTE DE M.NGUYEN CO THACH, VICE-MINISTRE DES AFFAIRES ETRANGERES. D'AUTRE PART, A CHOISY LE ROI, LES EXPERTS TECYNIQUES AMERICAINS ET NORD-VIETNAMIENS QUI 'ETAIENT ENTRE-TENUS DEJA DIMANCHE TIENDRONT UNE NOUVELLE REUNION.

LE RYTHME MEME DE LA NEGOCIATION DONNE A PENSER QU'IL Y A PROGRES. S'IL Y A REUNION D'EXPERTS, C'EST SEMBLE-T-IL, QU'IL Y A QUELQUE CHOSE DE NOUVEAU A ANALYSER. S'IL Y A NECESSITE DE RENCONTRES MULTIPLES A DIVERS NIVEAUX, C'EST QU'ON EST SORTI DES GENERALITES ET QUE DES PROBLEMES TRES DIVERS ET CONCRETS DOIVENT ETRE EXAMINES.

SUIVRA.....
AFP BDX %22 21.50

1/300
AFP201

VIETNAM

PARIS - LA NEGOCIATION S'ACCELERE. . . . . DEUX.

MAIS IL N'Y A PAS SEULEMENT DES INDICES EXTERIEURS DE PROGRES. L'OPTIMISME, DONT LES AMERICAINS N'ONT CESSE DE FAIRE PREUVE EST DEVENU CONTAGIEUX. IL A GAGNE, POUR LA PREMIERE FOIS, LE CAMP DES AMIS D'HANOI ET DU G.R.P.: A PEKIN, LE PREMIER MINISTRE CHINOIS CHOU EN-LAI A EVOQUE LA POSSIBILITE D'UN ACCORD DE PAIX CONCLU A PARIS DANS DEUX OU TROIS JOURS. M.CHOU EN-LAI, DONT LA PRECISION DE PENSEE ET LA PRUDENCE SONT DEUX DES PRINCIPALES QUALITES, NE SE SERAIT PAS EXPRIME AINSI MEME DANS UNE CONVERSTATION A BATONS ROMPUS ET IMPROMPTUE AVEC DES JOURNALISTES, S'IL N'AVAIT PAS EN MAINS DES DONNEES CONCRETES LUI PERMETTANT DE PENSER QU'UN ACCORD EZT PROCHE, SUR DES BASES ACCEPTABLES POUR HANOI, ET, DONC, POUR PEKIN.

DANS L'AUTRE CAMP, ON PARLE POUR LA PREMIERE FOIS OUVERTEMENT A SAIGON D'UNE SOLUTION DE COMPROMIS DANS LA QUESTION DES ''TROU-PES VIETNAMIENNES AU SUD-VIETNAM''. CE QUI DONNE A PENSER QUE LE PRESIDENT NGUYEN VAN THIEU A ''MI DE L'EAU DANS SON VIN'' ET NSEXIGE PLUS LE RETRAIT IMMEDIAT DES TROUPES NORD-VIETNAMIENNES QU'IL EVALU'E A 300.000 HOMMES. CE COMPROMIS SERAIT TROUVE PAR LE BIAIS DE LA PROCEDURE DE DEMOBILISATION PARTIELLE DES FORCES VIETNAMIENNES ADVERSES, DEJA PREVU DANS LES ACCORDS D'OCTOBRE DERNIER (ET DONC ACCEPTE PAR HANOI), MAIS DONT LES MODALITES SERAIENT DAVANTAGE PRECISEES.

ENFIN, A WASHINGTON, COMME A LA DELEGATION AMERICAINE A PARIS, TOUT EN EVITANT UN DEMENTI FORMEL, ON ECARTE LES INFORMATIONS NEGATIVES D'UNE CERTAINE PRESSE AMERICAINE, QU'ONT DIT INFONDEES ET ON LAISSE ENTENDRE QUE LA NEGOCIATION PROGRESSE.
AFP BDX %22 21.58

1/00
AFP-073
= VIETNAM =

URGENT ₮่่่่่่่

L'OFFRE DU PRESIDENT THIEU

SAIGON, 12 DECEMBRE (AFP) -

LE PRESIDENT NGUYEN VAN THIEU A PROPOSE MARDI L'INSTAURATION
A PARTIR DE LA VEILLE DE NOEL D'UNE ''TREVE'' QUI POURRAIT ETRE
PROLONGEE AU-DELA DU NOUVEL AN AFIN DE PERMETTRE LA POURSUITE DES
NEGOCIATIONS VISANT A ''METTRE FIN AUX ACTIVITES MILITAIRES''.

''DURANT CETTE PERIODE DE TREVE, A PRECISE LE PRESIDENT DEUX
ACTIONS CONCRETES ET UTILES POURRAIENT ETRE AISEMENT EFFECTUEES :

PREMIEREMENT : LIBERATION DES PRISONNIERS DE GUERRE AFIN
QU'ILS PUISSENT ETRE RAPATRIES A TEMPS POUR NOEL.

DEUXIEMEMENT : TOUTES LES PARTIES VIETNAMIENNES, C'EST-À-
DIRE LE NORD VIETNAM, LA REPUBLIQUE DU VIETNAM ET LE FRONT NATIONAL
DE LIBERATION, SE CONSULTENT POUR DISCUTER DE TOUS LES PROBLEMES
D'INTERET MUTUEL POUR POSER LES BASES PERMETTANT D'ENTREPRENDRE
DES NEGOCIATIONS SERIEUSES ET UTILES VISANT A ABOUTIR A UN REGLEMENT
METTANT FIN A LA GUERRE ET RESTAURANT LA PAIX.

''CES NEGOCIATIONS PORTERAIENT SUR-LES QUESTIONS TANT MILI-
TAIRES QUE POLITIQUES COMPRENANT LES PROBLEMES ENTRE LES DEUX
ZONES (NORD ET SUD VIETNAM) ET ENTRE LES SUD-VIETNAMIENS EUX-
MEMES.

''CES CONSULTATIONS PEUVENT PRENDRE PLACE N'IMPORTE OU SOUS
N'IMPORTE QUELLE FORME PUBLIQUE OU PRIVEE ET TOUS LES PROBLEMES
PEUVENT Y ETRE DISCUTES''

SUIVRA ... AFP FDI %22 06.01

1/00
AFP-075
URGENT
VIETNAM

SAIGON - L'OFFRE .. (DEUX).

DANS SON DISCOURS DEVANT LES DEUX CHAMBRES REUNIES AU SENAT
QUI A ETE RADIO DIFFUSE EN DIRECT A LA NATION SUD-VIETNAMIENNE
LE PRESIDENT N'ANI ACCEPTE NI REJETE EXPLICITEMENT LES ACCORDS
AMERICANO NORD-VIETNAMIENS.

MAIS, EVITANT DE PARLER D'UN ''CESSEZ LE FEU'' IL A EMPLOYE
LE TERME DE ''TREVE'' (HUU CHIEN) MOT UTILISE CHAQUE ANNEE A L'OC-
CASION DE L'ARRET DES COMBATS PENDANT LES GRANDES FETES (NOEL,
NOUVEL AN ET ''TET'' OU NOUVEL AN VIETNAMIEN).

C'EST TOUT A LA FIN DE SON DISCOURS APRES AVOIR DRESSE PENDANT
PRES D'UNE HEURE UN VERITABLE REQUISITOIRE CONTRE LES EXIGENCES
D'HANOI ET DU GOUVERNEMENT REVOLUTIONNAIRE PROVISOIRE SUD SUD
VIETNAM QUE LE CHEF DE L'ETAT SUD-VIETNAMIEN PARLANT D'UNE VOIX
GRAVE A DECLARE:

''IL PEUT Y AVOIR UNE TREVE D'UNE DUREE CONSIDERABLE
QUI COMMENCERAIT AVANT NOEL ET SE TERMINERAIT APRES LE PREMIER
DE L'AN 1973 ET DURANT LAQUELLE TOUTES LES PARTIES ACCEPTERAIENT
DE CESSER TOUTE ACTION MILITAIRE OFFENSIVE.

(A SUIVRE).

(AFP)-(ML) %22 06.09

AFP-071
= VIETNAM =

AUTOUR DU DISCOURS DU PRESIDENT THIEU

SAIGON, 12 DECEMBRE (AFP) -

LE PRESIDENT NGUYEN VAN THIEU A TENU EN HALEINE, PENDANT UNE HEURE ET DEMIE, MARDI MATIN, LES SENATEURS ET LES DEPUTES AINSI QUE L'ENSEMBLE DU CORPS DIPLOMATIQUE, LES JOURNALISTES VIETNAMIENS ET ETRANGERS.

LE DISCOURS QUE LE CHEF DE L'ETAT A PRONONCE DEVANT LES DEUX CHAMBRES REUNIES DANS L'ENCEINTE DU SENAT A ETE SUIVI ATTENTIVEMENT PAR TOUS, LES JOURNALISTES ETRANGERS POUVANT BENEFICIER D'UNE TRADUCTION SIMULTANEE EN ANGLAIS DANS LES COULOIRS.

ALORS QU'A PLUSIEURS REPRISES, LE PRESIDENT THIEU A FAIT APPEL AU PEUPLE ET AU PARLEMENT AMERICAIN, POUR SOUTENIR "LA JUSTE CAUSE" DU GOUVERNEMENT DE SAIGON, ALORS QU'IL A ANNONCE AVOIR DEMANDE LE MAINTIEN DU SOUTIEN DE L'AVIATION AMERICaine JUSAU'A LA FIN DE 1973 ET AU MOMENT OU IL A LANCE SA PROPOSITION DE "TREV'E DE NOEL PROLONGEABLE", M. ELLSWORTH BUNKER, AMBASSADEUR DES ETATS-UNIS A SAIGON, EST RESTE PARFAITEMENT IMPASSIBLE. ON CROIT CEPENDANT SAVOIR, DE BONNE SOURCE, QUE M. BUNKER NE CONNAISSAIT PAS, EN ARRIVANT AU SENAT MARDI MATIN, LA TENEUR DU DISCOURS DU PRESIDENT THIEU. A LA SORTIE, L'AMBASSADEUR DES ETATS-UNIS A REFUSE TOUT COMMENTAIRE A LA PRESSE QUI LE SOLLICITAIT.

AFP FDI %22 05.50

AFP-064
= VIETNAM =

URGENT ⚬ ⚬ ⚬ ⚬ ⚬

LE DISCOURS DU PRESIDENT THIEU

SAIGON, 12 DECEMBRE (AFP) -

C'EST PAR UN LONG REQUISITOIRE CONTRE LES EXIGENCES COMMUNISTES DANS L'ACTUELLE NEGOCIATION DE PARIS QUE LE PRESIDENT NGUYEN VAN THIEU A COMMENCE SON DISCOURS DEVANT LES DEUX CHAMBRES REUNIES AU PALAIS DU SENAT DE SAIGON.

MILITAIREMENT, A-T-IL AFFIRME, LES COMMUNISTES EXIGENT LE RETRAIT TOTAL DES ALLIES, LA CESSATION DE LA VIETNAMISATION, ALORS QU'ILS REFUSENT EUX-MEMES DE S'ENGAGER EN CE QUI EN CONCERNE LE RETRAIT DE LEURS PROPRES TROUPES DU SUD VIETNAM.

POLITIQUEMENT, ILS EXIGENT LA CREATION D'UN "SUPER-GOUVERNEMENT" POUR ORGANISER LES ELECTIONS ET SUPPRIMER TOUTES LES STRUCTURES EXISTANTES.

LE PRESIDENT THIEU A ENSUITE RAPPELE LA POSITION QU'IL AVAIT LUI-MEME ENONCEE DANS SON DISCOURS DU 24 OCTOBRE, PREVOYANT NOTAMMENT LE RETRAIT DE "L'ARMEE D'AGRESSION" NORD-VIETNAMIENNE, LE RETOUR A UNE SITUATION DANS LAQUELLE LE NORD ET LE SUD VIETNAM DEVRAIENT "SE RESPECTER MUTUELLEMENT", SUR LES PLANS POLITIQUE ET MILITAIRE, LE DROIT A L'AUTO-DETERMINATION POUR LE PEUPLE DU SUD VIETNAM ET UNE NEGOCIATION DIRECTE ENTRE HANOI ET SAIGON.

LE PRESIDENT THIEU A AFFIRME QUE TOUTES SES DEMANDES AVAIENT ETE REJETEES PAR LES COMMUNISTES, ET QUE LE PROJET D'ACCORD EN NEUF POINTS RENDU PUBLIC A HANOI LE 26 OCTOBRE MAINTENAIT DES CONDITIONS "ABSURDES" PORTANT NOTAMMENT SUR LA CREATION D'UN GOUVERNEMENT DE COALITION DEGUISE ET LE REFUS DU RETRAIT DES TROUPES NORD-VIETNAMIENNES. SELON LUI, LES COMMUNISTES SE CONSIDERENT COMME LES "PROPRIETAIRES" DU PAYS, N'ACCEPTENT DE DISCUTER QU'AVEC LES ETATS-UNIS ET, A-T-IL DIT, "NOUS CONSIDERENT COMME DES FANTOCHES".

... AFP FDI %22 04.47

1%00

AFP-169

VIETNAM

HANOI FAVORABLE A LA PARTICIPATION DU CANADA A LA COMMISSION
DE CONTROLE

OTTAWA, 11 DECEMBRE (AFP)

LE NORD-VIETNAM EST FAVORABLE A LA PARTICIPATION EVENTUELLE
DU CANADA A LA COMMISSION INTERNATIONALE QUI POURRAIT ETRE CHARGEE
DE L'OBSERVATION DE LA TREVE AU VIETNAM, DECLARE-ON AU MINIS-
TERE DES AFFAIRES EXTERIEURES.

LA POSITION DU NORD-VIETNAM A ETE COMMUNIQUEE A OTTAWA PAR
LE REPRESENTANT CANADIEN A L'ACTUELLE COMMISSION INTERNATIONALE
DE CONTROLE AU VIETNAM, M. DAVID JACKSON, QUI S'EST RECEMMENT
ENTRETONU AVEC LES AUTORITES DE HANOI. M. JACKSON AVAIT FAIT
PART A SES INTERLOCUTEURS NORD-VIETNAMIENS DES CONDITIONS MISES
PAR LE CANADA A SA PARTICIPATION A LA NOUVELLE COMMISSION DE
SURVEILLANCE DU CESSEZ-LE-FEU. LE CANADA DEMANDE D'ABORD A ETRE
INVITE PAR LES QUATRE PARTIES AU CONFLIT (USA, NORD-VIETNAM,
SUD-VIETNAM, VIETCONG) A PARTICIPER AU CONTINGENT D'OBSERVATEURSM
C'EST CETTE PREMIERE CONDITION QUI A L'AGREMENT DES AUTORITES
D'HANOI.

DE PLUS, OTTAWA DEMANDE QUE LA COMMISSION DE SURVEILLANCE
DU CESSEZ-LE-FEU SOIT LIBRE DE SES MOUVEMENTS, QUE SON EXISTENCE
SOIT D'UNE DUREE LIMITEE, ET QU'ELLE PUISSE FAIRE RAPPORT A UN
ORGANISME INTERNATIONAL SANS QUE SES RELATIONS DE VIOLATIONS
EVENTUELLES DE LA TREVE SOIENT NECESSAIREMENT UNANIMES. HANOI
NE S'EST PAS PRONONCE SUR CES DERNIERES CONDITIONS, FAISANT
VALOIR QUE LE MANDAT DE LA COMMISSION FAISAIT ENCORE L'OBJET
DES NEGOCIATIONS ACTUELLES SUR LE CESSEZ-LE-FEU.

LES ETATS-UNIS SONT FAVORABLES A L'ENSEMBLE DES CONDITIONS
POSEES PAR LE CANADA A SA PARTICIPATION, TANDIS QUE LES DEUX
AUTRES PARTIES AU CONFLIT, LE SUD-VIETNAM ET LE VIETCONG, N'ONT
PAS ENCORE FAIT CONNAITRE LEUR POSITION.

AFP RA %22 17.47

1%00

AUP-170

RADIO - TV
DEFENSE DIALOG

RADIO TV REPORTS INC. WASH., D.C., SUMMARIES NOT TO BE QUOTED.

MONDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1972

(BROADCASTS OF DEC 8)

PART
II

SUMMARY OF NETWORK NEWS IN THIS ISSUE

LLOYD DOBYNS, NBC-TV, John ROLFSON, ABC-TV, and Charles COLLINGWOOD, CBS-TV, all report on the continued cease fire talks in Paris which continued for four and a half hours on Friday. There is another meeting scheduled for Saturday amid speculations that there are some very crucial points still to be worked out in the negotiations along with some feelings that there will be no major obstacles to getting these issues resolved. The atmosphere is cordial between THO and KISSINGER who greet each other with handshakes and smiles. KISSINGER also met with French President POMPIDOU, apparently to brief him on what has been happening in the talks.

HOWARD SMITH, ABC-TV, reports US war planes hit communist truck concentrations just north of the DMZ.

BILL GILL, ABC-TV, reports intelligence circles in Washington are keeping a close watch on communist moves in Indo-China. Apparently thousands of Hanoi's regular troops stationed in SVN are shedding their military uniforms and putting on the traditional black pajamas of the local peasants and vanishing into the civilian population. This apparently is happening not only in SVN but also in Cambodia and Laos. Saigon fears that such a hard core disciplined force could wreck chances for a lasting peace and agreed to elections in SVN.

WALTER CRONKITE, CBS-TV, reports for the first time Hanoi's leading communist journal has hinted that peace is on the way. US intelligence experts regard the report as significant and a sign party officials are trying to soften the blow for some NVNese who are unprepared for peace.

JOHN HART, CBS-TV, reports on the CBS Morning News that the air war continued with saturation bombing of suspected communist supply points above the buffer zone in NVN.

MICHELE CLARK, CBS-TV, reports on the CBS Morning News that the Pentagon is saying a US base in Thailand was attacked early this week by communist guerilla forces there. There is some concern that this is a prelude of more to come for the forty-nine thousand US servicemen stationed in Thailand.

MICHELE CLARK, CBS-TV, reports on the CBS Morning News that the Pentagon is also telling that there is a steadily increasing drug problem in Europe among US servicemen. The rise has been in the use of hard drugs with more than three out of every ten GI's on opiates.

TOM STREITHORST, NBC-TV, reports on the Today Show that there was a mass demonstration in the Mekong Delta in support of President THIEU and with some anti-US feelings about the negotiations with Hanoi. However, a high percentage of the demonstrators were present for no reason beyond they were ordered to be there.

GEORGE LEWIS, NBC-TV, reports on the Today Show that the three Congressmen investigating the racial problems aboard the aircraft carrier Kitty Hawk went aboard and talked with some of the crew. There was no report of what they learned.

PREPARED BY THE AIR FORCE (SAFAA) AS EXECUTIVE AGENT FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE TO BRING TO THE ATTENTION OF KEY DOD PERSONNEL MATTERS WITHIN THEIR OFFICIAL RESPONSIBILITIES.
FOR INFORMATION REGARDING THIS PUBLICATION CALL MR. HARRY ZUBKOFF, OX 52884

PART II

## NBC NIGHTLY NEWS NBC-TV 6:30 PM
DEC 8

### Peace Talks Continue In Paris

JOHN CHANCELLOR: In Paris today, the VN cease fire talks continued. Henry KISSINGER and THO held their fifth meeting this week for four and a half hours and the White House says they will meet again tomorrow.

There had been reports that trouble may have developed in these negotiations but the NVNese foreign minister has told the New York Times that he is resigned to the idea that a settlement will be made.

Even if his government won't agree with all the details.

LLOYD DOBYNS: Henry KISSINGER met first today at the Elasis (?) Palace with French President George POMPIDOU.

After the meeting KISSINGER maintained both his smile and his silence but later in the day a French source said a peace agreement would not be reached today or tomorrow.

But there are indications that they are getting close.

The meetings seem to be getting more relaxed. With KISSINGER standing on the steps to greet the arriving THO and THUY, just as any good suburbanite would.

Last night a French government source had said that the talks are now in their final phase. This was only the second day that both the time and the place of the meeting had been announced in advance.

There is almost a carnival atmosphere surrounding the talks - along with cameramen on ladders, there are now children and adults from the neighborhood who stand across the street and try to divine what is going on inside or who try to see KISSINGER when he comes into the yard for his evening stroll.

Despite the atmosphere, points of disagreement remain. A Canadian official said tonight that there was still no agreement on how the international control commission would work.

And perhaps because of the atmosphere, there are warnings that people are being too optimistic.

That they may expect too much too soon.

But no source close to the talks has yet suggested that the problems are too severe to overcome.

And late tonight, both the NVNese and the Americans said another meeting would be held tomorrow at Gvi Seraviet (?).

## ABC EVENING NEWS ABC-TV 7:00 PM
DEC 8

### Still Further Negotiations In Paris

HOWARD SMITH: The VN peace talks continued in Paris today. Henry KISSINGER called on French President POMPIDOU, then conferred for four and a half hours with NVN's THO.

JOHN ROLFSON: Since Henry KISSINGER made his public estimate that agreement could be reached in only three or four days, today's meetings here in Nue (?) rounds out two weeks of direct negotiations plus other weeks of delay.

And now, still further negotiations are scheduled.

As KISSINGER arrived for today's meeting, there were new hints the problems are much tougher than his estimated indication.

The official American line just last week cautioned against pessimism but American officials briefed on the talks today were cautioning against over optimism.

The NVNese negotiators got a handshake of welcome from KISSINGER while their official news agency was repeating that there is danger of a deadlock that would prolong the war.

For the second time this week they met here in a borrowed American house in the Paris suburb of Nue.

In the chill evening air KISSINGER came out and walked for a while with his own staff around the walled in yard.

Perhaps to discuss an issue out of NVNese earshot.

They are maintaining secrecy on their difficulties, whether they are small items or major ones as the NVNese suggest.

French officials made a guarded

2

Monday, December 11, 1972

PART II

comment after KISSINGER talked with
President POMPIDOU today. They
said agreement seemed close but it
is not imminent.

Whatever their differences,
KISSINGER, as host, said a warm
goodbye to his guests.

And after THO left, the NVNese
told us they had scheduled another
negotiating session for tomorrow.

US War Planes Hit Parts Of SVN

SMITH: In VN today, American
war planes hit communist truck con-
centrations just north of the DMZ.

Saigon reported eighty-two com-
munist attacks throughout SVN in a
one day period.

The VC radio told its followers
to prepare for a swift military and
political buildup in view of a sit-
uation it said that is changing
rapidly.

Communist Moves In Indo-China Watch-
ed Closely

SMITH: Here in Washington, in-
telligence circles are keeping a
close watch on communist moves in
Indo-China.

BILL GILL: Thousands of Hanoi's
regular troops stationed in SVN are
reported to have shed their military
uniforms, put on the traditional
black pajamas of the local peasants
and vanished into the civilian pop-
ulation.

American and SVNese intelligence
networks operating under the code
name Hide and Seek, have now traced
upwards of thirty thousand Hanoi
regulars who now pose as local cit-
izens in Cambodia, Loas and SVN.

Another forty to fifty thousand
enemy troops are expected to follow
suit immediately after a cease fire
signing.

President THIEU, according to
top Washington sources, has recei-
ved secret pledges from his
strongest political enemy, the
Catholics and the Buddhists, pro-
mising all out support in his ef-
forts to force the US into harder
demands that Hanoi withdraw all its
troops from Cambodia, Laos and SVN.

A concession that Henry KISSINGER

finds near impossible to gain in
his Paris talks.

CBS EVENING NEWS CBS-TV 7:00 PM

DEC 8

Kissinger And Tho Meet Again

WALTER CRONKITE: Another busy
day in Paris for Henry KISSINGER.
First a seventy-five minute meeting
with French President POMPIDOU,
presumably, although no one was
saying for certain, KISSINGER was
filling in POMPIDOU on his peace
talks with NVN's THO.

Later in the day those talks con-
tinued, this time for four and a
half hours.

The White House said they will
resume tomorrow.

CHARLES COLLINGWOOD: The actual
meetings, like today's Nue are
cordial and relatively informal.

There is no longer an agenda.
It is not even agreed before hand
who will speak first.

KISSINGER and THO sit down and
ask each other who wants to begin.
Then one or the other takes it up
with a question or a brief state-
ment and they go on from there.

The two men, both clearly adver-
saries, have developed a cordial
relationship - they joke with each
other, often the same jokes, In-
cluding the well worn one now about
exchanging professorships at Har-
vard and Hanoi with THO always say-
ing that KISSINGER will have to
learn more Marxist--Leninism to
teach at Hanoi.

Another joke when they change
sites, which they've done sometimes
as often as twice in one day, is
to ask which side has done the bug-
ging.

That really is a joke because
the NVNese bring a tape recorder to
each session and the Americans a
stenographer so neither side needs
bugs.

People familiar with the nego-
tiations say that the atmosphere
has improved and so has the food.

Austere at first, the food is
now good. On Thanksgiving Day, the
NVNese served a real meal of roast
and chicken with wine.

The other day at Nue, the Ameri-

3

Monday, December 11, 1972

PART II

cans catered an oriental meal when they were hosts.

During the lunch and refreshment breaks, the two sides separate in case they wish to confer among themselves.

But, after a few minutes, THO as a matter of courtesy, usually comes over to the Americans or he sends someone over to chat with them.

The actual negotiating sessions, however, are only part of Henry KISSINGER's long day.

Every morning and every evening, he sends a long message to the President on the prospects, the mood and what has been accomplished so far.

Every night, Washington time, the President sends back a message of comments and instructions.

This arrives in the small hours of the morning Paris time and is the first thing that KISSINGER reads when he gets up between seven and a quarter to eight in the morning.

All this doesn't leave much time for Henry KISSINGER's famous dinner meetings with attractive ladies, but he manages to squeeze one in now and then.

Actually, he thinks his reputation as a swinger has made an important contribution to preserving the security of his talks with THO. In October, early October, when the big break through in the talks came, it was known that KISSINGER was in Paris, but he says the reporters were so interested in whom he was talking - or whom he was taking to dinner, that they didn't get a sniff of what he and THO were really talking about.

They are still talking. But KISSINGER is represented as confident that an agreement will be reached in the near future and then there will be a couple of weeks of necessary consultations with allies before the actual signing.

After that, Henry KISSINGER wants to take a holiday in the sun.

## Communist Journal Hints Peace On The Way

CRONKITE: For the first time, Hanoi's leading communist journal has hinted that peace is on the way.

While revolutions, it said, are

long and difficult, there comes a time to, quote, abandon warfare for political struggle to strike a temporary agreement with the enemy.

Now, said the journal, is that time.

CBS News diplomatic correspondent, Marvin KALB, tells us that American intelligence experts regard today's report as significant and a sign party officials are trying to soften the blow for some NVNese who are unprepared for peace.

## CBS MORNING NEWS CBS-TV 7:00 AM
DEC 8

### Saturation Bombing Continues

JOHN HART: The air war continues with saturation bombing of suspected communist supply points above the buffer zone in NVN.

B-52's dropping one thousand tons of bombs during an eighteen hours period.

## US Base In Thailand Attacked

MICHELE CLARK: Notes from the Pentagon are saying this morning that a US base in Thailand was attacked early this week by communist guerilla forces there.

That one American officer was wounded but little damage otherwise.

There are forty-nine thousand American servicemen stationed in Thailand and Pentagon sources are reportedly concerned that this most recent attack might be a prelude to more serious difficulties to come.

They are said to believe it was staged by Thai communists rather than NVNese.

The Pentagon is also telling us that there is a steadily increasing drug problem there - in Europe among US servicemen.

That three point eight percent were using drugs in October compared to less than one percent a year ago.

The rise has also been in the use of hard drugs, more than three out of every ten are on opiates.

4

Monday, December 11, 1972

PART II

THE TODAY SHOW NBC-TV 7:00 AM
DEC 8

Demonstrations Against The US

FRANK BLAIR: In SVN, a tinge of anti-Americanism was noted for the first time in a ralley organized to demonstrate public support for the THIEU government's position.

TOM STREITHORST: In the Mekong Delta, the most populous and rich- est part of SVN, tens of thousands of civilians were demonstrating in favor of President THIEU and in opposition to an imposed cease fire.

For the first time the govern- ment's message included an open criticism of the US. One of the demonstration's themes was that a deal between Hanoi and Washington without Saigon's agreement, would represent a sell out by the US of its ally.

The crowds to not show any hos- tility to Americans, however. For the most part, they were apathetic.

Their flags in vast numbers, did not seem to reflect any new enthusiasm for President THIEU's Saigon government.

The massive turnout seemed to represent more compulsion then positive support.

A high percentage of the demon- strators were present for no reason beyond they were ordered to be there.

Congress Continues Investigating Racial Problems Aboard Kitty Hawk

BLAIR: Congressional investi- gators resume efforts today to find out what they can about racial pro- blems aboard the aircraft carrier Kitty Hawk.

Forty-six sailors were injured last October during a riot on the ship.

GEORGE LEWIS: The three Con- gressmen investigating the Kitty Hawk riot went aboard the carrier because they wanted to talk to crewmen and see the areas where the trouble started.

Newsmen were not allowed on the ship.

While the Kitty Hawk sits in port, twenty-two of the men in her forty-eight hundred man crew are waiting to be court martialed.

All of the accused sailors are black.

The Congressmen had hoped to talk to some of them, but on the advice of their attorneys, they refused.

After about four hours, the Congressmen left the Kitty Hawk. They would not say specifically what the men on board had told them.

MAN: We discussed various aspects of life aboard the ship and what happened the night of October 12.

REPORTER: Okay, you discussed the night of the disorder.

MAN: Yes sir.

REPORTER: ...you find anything from what you heard - the testimony you heard...

MAN: It is all part of a - of a mosaic that comes together to make the complete picture, but you can't say, well, yes, I think there has been a contribution from each witness that we've had today.

LEWIS: The investigation con- tinues. The Congressmen say they will probably wrap up next Monday or Tuesday.

5

Monday, December 11, 1972

RADIO - TV
DEFENSE DIALOG

MONDAY, DECEMBER 11, 1972 (BROADCASTS OF DEC. 9, 10)

PART I

GARRICK UTLEY, NBC: Another week of private VN peace talks has ended and we still do not know how close or how far we are from an end to the war in VN. Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho met again today for three and a-half hours and when it was over, the only announcement was that they would meet again on Monday. Tomorrow, though, there will be what is described as a technical meeting between lower level representatives of both sides. And Kissinger's aide, Gen. Alexander Haig, is flying back to Washington this evening to consult with President Nixon.

LLOYD DOBYNS: Today was the eleventh meeting in this series that started on November 20th, including one nine-day recess. There will be a one-day recess tomorrow while Kissinger's aide, Gen. Haig, flies back to Washington to report to President Nixon. The American Delegation announced that tonight and added that Kissinger would stay in Paris and meet with the NVNese again on Monday. There will be a meeting tomorrow but a meeting of technical experts. Neither delegation has said exactly what the experts will be working on. But the last meeting of technical experts was on October 12th, and the original draft peace accord was agreed to five days later.

UTLEY, NBC: The SVNese Army said that its troops have crossed the Takhong River north of Quang Tri City. That's territory the NVNese have controlled since last spring, and the government is trying to win it back before a cease fire goes into effect. Throughout SVN there were a number of NVNese artillery barrages against government positions. And US B-52 bombers carried out about 100 missions over North and South Vietnam.

UTLEY, NBC: In Saigon a pro-government newspaper said that President Thieu plans to invite other anti-communist parties to join his cabinet next week. That's another effort to strengthen Thieu's political position before a cease fire.

UTLEY, NBC: There is a report that Soveit agents are involved in the trouble in Northern Ireland. The Associated Press quotes British intelligence officials as saying they are convinced that the Russians have infiltrated both the Catholic IRA and Protestant extremist organizations. One piece of evidence is the discovery of Soviet rocket launchers in the IRA armories, a second was found in Belfast. Another was believed used in a rocket attack on a border post there.

ALAN JACKSON, NBC: President Nixon is back at the White House. He is meeting now with Gen. Alexander Haig who flew in from Paris last night, reportedly with a copy of a text of a draft cease fire agreement. The top level Paris talks between Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho are in recess until tomorrow, but technical experts of the two sides are meeting today, reportedly going over the language of that draft agreement. Another hint that something may be near: NVN's Deputy Prime Minister arrived in Paris this morning to be met at the airport by heads of the Hanoi and VC delegations and the Russian Ambassador to France.

LARRY BRYANT, WTTG: The Soviet Union has signed some new agreements with NVN. They will strengthen that country's military arsenal and develop the VNese economy. The deal will involve the shipment of large quantities of goods, equipment and other property to the North as well as unspecified defense assistance.

PREPARED BY THE AIR FORCE (SAFA) AS EXECUTIVE AGENT FOR THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE TO BRING TO THE ATTENTION OF KEY DOD PERSONNEL MATTERS WITHIN THEIR OFFICIAL RESPONSIBILITIES.
FOR INFORMATION REGARDING THIS PUBLICATION CALL MR. HARRY ZUBKOFF, OX 52884

PART I

NBC SATURDAY NIGHT NEWS NBC-TV 6:30

Kissinger and Tho To Meet Monday

GARRICK UTLEY: Another week of private VN Peace Talks has ended and we still do not know how close or how far we are from an end to the war in VN.

Tomorrow, though, there will be what is described as a technical meeting between lower level representatives of both sides. Those are the people who work out the detailed questions of translation and the like.

And Kissinger's aide, Gen. Alexander Haig is flying back to Washington this evening to consult with President Nixon.

LLOYD DOBYNS: For a change Henry Kissinger was not chased by motorcycles, at least not when he came out this morning to walk to a museum which has a permanent exhibit of French impressionist works.

In the dimly lit interior Kissinger chatted about the paintings.

Then Kissinger went back to work to another negotiating meeting with the NVNese, and the motorcycle riders went back to work following Kissinger even though they knew where he was going.

Today's meeting was at Giff-Sur-Yvette, a communist owned villa south of Paris.

agreed to five days later.

So, in Paris tonight there is an increased speculation that the agreement is much closer. Whatever the intent of tomorrow's meeting of experts is, it is believed to be a sign that three and a-half years of negotiation may be almost over.

Lloyd Dobyns, NBC News, Paris.

SVNese Army Crosses Takhong River

UTLEY: The SVNese Army said today that its troops have crossed the Takhong (?) River north of Quang Tri City. That's territory the NVNese have controlled since last spring, and the government is trying to win it back before a cease fire goes into effect.

Throughout SVN today there were a number of NVNese artillery barrages against government positions.

Thieu Seeks To Strengthen

Political Position Before Cease Fire

UTLEY: In Saigon a pro-government newspaper today said that President Thieu plans to invite other anti-communist parties to join his cabinet next week.

TEN O'CLOCK NEWS WTTG-TV 10 PM

DEC 9

US B-52s Stage Heavy Raids On DMZ

LARRY BRYANT: In the air war over IC, US B-52 bombers staged heavy raids against targets in the DMZ today in an attempt to halt the suspected build-up of NVNese troops and supplies.

Ground Fighting Increases

BRYANT: In the ground action fighting has increased to the fiercest level in a month.

The SVNese Command reports more than 80 communist attacks in the last 24 hours. More than 1,000 shells a day have been blasting

2 Monday, December 11, 1972

PART I

into SVNese positions almost every
day since cease fire negotiations
made a breakthrough six weeks ago.
Since that time both sides have been
trying to get control of as much
land and as many people as possible
in the event of a standstill cease
fire.

USSR Signs Agreements With NVN

BRYANT: The Soviet Union has
signed some new agreements with NVN.
They will strengthen that country's
military arsenal and develop the
VNese economy.

The deal will involve the ship-
ment of large quantities of goods,
equipment and other property to the
North as well as unspecified defense
assistance.

Soviet Agents Reported Involved
In Ireland Troubles

GARRICK UTLEY: There is a report
today that Soviet agents are involved
in the trouble in Northern Ireland.

The Associated Press quotes
British Intelligence officials as
saying they are convinced that the
Russians have infiltrated both the
Catholic IRA and Protestant extremist
organizations.

One piece of evidence is the dis-
covery of Soviet rocket launchers in
the IRA armories, a second was found
today in Belfast. Another was be-
lieved used in a rocket attack today
on a border post there.

NBC RADIO NEWS NBC RADIO 1 PM DEC 10

Haig Reportedly Has Text of Draft
Cease Fire Agreement

ALAN JACKSON: President Nixon is
back at the White House, driving
down from Camp David, instead of
using the helicopter because of the
weather.

He is meeting now with Gen. Alex-
ander Haig who flew in from Paris
last night, reportedly with a copy
of a text of a draft cease fire
agreement.

The top level Paris talks between
Henry Kissinger and Le Duc Tho are
in recess until tomorrow, but tech-
nical experts of the two sides are
meeting today, reportedly going over
the language of that draft agreement.

Another hint that something may
be near: NVN Deputy Prime Minister
arrived in Paris this morning to be
met at the airport by the heads of
the Hanoi and VC delegations and the
Russian Ambassador to France.

FACE THE NATION CBS-TV 11:30 AM

DEC 10

Guest: National Democratic Committee
Chairman Robert Strauss.

MEET THE PRESS NBC-TV 12:30 PM

DEC 10

Guest: Senator Henry M. Jackson
(D-Wash)

ISSUES AND ANSWERS ABC-TV 1:30 PM

DEC 10

Guests: New York City Police Com-
missioner Patrick Murphy,
Police Chiefs Jerry Wilson
(Wash. D.C.) and W. F.
Dyson (Dallas).

Sunday evening network news programs
were pre-empted.

3 Monday, December 11, 1972

NEWSWEEK 11 DECEMBER 1972 (6)

# The Peace Talks: Putting the Heat on Thieu

He had boarded a White House jet seven weeks ago thoroughly expecting that, after a brief stopover in Saigon, he would head directly to Hanoi to put his "H.K." on a Vietnam peace agreement. It didn't turn out that way, of course, and in his talks with the South Vietnamese, Henry Kissinger quickly realized that peace was not as close as he had thought. Gen. Nguyen Van Thieu simply would not budge and even Washington and Hanoi's much-ballyhooed announcement of their draft accord did not bring the balky South Vietnamese President around. Last week, however, after endless American cajoling, wheedling and outright arm-twisting, there were signs that Thieu had changed course and was reluctantly climbing aboard the peace bandwagon—thereby just possibly setting the stage for the long-awaited "final negotiating session" this week in Paris.

Embarrassed by Kissinger's premature statement that "peace is at hand," the White House last week was doing everything it could to encourage optimism. In Washington, President Nixon ushered the Joint Chiefs of Staff into the Oval Office to put their public stamp of approval on the Administration's peace deal. And in Paris, chief U.S. negotiator William Porter warned against too much pessimism, telling reporters: "I would caution you to take care lest you be caught with your pens down." But the hopeful hints were not coming from the American side alone. Although they denounced the U.S. for delaying the settlement, Communist negotiators didn't seem to have their hearts in it. Even Saigon officials were quietly predicting that the final terms of the agreement were about to be buttoned up. And there were reports that Saigon had begun preparations for a cease-fire as early as next week.

The turnabout in Saigon's attitude stemmed from meetings last week between Mr. Nixon and Thieu's top foreign-policy adviser, Nguyen Phu Duc.

Perhaps it was wishful thinking, but Saigon thought it had discerned a split between Mr. Nixon and Kissinger over the peace terms—with Kissinger playing the role of softy. To take advantage of this apparent opportunity, Thieu dispatched Duc to meet with the President privately and plead Saigon's case. But the ploy failed. When Duc showed up at the White House, he was met not only by Mr. Nixon but by Kissinger as well, and for two and one-half hours the trio bargained and debated—with both Americans reportedly insisting that Hanoi would make no further concessions. When the meeting ended, Duc was given a White House communications line to cable his assessment of the situation to Saigon. Immediately, Thieu called an emergency session of his National Security Council, and then—using the U.S. Embassy code room—telefaxed a return message to Duc.

The substance of those messages remained a closely guarded secret, but the next day Duc began a series of four negotiating sessions with Kissinger and his staff. The marathon talks around the oval table in Kissinger's office suggested that Duc and the U.S. team were going over the fine print in the cease-fire agreement point by point—and that the South Vietnamese had finally accepted the "realities" of the situation in Paris.

**Fears:** Still, the South Vietnamese had won some points. By their vocal opposition to the broad terms originally agreed upon by Washington and Hanoi, they had forced the Nixon Administration to take a sober second look at the draft accord. And under Saigon's pressure, the U.S. had managed to squeeze out a number of "clarifications" favorable to the South Vietnamese. To allay Thieu's fears that the Communists would turn the projected National Council of Reconciliation into a coalition government, Kissinger and his North Vietnamese counterpart, Le Duc Tho, reportedly agreed that the council's duties were to be far more limited than that. More important, Kissinger appar-

ently firmed up the language on North Vietnamese withdrawals. Originally, Hanoi had offered an oral promise to withdraw 35,000 troops from the south. Now, although the text still does not specifically mention Communist troops, the accord refers to the "demobilization" of some units by both sides and, in the view of some American officials, it "confirms the intention" of a North Vietnamese withdrawal.

The U.S. also used the delay imposed by Thieu to press Hanoi to respect the Demilitarized Zone between the two Vietnams and to extend the scheduled cease-fire to Laos and Cambodia as well as South Vietnam. In still another concession by Hanoi, the two sides clarified the duties of the four-nation force that is to supervise the cease-fire, giving its members freedom of movement throughout the south and deleting a requirement that called for unanimous findings.

All this brought peace closer than ever before. But even if Kissinger and Le Duc Tho come to agreement this week, the Paris talks seem likely to end on a muted note—with no formal announcement, no ceremony and no published text of the accord. For whatever happens in Paris, one vital task will remain: to win Ngyuen Van Thieu's public acceptance of the agreement. After this week's meetings, Kissinger plans to return to Washington briefly and then head directly to Saigon—a visitation which may or may not turn the trick. Some White House aides believe that Mr. Nixon himself may yet have to sit down with Thieu to get him to sign on the dotted line. Even at that, the danger that the strong-willed South Vietnamese leader might decide to make a last-ditch stand cannot be ignored. But for the moment, U.S. officials profess to believe that Thieu's fear of having to go it alone politically and militarily will bring him around sooner or later. "He could try to louse things up," says one Administration aide. "But we think he knows that would be suicidal."

THE ECONOMIST 25 NOV 1972 (6 DEC)

The imbalance of power

Nato's secretary-general, Mr Luns, pointed out on Wednesday that anyone who thought there had been a "relaxation of tensions" in Europe lately should bear in mind that it had not included any relaxation in the very great advantage of military power the communist countries enjoy—an advantage far greater than they need to defend themselves. On the contrary.

The accompanying map brings out three particular points. First, the large imbalance between the existing military strengths of the two alliances in Europe. Second, the disparity between the numerical dominance of Russian forces within the Warsaw pact total and the relatively small (in terms of manpower on the ground) American role on the Nato side. Third, the geographical fragmentation of the Nato forces and the lack of elbow-room for their deployment, in contrast to the Warsaw alliance's geographical compactness, its ability to shift forces from one sector to another, and its spacious strategic depth; European Russia serves as a single rear area in which armies can be conveniently mustered, held in reserve and then advanced to west, north or south as required.

The basic imbalance is illustrated, in the map, in terms of army manpower now available for actual combat and direct support. The figures given are sometimes fairly rough estimates, but the proportions are not in doubt. The quality and equipment of these forces vary considerably, but a comparison made in terms of, say, artillery or tanks would reveal a similar imbalance; the Warsaw pact allies are much stronger in both respects, with, for example, about 21,000 heavy tanks deployed against Nato's 8,000 (this is only partly compen-

sated for by Nato's present superiority in anti-tank weaponry). The Warsaw allies have more aircraft, and more airfields to disperse them on, and in the air as on the ground they enjoy the advantage that virtually all their equipment is standardised, whereas Nato's aircraft come from several different national sources.

In addition to the tally of such conventional forces, both sides possess large numbers of tactical nuclear warheads, deliverable by aircraft or short-range missiles or even artillery; the Warsaw pact forces are believed to have only about 3,500 against Nato's 7,000, but the average power of their warheads is probably greater, and account must also be taken of about 700 medium-range nuclear missiles in western Russia that are targeted on western Europe.

The Russians' numerical preponderance within their own alliance has particular meaning in view of the doubts that are sometimes voiced about the reliability of their allies' forces. The Soviet forces might in fact have little need of their allies' help, except in almost passive auxiliary roles, in any contest with Nato's present forces. It should also be borne in mind that each communist army plays something of an occupation role in its own country, as the Russian forces do generally in eastern Europe. It is in east Germany that the Soviet forces loom largest; there are 10 Russian tank divisions and 10 other Russian divisions there, as against five Russian divisions in Czechoslovakia, two in Poland, and four in Hungary. But the armies of the east European countries must still be

taken into account in the overall equation. They include 19 armoured divisions and more than 30 other divisions, nearly all of them motorised. On paper, the Warsaw pact divisions are only about two-thirds of the size of most of Nato's—but a good many of Nato's are in practice well under strength.

Nato's geographical disadvantages are compounded by political and historical factors. The Italian army is remote from the alliance's more exposed sectors, and there is no prospect of Italian troops taking over any of these. Norway and Denmark, whose own forces are very small, will not have foreign troops (or nuclear weapons) stationed on their soil in time of peace. In Germany, the patterns of 1945 persist in that the strong American divisions are assigned to the southern sectors, although the northern plain is the obvious invasion corridor from the east. And France, since 1966, has been a non-playing member of the alliance.

The Russians have indulged in hardly any public discussion of the problems involved in cutting the armies. Their original line was the simple and disingenuous one that they would willingly consider moving their own troops back into Soviet territory if this overland withdrawal of some 300 miles was matched by an American one of 3,000 miles across the sea. They now seem to accept the more practical idea that cuts should cover both "stationed" and "indigenous" forces, and that the strength of each alliance in Europe should be considered as a whole. Their new attitude clearly reflects some desire to quieten their western flank while they have to face a hostile China in the east. And it is not unrelated to the concept of nuclear balance between the two superpowers which, since Tuesday, is once more under discussion in the second phase of their Salt talks.

Canada: reluctant

CHRISTIAN SCIENCE MONITOR 6 DEC 1972

old Geneva-agreement arrangement under
the International Control Commission per-

$50 million. It has shelled out more than $20
million since 1964 for maintaining a peace-
keeping force on Cyprus. And because it set
no time limit on its participation, it still has

# ssinger's Planet' Fare?

achieve only an endless succession of wars and dominations, and your world is encrusted in blood-rust.

The only way to overcome rivalries is to establish a measure of trust. In a time of danger and strife you can do that only by stripping away nonessential differences and getting to the core of what the great powers have in common. Hence Kissinger's second idea — that of common national interests leading to a concert (today we say agreements based on a meeting of minds) between the powers.

THE THIRD IDEA flows from the first two. National interests are not frozen abstractions. They have to do with felt needs and problems. For any great power there is a linkage between the diverse irons it has in the fire. In a set of trade-offs involving the linked interests, all of them geared toward the common national interest, each of the great powers finds itself a gainer, in a game in which every nation makes concessions but none is a loser. Hence the third idea of the Kissinger triad — the idea of linkage.

Kissinger might say that some of this is what I read into his thinking, not what is there. I can only say that this is the meaning I see in how his new diplomacy has thus far operated, supplemented by reading him and talking with him.

THE ROLE OF Metternich in his thinking was important, but it can be overplayed — and has been. Things have changed since Metternich. Europe is no longer the arena of great power, which has shifted westward to the United States and eastward to Russia, and China. Power is more massive than it has ever been, and more complex in its reach. Home fronts are more important. The social fabric is more fragile, traditional more tenuous, ideas more corrosive.

Most of all, the new weapons are not only lethal but suicidal. The crucial common interest the great powers had in Metternich's time was the fear of revolutions and the desire to shore the society against them. Critics on the left who say that Kissinger is moved by the same fear are talking doctrinal nonsense. The great common interest today is fear of nuclear destruction. It is what enables Mr. Nixon and Kissinger to strive for some equilibrium for their planet.

## Citizen Smith

By DAVE GERARD

“He's been cussing Congress, the new property tax bill and the way I fix his eggs. So he's practically well, doctor!”