1936 words

3/19/05

Helmut Kohl Speech

I have made a special trip from America to pay tribute to a great man. For the thirty years that I have had the privilege of knowing and observing Helmut, he navigated his country through the shoals of the Cold War, towards unification, into a European political construction, all the while strengthening Atlantic relations. Friendship with France and partnership with America were the principal elements of a policy that maintained the trust of his allies and safeguarded the long-term interests of his people. I [have] had the honor of being able to count Helmut among my friends. Loyalty has been one of his extraordinary attributes. And serenity - amidst the storms of crisis, he remained calm and confident, demonstrating by his bearing that imagination and faith would prevail over even the most tumultuous circumstance[s].

faith would prevail even if the most turbulent circumstances
caused and confident demonstration by his bearing that inspiration and
attrition. And serenity amid the atoms of chaos, he remained
坚忍, and loyalty - above all else - remained unshaken.

Helmut, among my friends, Loyalty has been one of his extraordinary
interests of his people. [Grave] had the honor of being able to count
on his hand the men and women who remained that which maintained
the trust of the slice and sustained the long-term
and partnership with America where the principal elements of a policy
follow an adamant belief in the方案 of a policy
all the while amending Atlantic relations. Friendship with France
Cold War, towards unification, into a European political construction,
observing Helmut, he navigated the country through the ages of this
and partnership with America where the principal elements of a policy
follow an adamant belief in the方案 of a policy
all the while amending Atlantic relations. Friendship with France
Cold War, towards unification, into a European political construction,
observing Helmut, he navigated the country through the ages of this

Helmut, Robert, speech

1938 words

A4me

2

I will confine these remarks to Germany's relationship with
America.

The friendship between the two countries is one of the great
political and moral achievements of the period that followed the
Second World War. I saw this city for the first time in the summer of
1945. It was devastated like most German cities. The German state
had collapsed. The population was preoccupied with survival.
Germany was political and morally isolated.

The postwar generation deserves a tribute from other
democracies for the courage with which they undertook the task of
reconstruction and the sacrifice with which they worked at their return
to the community of free nations as one of its indisputably principal
members.

During the same period, America undertook a major
transformation of its own historic foreign policy. As late as 1944,

During the same period, America undertook a mission

to the community of free nations as one of its indubitably principal
reconstruction and the sacrifice with which they worked at their return
democracies for the courage with which they understood the task of

The hostess generation deserves a tribute from other

1942, it was devastated like most German cities. The German state
Second World War, I saw this city for the first time in the summer of

Americas.

3

President Roosevelt had told Winston Churchill that American forces
could not remain in Europe for more than two years. Under the
presidency of Harry Truman, America abandoned its historic isolation
and adopted a policy that tied its destiny to the future of European
recovery and Atlantic partnership. Like the Konrad Adenauer decision
for Atlantic partnership, the moral component of Truman's choice was
the most important. A decade later, I asked Truman what he
considered his greatest achievement. He replied, "That we achieved
total victory in war and then brought back our adversaries to the
community of nations as equals."

That act of reconciliation would not have been possible without a
courageous commitment to the future in Germany. When Germany
was unified in 1871, the British Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli said,
"This is a greater event than the French Revolution." He meant that
the power of a unified Germany would make it very difficult to

4

reestablish a new balance of power and that the reduction of the
European system by so many heretofore independent states deprived
diplomacy of some of its previous flexibility.

The next century demonstrated the wisdom of that prediction.
The European diplomatic system proved unequal to absorbing a
country of that magnitude in the center of the continent, and the
German domestic structure did not always manage to muster the
necessary restraint to prevent an arms race and ultimate catastrophe.

In 1949, the Bundesrepublik, under its first great Chancellor,
Adenauer, made its historic choice. It foreswore a purely national
policy designed to exploit Germany's central geographic position and
demographic advantage. It committed itself to fulfill[ing] its national
aspirations as part of a European idea and an Atlantic partnership. In
a heroic decision, Adenauer subordinated even the immediate
prospects of unification in pursuit of what was then still a dream. He

Prospects of unification in pursuit of what was then still a dream. He
saw a historic decision. Adenauer subordinated even the immediate
aspirations as part of a European idea and an Atlantic partnership. In
democratic advantage. It committed itself to fulfilling its national
policy designed to exploit Germany's central geographic position and
Adenauer, made its historic choice: it forewrote a purely national
in 1948, the Bundesrepublik, under its first great Chancellor.

5

asserted, in the face of passionate opposition, that Germany would
seek unification with Europe and partnership with America as a
precondition to its own national unification. This position was
maintained even [with the advent] of the ambiguous Soviet offer in
1953 of unification in return for neutrality.

These principles [of] European unity based on friendship with
France and partnership with America became the guiding principles of
German foreign policy for the decades of the controversies of the
1950s. They were in time accepted by the opposition and
supplemented by two chancellors of the other major party with an
active policy towards Europe and the Soviet Union.

When Helmut Kohl became Chancellor in 1981, the architecture
of the postwar period had been completed. What lay ahead was the
completion of the edifice of German unification, European integration
and Eastern reconciliation, all on the basis of partnership with America.

and Eastern reconciliation, all on the basis of partnership with America, completion of the economics of German unification, European integration of the postwar period had been completed. What lay ahead was the

active policy towards Europe and the Soviet Union supplemented by two chancellors of the other major party with an 1820s. They were in three accepted by the opposition and

German foreign policy for the decades of the controversy of the France and partnership with America became the guiding principles of

1928 of unification in return for neutrality.

maintained even [with the advent] of the ambitious Soviet offer in

assented. In the face of passionate opposition, that Germany would

6

But before the great acts of construction could be undertaken, another
crisis about the purpose of the Alliance had to be surmounted. It was
triggered by the deployment of intermediate-range nuclear missiles in
Europe, the majority of them on German soil. The strategic
considerations that led to this decision have been overtaken by the
success of the evolution for which this decision was, in fact, the
starting point. But what needs to preoccupy us still is the underlying
issue which repeated the debate about the Atlantic Alliance of the
1950's: Is it possible to separate the destinies of the two sides of the
Atlantic? Can either side seek security or progress by insisting on a
special status that spaces it [within] the consequences of a common
security? Helmut Kohl in the 1980s insisted on the vindication of this
common destiny by being prepared to express it in a willingness to
accept common risks and to sustain that decision against powerful
opposition and emotional demonstrations. Helmut's contribution was

opposition and emotional demonstration. Helmut's contribution was
accept common risks and to sustain that decision against powerful
common destiny by being prepared to express it in a willingness to
special status that spaces it [within] the consequences of a common
Atlantic. Can either side seek security or progress by insulating on a
1920's: Is it possible to separate the destinies of the two sides of the
starting point. But what needs to precede us still is the underlying
success of the evolution for which this decision was in fact, the
considerations that led to this decision have been overtaken by the
Europe, the majority of them on German soil. The strategic
targeted by the deployment of intermediate-range nuclear missiles in
crises about the purpose of the Alliance had to be amounted. It was
But before the great acts of construction could be undertaken, another

7

to raise common action beyond the reconciliation of tactics, into the
realms of embracing values.

President Reagan expressed our nation's gratitude, when Helmut
visited Washington in 1986, in these words:

"Chancellor Kohl charts his course guided by the ideals of liberty and justice. ...Today the [Western] democracies face challenges that, at times, seem overwhelming. Yet we persevere and, in the end, freedom will triumph. Our victory will not be realized in the crossing of borders [by well-equipped armies], certainly not in the launching of missiles or the occupation of other countries.

Our victory will come, perhaps little by little, as walls are torn down, missiles dismantled and [as] people are freed. ...The friendship and comradery of Chancellor Kohl's visit is testimony that the world we seek is already being built."

friendship and comradery of Chancellor Kohl's visit is testimony
down missiles dismantled and [our] people are freed... The

Our victory will come, perhaps little by little, as walls are torn
in the launching of missiles on the occupation of other countries.
the crossing of borders [by well-equipped armies], certainly not
the end, freedom will triumph. Our victory will not be realised in
that, at times, seem overwhelming. Yet we persevere and, in
and justice... Today the [Western] democracies face challenges
"Chancellor Kohl charts his course guided by the ideals of liberty
visited Washington in 1986, in these words:

President Reagan expressed our nation's gratitude, when Helmut
realms of embracing values,
to raise common action beyond the reconciliation of factors into the

8

So it turned out. Within less than five years of that meeting, the missiles that had generated such controversy were being dismantled not unilaterally, but on both sides of the Iron Curtain. This was accompanied by a general easing of tensions and a growing dialogue between the Atlantic partners and the counties of Eastern Europe under Soviet occupation and with the Soviet leadership.

It was symbolic of these trends that the fall of the Berlin Wall occurred while Helmut was on a visit to Warsaw. That event [was] unexpected when it occurred, but the necessary consequence of the previous policy challenged all the nations of Europe, East and West, and the United States, as well as the Soviet Union. Today the rapid unification of Germany has about it an air of inevitability. That was not the perception at the time, even within the Federal Republic. It was Helmut Kohl who turned possibility into reality by his vision, courage and tenacity. Not a few - even in Germany - thought that it might be

9

desirable to maintain two German states even after the collapse of
communist rule. I participated in that debate in the United States.
There was a moment of hesitation; uncertainty about the cohesion of
NATO; concern about the reaction of the Soviet Union. It was
overcome, above all, by the confidence America's leaders had in the
values and purposes of Helmut Kohl. The Chancellor visited Camp
David and confirmed President Bush in his predisposition that this was
the moment for unification; if two German states were to emerge, even
on an apparently temporary basis, the modalities of their interaction
would deflect international diplomacy from the overriding task of
constructing a new world order.

The Camp David meeting had immediate and historic
consequences. With the support of America, but crucially with his own
energy and vision, Helmut Kohl completed the task of unification by
______. He succeeded not only in the national task; he did so while

10

maintaining Germany's role in NATO and extending the Alliance
umbrella over the part of Germany rejoining the national community.
This would not have been possible, whatever America's encouragement,
had not Helmut, building on the achievements of his predecessors,
succeeded in convincing the new Soviet leadership that a new Germany
had arisen, which could no longer be a threat to Russia's security; on
the contrary, it would be an asset in enabling Russia to rejoin the
international community.

[With] the Atlantic architecture having been extended to the new
situation of the collapse of communism in Eastern Europe, Helmut
turned to the other key elements of the Adenauer legacy: to build a
Europe which transcended historic national rivalries. The result was the
Maastrich Treaty, which institutionalizes a European economic vision
now in the process of consolidating its political cohesion. Others will no

now in the process of consolidating its political correlation. Others will no
longer be able to maintain their political influence. They will have to
make room for the new order which is developing in Western Europe.
This is the situation of the collapse of Communism in Eastern Europe. It
led to the development of the American legacy: to build a
hydroelectric power plant in Germany. This was the
first step towards the establishment of the American economic vision
of Europe which transcended historic national rivalries. The result was the
united States' victory in the war against Japan, which could no longer be a threat to Russia's security. On
the contrary, it would be an asset in enabling Russia to rejoin the
international community.

The new Soviet leadership that a new Germany had not yet been able to
overcome in convincing the new Soviet leadership that a new Germany
would not have been possible, whatever America's encouragement,
would not have been possible, whatever America's encouragement,
underlie over the part of Germany rejoining the national community
maintaining Germany a role in NATO and extending the Alliance.

10

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doubt speak about Helmut's role in that task of creation. I will confine
myself to [the] American aspect of it.

A conventional phrase often invoked is that relations between
Europe and America have suffered occasionally because of Europe's
relative weakness, which is to be remedied by the strong European
Union now in the process of emerging. This argument does not do
justice to the achievements of two generations of Europe's leaders. In
the journey through history that I have sketched, Europe played a
major role not only because of its resources and strategic location, but,
above all, by the sense of community, the spirit of [comradery] and the
sense of a common destiny that assisted its leaders with America. No
one made a greater contribution to this than Helmut Kohl.

The emergence of a united Europe will present new opportunities
for Atlantic partnership, together with new challenges. In the aftermath
of Maastrich, America welcomed the European initiative because of the

of Masurin, America welcomed the European initiative because of the
for Atlantic partnership, together with new challenges. In the aftermath
The emergence of a united Europe will present new opportunities
one made a greater contribution to this than Helmut Kohl.

 sense of a common destiny that associated life leaders with America. No
 above all, by the sense of community, the spirit ofкоммун ия and the
 major role not only because of its resources and strategic location, but,
the journey through history that I have sketched. Europe played a
 justice to the achievements of two generations of Europe's leaders. In
 Union now in the process of emerging. This argument does not do
 relative weakness, which is to be remedied by the strong European
 Europe and America have antecedently occasionally because of Europe's
 A conventional phrase often invoked is that relations between

myself to the [American] aspect of it.

I doubt about Helmut's role in that task of creation. I will combine

12

confidence inspired by Helmut Kohl and his colleagues. The challenges
have now changed largely due to the success of common policies, jointly
conceived and carried out on the basis of equality. To maintain that
moral trend is the challenge that Helmut Kohl's legacy leaves for us. It
is not too much to say that the success of the Atlantic partnership
depends on our mastery of the intangible.

I cited earlier remarks made by the first [American] President
with whom Helmut dealt as Chancellor, Ronald Reagan. I conclude with
comments by the last President during Kohl's chancellorship, Bill
Clinton. They were made when conferring on Helmut the Medal of
Freedom, America's highest civilian award, very rarely given to a
foreigner:

"[Helmut Kohl] served as Chancellor for sixteen years. Future historians will say Europe's 21st century began on his watch. In the months that followed the fall of the Berlin Wall, he conceived

the month that followed the fall of the Berlin Wall) he conceived
historians will say Europe's 13th century began on this watch. In
"Helmut Kohl served as Chancellor for sixteen years," Future
foreigners

foreigners
Freedom, America's highest civilian award, very rarely given to a
Clinton. They were made when conferring on Helmut the Medal of
comments by the last President during Kohl's chancellorship. Bill
with whom Helmut dealt as Chancellor, Ronald Reagan. I conclude with
I cited earlier remarks made by the first [American] President
depends on our mastery of the language.

It is not too much to say that the success of the Atlantic partnership
moral trend is the challenge that Helmut Kohl's legacy leaves for us. It
conceived and carried out on the basis of equality. To maintain that
have now changed largely due to the success of common policies, jointly
confidence enabled by Helmut Kohl and his colleagues. The challenges

13

a generous vision for German unification, and for a new
partnership between the West and a democratic Russia. ...He saw
the need to embrace other nations into Europe's family, putting
Germany [in] the center, not [on] the edge any longer, of a
united, democratic Europe - a Europe where borders do not limit
possibilities and where nationhood is a source of pride, not a
crucible of conflict. ...Anyone who respects the legacy of Helmut
Kohl knows that for peace to survive in Europe, [our alliance of]
democracies must stand, and stand together, against dictators
who exploit human differences to extend power. And we must
stand together [stay true to our vision] long after we achieve
military goals."

Dear Helmut, America thanks you for your contribution to
freedom and peace and progress. Your achievement will serve as our
conscience, and your legacy will be forever part of our inspiration.

stand together, fate true to our vision! long after we achieve
who exploit human differences to extend power. And we must
democracies must stand, and stand together, against dictators
Kohl knows that for peace to survive in Europe, [our alliance of]
crucible of conflict... Anyone who respects the legacy of Helmut
possibilities and where nationhood is a source of pride, not a
united, democratic Europe - a Europe where borders do not limit
Germany [in the center], not [on] the edge any longer, of a
the need to embrace other nations into Europe's family, putting
partnership between the West and a democratic Russia... He saw
a generous vision for German unification, and for a new


freedom and peace and progress. Your achievement will serve as our
conscience, and your legacy will be forever part of our history.

Dear Helmut, America thanks you for your contribution to
military goals.

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******************* -COMM. JOURNAL- ******************* DATE MAR-18-2005 **** TIME 17:31 ***********

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KISSINGER ASSOCIATES, INC.

350 PARK AVENUE
NEW YORK, NY 10022

(212) 759-7919

FACSIMILE: (212) 759-0042

NO. OF PAGES: 31 (including cover) DATE: March 18, 2005

RECIPIENT NAME: Dr. Kissinger
FAX NO: Security fax

SENDER NAME: Theresa

Sir:

These excerpts follow:

Reagan/Kohl toasts at state dinner for Kohl on Oct. 21, 1986 - 2 pgs

Reagan/Kohl remarks on Kohl's official visit to the US on Nov. 15, 1988 - 3 pgs

From Ronald Reagan: An American Life, The Autobiography - 11 pgs

From All the Best, George Bush: My Life in Letters and Other Writings - 4 pgs

Speech by Clinton at presentation of Medal of Freedom to Kohl - 5 pgs

From *My Life* by Bill Clinton - 4 pgs

From *Madam Secretary: A Memoir* by Madeleine Albright - 1 pg

Theresa

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| 001/001 | 00:00:15 |

-KAI

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BUSINESSWEEK'S FindArticles - US Department of State Bulletin: Chancellor Kohl's visit - Helmut Kohl, Ro... Page 3 of 3

In 1987, and this year too, you declared the 6th of October German-American Day. Today, dear Ron, as you also pointed out, the German-American Friendship Garden is being opened not far from here in Washington. If Charles Wick and Ambassador Ruhfus go there on our behalf, representing us to inaugurate and open up this Friendship Garden, I think this is a show of friendship and of solidarity which will have validity for the future. I should like to thank all of those who were involved in making this sign of our friendship and solidarity possible here in the city of Washington.

I think we can say-we can put it very briefly and say-these have been good years. I think that both of us have paved the way for development which will be pursued by your successor in office. And I should, at the end of my remarks, mention one important example. I should like to mention the agreement and the commitment which we have made to exchange young people students but also other young people who travel from your country to our country and from our country to your country. That is to say, we try to plant young trees so that a strong forest may grow, which serves as a shade for all of us.

Once again, from all my heart, thank you for all you did, and God bless you in all you do.

COPYRIGHT 1989 U.S. Government Printing Office
COPYRIGHT 2004 Gale Group

http://www.findarticles.com/n/articles/mi1070/ie02144/v80/c4 95077564/mwide

TOTAL P.05

KISSINGER ASSOCIATES, INC.

FACSIMILE: (212) 759-0042

DATE: March 18, 2005

RECIPIENT

SENDER

NAME: Theresa

Sir:

These excerpts follow:

From Ronald Reagan: *An American Life, The Autobiography* - 11 pgs

From *All the Best, George Bush: My Life in Letters and Other Writings* - 4 pgs

Theresa

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The 21st State Dinner for Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the Federal Republic of Germany

# Toasts at the State Dinner for Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the Federal Republic of Germany (Pres. Reagan)

## October 21, 1986

The President. Well now, normally I would just start saying thank you, and one of the nicer parts of the job I've got is getting to know the leaders of other countries. But I know that the leader of the other country will forgive me for a little American thing that has to be said right now: At the top of the 4th, the New York Mets are 4, the Boston Red Sox, 1 [The President referred to the third game of the World Series].

But tonight we honor one of those foreign leaders who's been a joy to know; a man who has achieved great power and influence, yet has remained unpretentious and who, as Nancy would say, is just simply charming. Chancellor Kohl, as was reconfirmed in our meetings today, is a responsible leader who takes his work seriously; a man with confidence, because what he does is out of honest conviction.

A German philosopher, Heinrich Heine, once said, "The worst poison is to despair of one's own power." Well, despair is not in Chancellor Kohl's vocabulary. He sets his goals and goes about achieving them with great gusto. Chancellor Kohl is a realist, yet he has not lost touch with his ideals. Carl Schurz, born a German, an adopted American, a champion of human freedom, once wrote: "Ideals are like the stars; we never reach them. But like the mariners of the sea, we chart our course by them." Chancellor Kohl charts his course guided by the ideals of liberty and justice. This is the source of his sense of purpose, the source from which democracy draws its strength, a power beyond the reach of tyrants.

Today the Western democracies face challenges that, at times, seem overwhelming. Yet we persevere, and in the end, freedom will triumph. Our victory will not be realized in the crossing of borders by well-equipped armies, certainly not in the launching of missiles or the occupation of other countries. Our victory will come, perhaps little by little, as walls are torn down, missiles dismantled, and as people are freed. Free peoples everywhere share this vision. The friendship and comradery of Chancellor Kohl's visit is testimony that the world we seek is already being built.

In a few short years, the world will not only enter a new century but also a new millennium. And so I would ask you all to join me now in a toast to friends, close partners who are working with us to ensure that the time ahead will be an age of peace, prosperity, and freedom: To Chancellor Kohl and Mrs. Kohl and the German people.

The Chancellor. Mr. President, Mrs. Reagan, Excellencies, ladies and gentlemen, it's a source of particular pleasure for my wife, my colleagues, and my delegation to be your guests here tonight. With warmth and elegance you, Mrs. Reagan, have extended to us such magnificent hospitality. And as always, we appreciate the cordiality of your welcome and the very friendly and intimate atmosphere that prevails here. And all those who have preserved for themselves a sense of history will certainly enjoy these hours here in this house.

Well, my last appointment before coming to this hospitable occasion here in the White House was meeting with Youth for Understanding. And there I met with young Germans who have come here to this country to spend 1 year in American families, and with young Americans who have just returned from Germany. And I feel, Mr. President, that both these occasions, my visit with Youth for Understanding and this dinner here tonight, go together and belong together.

This day, with the serious and important conversations we had when we tried to take stock after the Reykjavik conference, that what we are doing and what we are discussing is serving the purpose only for coming generations. And it is true in 14 years from now we arrive in the year 2000. This is a new century and will be a new millennium. And that is the reason why what we are doing now, what we start to set in motion, is so important for the young generation.

http://www.reagan.utexas.edu/resource/speeches/1986/102186g.htm

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The White House for President of the United States of America

Page 2 of 2

And I consider it to be important to make a remark of that kind in this very house which has seen so many historic events and, over the last 100 years, also world historic events. And it is important for my fellow countrymen, Mr. President, in Germany -- in both parts of Germany -- it is important for them to know that we have friends here in this country -- we, as Germans. And they should know that we in Germany can rely on those friends. This is a solid friendship, and this friendship is based on shared ideals and values. And I think this is more important and matters more than anything else. Because material conditions may change, but when we continue to share the same values, then we will also have a common future.

And I would like to thank you once again, as I have done already today, for having seized this opportunity in Reykjavik. And both of us are without any illusion. We know with whom we are talking. But we know that these talks are necessary and that, in reality, there is no alternative to these talks and that the time has now come to get over this watershed, as [Secretary of State] George Shultz has put it -- there, where you can take the responsibility for it, with a sense of realism, but also with a sense of courage. And I'm saying this as a German, a German who lives, more than a national of another country, in the shadow of the dividing line between East and West. And I'm making these remarks as somebody who knows that peace and freedom cannot be had for nothing and as somebody who is asking for greater sacrifices from the young generation of his own country than perhaps in other countries. We have just extended the term of the draft. But we have done it because we are aware of the fact that freedom and peace are inseparably linked up with one another.

Mr. President, we had good talks. And I think I may say, with your permission, what characterizes and what is best in our talks is that we don't make so many words to make ourselves understood to each other. World statisticians who are looking into a good many things claim that in 1953, when Konrad Adenauer, the first Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany, paid his first visit to the United States of America, had spoken during various addresses and statements a total of 288,000 words. At that time, we didn't have computers yet -- [laughter] -- and I think nobody checked on that figure. But it sounds well. We required fewer words today, because it was not necessary to us to make ourselves understood. And this, Mr. President, I think is a good omen, and I hope things will stay like this. You may rely on your friends in Germany as we -- and I myself, personally -- have gone through the experience that we may rely and count on you.

I should now like to propose a toast: To your good health, Mr. President; to your good health, Mrs. Reagan; and to a prosperous future of the great American Nation, the great Americans, our friends.

Note: The President spoke at 9:50 p.m. in the State Dining Room at the White House. Chancellor Kohl spoke in German, and his remarks were translated by an interpreter.

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# Chancellor Kohl's visit - Helmut Kohl, Ronald Reagan addresses - transcript

Chancellor Helmut Kohl of the Federal Republic of Germany made an official working visit to Washington, D. C., November 15, 1988, to meet with President Reagan and other government officials.

Following are remarks by the President and the Chancellor after their meeting.

## President Reagan

I have just completed a highly useful and productive discussion with Chancellor Kohl, on this, the sixth anniversary of his first visit to the White House as Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany. The many conversations we've had together demonstrate not only the close ties that exist between the Federal Republic of Germany and the United States but the warm personal relationship that has developed between us. Chancellor Kohl is a close friend of the United States. His views are greatly valued, and his commitment and personal efforts to strengthen German-American ties have made an enormous difference in the relationship between the United States and West Germany.

Today we reviewed a broad range of important international issues. We discussed how our two countries, working together and within the NATO alliance, could advance the cause of peace and freedom.

The Chancellor briefed me on his recent visit to Moscow. We agreed that important progress has been made in East-West relations but that much still remains to be done-in arms control, in ending regional conflicts, and with respect to human rights. We also noted that the Vienna Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE), which is entering its final stage, required a balanced and substantive outcome.

I reaffirmed the strong American commitment to Berlin and underscored our determination to pursue the Berlin initiative I first outlined in June of 1987 when I spoke at the Berlin Wall. That divided city of Berlin remains a powerful symbol of a divided Europe and a litmus test of East-West relations.

We reviewed the positive state of the NATO alliance. While seeking security and stability at lower levels of armaments, the United States and West Germany, together with our allies, will ensure that our conventional and nuclear forces are kept up to date. We also agreed that, for the foreseeable future, there is no viable alternative to NATO's defense strategy of deterrence based on flexible response and a forward defense. The Chancellor voiced support for an international conference on chemical weapons, and we reaffirmed our common goal of negotiating a global ban on these terrible weapons.

West Germany and the United States continue to seek ways to share early the risks, burdens, and responsibilities, as well as the benefits, of our common defense. We reviewed the difficulties each country faces in doing more but pledged we would each do our fair share. In this regard, I paid special tribute to the German people for the sacrifices they bear on the front line of freedom, which is also America's front line of defense, and reiterated my condolences for the victims of the tragedy at the Ramstein air show last August.

We also reviewed trade and economic issues. Both the Chancellor and I expressed satisfaction with the present state of the world economy. I congratulated the Chancellor on the decision of the European Community member states to take

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KAI DC

212 753 7248 P.04

major steps toward closer economic integration by the end of 1992 and expressed our concern that this be done in a manner that promotes fair trade internationally. We agreed that trade protectionism must be avoided and reiterated our support for an amicable resolution of the U.S. and European Community trade issues and for real progress during the midterm review of the Uruguay Round trade negotiations. I'll have something more to say on that point later in the week.

Helmut, this marks my last meeting as President with you. Six years ago, we stood together as I announced the formation of a Presidential commission to commemorate the tricentennial ' of the first German settlement in the United States. Six years to the day, I'm proud to announce a product of that commission: the dedication of a garden here in Washington as a symbol of the friendship between our two countries. In a few months, I'll be leaving the White House, but the garden, and all it represents, will remain, to be nurtured and sustained by the friendship between Germans and Americans and by the leadership that you have provided. I'm asking Charles Wick, the Director of the U.S. Information Agency, to represent me today at the dedication of the German-American Friendship Garden.

And, Helmut, I hope you will convey to the German people my personal thanks for their prayers and support over the past 8 years. And let me just add a final personal word to you for your friendship and counsel. Thank you, Helmut, and may God bless you, and may God bless our two great nations.

Chancellor Kohl

Allow me to thank you, first of all, Mr. President, for the warm words of friendship which you have found for my country. The friendship between the United States of America and the Federal Republic of Germany is of existential importance to our country. It has always been that way, and it will remain so in the future. It was the idea of freedom which brought us together, and today, more than ever, we know how important it is to stand together to defend our freedom and unity.

Dear Ron, you already mentioned this. Today I met with you for the last time during your term of office. For 6 years, we have worked together excellently. Our meetings have always been meetings between friends. And I would like to thank you from all my heart for this personal contact and personal friendship which we have, for the exchange of experiences and views which we had, and also for the friendship which the elder statesmen gave to the younger statesmen. During our respective terms of office, the relations between Bonn and Washington have become ever closer. And one of the hallmarks of this cooperation has been the fair and open consultation about all matters interesting us over all these years.

Let me cite as an example the alliance consultations parallel to the U.S.-Soviet INF [intermediate-range nuclear forces] negotiations. They were absolutely crucial to the success of the negotiations. I should also, of course, like to thank you, Mr. President, for your bold and resolute commitment to improving East-West relations. Any kind of worsening of the situation between East and West will be felt like an earthquake in our country, in the Federal Republic of Germany, and, of course, first of all in Berlin. I should like to thank you very much also for the sympathy and the interest which you have always shown to us and to the interests of our country, which is a divided country, of course. And your speech very near to the Berlin Wall, at the Brandenburg Gate, is unforgettable to all of us. This wasn't only just a speech, but it showed a very personal commitment to the cause of Berlin.

During your two visits to the Federal Republic of Germany, you have always also raised the issue of human contacts between the United States and the Federal Republic of Germany, and you also paid particular tribute to the contributions which those citizens of the United States of German origin have made to this country. And you've pointed out that these people sort of have had built a human bridge between our two countries.

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LOOKSmarts FindArticles - US Department of State Bulletin: Chancellor Kohl's visit - Helmut Kohl, Ro...

I think we can say-we can put it very briefly and say-these have been good years. I think that both of us have paved the way for development which will be pursued by your successor in office. And I should, at the end of my remarks, mention one important example. I should like to mention the agreement and the commitment which we have made to exchange young people-students but also other young people who travel from your country to our. country and from our country to your country. That is to say, we try to plant young trees so that a strong forest may grow, which serves as a shade for all of us.

COPYRIGHT 2004 Gale Group

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TOTAL P.05

AN AMERICAN LIFE

and tens of thousands of tanks and other conventional weapons,
all of which had changed the balance of power.

At the time of the Cuban missile crisis in the early 1960s, it had
been relatively easy to stand up to the Soviets: Our nuclear weapons
outnumbered theirs almost ten to one; the Soviets took their mis-
siles out of Cuba and Khrushchev backed down. But the balance of
power had all been changed by the early 1980s. The Soviet Union
was building missiles hand over fist, and their nuclear forces out-
numbered ours.

During the period of this great Soviet military expansion, we had
built no new bombers, developed no new missiles, and the morale,
weapons, and readiness of all our military forces had deteriorated.
If we were ever going to stop Soviet troublemaking around the
world, we'd have to persuade them to sue for peace. And so, as we
prepared for new arms control talks, we began the task of undoing
the years of neglect of our armed forces.

My proposal of the zero-zero option sprang out of the realities
of nuclear politics in Western Europe: In 1979, the Soviets began
deploying at a rate of two a week a new three-thousand-mile-range
mobile missile with three warheads called the SS-20. It was de-
signed specifically to reach cities in Western Europe from the Soviet
Union. In response, our NATO allies asked America to send them
nuclear weapons of comparable range that they could hurl back at
Moscow if attacked. The Carter administration then initiated de-
velopment of the Pershing II and the cruise missiles. Parallel with
this decision, in what was called the two-track policy, the NATO
countries agreed to seek negotiations with the Russians aimed at
reducing nuclear weapons in Europe.

Now that I was in office and the American-made INF missiles
were being scheduled for shipment to Europe, some European lead-
ers were having doubts about the policy. Whipped up by Soviet
propandists, thousands of Europeans were taking to the streets
and protesting the plans to base additional nuclear weapons in
Europe, arguing that their presence would cause future nuclear
wars to be confined to Europe. (I've often wondered why these
antiwar groups got so angry at their own leaders; it was the Soviets
who had targeted nuclear weapons at them.)

Helmut Kohl, leader of the opposition party in Germany, told
me during a White House visit that the propaganda offensive was

the name of the
intercontinental-
approach and
on Talks."
ringing conven-
ist and West,
enal of nuclear

ing to be short
of arms. A few
Approval to blue-
our strategic
sustain a mili-
 decade had been
ary buildup in
hundred B-1B
bombers (the
er administra-
ge missiles, the
libmarines and
to develop the
trating Soviet
surface ships,
ons and other
of my critics
cal to embark
lear weapons.
nywhere with
its, we had to
ou were going
ne hand, you

tained a lead
e 1970s, they
critical areas,
BMs capable
ng enormous
duced new
urface ships,

295

RONALD REAGAN

becoming highly sophisticated and effective in convincing Europeans that the United States was a bloodthirsty, militaristic nation. This view of America shocked me: We were the most moral and generous people on earth, we'd spent thirty-five years since World War II helping to rebuild the economies of our former allies and enemies, we had gone to the corners of the world in the defense of freedom and democracy, and now we were being cast—effectively, Kohl said—as villains. It was clear we'd have to do a better job of conveying to the world our sense of morality and our commitment to the creation of a peaceful, nuclear-free world.

After considerable discussion with the cabinet and our arms control experts, I decided to propose the zero-zero plan, which was also advocated by the then-chancellor of West Germany, Helmut Schmidt: If the Russians would dismantle their SS-20 missiles and two shorter-range missiles—the SS-4 and SS-5—that they had targeted at Western Europe, I told the Russians, we would scrap plans to install the Pershing II and cruise missiles. Then there would be zero INF weapons in Europe.

Al Haig was not keen about the zero-zero proposal. He felt NATO required the new missiles to counter the Soviet threat, and argued that it did not leave enough room for bargaining with the Russians; he suggested that in offering the zero-zero plan, we should indicate that we would be willing to consider leaving a few INF weapons in Europe on both sides—a “zero-plus” option. Cap Weinberger, on the other hand, was strongly in favor of the zero-zero option; he said it would get the arms control talks moving on a realistic basis and put the Soviets on the defensive in the European propaganda war.

It was one of many instances I faced as president when my policy of encouraging cabinet members to speak frankly and to fight for their points of view put me in the middle. The hardest decisions to make are in those situations where there are good arguments on both sides of a question; as you think out the problem you have to weigh the advantages and disadvantages of the two options against each other. Usually, the debate would rage, the meeting would end, and then I'd say: “I'll make my decision after I've given some more thought to this.” Sometimes, I might call another meeting and say I hadn't heard enough from the two sides on the issue and get them into another debate to help me reach a decision. As this was going

on, I kept a poke
ing, go away, an
always helped in
stand in the shor
going to sleep.

In this instance
cross-country in
called the “doon
an interior stuffe
me of a subma
learned that wh
away; during a
ment functionin
heady environm
control.

Al's idea of le
learned as a un
hole card in adv
total elimination
rope and then h
tipping off the
negotiations ev
elimination of a
fore the world v
ets, our allies, t
and others that
weapons.

We eventually
missiles in Euro
was a lot more

296

AN AMERICAN LIFE

53

Ottawa in the annual meeting a rotating basis that's what they did for interests was likely to es, which several doubles. Margaret la, Zenko Suzuki nçois Mitterrand had a freewheeling . None of us was in a particularly our interest rates raising off capital around the table. n I described the through Congress,ral of them didn't cutting taxes and ic affairs. I amid the breath- it, just as the eco- ginning to gain a

strong head of steam. It was my turn to serve as chairman, and I was a little edgy. At dinner the first night, the seven of us sat down around a big round table, everyone fell silent, and someone—I believe it was Helmut Kohl, who had replaced Schmidt as chancelor of West Germany—spoke up: "*Tell us about the American miracle.*"

He wanted to know how we had managed to turn the tide on both inflation and unemployment while most of the rest of the industrialized world was still gripped by the recession.

Looking at a semicircle of faces, I launched into what I guess was a variation of the speech I'd been making for years. First, I gave them my thoughts about how excessive tax rates take away the incentive to produce, and how lower tax rates, in the end, generate more economic growth and also greater revenue for government. Then I told them what we had done to lower our tax rates, and some of the other things we were trying to do, such as reducing the size of government, eliminating unnecessary regulations and interference in the free market, and turning over to private enterprise some of the functions government had taken over. Everyone around the table just listened in silence as I spoke.

It wasn't long after that I began reading about a wave of tax cutting in several of their countries. And at subsequent economic summits, several leaders told me they were introducing economic and taxation policies based on ours—not only cutting taxes, but reducing the regulation of business. The next time I'd see them, they'd say the policies were stimulating a turnaround like the one we had had in the United States.

No one did more in this regard than Margaret Thatcher. But I don't claim credit for convincing her of the merits of free enterprise and downsizing government. She was at least as determined as I was to get government out of the pocketbooks and off the backs of the people. From our first meeting, we'd been on the same wavelength. Whenever we saw each other, she usually told me her ability to point to the success of our policies in the United States had made it easier for her to convince Britons the policies had merit. As everyone now knows, her policies touched off a boom that brought great prosperity to the British people. In many ways she accomplished more than we did in returning government-run enterprises to where they belonged—the private sector—and created a model that has

351

RONALD REAGAN

that boat waiting to land,” I said, quoting Lisa’s letter. “I can smell the ocean and feel the seasickness. I can see the looks on his fellow soldiers’ faces, the fear, the anguish, the uncertainty of what lay ahead. And when they landed, I can feel the strength and courage of the men who took those first steps through the tide to what must have surely looked like instant death ...”

After a few minutes, it was all but impossible to go on. My voice began to crack. But I managed to get through it and was glad when I reached the end: “Through the words of his loving daughter, who is here with us today, a D-day veteran has shown us the meaning of this day far better than any presidents can. It is enough for us to say about Private Zanatta and all the men of honor and courage who fought beside him four decades ago: We will always remember. We will always be proud. We will always be prepared, so we may always be free.”

Less than a year later, I was speaking at the site of another World War II cemetery in Europe. It was a memorable experience for a different reason.

When I accepted an invitation from Chancellor Helmut Kohl to make a state visit to West Germany following the Bonn economic summit that was scheduled in the spring of 1985, I agreed with him that it would be an appropriate moment for us to mark not only the fortieth anniversary of the end of World War II, but also the beginning of forty years of peace and friendship between two former enemies. After I agreed to the visit, I received an invitation from a German politician who represented a region around Munich to visit Dachau, the infamous Nazi concentration camp located near Munich, during my trip. Since I was to be an official visitor of the federal government, I felt it wasn't up to me to choose my itinerary, so I turned down his invitation. (Subsequently I was told that the letter had come from one of Kohl's rivals, who wanted me to visit his district for his own political reasons.)

When the West German government announced that my projected itinerary would include a stop at a military cemetery at Bitburg, Jewish organizations in our country complained that among the two thousand or so buried there were forty-eight SS storm troopers—something our advance team hadn’t known when they agreed to the schedule. The Jewish organizations argued that I

376

should insist on Dachau.

Even Nancy w
will give readers

April 4-14

During most o
because I'd acce
itary cemetery d
official invite fr
district. All of tl
Nazis but trying
ing the end of W
beginning of fri
repeatedly said v
so it will never h
on the warpath.
However, Helmi
roar it will colo
program. We'll
German soldiers
But we won and
"Let's never be e
Arlington Cemet

Today, Walter
*Pravda* story lac
to Dachau. I was
years after the
practicing anti-S

April 15

... a cable ar
to Germany. He
Holocaust. The
private thing. H
the camp as well
cial.

April 16

After lunch w
Office Building]

AN AMERICAN LIFE

should insist on canceling the visit to Bitburg and go instead to Dachau.

Even Nancy was against me this time. Excerpts from my diary will give readers an idea of what my life was like during this period:

April 4-14

During most of the week, the press has had a field day assailing me because I'd accepted Helmut Kohl's invitation to visit a German military cemetery during our visit to Bonn. I had turned down a not-official invite from a West German politician to visit Dachau in his district. All of this was portrayed as being willing to honor former Nazis but trying to forget the Holocaust. Helmut had in mind observing the end of World War II anniversary as the end of hatred and the beginning of friendship and peace that has lasted 40 years. I have repeatedly said we must never forget the Holocaust and remember it so it will never happen again. But some of our Jewish friends are now on the warpath. There is no way I'll back down and run for cover. However, Helmut is upset and thinks this may become such an uproar it will color the whole Economic Summit. He may change the program. We'll wait and see. I still think we were right. Yes. The German soldiers were the enemy and part of the whole Nazi hate era. But we won and we killed those soldiers. What is wrong with saying, "Let's never be enemies again"? Would Helmut be wrong if he visited Arlington Cemetery on one of his US visits?

Today, Walter Annenberg called. His news wire had picked up a *Pravda* story lacing into me about the Jewish slight in my not going to Dachau. I want to respond to *Pravda* and point out that today 40 years after the Holocaust, the Soviets are the only ones officially practicing anti-Semitism.

April 15

... a cable arrived from Helmut Kohl and Mike Deaver took off to Germany. Helmut may very well have solved our problem re the Holocaust. The invite I turned down about a visit to Dachau was a private thing. Helmut is making it official. He'll invite me to visit the camp as well as the cemetery. I can accept both now that it's official.

April 16

After lunch with VP, went to E.O.B. [the White House Executive Office Building] to speak to conference on religious liberty. Prior to

ler. "I can smell his on his fellow country of what lay there and courage to what must

go on. My voice was glad when I heard of his daughter, who was the meaning enough for us to honor and courage always remembered, so we

another World experience for a

Helmut Kohl to Bonn economic agreed with him on a mark not only II, but also the between two forced an invitation around Munich to camp located official visitor of the to choose my recently I was told who wanted me

to that my procedure at Bitburg that among eight SS stormown when they is argued that I

377

RONALD REAGAN

that we went into my German problem again. The press has the bit
in their teeth and are stirring up as much trouble as they can. At the
close of my speech I made a statement acknowledging that we had
been confused about the Dachau suggestion—that it was part of the
official itinerary and that I was going to visit the Bitburg German
cemetery and a concentration camp.

April 19

A brief signing ceremony opened the day, then we got back to my "Dreyfus" case—the trip to a German cemetery. I told our people ... there was no way I could back away in the face of the criticism which grows more shrill as the press continues to clamor. Mike Deaver is back and said Kohl was going to phone me. Our ambassador Arthur Burns met several hours with Kohl. Our people want me to suggest a national German war memorial as a substitute for the military cemetery. I said only if it presented no problems for Kohl. The call came while we were meeting. Helmut told me the camp would be Bergen-Belsen, not Dachau. Then he told me my remarks about the dead soldiers being victims of Nazism as the Jews in the Holocaust were, had been well received in Germany. He was emphatic that to cancel the cemetery now would be a disaster in his country and an insult to the German people. I told him I would not cancel.

cancel.

While I was on the phone to Kohl, the VP was in the room with our gang hearing my end of the call. He wrote me this note:

"Mr. President, I was very proud of your stand. If I can help absorb some heat, send me into battle— It's not easy, but you are right!!

George"

George”

Then we brought in Elie Wiesel, survivor of the Holocaust and several others who were on hand for the Jewish Heritage Week Ceremony in which I was presenting Elie with the Congressional gold medal. I explained the situation to them and made some gains even if later Elie in his prepared remarks implored me not to visit the cemetery. We’ve invited Elie to accompany me on the trip. He’s said yes except that he won’t be present at the cemetery.

April 20-21 Camp David

Weather wonderful, in the 80's—swam both days and rode on Saturday. Sunday an early return. Nancy went on to Calif.... just for overnight, to see a house. That comes under the heading of looking ahead. Mermie [my daughter Maureen] here for dinner.

April 26

Sen. Metzenbaum
tion passed asking
visit. Unfortunately,
don't want out. I t

April 27

A day of reading
is still chewing on

April 28

More homework
Called Jerry Ford
about Nancy. She
can wind her dow

April 29

Getaway day.
I'll be giving in I
on the tax simpl
short meeting v
recess from the C

I hope I'm not
signs that the Bi

9:25 p.m.: A
our way to Bor
hour time chan
was already 4
and 25 minute:
we slept well b
to Bonn time,
arrive at 11:2
Mrs. Burns a
boarded Mari
now used as a
there on our 1

As the time
beat of critici
ing that my r

378

AN AMERICAN LIFE

crimes by keeping memories of them alive; it has turned former concentration camps into museums of death containing the most horrifying pictures you have ever seen, and encouraged German schoolchildren to visit the museums and look at the pictures.

Here are additional excerpts from my diary that spring, beginning with our arrival in Germany prior to the economic summit.

### May 2

The day started with a working breakfast with all our staff, then at 9:35 a.m. Nancy joined us. We heliopcoptered into Bonn and motored to Villa Harmerschmidt, home of President [Richard] von Weizsacker. Met by him and his wife plus a greeting part of our embassy people and German officials. It was a formal ceremony. [The German president's functions are largely ceremonial.] He and I inspected the troops, etc. Then Nancy left us for her trip to Rome, an audience with the Pope and a schedule that will keep her away until May 4.

The president and I, plus staffs, had a half hour meeting, then we were off to the Federal Chancellery to meet Chancellor Helmut Kohl. He and I had a 45 minute private meeting. I assured him I was not upset by the press furor over my scheduled wreath laying at Bitburg military cemetery. He said I had won the heart of Germany by standing firm on this. . . . Next visitor was President Mitterrand of France. He's still pressing for a formal monetary conference to deal with exchange rates, etc. We've had our ministers and a task force discussing and studying financial matters for two years since the Williamsburg summit. Their report is due in June. I proposed that we wait for that report and then see what further is needed. He's not satisfied with that and wants to tie a monetary meeting to any trade talks. I briefed him also on our Strategic Defense Initiative and sensed a reluctance on his part as to any participation in this. Then it was back to Schloss Gymnisch where I had a meeting with our solid ally Margaret Thatcher. This was a half hour, mainly spent in discussing the upcoming meeting. Back to the helicopter and off to Schloss Augustberg to meet Helmut, attend a reception, which was jammed. [Later] Back in a motorcade and off to Schloss Falkenbust for the Economic Summit dinner meeting. During the course of dinner I told them how successful Nancy's anti-drug session with seventeen other first ladies had been and by the time I finished they picked up on it and we voted to move together on a program of cooperation in dealing with the drug problem.

by with my deter-
t stubbornness—

Nancy only rarely
in Bitburg, she let
be critical when
just go over the
say in her quiet
good idea for you
more if I were
ow she's trying to
I do my job, she

usually, I'm not sure
who is willing to
leave out of a solid
are best friends; if
whom can you
sometimes things you
I wouldn't want
disagreeing with
No, Nancy was

would be offen-
who had died in
the invitation, I
be visit. But that

very German for
in the time of
the stigma for
the last days of
seeing images of
their homes.
He had done. I
disgust on their
opened until after
cernment has at-
ther's monstrous

381

RONALD REAGAN

the striped pants types at State will too . . . now we're off to Chicago
for the memorial service to Loyal [my father-in-law] by American
College of Surgeons. . . .

On November 15, I wrote:

More flak from Paris but we're not answering. We've told them if
they are reneging for any reason about the east west trade agreement
take it up with all of us, not just the U.S.

Briefing for the [Helmut] Kohl visit. This will be my fifth meeting with him but now he is chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany.

We had a full ceremonial on a raw windy day. Our meeting was
good. He is entirely different than his predecessor, very warm and
outgoing. Mrs. Kohl is the same and very charming.

We did hit it off and I believe we'll have a fine relationship. No
state dinner but a dinner for about 40 upstairs in our dining room.
They felt very good about that and accepted it as something special.

During the day [a meeting] with John Tower re the MX. No doubt
we're going to have trouble—the Democrats will try to cancel out the
whole system. It will take a full court press to get it. If we don't, I
shudder to think what it will do to our arms reduction negotiations
in Geneva.

The following week, after reviewing a variety of options about
where and how it should be based, I decided to order deployment
of the still-under-development MX Peacekeeper long-range inter-
continental ballistic missile (ICBM) in underground silos at Warren
Air Force Base in Wyoming. I was convinced it was essential to
deter a Soviet first strike by assuring that the U.S. retaliatory forces
could survive an attack by the Soviets' latest super-ICBMs. On the
same day, I sent a message to the new Soviet leadership proposing
several confidence-building measures, including suggestions that
our two nations agree to notify each other in advance of missile
and space tests to remove the mutual surprise and uncertainty that
can occur at the sudden appearance of a rocket on a warning
screen; that we notify each other before major military exercises,
again to reduce surprise and uncertainty in our relationship; and
that we upgrade the Washington-Moscow hot line to make it more
dependable and rapid. And I also made an address to the nation

that did so improprio: liberal success "I am parall the or Bec cause I'm in

Ir to fatory that way perferens defecT Statwea powT tineun T the that fire UniB-5 T enin We lanT Sov of Wh

[L.C]

*

560

RONALD REAGAN

mitment of the Soviet leadership and the people of the Soviet Union to the course of peace, the elimination of the nuclear threat and development of relations based on mutual benefit and equality with all nations”—while blaming the United States entirely for the arms race.

On July 11, 1983, I sent a handwritten note to Andropov assuring him that the people of the United States were equally dedicated to the cause of peace and elimination of the nuclear threat. Then I asked, Wasn't it time that we took the next step and began trying to implement these goals at the meetings of our arms negotiators in Geneva? “We both share an enormous responsibility for the preservation of stability in the world,” I wrote, “and I believe we can fulfill that mandate, but in order to do so, it will require a more active level of exchange than we have heretofore been able to establish. There's much to talk about with regard to the situation in Eastern Europe and South Asia and particularly this hemisphere as well as in such areas as arms control, trade between our two countries, and other ways in which we can expand East-West contacts.”

Historically, I wrote, “our predecessors have made better progress when they communicated privately and candidly.” I wrote that if he wished to engage in such direct communication, “you will find me ready. I await your reply. Ronald Reagan.”

In early August, Andropov responded with a letter that demanded we cancel the deployment that fall of the new NATO missiles and refused to discuss the issues I'd raised in my letter, especially Soviet subversion of Third World countries. On the plus side, he expressed a willingness to communicate with me privately. Here is a portion of his letter:

Dear Mr. President:

Thank you for your personal letter, which was conveyed to me on July 21. I have considered its contents with all seriousness.

I take note with satisfaction the assurances that the U.S. Government shares a devotion to the cause of peace and the elimination of the nuclear threat and strives to build relations with other countries on the basis of mutual benefit and equal rights. The most important thing now, it seems to me, is to attempt to embody these principles in practical issues, to seek and find solutions to existing problems in the spirit of peace and cooperation. I agree with you, Mr. President,

that we
peace and
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the negotiat
hear how y

I want to
mutual cons

576

AN AMERICAN LIFE

the people of the Soviet Union on of the nuclear threat and mutual benefit and equality with the United States entirely for the arms

ten note to Andropov assur-
ates were equally dedicated
of the nuclear threat. Then I
next step and began trying
gs of our arms negotiators in
responsibility for the pres-
rote, "and I believe we can
so, it will require a more
retofore been able to estab-
regard to the situation in
ticularly this hemisphere as
tde between our two coun-
pand East-West contacts."
rs have made better prog-
and candidly." I wrote that
munication, "you will find
igan."

d with a letter that de-
fall of the new NATO
s I'd raised in my letter,
old countries. On the plus
unicate with me privately.

I was conveyed to me on
II seriousness.

es that the U.S. Govern-
e and the elimination of
ons with other countries
its. The most important
embody these principles
to existing problems in
with you, Mr. President,

that we are obliged to remember the responsibility for maintaining
peace and international security which rests on our two countries and
their leaders.

Of course, in the present complex situation, it is difficult to count
on simple solutions. But I think that if we were to try simply to avoid
the most important and difficult issues, we would hardly be able to
achieve the results to which, as I understand, we both would like to
aspire....

The important thing, of course, is to begin to move forward on issues of limiting and reducing nuclear arms. It is a particularly urgent necessity to prevent a nuclear arms race in Europe, the results of which would be extremely serious. If we can achieve that, I believe that the peoples of our countries and of many other countries will be grateful to us.

We believe that a just, mutually acceptable agreement in Geneva, an agreement on the basis of equality, is still possible. In trying to reach an agreement there, we have already gone very far and have taken decisions which were most difficult for us. After all, the Soviet Union is in fact agreeing (contingent upon reaching parity in appropriate categories of aircraft) to reduce to almost a third the medium-range missiles it has in the European zone. And to reduce them without a reciprocal reduction of missiles on the part of the West. Is this understood and appreciated to a proper degree in Washington? In this regard we want nothing more than a counterbalance to the means which the British and French possess. Is this not an honest and moderate position?

I will tell you, Mr. President, the same thing I told Chancellor Kohl when I met him in Moscow: we believe that we must take advantage of the opportunity, while it exists, to reach a genuinely honest agreement which takes into account the legitimate interests of both the NATO and Warsaw Pact countries so that, instead of increasing medium-range nuclear weapons in Europe, they are significantly, very significantly, reduced. That would permit an enormous improvement of the situation in Europe and in the whole world.

So long as the United States has not begun deploying its missiles in Europe, an agreement is still possible. Moreover, it is our conviction, based on a calculation of basic security factors, that there is room for flexibility on both sides. Insofar as you, too, would like movement in the negotiations—as I infer from your letter—I would be pleased to hear how you envision this in practical terms.

I want to add that we would consider it quite possible to have
mutual constructive steps for ending the arms race in other directions

577

[LC]

ular religion of expansionism hadn't changed regarding U.S.-(

I felt we could now go to the
from a position of strength, as
I received Chernenko's letter

Joint Chiefs of Staff. I had one
ed on where we are as a result
logy is so superior to what our
rovement in training and read-
percent of our recruits are high
history. I wish it were possible
accomplished but too much of

perated during the Depression
in bureaucracies—and bureau-
n the conduct of American for-
send a message to a foreign
c message were usually first circu-
ies at the State Department, the
nt, and elsewhere for comment
aucrats down the line (I'm sure
change something—whether it
ften a blurring of my original

important, I decided in this in-
n approach—without help from

meeting in early March, I an-
t a response to Chernenko with-
cracy. From then on, I would
George Bush, George Shultz, Cap
my national security advisor, in
group to determine whether we
that offered the Russians a series

AN AMERICAN LIFE

of small steps, and showed that we were sincere about wanting to
improve relations as a prelude to a summit and hoped they were,
too. These entries from my diary in March summarized some of the
developments that were happening then:

March 2

I'm convinced the time has come for me to meet with Chernenko
along about July 1. We're going to start with some ministerial level
meetings on a number of substantive matters that have been on ice
since the KAL 007 shoot down.

March 5

Helmut Kohl, West German chancellor, arrived. We had a good
meeting and lunch. He confirmed my belief that the Soviets are mo-
tivated at least in part by insecurity and a suspicion that we and our
allies mean them harm. They still preserve the tank traps and barbed
wire that show how close the Germans got to Moscow before they
were stopped. He too thinks I should meet Chernenko.

March 7

George Shultz and I met. Our plans about the Soviet Union are
going forward. He is giving Ambassador Dobrynin my letter for de-
livery to Chernenko.

In the letter to Chernenko, I said I believed it would be advanta-
geous for us to communicate directly and confidentially. I tried to
use the old actor's technique of empathy: to imagine the world as
seen through another's eyes and try to help my audience see it
through my eyes. "I fully appreciate the priority you attach to the
security of the Soviet state," I wrote, "particularly in light of the
enormous costs shouldered by your people in helping to defeat Nazi
Germany." I said it was my understanding that some people in the
Soviet Union felt a genuine fear of our country.

"But I cannot understand why our programs can be considered
threatening," I wrote. Since 1970, the letter went on, the USSR had
developed three new intercontinental ballistic missiles, five new
submarine-launched ballistic missiles, and thirteen modernized ver-
sions of other Soviet missiles. Yes, we had begun to develop new
weapons systems after a long period, but only in response to the
Soviet buildup.

595

From All the Best, George Bush: My Life in Letters and
Other Writings by George H.W. Bush

428

ALL THE BEST, GEORGE BUSH

do without friends?" it said. I don't believe I could do this job without trusted close friends nearby. That's you. I'm glad; grateful too.

George

June 15th

On Thursday morning, I had a long phone call from Helmut Kohl—very personal, very friendly—and a debriefing on Gorbachev. "Gorbachev has respect for you intellectually; Gorbachev wants better relations; and Raisa said wonderful things about Barbara." Kohl made clear that Gorbachev could not split him away from the West, and away from the United States. Gorbachev said he doesn't want to do this, so, all in all, he was upbeat.

On a personal side, Helmut mentioned a special sausage he was going to send me three or four different times, so I've got to talk to the Secret Service about getting it. They will be uncomfortable, but here's one where we need to bend the rules a little simply because it means so much to Kohl, and, besides that, I like wurst.

That spring, the desire for democracy spread from Eastern Europe all the way to China. In April, thousands of Chinese students poured into Tiananmen Square, demanding more freedom. Despite the government's attempts to break up the demonstrations, the crowds kept getting larger and more defiant. Finally, on June 3, tanks and troops put an end to the protest, resulting in much bloodshed. Publicly, we immediately condemned China for its action and called for sanctions. Privately, I wrote this anguished letter to an old friend:

June 20, 1989

His Excellency Deng Xiaoping
People's Republic of China
Beijing

Dear Chairman Deng:

I write this letter to you with a heavy heart. I wish there was a way to discuss this matter in person, but regrettably that is not the case. First, I write in a spirit of genuine friendship, this letter coming as I'm sure you know from one who believes with a passion that good relations between the United States and China are in the fundamental interests of both countries. I have felt that way for many years. I feel more strongly that way today, in spite of the difficult circumstances.

Secondly, I write as one who has great respect for what you personally have

done for the people of China. There is enormous irony in reversals in your quest to bring a situation fraught with so

I recall your telling me once, long ago, that your unforgettable words your concerns about "encroaching China, and your commitment to your own country" were not trying to be writing as a friend, a genuine offer to be a partner in your relationship that we all not to inject myself into, not to appear to be dictating in our internal crisis. I am response to your systems.

It is with this in mind that I write this letter of appreciation and recognition of your great service to our two systems.

I have great reverence for the wisdom and experience you bring to the development of our principles and the way we as a democratic society, as a free people, can assemble, freedom from the constraints of which inevitably affect all nations. It is not to our beliefs but of a sort we can and should be proud, and your universal appeal is for the ideas and principles we have so carefully developed and transmitted to future generations.

And that leads directly to the student demonstrations that have broken out in many places around the world over the past few weeks. I was one of those who, like you, was shown, the reasons why we were seen patiently standing by our beliefs and our principles, and even though disheartened, I will leave what foamy eyes the people of the