From Sir George Catlin.

5 WILTON PLACE,
BELGRAVIA,
LONDON, S.W.1.

Tel. 235 2947.

Private

27th September, 1973.

The Hon. Henry Kissinger,
Department of State,
Washington, D. C.
U.S.A.

I am delighted to learn that, according to present plans, you will be speaker at the Pilgrims Dinner on October 15th. Harry Truman, Mrs. Roosevelt and George Marshall have all spoken from this platform.

I learn that, among top-table guests will be Carrington
Minister of Defence; Julian Amery and Harlech (both of
whom are pretty impassioned 'European Europeans'); Jim
Callaghan, for the present Shadow Foreign Secretary; Fred
Peart (who will be my personal guest), Shadow Minister of
Defence; and Jeremy Thorpe, the quite brilliant Liberal
Leader whose party, since the war, has been all for
European Union but who recently (Evening Standard,
24th September) commented to Newsweek, on European
agricultural prices, that these prices "are geared only to
keeping in business six million peasants who really ought
to be pensioned off."

This Monday I had over half an hour alone with
Mr. Wilson. It is my impression that, should you like to
see him, he would very much like to see you. However I
must leave this to the U.S. Embassy and to Fred Peart who
may mention the matter.

My new book Kissinger's Atlantic Charter should be
published by mid-October and copy will, of course, with
compliments be sent to you.

With warm regards,

From Sir George Catlin.

Private

27th September, 1973.

I learn that, among top-table guests will be Carrington Minister of Defence; Julian Amery and Harlech (both of whom are pretty impassioned 'European Europeans'); Jim Callaghan, for the present Shadow Foreign Secretary; Fred Peart (who will be my personal guest), Shadow Minister of Defence; and Jeremy Thorpe, the quite brilliant Liberal Leader whose party, since the war, has been all for European Union but who recently (Evening Standard, 24th September) commented to *Newsweek*, on European agricultural prices, that these prices "are geared only to keeping in business six million peasants who really ought to be pensioned off."

My new book *Kissinger's Atlantic Charter* should be published by mid-October and copy will, of course, with compliments be sent to you.

With warm regards,

George Catlin.

Sir George Catlin.

5 WILTON PLACE
LONDON S.W.1
Tel. 235 2724

CATLIN, George

15th November, 1973.

The Hon. Henry A. Kissinger,
Secretary of State,
Department of State,
Washington, D.C.,
U.S.A.

Thank you for your warm letter of October 12th, and I now add my congratulations on the Nobel Prize and on the Middle East success, standing out the more sharply against Jobert's contemptible speech of November 12th. It makes a blazing revelation of what I suggested in my book, *Kissinger's Atlantic Charter*.

Despite publisher's delays, the final proof of my book, *Kissinger's Atlantic Charter*, will have reached you from Bonnie Andrews by now; only the last chapter matters. Gene Rostow is busy finding me an American publisher.

I come over to the States by January 3rd on an invitation from Hartwick College, N.Y., which may have no high prestige but is financially extremely convenient. It may be possible to fix up a major lecture at Yale X which can be published - probably on this goose-chase for 'the identity of Europe'. Mixing the metaphor, it reminds one of a Pirandello character on a psychoanalyst's couch. 'Europe' remains undefined.

Do not trouble to reply to this. If I come to Baltimore or Washington I shall venture to let you know.

From Sir George Catlin.

PROVISIONAL

ATLANTIC UNION MOVEMENT (U.K.)

Temporarily at:-

COUNCIL

SIR GEORGE CATLIN
Founder-President

Hartwick College
Department of History
Oneonta, New York 13820

Temporary address:
HARTWICK PEACE, LONDON, N.W.1

SIR FRANK ROBERTS, G.C.M.G., G.C.V.O.
Chairman

JAMES HUNTLEY, ESQ.
FRANK HARCOURT-MUNNING, ESQ., C.B.E.
DR. CYRIL JAMES, D.SC.
COMDR. HUGH MULLINEUX
SIR GILBERT LONGDEN, M.P.
THE RT. HON. F. PEART, M.P.
THE RT. HON. GEORGE THOMSON, M.P.
SIR MICHAEL WRIGHT, G.C.M.G.

Personal
Hon. Henry Kissinger
Department of State
Washington, D. C. 20520

Thank you for your letter of Nov. 3, which reached me around mid-December by pouch. Be assured that it is never necessary to reply to any letters of mine: you are far too busy. That is my basis with Harold Wilson. Actually, the address did, of course, take place on Dec. 12. There was standing applause and Home's speech, with its reference to General Marshall, was far warmer than is usual with that withdrawn Scotsman. (I sat at the next breakfast table to him at 4 Whitehall Court for months and can judge.) Wilson's attitude is, of course, very different and (as he showed at Tufts College) more **sympatique**. Wilson, Callaghan and (whom I introduced to you) the shadow Defense Minister, Fred Peart, were all very happy. I think I have made it plain (in the proof copy of my book) that I am an unreserved supporter of your policy, both the Atlantic Union and detente - the two link. A major objective of the A.U. Council (which listed at its foundation 2 Privy Counsellors, 2 Ex-Ambassadors and 4 M.P.s) was and is precisely to raise political support for that policy.

This last year the Pilgrims achieved as much as could be done in this time. Fortunately, Gavin Astor acted on my suggestion. Next year I hope the council will be matured enough to do more. Effort needs to be put into the field of public relations, with insistence that the Atlantic Community and E.E.C. are not incompatible; but that the second is only acceptable in the framework of the first. That is what I

HAK

From Sir George Catlin

-2-

HARTWICK COLLEGE

ONEONTA, NEW YORK 13820

Department of History

XXXXXXXXXXXX

learned from President Eisenhower and remains true.

To get on with the work while I am here (until June) of
effectively building something up, I want urgently to see Nelson
(and/or David) Rockefeller. It can save a lot of time. In
Amsterdam Nelson Rockefeller asked me to see him in New York.
When I was in New York at Yale in April, he was in Montana . . .
my first introduction to him came from President Eisenhower in
'67. I shall ask him for an appointment, but if your secretary
would be good enough to phone his (not least while he is busy with
and set-up for the discussion of 'critical issues') it would,
I am confident, clinch matters and give me something of the
entree I had with Wilkie. Oneonta is pleasant but a little conch
enough, I hope, to suit Mr. Rockefeller's contacts with Bayard, Mr. Marshall and Mr. Moncure.

As always,

George Catlin

P.S. I am glad to note that the proposal of a British
Bicentenary gift to the States of a statue of Lord Chatham,
which Eisenhower approves and about which David Bruce expressed
himself with enthusiasm to me, seems to go forward in London,
although it still has to be pushed home.

G.C.

From Sir George Catlin

[10]

PROVISIONAL

Temporary address:

COUNCIL

Hartwick College
Dept. of History
Oneonta, New York 13820

JAMES HUNTLEY, ESQ.

DR. CYRIL JAMES, D.SC. (Oxon)

COMDR. HUGH MULLINEUX

SIR GILBERT LONGDEN, M.P.

THE RT. HON. F. E. PEART, M.P.

SIR MICHAEL WRIGHT, G.C.M.G.

Temporary address :

XXWHALEXBRIDGE,

LONDON, S.W.1

January 21, 1974

Personal

Miss Bonnie Andrews

Personal Private Secretary to
Hon. Henry Kissinger,
Department of State,
Washington, D. C.

I have just received a letter of January 7 from Dr. Kissinger, following those of Oct. 12 and Nov. 3 and crossing with mine to him of January 9. May I again say that Dr. Kissinger is far too busy a man for me to expect him to take this amount of time writing to me, although I need scarcely say that I deeply appreciate the courtesy?

There are clear difficulties in acting as 'consultant' over here. Even in the U.K. my relation with Harold Wilson is informal (or civil service jealousy would be aroused), although a General Election could change this. One can only send the occasional memorandum (while keeping in touch with his personal secretary - the famous Marcia Williams - as often as once a week! which can be useful).

My purpose, however, is to build up an Atlantic Council in the U.K. of which, stated bluntly and roughly, the present aim is to build up support for Dr. Kissinger's Atlantic policy in the U.K. To this plan his Pilgrims speech made a most important contribution - probably the most important speech they had heard for many a year.

What, however, I do want - and here I'd like to look to you personally rather than troubling Henry Kissinger - is to get twenty minutes with Nelson Rockefeller. (Last time I had longer.

Receptions

Lady Catlin

The Prime Minister and Mrs Wilson were present yesterday evening at a reception given by Professor Sir George and Lady Catlin at the United Service Club in honour of the High Commissioner for India and Mrs Nehru. Others present included:

The High Commissioner for Mauritius and Lady Teelock, Mr E. D. Sohm (Minister, American Embassy) and Mrs Sohm; the Earl and Countess of Longford, Lord and Lady Balfour of Burreigh, Lord and Lady Belhaven and Stenton, Lady Falkender, Dame Rebecca West, Sir Gilbert Longden, Sir Frank and Lady Roberts, Sir John and Lady Russell, Sir Michael and Lady Wright, Lady (Alex) Haddow, Mr Roy Hattersley, MP, and Mrs Hattersley, Mr and Mrs Norman Collins, Mrs Elma Dangerfield, Mr Walwyn Jones, Dr and Mrs R. Hingorani, Professor A. King, Mrs M. King, Mr and Mrs Philip Monassah and Canon A. de Zulueta.

From Sir George Catlin,
59 St. George's Drive,
London, S.W.1.

Private and Personal

Hon. Henry Kissinger,
Secretary of State,
Secretariat of State,
Washington, D.C.

19th August 1974.

May I offer you my sincerest congratulations on
your re-installment, inevitable though that may have
been. In your hands I am sure that the diplomatic
momentum, achieved during the last two years and so
vital to world peace, will not be relaxed.

The Prime Minister has been good enough to suggest,
through the Foreign Secretary, that I serve on the
Foreign Office Liaison Committee on a British Bicentennial
gift to the United States. Several proposals (as I have
told Mr. Blue, Director, Washington) have been put for-
ward. However, I have steadily proposed, first to
President Eisenhower (who agreed) and since, that a
statue of Lord Chatham, who declared that 'the Americans
are fighting for the rights of every Englishman', should
be erected in Washington, something tangible and visible
to every visitor from Oregon to Florida. Ambassador
Bruce gave this plan his enthusiastic blessing. We
have to reach a decision soon. Recalling your letter
of January 7th, may I take it that you would view it
without disfavour? It is much more than a decorative
gesture. It is an affirmation of policy.

With warmest regards,

George Catlin

mcl.

Frank Giles, Esq.,
Editor, 'Europe Debate',
Sunday Times,
200 Gray's Inn Road,
London, W.C.1.

Sir George Catlin, rebuked by the then Secretary-General of the Labour Party for showing too much enthusiasm for the European Movement, was a member of the International Executive Committee of the N.E.I., the largest of the European Movement organisations; and, at its Luxembourg Conference, in January, 1948, was leader of the British delegation and the opposite number to Dr. Konrad Adenauer and M. Maurice Schumann, leading the German and French delegations respectively. (He was, in 1939, on the Duchess of Atholl's committee to push for the appointment of Winston Churchill from the Ministry into the Cabinet.)

However he was not, later, a supporter of Gaullist or semi-Gaullist policy. He was also more concerned with the foreign affairs elements than with the commercial ones in the debate. He was on the drafting committee for the Atlantic Institute (Paris).

According to Griffith and Haviland's book *The Atlantic Institute*, along with Walter Lippmann and Clarence Streit, Sir George was responsible for coining in 1939, before M. Monnet and the European Action Committee were heard of, the phrase 'the Atlantic Community' (also the title of his later book). He has been a consistent exponent of this Atlantic framework, of which the BBC would be a regional part. The earlier Atlantic and later BBC policies are not incompatible. With his views here Presidents Truman and Eisenhower ("Keep the idea alive") in lengthy personal discussion expressed their agreement. In March 1973 he suggested to Lord Astor of Hever that Mr. Secretary Kissinger should be invited to address the Pilgrims and this Dr. Kissinger did on December 12th. Sir George's autobiography is called '*For God's Sake Go.*'

Copies to
The Rt. Hon. Harold Wilson
The Rt. Hon. James Callaghan
Mr. Secretary Henry Kissinger
Ambassador Elliot Richardson
Jack Jones, Esq., T. & G. W. U.
Lord Astor of Hever.

Europe Debate (Sunday Times): Sir George Catlin.

The Referendum, although unlike Switzerland and Oregon, not in the constitutional tradition of this country, is indubitably democratic in a matter affecting the whole future of the nation. Referenda have been felt to be declarations, not mandatory, but of undoubted weight, local and international, in Ulster and Gibraltar. The June Referendum cannot fetter the sovereignty of Parliament; but Parliament, despite Mr. Whitelaw, can certainly at choice self-limit its own sovereignty, as it does provisionally in every Treaty. Likewise it can, as Lord Chancellor Hailsham has insisted, repudiate obligation by a Treaty, including that of Rome. Further, Britain can enter the Common Market thanks to a Parliamentary majority, but this can be reached by any massive popular majority, even if promised. Parliamentary majority provided by Mr. Heath's Party, itself. Here, not 'a low vote' but, as Churchill said in another connection, 'a majority of one can be enough.'

Although not widely discussed, it is of the highest interest to note the handling of the Rome Treaty by no other than President de Gaulle. Having myself been a member of the International Executive Committee of the European Movement N.E.I. (and indeed, as temporary leader in 1948 in Luxemburg of the British delegation, opposite number to Konrad Adenauer and, for France, of Maurice Schumann) I can say with assurance that the early beliefs of the movement, leading on to Messina and shaping the Rome Treaty, were federal unionist in intention. Especially Robert Schuman was explicit, while the early functional authorities for steel and coal, etc. were described as sovereign within their area. These implications of *union fédérale*, although France signed the Treaty, were explicitly repudiated by de Gaulle in favour of interpretations which were those of a *union des patries*, not infringing French sovereignty (also at issue in NATO).

Hence it is, on excellent authority, also open to Britain - and to Messrs. Wilson and Callaghan - to insist that the

2.

interpretation for us of the Rome Treaty and on the Brussel's
Commission shall not be such that our sovereign Parliament
holds that the vital interests of this country are damaged.
In such an extreme case Brussels must be expected, with
flexibility and communal good will, to accept a compromise
rather than any explicit breach.

Arguably far too much of Common Market debate of recent
years (and here as a part of Harold Macmillan's deliberate low-
profile policy) has been concerned, not with high matters of
sovereignty, world policy, enduring peace and the largest
negotiable regions, but with what Professor Thomas truly but
somewhat contemptuously calls 'The Economics of the Stomach',
with its conflicting commercial arguments on what Hugh Gaitskell
called 'a 50:50 proposition', some groups, arguing for the short
or the long run, expecting pecuniary gain, others convinced that
there will be loss. World issues, however, of international
affairs, as well as patriotic convictions, have too often
improperly been played down - issues of prosperity indeed but
of peace, power and patriotism, of commonwealth and of community,
'Western European' and 'Atlantic' union.

It is deplorable that an official (of Polish extraction)
should refer in the Europe House journal to 'the Atlantic Menace',
associated with the policy of Le Défi or maybe that of M. Jobert.
Perhaps such phrases as 'Partnership' and 'Two Pillars' (supporting
what?) were too vague. But, whereas some grew hysterical about
'the Soviet threat', others no less extreme are blind to the
temptation to expansion in political control offered by a split
in policy within the Atlantic Alliance and to its errant folly.
We cannot afford warfare, as one super-power chairman of a
consensus (including Canada) and a Little Europe, of less than
half the total Atlantic size, including neither Russia nor
Switzerland, Sweden nor Portugal. Only a divided mind can
advocate an economic community and a diplomatic and defence
community, briefly two unco-ordinated political communities, at
the same moment.

As in 1948 so now I shall vote 'yes' - that an England
(or maybe, as Mr. Thomas suggests, a semi-autonomous Wales
or Scotland) shall, like Ireland, remain in the Common Market.
Indeed, accepting the EEC portions of Europe as a co-ordinated
part of the wider Atlantic Alliance (NATO) and Community, I
might be more enthusiastic in support than Mrs. Shirley Williams
who compares the embrace with the marriage of an elderly couple
who conclude that 'they might do worse', while taking note that
this April 22nd the expert committee appointed by and reporting
to the EEC itself with deep pessimism declared that "Europe...
so discordant... is no nearer to economic and monetary union
than in 1969". But I shall say 'no' to any proposal of an
elite that Britain shall support any exclusive or snobbish
W. European differences from the larger rest of the Atlantic
Community, as step to an authentic world authority; from the
Atlantic Alliance and defence and civil integration; and from
American democracy, however embarrassed.

Speaking in the 'Seventies in Fulton I found Americans who
still harboured their suspicions of an illiberal 'Churchillian'
imperialism. This did not prevent Republican Candidate Wendell
Willkie (whose foreign affairs adviser I had briefly been while
carrying to his offices the Admiralty dossier emphasising the
convoy need for the loan of 'the Fifty Old Destroyers') from
advocating in print (as Churchill did with a humiliated France)
a 'common citizenship' of America and Britain. Some clever
people are analytically unable to detect any common 'special
interest' (also it seemed to frighten Mr. Death). When,
however, I used other terms, President Truman rebuked me: 'Let
us be honest - there are special interests, are there not?'
Kissinger, in an early book, Mr. Secretary Kissinger wrote, not even
of 'the Atlantic Community', but of 'the Atlantic Commonwealth'.
This is not past politics. In my book, Kissinger's Atlantic
Charter, I have emphasised Mr. Secretary Kissinger's recent
revival, at Ottawa, of the earlier Roosevelt-Churchill Atlantic
association. Further, the incoming American Ambassador,
Mr. Elliot Richardson, in his Pilgrim Speech of March 11th,
stated that the British made a mistake in thinking of themselves

[L] 4.

as the junior partners in their relation with Washington.
Rather, in terms of diplomatic and political experience, it
is Westminster who are the senior, and who should give a
policy lead.

Some Americans are isolationists, advocates of 'fortified America'. Some British, chiefly middle class and affected by what de Gaulle called 'affaires of the Bourse', hate the guts of the Americans, Australians and the rest. In view of Cuban accusations about Puerto Rico (so many Puerto Ricans are immigrants to New York), it is either clumsy or malignant, untrue and insulting to choose to compare any close association of England with the United States as putting England in the position of Puerto Rico. It shows contempt for truth and fact. England alone can hold its own with the States of New York and California, with the Commonwealths of Massachusetts and Pennsylvania and Kentucky and with, not only the Dominion of Canada, but the Old Dominion of Virginia. Britain, indeed, is no Puerto Rico except in the minds of the partizan but she, as the U.S. Ambassador has said, can and should give a lead to all the United States, not in some rigid federal union but in what in 1940 called, as quoted by Lippmann, an 'organic union' or established consultation, not only at the summit level but in the needed infrastructure of foreign policy for peace, trade and aid to the underdeveloped peoples.

In 1967, in Gettysburg, President Eisenhower said to me,
in the last of several conversations: "What I have always wanted
to see is a political union, with no holds barred, in the U.S.A.,
the U.K., Canada, Australasia, EFTA, maybe Germany." He added,
as we parted: "Keep the idea alive." It has been ridiculed as
were the early ideas of Jean Monnet, although Eisenhower and
Kissinger spoke and speak with more authority. I would only
make the change of associating the Continental Six, if they
would so wish, in the invigorated Atlantic Alliance, this wider, larger
Community committed to détente with Eastern Europe on the way to
peace. Certainly the policy of the British Government has been
shaped as, and will be, one of pursuing a European policy within
an Atlantic frame as basic line of action. There is no doubt
that this is correct.

23.iv.75.

COPY

Embassy of the United States of America
London.

May 19, 1975.

Sir George Catlin,
59, St. George's Drive,
London, S.W.1.

Dear Sir George,

I was very interested in your thoughtful comments on the referendum. I must say your pragmatic approach to the question of U.K. relations to the EEC, and your enthusiasm for the Atlantic Community provide a useful insight into the larger issue of competing claims of sovereignty and interdependence. I am glad that my Pilgrims speech struck a responsive chord.

As to the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars, the only way to proceed would be by way of submitting an application for a short-term fellowship since all appointments of fellows are made by the trustees on recommendation of the Director. In general, however, I should tell you that the Center prefers to have people come for several months at least. To obtain an application form and additional information, you should write to Mr. Michael Lacey, Assistant to the Director of the Center in Washington, D.C.

I appreciate your thoughtfulness in sending me your book and look forward to receiving it.

Elliot L. Richardson
Ambassador.

From Sir George Catlin

[lc]

"In support of the EEC within the framework of the Atlantic
**ATLANTIC UNITY MOVEMENT (U.K.) Community"**
(under reconstruction)

COUNCIL

Founder

SIR GEORGE CATLIN

Chairman

THE RT. HON. GEORGE THOMAS, M.P.

JOSEPH GODSON, ESQ.

JAMES HUNTLEY, ESQ.

DR. CYRIL JAMES, D.SC. (Dec'd.)

COMDR. HUGH MULLINEUX, R.N. (Rt.)

SIR GILBERT LONGDEN, M.P.

THE RT. HON. F. PEART, M.P.

SIR MICHAEL WRIGHT, G.C.M.G.

Hon. Secretary:

BARRY JONES, ESQ., M.P.

HOUSE OF COMMONS,
WESTMINSTER, S.W.1

23rd July, 1975.

Personal

Miss Bonnie Andrews,

Personal Private Secretary to Dr. Henry Kissinger,
Department of State,
Washington, D.C.,
U.S.A.

I have just finished up the text of a book, *Detente*, on which some comments have been quite encouraging. I don't know whether you have any U.S. publisher to suggest.

I fear that, in my endeavour to support the Secretary of State in my last book, I lost money. I had, as indicated in the enclosed, found some more solid support. Unfortunately, except at large dinners, Elliot Richardson, unlike his predecessors, I have not met - 'very busy'. Perhaps some hint could be conveyed to him from Washington. Maybe too like some Law Dean from Harvard...

However, my immediate concern is to get across the Atlantic (for the moment I have the second, third or fourth week of October in mind). There my wish would be to get half an hour with the Vice-President (who is perhaps not quite as busy as the Secretary of State...)

I did see Alben Barkley for half an hour and, just as President Eisenhower introduced me by personal 'phone call to Nelson Rockefeller - who described himself as 'your newest friend' - so Mr. Rockefeller, I believe, introduced me anew to Dr. Kissinger. I want to get a move on with the Atlantic Unity Committee, comparable with the Anglo-German Society here of which I was a co-founder; and rather held up by the EEC debate here.

P.S. Since the above was written I have received a letter
from Professor R. Falk, of the Woodrow Wilson School of Public
Affairs, suggesting a colloquium (but, as you will note, offering
no expenses). I also send a copy - unfortunately damaged by
coffee! - from Ambassador Richardson suggesting that I put in
an application to the Washington Woodrow Wilson Centre.

Ambassador Annenberg had in his day offered a lunch - in re
a statue to Eisenhower, -and I can only comment on Ambassador
Richardson's somewhat more detached proposal that it is rightly
true that I have never 'put in an application' to an assistant
to a Director in my life. The offers have come to me... I
also enclose copy of an article in the Sunday Times here which
sheds a somewhat different light - and gives me a further ground
for wishing to run over in (?) October and having another talk
with the Vice-President.

I may get publication arranged here of *Detente* (suggesting
the Secretary's policy) in a few days. In a very pleasant
letter, copy enclosed, Mr. Harold Macmillan has passed the
suggestion to his company. Anyhow I have also had a friendly
proposal from the University of Indiana (thanks to my friend
and sometime student Professor Francis Wormuth) but we may get
something arranged in a quarter likely to offer a larger
circulation.

"In support of the EEC with the framework of the Atlantic Community"

ATLANTIC UNITY MOVEMENT (U.K.)

(under reconstruction)

COUNCIL

Founder

SIR GEORGE CATLIN, 59 St. George's Drive,

Chairman

London, S.W.1.

THE Rt. HON. GEORGE THOMAS, M.P.

JOSEPH GODSON, ESQ.

JAMES HUNTLEY, ESQ.

SIR GILBERT LONGDEN, M.P.

THE Rt. HON. F. PEART, M.P.

SIR MICHAEL WRIGHT, G.C.M.G.

Hon. Secretary:

BARRY JONES, ESQ., M.P.

HOUSE OF COMMONS,

WESTMINSTER, S.W.1

18th August 1975.

Miss Bonnie Andrews,
Personal Private Secretary to the Secretary of State,
Dr. H. Kissinger,
Department of State,
Washington, D.C.

I apologise for troubling you - not least in August. My good friend of many years, and sometime student, Professor Francis Warmuth, of the University of Utah, has I believe sent on to you the full text (minus one chapter) of a book of mine, *Detente*, written in support in essence of the Secretary's policy (to whom my regards). I don't think either of us think that you will have time to give it more than a glance, but you may chance to know ahead of time a publisher who is likely to be interested in this very brief book. If not, it should be sent on to the University of Indiana Press, which has expressed interest, to push it out.

However, what concerns me more is the revival of the Committee named on the letterhead here, about which I had a personal letter from the Prime Minister on July 22nd; and, in that connection to get a twenty minute talk with Nelson Rockefeller. I venture, if with hesitation, to write to you since you kindly were on the phone to his secretary in '74. Unfortunately the (then) Governor was out of New York when I was there. Years ago I saw his predecessor, Alben Barkley, and I certainly had a most pleasant talk (when he inscribed himself as 'your newest friend') in 1967 on the personally phoned introduction of President Eisenhower. Also in '73, in Amsterdam he himself suggested that we should meet. However, a letter from me will merely get lost in the mass of correspondence to which his secretaries attend. Whether I come to the States at all will depend upon the possibility of this interview. [surprised that there is a little man at the side]

Office of the Secretary

Date 9/3

LYO

Thru S/S

Direct

✓ FAH

FAH

Per Conversation

FYI

Translation

ACTION

S/S-I

INFO

Prepare Reply for S

Prepare Recommendation for S

Prepare Reply for ____

Reply Directly on Behalf of ____

Clear with ____

Return to Originating Office

Retype ____ Redraft ____ Copy back to S ____

Check with this Office

Remarks:

personal files

David Passage
x29572

September 10, 1975

Dear Sir George:

Thank you for your letter last month. I must
apologize for my delay in writing back but I have
married and now live about 75 miles out in the
countryside of Virginia. We have a new girl who
will act in my place and I am passing my duties
on to her this week. Her name is Suzanne McFarlane
and I'm sure she will be happy to help you in any
manner that she can.

I have called the Vice President's office regarding
a possible appointment. Please contact Miss Kathy
Huldrum, a close associate to the Vice President at
the White House. She will watch closely for your
letter.

I have enjoyed hearing from you and wish you
much good fortune in the future.

Sir George Catlin
59 St. George's Drive
London, S.W.1

London, 2. W. I
29 St. George's Drive
Sir George Catlin

Bonnie Andrews Miller

Sincerely,

letter.

the White House. She will watch closely for your
Hudrum, a close associate to the Vice President at
a possible appointment. Please contact Miss Kathy
I have called the Vice President's office regarding

manner that she can.

and I'm sure she will be happy to help you in any
on to her this week. Her name is Suzanne McFarlane
will act in my place and I am passing my duties
countryside of Virginia. We have a new girl who
married and now live about 72 miles out in the
apologize for my delay in writing back but I have
Thank you for your letter last month. I'm sure

Dear Sir George:

September 10, 1973

From Sir George Catlin

28th September, 1975.

Mrs. Bonnie Andrews Miller,
Office of the Secretary of State,
Washington, U.S.A.

My dear Mrs. Miller,

With further reference to my letter mailed
to you yesterday, I am booked with a lecture in
California on October 16th. This I presume means
that I could not get to Washington before Ocober 17th
evening, if then.

There are two types of return ticket. (a) 22
days which I also presumes means that I have to leave
Washington for London on October 22nd (or is it 23rd?).
This could easily mean that the main purpose of my
coming, to see the V.P., would be lost because I could
not see him in the period? 18-21. (b) 44 days - which
would indeed give me time - but a lot of time, with
hotel charges, spilling over. Can I be advised so
soon as may be to c/o Professor Francis Wormuth,
Department of Political Science, University of Utah,
Salt Lake City, Utah 84112.

22nd September, 1975.

Address Oct. 1 - 10:
c/o Professor Francis Wormuth,
Department of Political Science,
252 Orson Spencer Hall,
University of Utah,
Salt Lake City, Utah 84112, U.S.A.

After Oct. 10:
c/o Dean Leavitt, X

After Oct. 16: Washington-London.

Mrs. D. Andrews Miller,
Office of the Secretary
of State,
Washington D.C., U.S.A.

Thank you indeed for your letter of September 10th. My congratulations. And how pleasant to see your signature again... I am sending copy of this letter on to Miss Suzanne McFarlane, with a like letter to Miss Kathy Muldrum. (But I hope sometime you will let me know your private address...)

I leave here on Oct. 1st for Salt Lake City and Los Angeles - and then back via Washington where I'll venture to pick up mail (any other address being uncertain) c/o Miss McFarlane.

As you know the Vice President last year was good enough to tell me to call on him - we missed in New York: he was in Seattle - for a talk of 20 minutes or so chiefly on the subject of this letter head. He was for inside a day in London last week and I heard his address. (The Pope gave me 25 minutes...) Mr. Kissinger will be too busy. However if things turn out otherwise I shall be at his disposal. I am on Callaghan's F.O. Bicentenary Liaison Committee here. Normally to deliver these four or five addresses, my real motive for coming is precisely the Washington visit. (I have a courtesy card for the Army and Navy Club, Washington.) This includes a talk with Miss McFarlane or somebody in the Department who is interested in my line of country.

The other matter is the catastrophic condition of publishing at the present time. Here a senior political scientist tells me that it is straight impossible here to get a book published in the political field, such as my book *Detente and the Atlantic Community* (or *Sliding into War*,) although *What the Window Cleaner Saw* is still sure-fire enough. I made about 32,000 on my own autobiography; but I lost money on my book on Mr. Kissinger. I hope the Embassy here will (as Pistor has indicated) buy some copies. Have you any publisher at all who will take a risk on the new book, *Detente* (pp.110) which is fairly basic on Atlantic possibilities? Otherwise I just discard it. There is, despite the crash of currency, still no difficulty over here in publishing trash but, otherwise, one gets from publishers of repute - even a note from Harold Macmillan - a letter of praise but - they cannot afford to publish unless so many 10,000s will be sold. Even Andrew Schonfield, the economist, cannot to date find a publisher. (An alternative is to get some institution to approach me to give me a couple of months facilities to complete the book and will then take on pushing publication through themselves - after all I am merely an author...

George Catlin.

COPY

Office of the Secretary of State,
Washington.

September 10, 1975.

Dear Sir George,

Thank you for your letter last month. I must
apologise for my delay in writing back but I have
married and now live about 75 miles out in the
countryside of Virginia. We have a new girl who
will act in my place and I am passing my duties
on to her this week. Her name is Suzanne McFarlane
and I'm sure she will be happy to help you in any
manner that she can.

From Sir George Catlin

CORNER COTTAGE,
ALLUM GREEN,
NR. LYNDHURST,
HANTS.

Tel: 042128-2292

Private & Personal

12th June, 1976.

The Hon. Henry Kissinger,
Office of the Secretary of State,
Department of State,
Washington, D.C.
U.S.A.

I had hoped that the Queen would go over to Drake's Bay, and a fine reception, first; and then return via Montreal and les habitants. However I have a note from Windsor that this will not be. We shall see how things shape. I also see from the Press a report that you yourself are said to be thinking of resigning after the Election, however it goes. As quite the most distinguished Secretary of State the country has had since the beginning of the century, I most sincerely hope that you will do nothing of the kind.

If the voters, capable of enthusing for Nixon, now elect Reagan, we shall have war or (as I knew well in 1939) a revulsion into isolationism.

Although a member of the Bicentennial Committee here and endeavouring, with Lothian, Peart and others to get, maybe after the Election, an Atlantic Unity Committee shaped here, and with deeply valued advice from the Deputy Secretary of State (Europe) - and

Callaghan leads candidates
in field of Labor hopefuls

By PETER CALAMAI

Southam News Services

LONDON — For once, the bookies and the pundits agree: James Callaghan is the man to beat for the leadership of Britain's Labor party.

Beyond that, there's no agreement. The bookmakers back Callaghan, now foreign secretary, as a solid oddson favorite to take over the mantle Prime Minister Harold Wilson threw off Tuesday, but the pundits are hedging their bets.

Three other "heavyweights" in Wilson's cabinet are being widely touted by political analysts Wednesday—Chancellor of the Exchequer Denis Healey, right-wing champion Roy Jenkins, home secretary and the party's "philosopher-king" Anthony Crossland, environment secretary.

The party's left wing must choose between two champions: radical guru Michael Foot, employment secretary and Tony Benn, energy secretary dubbed "the wild man" by Conservatives.

Uncertainty about the shape of the succession contest will likely rage throughout the weekend as candidates decide whether to file formal nomination by the Monday noon deadline. By Canadian standards, the leadership race is restricted democracy, since only the 317 Labor MPs can vote next Thursday and there will be no publicized speeches to a meeting of the MPs.

Political observers are also hesitant to make categorical predictions because this is the first time the Labor party has selected a new leader who will immediately become prime minister as well. In the past, both the procedure and the winning traits had been geared to being in opposition.

This sense of being on unsteady ground is furthered by other rumblings in the British landscape:

evidence of a break-up in Princess Margaret's marriage to Lord Snowdon; increasing turmoil over the Liberal party leadership, more Irish terrorist bombs and aspen-leaf agitation among financial circles.

But uncertainty only makes Jim Callaghan looks a surer bet. As the party's father figure, Callaghan scores high simply because he has made the fewest enemies of any prospective candidate.

His experience, successively, chancellor, home secretary and foreign minister plus personal backing from trade unionists explain the 5-to-4 betting. The blackest mark is his age, 64 this month and there, an old-age-pensioner by the probable next election.

Perhaps the strongest recommen-

dation for Callaghan, however, is that he could hold the Labor party together best, if only as a caretaker prime minister.

The favorites of the right and left—Roy Jenkins and Michael Foot—present the danger of fragmenting Labor. Yet Foot, 62, was Wednesday the first candidate to formally launch his bid and Jenkins, 55, the first to attract public backing from another minister, fellow right-winger Reg Prentice.

One possible scenario is that Jenkins, who resigned in 1972 as deputy party leader over Wilson's anti-Common Market stand, might lead when the first ballots are totalled March 25 because he commands the strongest Praetorian guard.

But Callaghan would sweep by in the second ballot, March 30, as the compromise choice. So far, left-wingers such as Foot or Tony Benn are not given a serious chance of victory, although second and third placings will be highly important in deciding the pecking order in the new cabinet to follow.

Still doubtful are the prospects of sharp-tongued Denis Healey, 58, voted off the party's national executive last fall and Anthony Crossland, 57, aloof but moderate.

Ironically, the most popular cabinet minister with the party, Prices Secretary Shirley Williams, is considered unacceptable by many MPs because of youth, only 50, and sex. With Margaret Thatcher leading the Tories in the next general election, selecting Williams would smack of gimmickry, argue Labor's male parliamentarians. (X will known)

One uncertainty at least is removed by the procedural rules which Labor MPs approved Tuesday night. No darkhorse candidates can enter the list after the first ballot.

JAMES CALLAGHAN

## OBITUARY

### Harold Laski:

Professor Catlin attempted to outline a science of politics which is really scientific, (quoted from *Time and Tide*, in *For God's Sake*, Go, p.126, 1972).

Professor Karl Deutsch (Dept. Government, Harvard University) 1972, "There ought to be an international Nobel Prize", in what Professor Austin Ranney, in the A.P.S.A. Address of 1976 calls again 'The Divine Science'. Deutsch continues: "If there were, I should nominate you since, if it had not been for your early (1923-29) work what we today call 'Political Science' would not exist."

God-son of the Rev. George A. Gordon, incumbent of the
New Old South Church of (Boylston Street) Boston, Mass.

(See book-list in *Who's Who in the World.*) *The Anglo-Saxon Tradition*, (1938); *One Anglo-American Nation*, (1941).

Founder of the Atlantic Unity Committee, 1971 (first chairman, George Thomas, now Speaker of the House of Commons; then (provisional) The Marquess of Lothian.

(Daughter, Rt. Hon. Shirley Williams, M.P., Paymaster General and Member of the Cabinet, Hon. Fellow of Somerville College and Nuffield College, Oxford, Nunnham College, Cambridge; Hon. D. Law, Louvain University.)

England.
Lyndhurst, Manta.
Corner Cottage,
Sir George Catlin.

Henry V. Kieinger

Warm regards,

see you again.

get to make your trip over here. It would be nice to
I do hope that you are feeling better and that you

send another.

have ever received the catalogue and hope that you will
plan to do much speaking at first. I do not believe I
to Colin Smythe after I leave here, although I do not
I will look into the matter of "encouragement"

so many of my friends at this time.

comments. It has meant a great deal to hear from
Thank you for your letter and your very generous

Dear George:

colin smythe limited, publishers

Gerrards Cross
Buckinghamshire
SL9 8EF

Telephone: Gerrards + 86000 & 86575
Telegrams: Smythebooks Gerrards-Cross—Bucks.

Registered Number: 864714

Sir George Catlin
Corner Cottage
Allum Green
Lyndhurst
Hants

10 December 1976

Dear Sir George,

Thanks for your letter of 3 December, which I must say sounds unduly gloomy, to my way of thinking.

I'm glad to say that the orders for KISSINGER continue to come in, and our catalogue will be out in mid January, when an initial quantity of 4000 copies will be sent out. These should also get a few customers who still have not come across the book. It is obvious that at the moment people are very interested in the man, and are looking up whatever books are about him.

I am not sure what sort of offer Rota and Handley Taylor have in mind, but doubtless the latter will be able to clear up that matter in due course.

Did I tell you that as a result of knowing that your archives had gone to McMaster University's Mills Memorial Library, my own archives, or rather those of the publishing company from its inception are also in that place. I spent part of the time I was in Canada sorting them out for them. Fortunately I was staying not to far away and one of my hosts is a lecturer at McMaster, so I got lifts in when necessary. Dr. Ready and Dr. Hill send you their best wishes. They got something like 16 cwt. of material from me and that takes up quite a lot of room. They took everything. Not only my file copies, proofs etc., but also my invoices, accounts, everything except the kitchen sink as it were, door plaques and all! I had originally written to them saying that I knew that they had acquired the Catlin/Brittain archives, and would they be interested in all my literary material to do with all my publications on a sort of loan basis, and they said that they were not interested in that, but would be interested in purchasing it, which they ultimately did, once Dr. Hill had seen the material. As you can imagine, at a time like this, the inflow of money into the company has been most welcome.

Do give my very best wishes to Lady Catlin, who I hope is well. My very best wishes to you too of course. Get well, and in the weather such as we have been having, keep warm!