Ingeborg Bachman
Piper Verlag
Georgenstrasse 4
Munich

Plans changed. Flying direct Fiuggi thereafter Rome
flying afternoon
October 6 Hotel Flora Bambouж Park/Paris attending seventh

Hotel Pont Royal safely departing home evening October
highlights eighth. Suggest Rome. Cable your plans
here otherwise Palazzo della Fonte Fiuggi.

Ingeborg Bachmann
Franz Josephstrasse 9 a
München 13

Tel: 33 75 19

24. December 1957

My dear Henry,

of course you did not misbehave (you did not write only too, so we
should this time both feel guilty) - you behaved perfectly and
before all it was wonderful to see you again and to know that
you are existing and not forgetting as I did not forget. It is
such a pity that I did not know better Munic, because now I found
out that it is not so awful as we thought, at least less awful
concerning restaurants and hotels and taxidrivers.

It is Xmas evening, and I am rather unable to write in time Xmas-
letters to my friends, this year I decided not to write at all -
but the evening itself I like to write to you.

Your book, until now, did not arrive! You could do it in 1958?

I am very eager to know what you are doing and what you will do
in future, to know a bit your plans. Will you accept to come to
Germany for a few weeks to do this lecturers? I certainly will
be there, because I made a contract with the television for one
year and I have taken a rather nice apartment for one
year too - so both will keep me in Munic.

Kulturelle Nachrichten

FAZ-

1. III. 60

10

Im Architektenwettbewerb für die Neugestaltung des Tübinger Universitätszentrums ist der mit 8000 Mark dotierte erste Preis dem Berliner Architekten Professor Paul Baumgarten zuerkannt worden. dpa

Paul Hindemith und Leon Kirchner sind unter den Preisträgern für 1959 des New Yorker Zirkels der Musikkritiker. Hindemith wurde für seine „sechs Madrigale“ für A-cappella-Chor und Kirchner für sein „Streichquartett Nummer Zwei“ geehrt. dpa

Die Galerie Gerd Rosen, Berlin, die demnächst ihre Filiale in Frankfurt a. M. eröffnen wird, zeigt bis zum 5. März in ihren Berliner Räumen das neueste Werk von Pablo Picasso, betitelt „Tauromaquia“. Es handelt sich um 26 Radierungen in Aquatintamanier, die Picasso als Illustrationen zu einem Lehrbuch des Pepe Illo, eines berühmten spanischen Stierkämpfers des 18. Jahrhunderts, geschaffen hat. F. A. Z.

Das Kunsthaus Lempertz, Köln, zeigt vom 5. bis zum 30. März Gemälde, Aquarelle und Handzeichnungen von Fritz Winter. F.A.Z.

Ein amerikanischer George-Polk-Preis für hervorragende journalistische Leistungen ist an die Literatur-Beilage der Londoner „Times“ vergeben worden. In dieser Beilage, heißt es, sei die amerikanische Kultur in hervorragender Weise dargestellt und gewürdigt worden:

George Polk war Korrespondent des Columbia Broadcasting System, der 1948 in Griechenland ermordet wurde, als er versuchte, einen griechischen Rebellen-General zu interviewen. UPI

Die Mannheimer Kunsthalle, berühmt vor allem durch ihre Sammlung impressionistischer Malerei, soll mit einem Kostenaufwand von 1,5 Millionen Mark erweitert werden. Diesen Beschluß faßte der Stadtrat Mannheims aus Anlaß des 50jährigen Bestehens des Instituts. Mit dem Bau soll 1961 begonnen werden. dpa

Helmut Käutner, der zur Zeit in Hamburg seinen neuesten Farbfilm „Das Glas Wasser“ mit Gustaf Gründgens in der Hauptrolle dreht, wird im Mai an der Hamburgischen Staatsoper die Uraufführung der Oper „Prinz von Homburg“ von Hans Werner Henze inszenieren. Die musikalische Leitung der Oper, für die die Schriftstellerin Ingeborg Bachmann das Libretto einrichtete, hat Leopold Ludwig übernommen. Käutner wird voraussichtlich am 21. April mit den Proben beginnen. Die Premiere soll am 22. Mai stattfinden. UPI

Oscar Fritz Schuh hat das Theaterstück „Die Zimmerwirtin“ („La Logeuse“) von Jacques Audiberti für die Bühnen der Stadt Köln zur ersten Aufführung in deutscher Sprache angenommen; es wird unter der Regie von Hans Bauer noch in dieser Spielzeit in den Kammerspielen herauskommen. F.A.Z.

über Montreal,
schen Flughäfen.
Air Canada —
den wichtigsten
Luxe oder Erste
uxus legen. Oder
tablen Touristen-
büros sowie den
British European
6, Telefon 28891.

weitet Ihren Blick für die Wirtschaft. Wenden Sie sich bitte wegen Probeexemplaren an die Vertriebsabteilung „Blick durch die Wirtschaft“, Frankfurt am Main, Börsenstraße 2.

VERKEHR.
CORPORATION

Der
Scotch
Whisky
den man
nicht
ergibt

Sonne... Erhölung...

SVAP

Frohsinn...

Auf MADEIRA und den
KANARISCHEN INSELN

MIT DEM
"CANARIEN SPECIAL"

14 tägige Rundreise

MARSEILLE · TANGER · MADEIRA
TENERIFFA · LAS PALMAS · CASABLANCA
MARSEILLE

alles inbegriffen im Pauschalpreis von
DM 692,75 bis DM 1.445,

alle 14 Tage Sonntags von Februar bis Juni

AUSKÜNFTE und PROSPEKTE durch:

IHR REISEBÜRO
und

OCEANIA G.m.b.h. GENERALVERTRETUNG
Frankfurt/Main, Neue Mainzer Strasse 29

Tel. 22624, 24663 ; Fernschr. 04 11424 ; Telegr. : Pocallan

FAZ vom 24. VII. 60

ANKFURTER ALLGEMEINE ZEITUNG

Letzte Vorlesung
von Ingeborg Bachmann

f. Die letzte Vorlesung von Frau Dr. Ingeborg Bachmann am 24. Februar, 17 Uhr, in der Universität ist öffentlich und wird über das Thema „Literatur als Utopie“ gehalten.

Ingeborg Bachmann
Haus zům Langenbaum
Uetikon am See/Schweiz

Tel. Zürich 74.02.13

11-7-1960

My dear Henry,

I am really desperate because I have not written to you
since such a long time! I was only glad to hear from Unseld
that you are expected in Europe now, and I am sure that Unseld
will keep me informed even when you are on the way already.
At the moment I do not know what place I shall suggest you
to meet each other. It will also depend on you, on your
itinerary. I shall be here constantly until end of August
and I am awfully preoccupied to finish my book. Only therefore
I would be so happy if you could manage to touch Zurich on
your way. I know it is not up to you, but please do think it

African people in promoting
our common objectives of
world stability, prosperity and
peace.

What about Soviet objectives in Africa? The leaders in the Kremlin have made it abundantly clear that their end goal is not cooperation but domination. Behind all the blandishments, their objective in Africa as elsewhere is total economic and political control, achieved by whatever techniques of subversion, nuclear brinkmanship or military adventure may appear most effective at the moment.

Now if this is a realistic
comparison of American and
Soviet objectives, the deep-
seated potential strength of
our position in Africa comes
into clear focus. Our position
there can be made strong be-
cause what we want for Af-
rica is more or less precisely
why the Africans want for
themselves. The Soviet posi-
tion, on the other hand, is
inherent weak because So-
viet objectives directly oppose
the dream of the newly free
African peoples for national
independence and the oppor-
tunity to make their own
political and economic choices.

Although the advantage
that these common objectives
give us is very great, it must
be grasped with sensitivity
and courage, or the opportu-
nity for creative action will be
lost forever. To meet the re-
quirements of the emerging
new Africa, it will not be
enough simply to stretch polici-
es and procedures that have
been proving increasingly in-
dquate elsewhere.

For instance, both American
and African interests will be
best served by keeping Africa
as free as possible from the
tensions of the cold war. Al-
though this will be a formida-
ble task, there are unique
circumstances that provide a
measure of solid hope that it
may be accomplished.

The key lies in the capacity
of the United Nations to take
the lead in filling the eco-
nomic and political vacuum in
Africa and in the exceptional
readiness of most Africans to
accept the United Nations in
such a role.

THUS the starting point for
an affirmative new American
policy in Africa should be a
dramatically expanded concept
of the United Nations' contri-
bution — a contribution that
would include not only inter-
nal and external security, or
but also economic progress on
one hand, and political devel-
opment. This fresh approach could
be dramatized effectively by the
introduction of an American-
sponsored resolution at the
fall session of the General
Assembly proposing a charter
of conduct for all non-African
powers in Africa.

Such a charter should be far
more than a negative state-
ment of what the great pow-
ers agree not to do in Africa.
It would propose that all
members of the United Na-
tions agree to a broad-scale
course of constructive econ-
omic and political action that
will assure the independence of
the non-African nations, encur-
gy their orderly political and
economic development, and re-
lieve them in large measure of
the pulling and hauling of the
cold war.

A commitment of this kind
would enable the more devel-
oped nations to help meet Af-

rica's vast and varied needs
through the "neutral" ma-
chinery of the United Nations,
rather than through the dan-
geroously volatile competition
of the power blocs, which has
kept the world on the brink of
war in the Middle East and in
Southeast Asia.

We examine more pre-
cisely what some of those
commitments might be.

(1) A pledge by all nations
to refrain from agitating
propaganda within Africa and
to end all efforts at direct or
indirect subversion. The United
Nations could be authorized to
investigate all charges of vio-
lation and to report to the
General Assembly.

(2) A similar agreement
not to feed the arms race in
Africa. In present circum-
stances the actual military
needs of the new African na-
tions are modest. It is to our
advantage and that of the Af-
ricans to keep them so close a
pledge might build on the
foundation of Prime Minister
Macmillan's presumptum
prosal for a NATO-Soviet
agreement not to ship addi-
tional arms to Africa except
those minimal amounts clear-
ly necessary for internal secu-
rity.

(3) An agreement by the
great powers to channel the
bulk of all economic, technical
and educational assistance to
Africa through the United Na-
tions. The essential machinery
already exists in the U. N. spe-
cialized agencies, the Tech-
nical Assistance Administration,
the Special Fund, the World
Bank and the new Interna-
tional Development Associa-
tion. What is needed now is
the will to substitute this in-
ternational machinery to the
maximum possible extent for
the well-worn path of bilateral
aid, which inevitably intro-
duces the competition of the
cold war.

THE World Bank under Eu-
gene Black and the U. N. Spe-
cial Fund under Paul Hoffman
have a particularly important
role in play in Africa in plan-
ning national and regional de-
velopment projects and in
raising the necessary funds
from public and private
sources. Transportation and
communications are largely
undelivered in Africa. Re-
sources are plentiful, but pre-
cise knowledge is limited and
access to them is often poor.
Most of the conditions for ra-
ional and fruitful economic
development are lacking.

THE proposed charter would
specify that the necessary
leadership and coordination
should largely be provided by
international agencies which,
because they have no political
axes to grind, would have the
confidence of the African gov-
ernments.

(4) An imaginative and
comprehensive effort through
a newly created United Na-
tions civil service to meet Af-
rica's overridning need for ex-
perienced administrators, tech-
nicians, engineers, teachers
and professional men of all
sorts—outside the context of
the cold war. Although lack of
able personnel is common
to all underdeveloped nations it
is acute beyond all degree
in Africa, where such posi-
tions have long been filled, al-
most exclusively, by Euro-
peans of the "mother" coun-
tries.

Precise figures do not exist,
but it has been estimated that
in 1958 some 30,000 European
civil servants occupied admin-
istrative and technical posi-
tions in the various African
governments, colonial and oth-
erwise. Many of these civil
servants have already left Af-
rica and others are preparing
to leave. Although most of
those who may be induced to
remain are uniquely qualified
through their familiarity with
the technical aspects of Afri-
can problems, they will con-
tinue to work under the dis-
advantage of their former con-
lonial associations.

Yet for a generation or
more, non-African civil serv-
ants, working under African
policy-makers, will be essen-
tial to the rapid economic and
political development of the
African nations. The essential
question is, where will those
non-African civil servants be? To
make sure that will they owe their
loyalties? Will they help bring
the cold war to Africa? Or
will they serve the cause of
international cooperation and
understanding?

In 1958 the United Nations
developed a small program
called Operational and Execu-
tive Personnel (OPEX) to
help supply administrative,
technical and operating per-
sonnel to under-developed
countries. On the request of
an under-developed nation,
OPEX attempts to find a per-
son with the necessary quali-
fications who is politically ac-
ceptable to the host country.
Once the new employee has
been agreed upon, OPEX
makes up the difference be-
tween the salary and benefits
which he would receive in his
home country and the salary
and benefits normally pro-
vided by the under-developed
country.

THE machinery provides the
ideal answer to the adminis-
trative shortage now existing
in much of Africa. The pro-
posed United Nations charter
for Africa should call for its
immediate and massive expan-
sion. The new civil service
could provide an exciting new
future for thousands of men
and women of all nationalities
qualified in industrial develop-
ment, tax collection, clerical
and office management, school
administration and teaching,
agriculture, village develop-
ment and police administra-
tion. It could bring to Africa
the skilled administrators who
are urgently needed, free both
of political involvement in the
new African nations and of di-
rect involvement in the cold
war.

(5) The establishment of a
permanent U. N. police force
for use in Africa and else-
where along the lines of that
at present being shaped in the
Congo. Such a force now re-
resents the major hope of the
new Congolese nation for in-
ternal security and national
unity. Similar tensions are
certain to develop in other
areas not only as an after-
math of the withdrawal of
European control, but also as
conflicts develop among the
new African nations them-
selves.

In West Africa, for instance,
colonial access to the sea and
a delicate balancing between
great powers were the deter-
ing factors in establishing
borders. This resulted in strips
of territory such as Togoland
and Dahomey, and enclaves
such as Gambia, in which tri-
bal, ethnic and language

groups were abruptly severed
by diplomatic agreements in
faraway capitals.

A map of existing African
loyalties superimposed on a
map of national boundaries,
therefore, produces a crazy
quit of overlapping and inter-
secting lines. This situation
has already led to considerable
friction as various federations
have been proposed, announced
and dissolved.

IT is not for the United Na-
tions to decide the outcome of
these matters—either to in-
sure the status quo or to pro-
 mote changes, however wise
they may appear to be. This is
a matter solely for the Afri-
cans themselves. However, it
is a proper and essential ob-
jective of the United Nations
to prevent such situations
from exploding into violence
and particularly to prevent the
great powers from intervening
in behalf of one side or the
other.

The existence of an ade-
gate U. N. police force, re-
cruited largely by the Afri-
can nations themselves, could do
much to reduce the temptation
for direct unilateral military
intervention from outside.

(6) The proposed African
charter might also provide for
the setting up of a special
African court of justice, per-
haps associated with the World
Court, and specifically em-
powered to settle disputes be-
tween African nations and be-
tween African states and
outside nations. Such a court,
with its members drawn large-
ly but not exclusively from the
African nations, would provide
an additional barrier to out-
side intervention — provided
the African powers could be
induced to accept its jurisdic-
tion without too many quali-
fications.

DO not suggest that the United
Nations can suc-
sessfully shoulder all the
problems of the turbulent new
Africa. However, I believe it
may provide by all odds the
most effective machinery
to which to approach these
problems while isolating
them from the explosive an-
tagonisms of the cold war.

The sense of vigorous pur-
pose that a bold new leader-
ship role in Africa could bring
to the United Nations could at
the same time greatly increase
the U. N.'s own prestige and
effectiveness in speeding or-
derly development and in set-
tling conflicts in other parts
of the world.

NOW let us frankly face
the question of costs and
alternatives.

The charter I have proposed
calls for an unprecedented ex-
pansion of United Nations
powers and responsibilities in
Africa. The annual cost would
amount to several hundred
million dollars annually, much
of which would be paid by the
United States. The alternative,
however, is not isolationist, in-\expensive inaction. The alter-
native is a vast expansion of
the cold war in Africa, in
which American dollars will be
increasingly matched against
Russian rubles, American engi-
neers against Russian engi-
neers, and, eventually, Ameri-
can-made tanks against Soviet
tanks.

Unless we are prepared to
sit idly by while much of the
world's richest and most prom-
ising continent becomes a
bloody political and economic

vacuum that ultimately will be
filled by the Communists, this
means that a major invest-
ment of American dollars and
energies will be required in
every event. The only practical
question, therefore, is how can
dur our dollars and our energies
most effectively be brought to
bear?

How would the Soviet Union
react to the comprehensive
United Nations charter for Af-
rica which I have proposed?
The Kremlin's dilemma in con-
sidering this question would
be considerable.

The prestige of the United
Nations in Africa is very
great. By 1962 nearly one-third
of the seats in the General
Assembly will be occupied by
Africans. If the Kremlin ac-
cepted our challenge to deal
with Africa largely through
the U. N., it would greatly
limit, if not actually shackle,
its program of subversion and
infiltration there. If it rejected
the proposal, or hedged its ac-
cceptance with political coun-
terproposals, its true imperial-
istic objectives in Africa would
become clear even to the most
wishful thinkers in Leopold-
ville, Addis Ababa, Conakry
and elsewhere.

In that case, much of the
nonCommunist world might
still prove to proceed with
most, if not all, of the pro-
posed charter commitments I
have suggested, including the
U. N. police force, emphasis
on U. N. multilateral develop-
ment planning and aid, the
U. N. civil service and the spe-
cial African court of justice.

If the Soviet Union still
chose actively to oppose even
these limited United Nations
efforts, it would come into di-
rect conflict not simply with
America but with most of the
non-Communist world. In those
limited areas in Africa where
the Kremlin was still able to
operate unilaterally, it would
be struggling—under the most
adverseconditions—against the
powerful flood tide of African
nationalism which, with strong
Asian and Latin American
support, would be vigorously
represented in the General As-
sembly of the U. N.

THUS brings me to the final
decisive question: Is our own
Government prepared to aban-
don our present inadequate
and sterile approach to Africa
and embrace a new effort in
positive international
cooperation there? Is it ready
to regain the initiative in
world affairs that we held in
the days of the Marshall Plan,
to shake off our day-by-day
obsession with Mr. Khru-
shevchen's oratory and maneu-
vers, and to challenge the
world through the U. N. Gen-
eral Assembly to a new co-
operative beginning in the
great African continent?

If we timidly turn our back
on this opportunity, only one
thing is certain: Africa will
rapidly become an ominous
new battleground of the cold
war, with explosively uncer-
tain results. Let us hope,
therefore, that we act posi-
tively, wisely, boldly, and soon.

October 6, 1960

Miss Ingeborg Bachmann
Kirshgasse 33
Zurich, Switzerland

Dear Ingeborg:

I thought you might like to see a
reprint of an article I did recently for
*Daedalus*, the journal of the American Aca-
demy of Arts and Sciences, on limited war.

It was too bad that we missed each
other this summer, but I hope we will have
a chance to meet soon.

Kind regards.

Uetikon am See
Haus Langenbaum
Switzerland

My dear Ingeborg:

Your friend Roehler seems to have all of your
habits. We have never received an application from
him.

I will be in Europe during the second week of
May and certainly in Amsterdam and Paris. Is there
any chance of our meeting?

Warm regards.

*Do answer this question, because if we could meet I would
save an evening.

4 - 2 - 1961

My dear Henry,

thank you so much for your letter and your
article! You know I am always interested in what
you do, in what you write. Often I would like
to talk to you about all what happens und what
your thoughts are and how you continue now to
think, to act... In the new situation.

The application sheets I gave to Mr. Klaus
ROEHLER, Frankfurt, Nierensteinerstrasse 20.
He is about 30 years old und has published
besides other things a prose book at Piper-
Verlag. I do not propose him because of Piper
Verlag, that you know, but because of his talent
which impresses me, he is extremely gifted, is
quiet, writes strange letters and has a high
and precise intelligence - my description is
far to be perfect, but I can assure you that if
he is getting the Harvard invitation you will
not have to deplore it.

I hope Ann is well and the Princess Kissinger
is well too - and so many thanks for Ymas greeting!

February 8, 1961

Mr. Siegfried Unseld
Klettenbergstrasse #35
Frankfurt/Min, Germany

My dear Unseld:

I wonder whether your boy would be interested
in the enclosed material which I received from
Convair. I hope so.

I would like to tell you again how very much I
appreciated the books you sent me.

Our frustrating mutual friend Ingeborg has again
disappeared from view and my ego does not permit me
to assume that she just does not want to be in touch
with me, so could you tell me where she is and ask
her to drop me a note?

Warm regards.

June 7, 1962

Miss Ingeborg Bachman
c/o Goethe House
1014 Fifth Avenue
New York, New York

Dear Miss Bachman:

Mrs. Henry Kissinger has asked me to write to you during
the absence of Professor Kissinger. She has learned of your visit to
this country through an announcement of a reception being given in
your honor at the Goethe House on June 11th. As Mr. Kissinger will be
out of the country until June 18th, he will not be able to attend the
reception. However, Mrs. Kissinger would like very much to see you,
and hopes that you will write to her at 104 Fletcher Road, Belmont,
Massachusetts or call her at IVANHOE 4-9567 in Belmont to tell her
how long you are staying in this country and where you will be.

Mrs. Kissinger also sends her fondest regards.

Secretary to Professor Klaasen

Sincerely yours,

Mrs. Klaasen also sends her best wishes.

How long you are staying in this country and where you will be.

Massachusetts or call per at IAWMEX 4-3261 in Belmont to tell per
and papes that you will write to per at 104 Fletcher Road, Belmont,
reception. However, Mrs. Klaasen would like very much to see you,
out of the country until June 18th. We will not be able to attend the
Joum honor at the Goethe House on June 11th. As Mr. Klaasen will be
this country through an announcement of a reception being given in
the absence of Professor Klaasen. She has learned of your visit to
Mrs. Henry Klaasen has asked me to write to you during

Dear Mrs. Bachman:

New York, New York
1014 Fifth Avenue
c/o Goethe House
Mrs. Ingemarz Bachman

June 7, 1965

January 4, 1963

Mr. Siegfried Unseld
Klettenbergstrasse 35
Frankfurt a.M.
Germany

My dear Unseld:

I am delighted to learn that Frisch will be in the United
States and I will write to him immediately. I can then ask
him directly the question I put to you about Stiller, but in
any case I am most anxious to meet him.

It is even better news that you will be coming to the
United States yourself. Do save a weekend for us, or any other
time that you can make free. Also, let me know if there is any-
thing I can do for you before your arrival.

I am leaving next week for Europe and will spend a few
days in Rome. Is Ingeborg travelling with Frisch or will she
be over there? At any rate, could you write me her address
and telephone number? I will be at the Hotel Eden, 49 via
Ludovisi, in Rome and perhaps you could leave word for me there.
Alternatively, you might write me at the Hotel Pont-Royal, 7
rue Montalembert, in Paris, where I shall be until January 13th.

Kind regards.

Berlin 33

Koenigsallee 35

15 - 4 - 65

Mein lieber Henry,

ich lese gerade Ihren Brief wieder, er ist schon ein Jahr alt, aber
ich freue mich wie damals, dass Ihnen die Geschichte in ENCOUNTER
gefallen hat.

Ich habe ein paar schlimme Jahre hinter mir, war immerzu krank, aber
seit kurzem geht es wieder; sogar zu schreiben habe ich wieder ange-
fangen - und Pläne mache ich, alle möglichen.

Wo sind Sie? Wie geht es Ihnen? Ich möchte so gerne, dass wir ein-
ander wieder schreiben und einander wissen lassen, wann es eine
Möglichkeit gibt für ein Wiedersehen. Ich nehme an, dass Sie hie
und da nach Europa kommen, und Sie wissen, dass ich, wenn ich es
irgend kann, wieder wie in früheren Zeiten gerne in einen Zug oder
in ein Flugzeug steige, damit ich mit Ihnen ein paar Stunden sprechen
kann.

Meine Freundschaft für Sie ist unverändert.

Berlin 33
Koenigsallee 35

25 - 5 - 65

MAY 28 REC'D

My dear Henry:

I was so glad that you answered. But I do not know what to say about
Cologne. I would prefer another possibility. In June I will be a
few days in Zürich (19th until 24th), then in Rom.

In Zürich my telephone number is 74 02 13, in Rom you can find me
c/o Henze telephone 93 84 00, Via dei Laghi 18, Castel Gandolfo.
In Berlin I have no telephone, this makes my life so desperate here.

Very cordially yours