Basic Principles of Relations Between
the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
and the United States of America

The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America,

Guided by their obligations under the Charter of the United Nations and by a desire to strengthen peaceful relations with each other and to place these relations on the firmest possible basis,

Aware of the need to make every effort to remove the threat of war and to create conditions which promote the reduction of tensions in the world and the strengthening of universal security and international cooperation,

Believing that the improvement of Soviet-US relations and their mutually advantageous development in such areas as economics, science and culture, will meet these objectives and contribute to better mutual understanding and business-like cooperation, without in any way prejudicing the interests of third countries,

Conscious that these objectives reflect the interests of the peoples of both countries,

Have agreed as follows:

*First.* They will proceed from the common determination that in the nuclear age there is no alternative to conducting their mutual relations on the basis of peaceful coexistence. Differences in ideology and in the social systems of the USSR and the USA are not obstacles to the bilateral development of normal relations based on the principles of sovereignty, equality, non-interference in internal affairs and mutual advantage.

*Second.* The USSR and the USA attach major importance to preventing the development of situations capable of causing a dangerous exacerbation of their relations. Therefore, they will do their utmost to avoid military confrontations and to prevent the outbreak of nuclear war. They will always exercise restraint in their mutual relations, and will be prepared to negotiate and settle differences by peaceful means. Discussions and negotiations on outstanding issues will be conducted in a spirit of reciprocity, mutual accommodation and mutual benefit.

Both sides recognize that efforts to obtain unilateral advantage at the expense of the other, directly or indirectly, are inconsistent with these objectives. The prerequisites for maintaining and strengthening peaceful relations between the USSR and the USA are the recognition of the security interests of the Parties based on the principle of equality and the renunciation of the use or threat of force.

*Third.* The USSR and the USA have a special responsibility, as do other countries which are permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, to do everything in their power so that conflicts or situations will not arise which would serve to increase international tensions. Accordingly, they will seek to promote conditions in which all countries will live in peace and security and will not be subject to outside interference in their internal affairs.

*Fourth.* The USSR and the USA intend to widen the juridical basis of their mutual relations and to exert the necessary efforts so that bilateral agreements which they have concluded and

multilateral treaties and agreements to which they are jointly parties are faithfully implemented.

*Fifth.* The USSR and the USA reaffirm their readiness to continue the practice of exchanging views on problems of mutual interest and, when necessary, to conduct such exchanges at the highest level, including meetings between leaders of the two countries.

The two governments welcome and will facilitate an increase in productive contacts between representatives of the legislative bodies of the two countries.

*Sixth.* The Parties will continue their efforts to limit armaments on a bilateral as well as on a multilateral basis. They will continue to make special efforts to limit strategic armaments. Whenever possible, they will conclude concrete agreements aimed at achieving these purposes.

The USSR and the USA regard as the ultimate objective of their efforts the achievement of general and complete disarmament and the establishment of an effective system of international security in accordance with the purposes and principles of the United Nations.

*Seventh.* The USSR and the USA regard commercial and economic ties as an important and necessary element in the strengthening of their bilateral relations and thus will actively promote the growth of such ties. They will facilitate cooperation between the relevant organizations and enterprises of the two countries and the conclusion of appropriate agreements and contracts, including long-term ones.

The two countries will contribute to the improvement of maritime and air communications between them.

*Eighth.* The two sides consider it timely and useful to develop mutual contacts and cooperation in the fields of science and technology. Where suitable, the USSR and the USA will conclude appropriate agreements dealing with concrete cooperation in these fields.

*Ninth.* The two sides reaffirm their intention to deepen cultural ties with one another and to encourage fuller familiarization with each other's cultural values. They will promote improved conditions for cultural exchanges and tourism.

*Tenth.* The USSR and the USA will seek to ensure that their ties and cooperation in all the above-mentioned fields and in any others in their mutual interest are built on a firm and long-term basis. To give a permanent character to these efforts, they will establish in all fields where this is feasible joint commissions or other joint bodies.

*Eleventh.* The USSR and the USA make no claim for themselves and would not recognize the claims of anyone else to any special rights or advantages in world affairs. They recognize the sovereign equality of all states.

The development of Soviet-US relations is not directed against third countries and their interests.

*Twelfth.* The basic principles set forth in this document do not affect any obligations with respect to other countries earlier assumed by the USSR and the USA.

Moscow, May 29, 1972

For the Union of Soviet
Socialist Republics:

LEONID I. BREZHNEV
General Secretary of the
Central Committee, CPSU

For the United States
of America:

RICHARD NIXON
President of the United
States of America

Signing the Treaty
on the Limitation of
Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems
and the Interim Agreement
on Certain Measures
with Respect to the
Limitation of Strategic
Offensive Arms
on May 26, 1972.
For the USSR:
Leonid Brezhnev,
General Secretary of
the CPSU Central Committee.
For the USA:
Richard Nixon, President
of the United States of America.

JOINT SOVIET

By mutual agreement between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America, the President of the United States and Mrs. Richard Nixon paid an official visit to the Soviet Union from May 22 to May 30, 1972. The President was accompanied by Secretary of State William P. Rogers, Assistant to the President Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, and other American officials.

During his stay in the USSR President Nixon visited, in addition to Moscow, the cities of Leningrad and Kiev.

L. I. Brezhnev, General Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union; N. V. Podgorny, President of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR; and A. N. Kosygin, Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR, and US President Nixon conducted talks on fundamental problems of Soviet-American relations and the current international situation.

Also taking part in the conversations were:

On the Soviet Side: A. A. Gromyko, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR; N. S. Patolichev, Minister of Foreign Trade of the USSR; V. V. Kuznetsov, Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR; A. F. Dobrynin, Soviet Ambassador to the USA, A. M. Alexandrov, Assistant to the General Secretary of the Central Committee of the CPSU; G. M. Korniienko, member of the Collegium of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the USSR.

On the American Side: William P. Rogers, US Secretary of State; Jacob D. Beam, American Ambassador to the USSR; Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs; Peter M. Flanigan, Assistant to the President, and Martin J. Hillenbrand, Assistant Secretary of State. The discussions covered a wide range of questions of mutual interest and were frank and thorough. They defined more precisely those areas where there are prospects for developing greater cooperation between the two countries, as well as those areas where the positions of the two Sides are different.

## 1. BILATERAL RELATIONS

Guided by the desire to place Soviet-US relations on a more stable and constructive foundation, and mindful of their responsibilities for maintaining world peace and for facilitating the relaxation of international tension, the two Sides adopted a document entitled: "Basic Principles of Relations between the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United States of America," signed on behalf of the Soviet Union by L. I. Brezhnev, and on behalf of the US by President Nixon.

Both Sides are convinced that the provisions of that document open new possibilities for the development of peaceful relations and mutually beneficial cooperation between the USSR and the USA.

Having considered various areas of bilateral Soviet-US relations, the two Sides agreed that an improvement of relations is possible and desirable. They expressed their firm intention to act in accordance with the provisions set forth in the above-mentioned document.

As a result of progress made in negotiations which preceded the summit meeting and in the course of the meeting itself, a number of significant agreements were reached. This will intensify bilateral cooperation in areas of common concern as well as in areas relevant to the cause of peace and international cooperation.

## Limitation of Strategic Armaments

The two Sides gave primary attention to the problem of reducing the danger of nuclear war. They believe that curbing the competition in strategic arms will make a significant and tangible contribution to this cause.

The two Sides attach great importance to the Treaty on the Limitation of Anti-Ballistic Missile Systems and the Interim Agreement on Certain Measures with Respect to the Limitation of Strategic Offensive Arms concluded between them.

These agreements, which were concluded as a result of the negotiations in Moscow, constitute a major step toward curbing and ultimately ending the arms race.

They are a concrete expression of the intention of the two Sides to contribute to the relaxation of international tension and the strengthening of confidence between states, as well as to carry out the obligations assumed by them in the Treaty on the Non-proliferation of Nuclear Weapons (Article 6). Both Sides are convinced that the achievement of the above agreements is a practical step toward saving mankind from the threat of the outbreak of nuclear war. Accordingly, it corresponds to the vital interests of the Soviet and American peoples as well as to the vital interests of all other peoples.

The two Sides intend to continue active negotiations for the limitation of strategic offensive arms and to conduct them in a spirit of goodwill, respect for each other's legitimate interests and observance of the principle of equal security.

Both Sides are also convinced that the Agreement on Measures to Reduce the Risk of Outbreak of Nuclear War Between the USSR and the USA, signed in Washington on September 30, 1971, serves the interests not only of the Soviet and American peoples, but of all mankind.

## Commercial and Economic Relations

Both Sides agreed on measures designed to establish more favorable conditions for developing commercial and other economic ties between the USSR and the USA. The two Sides agreed that realistic conditions exist for increasing economic ties. These ties should develop on the basis of mutual benefit and in accordance with generally accepted international practice.

Believing that these aims would be served by conclusion of a trade agreement between the USSR and the USA, the two Sides decided to complete in the near future the work necessary to conclude such an agreement. They agreed on the desirability of credit arrangements to develop mutual trade and of early efforts to resolve other financial and economic issues. It was agreed that a lend-lease settlement will be negotiated concurrently with a trade agreement.

In the interests of broadening and facilitating commercial ties between the two countries, and to work out specific arrangements, the two Sides decided to create a Soviet-US Joint Commercial Commission. Its first meeting will be held in Moscow in the summer of 1972.

Each Side will help promote the establishment of effective working arrangements between organizations and firms of both countries and encouraging the conclusion of long-term contracts.

## Maritime Matters. Incidents at Sea

The two Sides agreed to continue the negotiations aimed at reaching an agreement

on maritime and related matters. They believe that such an agreement would mark a positive step in facilitating the expansion of trade between the Soviet Union and the United States.

An agreement was concluded between the two Sides on measures to prevent incidents at sea and in airspace over it between vessels and aircraft of the Soviet and US navies. By providing agreed procedures for ships and aircraft of the two navies operating in close proximity, this agreement will diminish the chances of dangerous accidents.

## Cooperation in Science and Technology

It was recognized that the cooperation now underway in areas such as atomic energy research, space research, health and other fields benefits both nations and contributes positively to their over-all relations.

It was agreed that increased scientific and technical cooperation on the basis of mutual benefit and shared effort for common goals is in the interest of both nations and would contribute to a further improvement in their bilateral relations. For these purposes the two Sides signed an agreement for cooperation in the fields of science and technology. A Soviet-US Joint Commission on Scientific and Technical Cooperation will be created for identifying and establishing cooperative programs.

## Cooperation in Space

Having in mind the role played by the USSR and the US in the peaceful exploration of outer space, both Sides emphasized the importance of further bilateral cooperation in this sphere. In order to increase the safety of man's flights in outer space and the future prospects of joint scientific experiments, the two Sides agreed to make suitable arrangements to permit the docking of Soviet and American spacecraft and stations. The first joint docking experiment of the two countries' piloted spacecraft, with visits by astronauts and cosmonauts to each other's spacecraft, is contemplated for 1975. The planning and implementation of this flight will be carried out by the USSR Academy of Sciences and the US National Aeronautics and Space Administration, according to principles and procedures developed through mutual consultations.

## Cooperation in the Field of Health

The two Sides concluded an agreement on health cooperation which marks a fruitful beginning of sharing knowledge about, and collaborative attacks on the common enemies—disease and disability. The initial research efforts of the program will concentrate on health problems important to the whole world—cancer, heart diseases and the environmental health sciences. This cooperation subsequently will be broadened to include other health problems of mutual interest. The two Sides pledged their full support for the health cooperation program and agreed to continue the active participation of the two governments in the work of international organizations in the health field.

## Environmental Cooperation

The two Sides agreed to initiate a program of cooperation in the protection and enhancement of man's environment. Through joint research and joint measures, the USSR and the United States hope to contribute to the preservation of a healthful environment in their countries and throughout the world.

6

# -US COMMUNIQUE

Under the new agreement on environmental cooperation there will be consultations in the near future in Moscow on specific cooperative projects.

## Exchanges in the Fields of Science, Technology, Education and Culture

Both Sides note the importance of the agreement on exchanges and cooperation in scientific, technical, educational, cultural, and other fields in 1972-1973, signed in Moscow on April 11, 1972. Continuation and expansion of bilateral exchanges in these fields will lead to better understanding and help improve the general state of relations between the two countries.

Within the broad framework provided by this agreement the two Sides have agreed to expand the areas of cooperation, as reflected in new agreements concerning space, health, the environment and science and technology.

The US Side, noting the existence of an extensive program of English language instruction in the Soviet Union, indicated its intention to encourage Russian language programs in the United States.

## 2. INTERNATIONAL ISSUES
Europe

In the course of the discussions on the international situation, both Sides took note of favorable developments in the relaxation of tensions in Europe.

Recognizing the importance to world peace of developments in Europe, where both world wars originated, and mindful of the responsibilities and commitments which they share with other powers under appropriate agreements, the USSR and the USA intend to make further efforts to ensure a peaceful future for Europe, free of tensions, crises and conflicts.

They agree that the territorial integrity of all states in Europe should be respected.

Both Sides view the September 3, 1971 quadripartite agreement relating to the Western sectors of Berlin as a good example of fruitful cooperation between the states concerned, including the USSR and the USA. The two Sides believe that the implementation of that agreement in the near future, along with other steps, will further improve the European situation and contribute to the necessary trust among states.

Both Sides welcomed the Treaty between the USSR and the Federal Republic of Germany signed on August 12, 1970. They noted the significance of the provisions of this Treaty as well as of other recent agreements in contributing to confidence and cooperation among the European states.

The USSR and the USA are prepared to make appropriate contributions to the positive trends on the European continent toward a genuine detente and the development of relations of peaceful cooperation among states in Europe on the basis of the principles of territorial integrity and inviolability of frontiers, noninterference in internal affairs, sovereign equality, independence and renunciation of the use or threat of force.

The USSR and the USA are in accord that multilateral consultations looking toward a conference on security and cooperation in Europe could begin after the signature of the final quadripartite protocol of the agreement of September 3, 1971. The two governments agree that the conference should be carefully prepared in order that it may confidently consider practical problems of security and cooperation and thus contribute to the progressive overcoming of the under-

lying causes of tension in Europe. This conference should be convened at a time to be agreed by the countries concerned, but without undue delay.

Both Sides believe that the goal of ensuring stability and security in Europe would be served by a reciprocal reduction of armed forces and armaments, first of all in Central Europe. Any agreement on this question should not diminish the security of any of the Sides. Appropriate agreement should be reached as soon as practicable between the states concerned on the procedures for negotiations on this subject in a special forum.

## The Middle East

The two Sides set out their positions on this question. They reaffirm their support for a peaceful settlement in the Middle East in accordance with Security Council resolution 242.

Noting the significance of constructive cooperation of the Parties concerned with the special representative of the UN Secretary General, Ambassador Jarring, the USSR and the USA confirm their desire to contribute to his mission's success and also declare their readiness to play their part in bringing about a peaceful settlement in the Middle East. In the view of the USA and the USSR the achievement of such settlement would open prospects for the normalization of the Middle East situation and would permit, in a particular, consideration of further steps to bring about a military relaxation in that area.

## Indochina

Each Side set forth its respective standpoint with regard to the continuing war in Vietnam and the situation in the area of Indochina as a whole.

The Soviet Side stressed its solidarity with the just struggle of the peoples of Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia for their freedom, independence and social progress.

Firmly supporting the proposals of the DRV and the Republic of South Vietnam, which provide a realistic and constructive basis for settling the Vietnam problem, the Soviet Union stands for a cessation of bombings of the DRV, for a complete and unconditional withdrawal of the troops of the USA and its allies from South Vietnam, so that the peoples of Indochina would have the possibility to determine for themselves their fate without any outside interference.

The US Side emphasized the need to bring an end to the military conflict as soon as possible and reaffirmed its commitment to the principle that the political future of South Vietnam should be left for the South Vietnamese people to decide for themselves, free from outside interference.

The US Side explained its view that the quickest and most effective way to attain the above-mentioned objectives is through negotiations leading to the return of all Americans held captive in the region, the implementation of an internationally supervised Indochina-wide ceasefire and the subsequent withdrawal of all American forces stationed in South Vietnam within four months, leaving the political questions to be resolved by the Indochinese peoples themselves.

The United States reiterated its willingness to enter into serious negotiations with the North Vietnamese Side to settle the war in Indochina on a basis just to all.

## Disarmament Issues

The two Sides expressed their position on arms limitation and disarmament issues. The two Sides note that in recent years their joint and parallel actions have facilitated the working out and conclusion of treaties which curb the arms race or ban some of the most dangerous types of weapons.

They note further that these treaties were welcomed by a large majority of the states in the world, which became parties to them.

Both Sides regard the Convention on the Prohibition of the Development, Production and Stockpiling of Bacteriological (Biological) and Toxic Weapons and on their Destruction, as an essential disarmament measure. Along with Great Britain, they are the depositories for the Convention which was recently opened for signature by all states. The USSR and the USA will continue their efforts to reach an international agreement regarding chemical weapons.

The USSR and the USA, proceeding from the need to take into account the security interests of both countries on the basis of the principle of equality, and without prejudice to the security interests of third countries, will actively participate in negotiations aimed at working out new measures designed to curb and end the arms race.

The ultimate purpose is general and complete disarmament, including nuclear disarmament, under strict international control. A world disarmament conference could play a role in this process at an appropriate time.

## Strengthening the United Nations

Both Sides will strive to strengthen the effectiveness of the United Nations on the basis of strict observance of the UN Charter. They regard the United Nations as an instrument for maintaining world peace and security, discouraging conflicts, and developing international cooperation. Accordingly, they will do their best to support United Nations efforts in the interests of international peace.

Both Sides emphasized that agreements and understandings reached in the negotiations in Moscow, as well as the contents and nature of these negotiations, are not in any way directed against any other country. Both Sides proceed from the recognition of the role, the responsibility and the prerogatives of other interested states, existing international obligations and agreements, and the principles and purposes of the UN Charter.

Both Sides believe that positive results were accomplished in the course of the talks at the highest level. These results indicate that despite the differences between the USSR and the USA in social systems, ideologies, and policy principles, it is possible to develop mutually advantageous cooperation between the peoples of both countries, in the interests of strengthening peace and international security.

Both Sides expressed the desire to continue close contact on a number of issues that were under discussion. They agreed that regular consultations on questions of mutual interest, including meetings at the highest level, would be useful.

In expressing his appreciation for the hospitality accorded him in the Soviet Union, US President Nixon invited General Secretary of the CPSU Central Committee L. I. Brezhnev, President of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet N. V. Podgorny, and Chairman of the USSR Council of Ministers A. N. Kosygin to visit the United States at a mutually convenient time. This invitation was accepted.

7

Photographs by Edward Pesov and Yuri Abramochkin

President
and Mrs. Nixon
arriving at
Vnukovo Airport,
Moscow, on
May 22, 1972.

THE MOSCOW
SUMMIT RESULTS

THE IMPORTANCE of the Soviet-American summit meeting, both for further development of relations between our two countries and for the maintenance and strengthening of world peace, is universally recognized.

The Soviet people see this meeting as yet another practical step toward implementation of the Soviet peace program put forward by the Twenty-fourth CPSU Congress.

For eight days in May, the world waited for reports from Moscow. Telephones, teletype machines and more than 500 accredited foreign and Soviet correspondents worked around the clock at the International Press Center, and newsmen kept asking impatiently about the next briefing.

Expectations were rewarded every time with news of another agreement signed. Of course, these agreements took a good deal of painstaking work. Their conclusion was made possible by the businesslike approach, realism and policy of complete equality—clearly stated by both sides—that prevailed during the talks and was reflected in the final joint communique.

The effectiveness of the conference is abundantly evident from the number of agreements that came out of it.

To explain the positive results of this top-level meeting, we must consider the changes in the international balance of forces during the past few years.

The joint document adopted in Moscow has for the first time in the history of Soviet-American relations clearly defined principles governing these relations. And the most important of them is to settle differences by peaceful means. "Basic

Above: Summit talks begin in the Kremlin on May 23.

**Right:** Ronald Ziegler, Press Secretary to the President, answering questions at one of the daily press conferences in Moscow.

**Lower right:** President of the United States Richard Nixon and President of the Presidium of the USSR Supreme Soviet Nikolai Podgorny at Pavlovsk Palace, near Leningrad.

8

Because we are both prepared to pro-
ceed on the basis of equality and mutual
respect, we meet at a moment when we
can make peaceful cooperation a real-
ity. To make the most of this oppor-
tunity, we should recognize that while
many of our differences are fundamen-
tal and profound, we have a powerful
common interest in peace and security.

We should recognize that great nu-
clear powers have a solemn responsi-
bility to exercise restraint in any crisis,
and to take positive action to avert
direct confrontation.

From the speech by Richard Nixon,
President of the United States, at a dinner
given by the Presidium of the USSR
Supreme Soviet and the Soviet Government
at the Grand Kremlin Palace, May 22, 1972

Farewell
to the
Soviet Union.
Leaving
the country
from Kiev, the
Nixons board
their plane
for Teheran.

EDITOR'S
NOTES

GROUNDS
FOR HOPE

THE PROTECTION OF NATURE and its resources has be-
come a global problem. In the past 20 years more than 400
international congresses, conferences and symposiums have
met to discuss various aspects of environmental protection. At
its General Assembly sessions the United Nations considered
the problem on several occasions and adopted a number of
relevant resolutions.

An agreement between the Soviet Union and the United States recently signed pointed out that the development of mutual coop-eration in the field of environmental protection, the exchange of experience of countries with different social and economic sys-tems, will be beneficial to the Soviet Union and the United States, as well as to other countries. The agreement also ex-pressed a desire to facilitate the establishment of closer and long-term cooperation between interested organizations of the two countries in this field.

Some pessimistic scientists in the West believe that civili-
zation will destroy itself, not by some explosive cataclysm, but
by suffocation in its own wastes. Soviet scientists think that dis-
mal judgment day can be averted. Urbanization and the grow-
ing use of natural resources are not environmental disasters by
themselves. The problem is, first and foremost, social. The opti-
mism of Soviet scientists is based on the fact that theirs is a
socialist society in which land is nationalized and economic
development is planned. These are the two conditions neces-
sary to ensure that technical progress is no threat to the envi-
ronment. These conditions make it possible to undertake proj-
ects that are so costly and of such scope that they can be
supported only by a socialist state. For example, the first com-
plexes with waste water recycling systems are in operation.

Preserving the balance of nature is a complex, many-sided
matter in which the public frequently has a big word to say.
That was true of the major construction project near Lake
Baikal, which was widely debated in Soviet newspapers and
magazines. Different viewpoints were expressed, but the point
of this countrywide forum was to preserve the purity of this
unique body of water and the area around it. In September
1971 the CPSU Central Committee and the USSR Council of
Ministers adopted the resolution On Additional Measures to
Ensure the Rational Uses and Conservation of the Natural
Wealth of the Lake Baikal Basin. These measures have proved
effective. Baikal and its abundant fauna will be preserved for
future generations.

Lenin, the founder of the Soviet state, was much concerned
with conservation. On September 16, 1921, only a few years
after the Revolution, he signed the decree On the Preservation
of Natural Monuments, Gardens and Parks. That important leg-
islative act was later implemented by the organization of a
network of preserves. At the same time, with the need for the
country's industrialization in mind, he cautioned that the
sources of industrial raw materials must not be exploited un-
thinkingly. In Lenin's lifetime decrees were adopted for
the regulation and protection of forests, fish, and wildlife. Karl
Marx, the founder of scientific communism, said a hundred years
ago, and his statement has lost none of its pertinence: "A
whole society, a nation, even all the simultaneously existing
societies put together do not own the land. They merely hold
it in tenure and use it and, like good family fathers, they should
turn it over in better condition to the generations which follow
them."

The Soviet Union has a diversity of climatic zones, from the
permafrost of Yakutia to the scorching sands of Central Asia.
This calls for a differentiated approach to conservation. The
use of any one method on so vast and variegated a territory
(more than five billion acres) is not possible. Each soil-climatic
zone, each limited area needs its own special techniques suited
to the local soil, climate, relief and growing conditions.

All Soviet republics have conservation laws that take into
account the specific features of a given area, although their
main provisions are identical: "Nature and its resources in the
Soviet state constitute a natural basis for the development of
the national economy, serve as a source for the continuous

growth of material and cultural values, provide the best con-
ditions for the work and rest of the people. Conservation is a
most essential national task and a cause of the whole people."
(Law on nature protection of the Russian Federation).

Conservation was on the agenda of the Twenty-fourth CPSU
Congress, and the Program of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union contains direct instructions for the rational uses
of the country's natural wealth.

In recent years comprehensive and large-scale antipollution
programs have been applied—changeover to minimal-pollution
fuels; highly effective methods for catching ash, dust and
fumes; development of nongasoline engines for motor transport.

In Moscow with its eight million population, the content of
dust and gases in the air has dropped in recent years to be-
tween one-third and one-fourth its previous level. That was
done by a variety of methods. The capital is surrounded by a
forest park zone on all sides. Green plantations occupy a third
of the city area. In the last five years, at the insistence of doc-
tors, more than 3,000 gas- and dust-trapping devices have been
installed in Moscow factories. Thousands of boiler rooms have
been converted to natural gas. The concentration of car ex-
haust gases has been reduced. A state standard for the con-
tent of carbon monoxide in car exhaust (2 per cent) has been
adopted, and every motor vehicle is checked regularly. Ethyl
gasoline has been banned as a highly toxic compound. The
USSR Academy of Sciences recently made this forecast of air
pollution levels: Despite the expected increase in factories
and cars, by 1980 the air will be 22 per cent purer than today.

Such major industrial centers as the Urals and Donbas are
getting special attention. Most of the pollution there comes
from thermal power stations and from metallurgical, chemical,
cement and other plants.

Under present Soviet law new industrial plants likely to pol-
lute the atmosphere must include filters in their building plan.
Presently operating enterprises must build waste treatment
plants within a specified period. Effective treatment methods
have been evolved and considerable sums budgeted for the
purpose.

An interesting and relevant item: In the big industrial city of
Cherepovets fish live in a river which flows right through the
grounds of the local steel mill. Another item: In such big cities
as Moscow and Leningrad, anglers fish contentedly on embank-
ments regardless of heavy traffic and the other concomitants of
city living.

Pure water is an especially important problem. Our scientists
and engineers are successfully purifying sewage and industrial
effluents to potable levels. Sewage is purified as much as pos-
sible before being dumped into rivers and water courses. Better
solutions of the water problem are in the offing, not only to limit
but to stop completely the dumping of even decontaminated
sewage. This can be done by building water recycling systems
at industrial plants and diverting part of the sewage and indus-
trial waste waters for irrigation.

Land, water and air are the three whales which support our
world. Today everybody knows that nature is not inexhaustible.
We know now that the wise equilibrium of nature must not be
unbalanced, that all creatures—from the worm, which gives
the soil its pellet structure, to the tiger, whose actions are gov-
erned by the laws of natural selection—owe their existence to
one another.

Nor must we go to another extreme—treat nature with un-
touchable reverence. Man cannot exist without exploiting nat-
ural resources. An example of a rational use of natural wealth
is the cultivation of the virgin lands in Siberia and Kazakhstan;
they now constitute one of the country's prime breadbaskets.
Great areas of desert in Central Asia and Kazakhstan are being
rejuvenated. Ambitious irrigation projects (a case in point is
the Kara-Kum Canal) have converted lifeless sand plain into
blossoming orchard.

We are sure that worldwide action to clean up the seas, the
atmosphere and the soil will create conditions that will guar-
antee the natural environment humans must have to survive.

14

JUN 9 1972

Kissinger
goes to Tokyo
for meetings

TOKYO (AP) — Henry A. Kissinger arrived in Japan tonight to start his twice-postponed visit to strengthen the Nixon administration's relations with its most important Asian ally.

President Nixon's adviser on national security is here for an unofficial weekend visit as the guest of the nongovernmental Japan-U.S. Economic Council. His schedule is crowded, however, with meetings with Prime Minister Eisaku Sato and other officials.

Japanese newspapers said the chief topics of the talks would be Japan's role in international affairs following Nixon's visits to Peking and Moscow, and U.S. policies toward Communist China and the Nationalist Chinese regime on Taiwan.

The Nixon administration hoped that Kissinger's powers of persuasion would repair some of the damage done to Japanese-American relations by Washington's failure to consult Sato in advance of the switch in its China policy last summer and by its restrictions to curtail Japanese exports to the United States.

# The Imperfect Circle

By ANTHONY LEWIS

LONDON, June 4—The success of the Moscow summit is a particular triumph for Henry Kissinger's world view. He has argued that great powers can balance their mutual interests on a planetary scale, transcending local or ideological differences. In Moscow, as in Peking, President Nixon boldly followed that approach.

The question that remains is how the global vision can solve the little local difficulty of Vietnam. Mr. Kissinger would doubtless accept that it is not begudging the triumph of Moscow for those concerned about Vietnam to ask.

In the Kissinger view, American policy—Presidential policy—should be a circle in which all elements fit together. Bangladesh, the Middle East: Everything must be related to the effort to create a structure of great power accommodation. In those terms Vietnam is an annoyance. It is “one small country,” as Mr. Kissinger recently called North Vietnam in evident frustration, that will not fit the pattern. It is a bump on an otherwise perfect circle.

American policy is to squeeze that bump, to make it contort. The evident fear is that to compromise our political objectives in South Vietnam in any meaningful way would weaken our power and credibility everywhere: would threaten the entire circle.

That is the theory underlying the tremendous increase in American firepower applied to Vietnam in the last two months: The intensified bombing of the North, the new shellling from ships offshore, the approval of new strategic targets, the mining of harbors. And the prospect is for more escalation: more B-52's, more ships, a new air base in Thailand.

One who has just been in North Vietnam would never underestimate the destructive force of those bombs and shells. American bombing has clearly wounded the transportation system and made life more difficult. It has also destroyed many civilian facilities—schools and homes and hospitals—and taken many lives.

The utilitarian question is whether the destruction will work politically: Will it make the North Vietnamese negotiate on American terms in Paris, as Mr. Kissinger has long hoped?

When I tried to explore that question in Hanoi, several persons referred to the testament of Ho Chi Minh, written a few months before his death in 1969. It includes a two-line verse:

> Our mountains will always be,
> our rivers will always be,

## AT HOME ABROAD

> our people will always be;
> The American invaders defeated,
> we will rebuild our land ten
> times more beautiful.

The implication is that the North Vietnamese will accept total destruction of the works of man in their country if that is the price of the war. It is a difficult thought to believe in its fanaticism, but there it is.

If in fact the present level of American air and naval activity does not make them come to terms, what follows? In Hanoi, many foreigners thought the logic of American policy was to go on up the path of escalation, hoping that each step would at last bring political results. Some thought the next logical step would be the destruction of Hanoi.

There is no real sign now of any internal check to such a policy. Protest in America is at a low level. People are weary, without hope. Congress is ineffectual. Few seem to care how many Vietnamese are killed in order to make the circle perfect.

But history will care. If American bombers turn Hanoi into rubble, as they can, Americans will be the victims as well; their children will have to live with it. And that suggests that the whole Kissinger vision may be wrong: Vietnam is not a bump on an otherwise perfect circle. It is the issue on which the United States will be judged, by the world and by itself.

To apply some force to preserve an indigenous independence in South Vietnam would be one thing. To use staggering destructive power for the sake of preserving Nguyen Van Thieu in office is another. As André Fontaine said recently in Le Monde, it is an obsession, the self-destroying pursuit of a white whale.

In all this Henry Kissinger has a particular responsibility. Not only because of his position—the power remains the President's—but because of his life and ideas.

He saw for himself the terrible results of an ideology of force. He taught hundreds of students the necessity for analysis, for detachment, in weighing values and making political choices. To forget all that now, to provide the intellectual rationale for the obsessive pursuit of an abstraction, would indeed be la trahison des professeurs. Henry Kissinger must know better.