NOTES for Secretary Kissinger

Based on his talk before the CSIS Advisory Board, March 11, 1977.

Prepared by David Wendt

March 25, 1977

Secretary Kissinger began by noting that Americans were in no position to regard foreign policy as a partisan matter. Our position around the world depended upon the establishment of a certain continuity in foreign policy. This was all the more imperative in view of the irregularity of our political history since the second Eisenhower Administration, which was the last presidential administration to run its normal course.

The Secretary described the central problem facing American foreign policy over the past decade as being our adjustment to a notion of having continuous interests in the world. Although such a notion had characterized the diplomacy of the founding fathers. it had been substantially missing from our foreign policy since their time. First, of course, there was our long period of isolation, during which we approached foreign affairs as if we could involve ourselves in it at our own discretion. Then, however, cam our emergence from isolationism, which was marked by two tendencies. First, our experience with Hitler determined our reaction to all subsequent adversaries, causing us either to overreact, or to underestimate the danger when our worst fears were not realized. Second, we tended to apply to foreign affairs the experience of our own New Deal,

-2-

in that we tended to conduct foreign policy as if it were
domestic policy, and assumed that political stability depended
upon economic growth. The problem since this time has been to
realize the paradox that while we are essential to world peace
and progress, this cannot be achieved on the basis of once-and-
for-all efforts. A more permanent conception of our interests is
required.

In this reorientation of our traditional perspectives, we
must remember that, as in the case with both World War I and
World War II, war can break out <u>despite</u> a balance of power. We
must further pay attention to the unique aspects of power in our
time. Certainly, the cornerstone of our position in the world is
our relationship with Western Europe and Japan. We must bear in
mind, too, that the burdens upon us would be all the greater
because of the instability of the regimes of the Third World.
The statesman, who must confront these situations, cannot
be blamed for not always achieving the best possible outcome; his
job is also to avoid the worst.

Q. What do you see as being the "best case" and the "worst case"
in southern Africa?

A. The overriding imperative shaping our relations with southern Africa is the need to avoid a race war, of the sort that would inevitably tend to involve forces from the outside. The object of U.S. policy must therefore be to dissociate ourselves psychologically from the support of white supremacy, but to do this in such a way as not to enhance the position of the radical elements. It is

these elements who would be most likely to provoke a race war.

The search for multiracial societies can best be advanced through the encouragement of the moderate African leadership. But a race war, on the other hand, is not the only danger, although it is the most serious one in terms of its implications for both the world and for the U.S. domestic structure. The establishment of satellites as such is not the only means by which the Soviets could enhance their position; as in the case of Eurocommunism, they can achieve gains simply through the realization of our losses.

Q. Has detente had the unintentional effect of strengthening the forces of European Communism?

A. We must weigh the domestic costs of detente against the domestic costs of sustaining a policy of continued confrontation. It is true that detente may have helped to create a framework in which Communist gains are regarded as less unthinkable than before. But domestic support cannot be maintained over the long term for our own position unless it is clear that every avenue is being explored towards peace. Moreover, detente has spared others the task of having to defend the "American connection." For these reasons, it is an effective policy for the pursuit of our long-term interests.

Q. To what extent is the "moral" dimension of freedom a value which we should seek to advance in our foreign policy?

A. In human rights, as in other areas, the pursuit of objectives that are not linked to observable consequences could be counter-productive. Our own record on human rights within the Administration was quite notable. But results were achieved precisely by not making human rights a foreign policy issue.

-4-

Q. What is the relationship between political stability and economic growth?

A. The success of the Marshall Plan reinforced our belief in the 1950's and 60's that the principal threat to peace sprung from the gap between reality and expectations -- i.e., the "revolution of rising expectations." This version of economic determinism overlooked some of the significant differences between the Western world and the developing world, where the creation of political legitimacy is seen as being the main issue. Marxist leaders, furthermore, do not share the tradition of Western revolutionaries of "fighting for a form of power that makes them dispensable." Economic aid programs do not, therefore, in themselves provide a solution to the problem of political stability.

Q. Would you care to comment on your perception of the main trend in Western democracies? Is it one characterized by optimism or pessimism?

A. It is self-evident that the industrial democracies face problems of major proportions, such as their apparent inability to engage the commitment of the younger generation. To ignore such problems is to condemn ourselves to certain decline. There will be no easy solutions: what is required is leadership groups that have sufficient inner confidence to act with assurance in the face of complex situations. Yet it is precisely such attributes that the selection process for our highest political office discourages. Nor is creativity encouraged within the bureaucracy, where the question of where we are going is unable to find organic expression.

-5-

But these problems are not unique to the democracies; they
characterize the Soviet Union as well, where they are compounded
by the absence of a regular procedure for succession. Together,
then, the United States and the Soviet Union are like "two
blindfolded giants staggering around, groping their way for an
exit they cannot see." Does all of this amount to a verdict of
despair? I do not think so. Surely to have operated on as broad
a historical canvas as I did assumes some degree of faith in the
possibility of solutions. But the problems cannot even begin to
be solved unless people can be told the truth by their political
leaders about the problems' complexities.

the Georgetown Voice
the campus newsmagazine

HK
FYI

[LC]

# Kissinger Secrecy Questioned at GU

by Paul Croce

A recent controversy over the barring of press coverage and the restrictive attendance at the lectures from Kissinger's Dean lectures have cast the former Secretary of State's campus appearances in a negative light.

As one student participant observed that this "extremely eloquent speaker... is so convincing that he makes you think that every event since Adam neatly falls into place in support of his thesis." The student added that "opening to publicity would restrict academic freedom on the sensitive and important topics discussed."

In persuading former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger to come to the School of Foreign Service as a visiting professor of diplomacy, Georgetown University gained not only a series of expert lectures on leading issues on diplomacy but also, as Foreign Service Dean Peter Krogh said, "a very favorable internal and external image that the University should be proud of."

David Abshire, Director of the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) was largely responsible for obtaining the internationally famous, and respected diplomat. He first met Kissinger in the academic setting of Georgetown, as both men attended the center which Abshire now directs.

Maintaining contact in later years Abshire was appointed assistant Secretary of State for Congressional Affairs under Kissinger for three years. Familiar with Kissinger on a personal basis, Abshire

slowly persuaded Kissinger in favor of Georgetown, after what he describes as a "series of discussions where we talked of different programs and aspects of a plausible Georgetown relationship."

The situation slowly evolved, until as Abshire said, Kissinger was convinced by the "large number of programs that interest him at Georgetown and the mutually advantageous position that a visiting professorship would provide."

Since his first visit, Kissinger, according to Abshire has been "most favorably impressed by Georgetown's wellrounded program, its students, professors and (at the Center) the continuous range of international visitors."

During his six month stay, Kissinger has planned five lectures on campus in addition to those slated for the Center for Strategic and International Studies. Favorably impressed by the "civility, friendliness and forthcoming" of Georgetown students, Dean Krogh said Kissinger plans to add an extra event "out of sheer enthusiasm." The barring of press coverage, one of the few controversial aspects of Kissinger's visit, is supported by Krogh in order to "honor Kissinger's discretion in wanting to keep his lectures strictly academic."

Wishing to see Kissinger's visit lengthened, Abshire agrees with Krogh in hoping that despite his many commitments, the "strongly positive relationship" Kissinger has developed with Georgetown University will continue in the coming years.

Vol. 9, No. 5

March 29, 1977

Washington, D.C.

photo by Molly Moore

Kissinger meets GU students
A lack of availability?

OTHER VOICES

Unscrupulous Scoop Artists

Art by Jack Higgins

Ahem, Class time, Dr. Kissinger

Editor's Note

by Molly Moore

Don't let those smiling faces on the six o'clock news deceive you.

Don't be misled by those dignified-sounding bylines.

Don't be fooled by the term "prestige media."

Coverage of a national newsmaker is like embarking on a jungle safari. Even the most benign reporters show their professional (or not-so-professional) claws and are transformed into snarling, roaring beasts, determined to squeeze that one extra comment from the newsmaker's throat.

One such jungle journey involved former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's welcoming tour at Georgetown University where he has contracted to deliver three classroom lectures.

Arriving at Georgetown, Kissinger was greeted by hundreds of cheering students—who were quickly pushed, shoved and kicked aside by some 50 obtrusive obnoxious, ominous reporters and cameramen. And the hunt was on!

The dozens of outstretched hands of student well-wishers were beaten aside by the massive onslaught of microphones, camera lens and moré microphones. Like silent cobras the microphones struck at every turn.

The short jaunt to Laninger Library was a stampede of wilding thrashing, yelling, probing, poking newsmen (and women). One over-anxious cameraman could hardly stifle ecstacy over a choice angle he'd just maneuvered when all the lights went out.

With eyes for The Man only, the

television technicians completely ignored a stop sign: The next instant the cameraman, his extension cords and his camera were wrapped around the steel pole.

What minutes before had been a quiet sanctuary for study became a lion's den as reporters laid siege to the library. And all Henry wanted was a leisurely tour of the book stacks and special collections exhibit.

Stepping nonchalantly into one of the two elevators to the fifth floor, Kissinger smiled and nodded to the glaring reporters who waited in frustration as the second elevator slowly crept its way to the main floor. By some freak of nature—or was it an act of the secret

service—all the stairwells had been blocked. So it was 50 reporters and one elevator.

A lone student was trampled as the herd attempted to battle its way into the tiny cubicle. Staggering to his feet, the disheveled student muttered weekly, “I just came here to do a little studying, let me out of here.”

The rude reportorial retort: “Get out of the way. Students don’t matter today.” Of course no one remembered it was solely because of the students that Hank was showing his tanned face in public that morning.

They just refused to allow Kissinger to draw his last foot from the public

limelight into the shadows of private life. There was still a bone to pick, still a few leftovers to glean from a defeated administration.

Henry then darted into another elevator and just as quickly slipped out of the building eluding the hunters armed with their pencils, notepads and tape recorders.

Again the enthusiastic, milling students flushed him into the open and he was at the mercy of the diligent hunters-until he escaped into Healy Building and a private reception.

But the beasts weren't to be detained for long. Guests invited to the private reception couldn't help but overhear the panting, snarling, growling crowd outside the chamber doors.

The Man conceded defeat. He emerged into the glare of the lights, the hammering questions, the abruptness of men and women seeking blood-that fragment of new news.

Kissinger returned to witty chatter with a group of students and administrators and a glass of champagne. Minutes later-there lurking around the flower vases, peeking through the glasses of red wine, darting between the caterers-a stray reporter who has escaped the scrutinious eye of the door guard and had slithered into the room.

Complete defeat.

And then the last straw. That belligerent creature wasn't satisfied with one final quote. He had the nerve to pilfer a glass of Henry's champagne.

International
New York City

JEWISH FLORIDIAN
MIAMI, FLA.
W-20,000

MAR 25 1977

Jews Suffered the Most—Dr. K.

WASHINGTON — (JTA) — Former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, accepting an honorary doctorate in Philosophy from Israel's Weizmann Institute, said that "no people have suffered more" from the absence of peace "than the Jewish people."

Urging peace and "reconciliation" in the Middle East, Kissinger said that the Weizmann Institute, located initially at the desert's edge in an area that is now cultivated, "can symbolize not only the past of Israel, but the future of the Middle East at a time when we must be concerned with security and dare not yet be certain that peace is possible. It symbolizes what must be the future for all the peoples in the Middle East."

KISSINGER, making his first address since leaving the State Department seven weeks ago, spoke at a dinner here attended by 160 persons after receiving the degree that was awarded him three years ago.

The honor was conferred upon him by Dr. Michael Sela, Weizmann Institute president, on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the birth of Dr. Chaim Weizmann, Israel's first President.

Among those joining the convocation was Sir Marcus J. Sieff, chairman of the Institute's board of governors.

"AS THE first Jewish Secretary of State, my relationship with the State of Israel and sometimes with the Jewish community in the United States has inevitably been complicated," Kissinger said in his extemporaneous remarks.

"Yet none of us who are conscious of the travail and the suffering and the future of the Jewish people can ever forget that the future of the Jewish people is inextricably linked with the future of peace and justice and freedom and security for all people."

A pre-recorded address was heard from Meyer Weisgal, the Institute's Chancellor and a disciple of Weizmann who was ill

in Israel and could not be present.

IN PAYING tribute to Kissinger's "shuttle diplomacy, his daily exertions on our behalf," Weisgal recalled an arduous 11-day peace mission into the desert near Aqaba made by Weizmann in 1918 — the basis of an historic but short-lived

concorde reached with Emir Faisal, then leader of the Arab world and later King of Iraq — and characterized Kissinger's "almost superhuman efforts" in the Middle East as a continuum that sought "to restore the spirit that was created between Weizmann and Faisal" nearly 60 years ago.

International
New York City

HERITAGE
LOS ANGELES, CALIF.
W-15,000

MAR-25-77

HONORARY DEGREE — At a special convocation and investiture ceremony held in Washington, D.C., Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, left, receives the honorary degree of doctor of philosophy from Weizmann Institute of Science Prof. Michael Sela, president of the Institute. The former Secretary of State was cited as "the principal architect of

International
New York City

CANADIAN JEWISH NEWS
TORONTO, CANADA
WEEKLY

MAR-4-77

Amia, the Ashkenazi community of Buenos Aires, has appointed Moroccoborn Rabbi Shlomo Benhamu acting chief rabbi of Argentina. He replaces Rabbi Menachem Fiterman, who has returned to Israel. Dr. Fiterman, who was born in the Ukraine, came to Argentina as chief rabbi in the summer of 1975.

Henry Kissinger is to receive an honorary doctorate degree from the Weizmann Institute at a private ceremony in Washington, with former Weizmann president Michael Sela participating.

International
New York City

From
Jewish Weekly News
Springfield, Mass.
W-6,000

MAR 24 1977

Kissinger Says: —

Jewish People Suffer
From Absence Of Peace

WASHINGTON (WNS) — "No people have suffered more" from the absence of peace "than the Jewish people," former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger said March 10.

Accepting an honorary Doctorate in Philosophy which the Weizmann Institute of Science in Rehovot awarded him three years ago, Kissinger noted, "As the first Jewish Secretary of State, my relationship with the State of Israel and sometimes with the Jewish community in the United States has inevitably

been complicated." He said "none of us, who are conscious of the travail and suffering and the future of the Jewish people can ever forget that the future of the Jewish people is inextricably linked with the future of peace and justice and freedom and security for all people."

The award was conferred on Kissinger by Dr. Michael Sela, Weizmann Institute president, in celebration of the 100th anniversary of the birth of Dr. Chaim Weizmann, Israel's first president.

International
New York City

NATIONAL JEWISH
POST & OPINION
NEW YORK, N. Y.
W-12,000

MAR-25-77

Kissinger On Golda, Rabin

Henry Kissinger who unveiled his Jewishness for all to see in his farewell appearance before the President's Conference of Major American Jewish Organizations, did a repeat performance when he was

presented with an honorary doctorate of philosophy from the Weizmann Institute on March 10. "It means a great deal to me," he said, "to receive the congratulations of so many with whom I have been associated in difficult and also exhilarating times." He then continued: "How can I ever forget the beady mistrustful eye cast on me by Golda Meir, whom I respected more than any other statesman that I have ever met? How she, in our discussions, would take me into the kitchen to talk to me with all

the anguish of an aunt whose favorite nephew has just failed her? And of course only those of you who have never negotiated with Israelis would believe that there is the slightest danger of anybody being able to get the better of such a negotiation! Golda who has the fortitude of the pioneer and the courage of a lioness and who once she had determined on a course would defend it with a magnificent spirit; and Prime Minister Rabin with whom I worked closely in his years as an ambassador, and then as Prime Minister who would invariably begin by demonstrating to me the fallibility of my analysis and who was usually right. We have gone through many experiences together.

B'NAI B'RITH
MESSENGER
LOS ANGELES, CALIF.
W-50,000

[L.C.]

MAR-25-77

And Then There Was Kitchen Diplomacy

Kissinger, At Weizmann Rites, Praises Golda Meir
As 'A Lioness Who Has The Fortitude Of A Pioneer'

(Following is a verbatim transcript of Dr. Henry A. Kissinger's response on receiving an honorary doctorate of philosophy from the Weizmann Institute of Science, March 10, at the Madison Hotel, Washington, D.C.—Editor)

By DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER

A B'NAI B'RITH MESSENGER PASSOVER FEATURE

I' M VERY moved by this occa-
sion. As the first Jewish Secre-
tary of State my relationship
with the State of Israel and some-
times with the Jewish community
in the United States has inevitably
been complicated and yet none of
us who are conscious of the trav-
ails and the suffering and the
future of the Jewish people can
ever forget that the future of the
Jewish people is inextricably
linked with the future of peace and
justice and freedom and security
for all people.

It means a great deal to me to
receive the congratulations of so
many with whom I have been
associated in difficult and also
exhilarating times.

HOW CAN I ever forget the
beady mistrustful eye cast on me
by Golda Meir whom I respected
more than almost any statesman
that I have ever met? How she, in
our discussions, would take me
into the kitchen to talk to me with
all the anguish of an aunt whose
favorite nephew has just failed
her?

And of course only those of you
who have never negotiated with
Israelis would believe that there
is the slightest danger of anybody
being able to get the better of such
a negotiation! Golda who had the
fortitude of the pioneer and the
courage of a lioness and who once
she had determined on a course

would defend it with a magnificent
spirit; and Prime Minister Rabin
with whom I worked closely in his
years as an ambassador, and then
as Prime Minister who would in-
variably begin by demonstrating
to me the fallibility of my analysis
and who was usually right. We
have gone through many ex-
periences together.

KEEPING in mind the view of
my friend, Abba Eban, that objec-
tivity for Israelis is 100 percent
agreement with their point of
view, I would say that our dis-
agreements have been minuscule.

We have had the great good
fortune to begin the turning of the
Middle East towards peace, to
hopefully plant the seeds of the
reconciliation between peoples
who have looked at each other and
have confronted each other only in
hostility.

NONE OF US could fall to be
deeply touched by the words of
Meyer Weisgal. I did not make a
lasting impression on him when I
first met him. I received a letter
from him today in which he said
that he had so hoped to meet me
for the first time. But I met him in
1962.

And it is characteristic of him
that he used the quote from
Weizmann that I had intended to
make. All of us who have followed
Meyer Weisgal's career note that
with respect to the Weizmann In-
stitute he followed the maxim of a
well known liberal lawyer in
Washington which was: "If the
end doesn't justify the means,
what does?"

A DEGREE FOR DR. K — At a special convocation and investiture ceremony held in Washington, D.C. at the Madison Hotel, Dr. Henry A. Kissinger received the honorary degree of Doctor of Philosophy from the Weizmann Institute of Science, from Professor Michael Sela, president.

I HAVE SPOKEN of the
themes of Peace and Justice and
Spirit; as themes of Jewish his-
tory. But they also exemplify the
life of a man who has done all of us
the great honor of appearing here
to talk about our dear friend Sen.
fought his battles cheerfully and
he has always proved that one can
be a great politician and still have
heart.

And so it is appropriate that his
dedication and almost inevitably
that his dedication to the causes of
human progress have also led him
to a commitment to the State of
Israel and to the Jewish people.

THE BIGGEST problem of all
time is the problem of peace. No
people have suffered more from
its absence than the Jewish peo-
ple. The biggest challenge of our
period is to combine Peace with
Justice. It is process that can
never end. It is a process that can
only be carried out by those with
faith.

And so the Weizmann Institute,
located initially at the edge of the
Please Turn To Page 32

desert and now in the middle of a
cultivated area, can symbolize not
only the past of Israel but the
future of the Middle East at a time
when we must be concerned with
security and dare not yet be cer-
tain that peace is possible. It
symbolizes what must be the
future for all the peoples in the
Middle East.

PEACE IS NECESSARY and
peace is inevitable but it must be
sought with delicacy and with un-
derstanding of the fragility of the
existence of a state that has had to
struggle for every square meter of
its territory and for every year of
its existence. Peace is necessary,
but so is reconciliation and so the
Weizmann Institute stands as a
symbol of what has brought Israel
so far and what must unite the
peoples of the Middle East in the
future, when the area will have
achieved peace, security, justice
and freedom for all of its peoples.

It is in this spirit that I accept
with gratitude and pride your dedi-
cation tonight.

International
New York City

JEWISH HERALD VOICE
HOUSTON, TEXAS
W-4,000

International
New York City

SENTINEL
CHICAGO, ILL.
W-45,000

APR-7-77

## Kissinger cited by Weizmann Inst.

WASHINGTON (JCNS) — Dr. Henry Kissinger now has another doctorate, an honorary one in philosophy from the Weizmann Institute in Israel.

It was conferred on him here by Prof. Michael Sela, president of the institute, at a special ceremony held at the Madison Hotel.

The citation described Dr. Kissinger as "the principal architect of international reconciliation." In an address after the conferment of the degree, Dr. Kissinger said that the Weizmann Institute symbolized what had "brought Israel so far and what must unite the people of the Middle East in future."

He also spoke of the "fragility" of Israel's existence and said that she had "had to struggle for every square meter of her territory and for every year of her existence."

MAR-24-77

## Kissinger: Jewish People Have Suffered Most From The Absence Of Peace

WASHINGTON, (JTA) — Former Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, accepting an honorary Doctorate in Philosophy from Israel's Weizmann Institute, said that "no people have suffered more" from the absence of peace "than the Jewish people."

Urging peace and "reconciliation" in the Middle East, Kissinger said that the Weizmann Institute, located initially at the desert's edge in an area that is now cultivated, "can symbolize not only the past of Israel, but the future of the Middle East at a time when we must be concerned with security and dare-

Kissinger, making his first address since leaving the State Department seven weeks ago, spoke at a dinner here after receiving the degree that was awarded him three years ago. The honor was conferred upon him by Dr. Michael Sela, Weizmann Institute president, on the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the birth of Dr. Chaim Weizmann, Israel's first President. Among those joining the convocation was Sir Marcus J. Sieff, chairman of the Institute's board of governors, whose parents were the Institute's original founders.

"As the first Jewish Secretary of State, my relationship with the State of Israel and sometimes with the Jewish community in the United States has inevitably been complicated," Kissinger said in his extemporaneous remarks. "Yet none of us who are conscious of the travail and the suffering and the future of the Jewish people can ever forget that the future of the Jewish people is inextricably linked with the future of peace and justice and freedom and security for all people."

Louisville Times
LOUISVILLE, KY.
Circulation: 171,000

MAR 1 1 1977

## A delicate pursuit

In his first publie speech since stepping down as secretary of state, Henry A. Kissinger cautioned that peace in the Middle East must be pursued "with delicacy." Kissinger told a dinner audience in Washington that peace must be sought with "the understanding of the fragility of a state (Israel) which has had to struggle for every inch of its territory."

Kissinger was given an honorary degree from Israel's Weizmann Institute of Science, honored as a "messenger of peace" and "the principal architect of international conciliation."

*International*
New York City

INTERMOUNTAIN
JEWISH NEWS
DENVER, COLO.
W-4,000

APR-15-77

Honored

At a special convocation and investiture ceremony held in Washington, DC, Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, left, receives the honorary degree of doctor of philosophy from Weizmann Institute of Science Prof. Michael Sela, president of the Institute.

*International*
New York City

APR-21-77

Charges Sentinel ignored honor
Weizmann Inst. gave to Dr. Kissinger

In your Editorial Views (3/31) you display prominently a quote from the London Times which is critical of our former Secretary of State, Dr. Kissinger.

In all fairness, I feel, you should also report that the view of the Times is not shared by the most prestigious academic institution in Israel and maybe in the world, namely the Weizmann Institute of Rechovot.

It was only a few weeks ago that the Weizmann Institute bestowed upon Dr. Kissinger the honor of a Doctor of Philosophy honoris causa. The ceremony took place at a banquet in Washington, DC. The presentation was made by the president of the institute, Prof. Michael Sela. Also in attendance were the president of the international board of governors of the Institute, Sir Marcus Sieff, and its vice president, Stephen I. Stulman, besides many leading personalities of the political, scientific, and academic life in the U.S., Canada, England and Israel. Prof. Sela praised the secretary as the leading architect of a program of international understanding and as one who had untiringly endeavored to take the Middle East out of the danger zone of conflicts in order that, a new order of peace could begin. Meyer W. Weisgal, chancellor of the Institute, paid

tribute to the secretary saying that the secretary had given unstingingly of himself for the ideals of peace and had presented the cause of Israel successfully not only in the Middle East but also in the Soviet, Union, China and Japan. It is worth noting that this honor has only been given to 11 other people beside Dr. Kissinger, amongst them Prof. Ephraim Katzir, president of Israel, Willy Brandt, the former chancellor of West Germany, pianist Arthur Rubinstein, and Madam Simone Weill, the French Minister of Health.

Though the Jewish Telegraphic Agency of which the Sentinel is a subscriber reported this important event, the Sentinel did not print it. Certainly, one should assume that this testimonial by the Weizmann Institute is at least just as newsworthy for a Jewish magazine as a quote by the London Times. But, on the other hand, one should not be too surprised by this failure of the Sentinel, in view of the vicious attacks by its columnists, upon the secretary, though one of them, in his latest one (3/24), with prophetic foresight admits to his views as a "Minority Report."

KURT J. LOEWENSTEIN
[EDITOR'S NOTE: The record will show that we have been kinder to Mr. Kissinger than any other paper in our field.]

K hints Carter was 'too blunt'

By WOLF BLITZER, Jerusalem Post Correspondent

WASHINGTON. — Former
Secretary of State Henry Kissinger
says that he would like to return to
the Middle East toward the end of
this year when Arab-Israeli
negotiations are at a more advanced
stage.

Meeting with reporters on Thursday evening after receiving an honorary doctorate from the Weizmann Institute of Science at a dinner here, Kissinger made it clear that he would like to visit Israel and the Arab world, but that it would be inappropriate for him to do so at such an early stage in the negotiations.

The former Secretary, who has
declined to discuss publicly the
Carter Administration's foreign
policies since he left office on
January 20, took what appeared to
be an indirect swipe at President
Jimmy Carter's blunt press con-
ference statement last week calling
for only minor border adjustments in
the pre-1967 Arab-Israeli borders.

During his speech, Kissinger said: "Peace is necessary and peace is inevitable, but it must be sought with delicacy, and with understanding of the fragility of the existence of a state that has had to struggle for every square metre of its territory and for every year of its existence."

During his tenure as Secretary of
State, Kissinger always declined to
spell out in public the size of a possi-
ble Israeli territorial withdrawal
that would be part of a peace settle-

ment.

The former Secretary, accom-
panied by his wife Nancy, said on
Thursday evening that he was
"moved" by the tribute paid to him
at the Weizmann ceremony.

"As the first Jewish Secretary of
State, my relationship with the State
of Israel and sometimes with the
Jewish community in the United
States has inevitably been com-
plicated, and yet none of us who are
conscious of the travails and the suf-
fering of the Jewish People can ever
forget that the future of the Jewish
People is inextricably linked with
the future of peace and justice and
freedom and security for all people,"
he said.

"It means a great deal to me to
receive the congratulations of so
many with whom I have been
associated in difficult and also ex-
hilarating times," he continued,
praising former Prime Minister
Golda Meir — "whom I respected
more than almost any statesman
that I have ever met."

He also hailed Prime Minister
Rabin "with whom I worked closely
in his years as an ambassador, and
then as Prime Minister." He said
that Rabin "would invariably begin
by demonstrating to me the fallibil-
ity of my analysis — and (he) was
usually right."

The degree was awarded by Dr.
Michael Sela, president of the Weiz-
mann Institute.

Jerusalem Post
Internat'l Editn
March 15,
1977

State Dept. raps Israel on
human rights in territories

Jerusalem Post Correspondent

WASHINGTON. — The State
Department has criticized Israel's
treatment of Arabs living in the
territories captured during the 1967
war.

In a report to Congress Saturday
on the human-rights situation in
Israel and the administered
territories, the State Department
noted that, as of May 1976, 3,100
Arabs from the territories were un-
der arrest.

The human-rights situation in pre-
1967 Israel was considerably better,
the report said.

The report was one of 82 sum-
maries on human rights in foreign
recipients of U.S. assistance, re-
quired by the Congress as part of last
year's foreign aid bill. The reports
were prepared by the State Depart-
ment over the past six months.

Regarding the situation in the
territories, the report charged that
Israeli authorities had used ex-
cessive force in quelling
demonstrations last year, had razed
houses of suspected terrorists, had
violated Article 49 of the Geneva
Convention by summarily expelling
residents, and had held suspected
terrorists for up to six months
without filing specific charges.

Within Israel proper, the report,
said, Arab citizens feel alienated
because Jews from abroad are
allowed to immigrate and receive
full rights as Israel citizens, while
Arabs from abroad cannot im-
migrate under the Law of Return.
This causes inevitable tension within
Israel, the report said.

The report is expected to be
criticized by Israel, which has main-
tained that Israel's occupation is the
most benevolent in history.

TUESDAY, MARCH 15, 1977

[LC]

HK F41

Victor Zorza

Kissinger Today

PRINCETON, N.J.—What began as a series of informal, off-the-record remarks by Henry Kissinger now appears in this column only because he has agreed, with great reluctance, to be quoted on some of the crucial issues of our time. He was making his first speech since he left office, breaking "an unprecedented silence of 51 days," said the German ambassador who introduced him to a group of leading politicians and opinion-makers attending the American-German Conference here last week end.

The "hermit of Acapulco," as Kissinger was introduced to the assembly, was persuaded to allow the quoting of his remarks only by the argument that this might hope to promote national unity at a time when the East-West situation was becoming increasingly complicated. Indeed, he had pre-faced his remarks with the observation that it would not be right for him to be making public statements on foreign policy, especially at a time when a new administration has been in power for only a few weeks.

This was the first administration in 16 years, he noted, after the turmoil of war, assassination, and presidential resignation that had a chance to conduct the operation of government in a normal fashion. He also believes that it is of great importance that the Carter administration should succeed. "We all have a stake in its success."

Those who heard Kissinger speak in his days of power often heard him ask for compassion and understanding in their attitudes toward what he was attempting to do. He may have changed his tune now, but not the words. "I ask for compassion and understanding," he says, "in a situation which any new administration is bound to face as it takes over the machinery of government." He takes a charitable view of claims that this administration would conduct its affairs in stark contrast to the previous administration. When he first got into office, he says with a chuckle, "I said exactly the same thing."

Washington is full of stories, some of them more true than others, about the confusion, the inefficiency, and the delays that afflict the operations of the White House these days. But Kissinger's charity extends even to that. "The beginning of this process is always complicated," he recalls with almost a hint of nostalgia.

Nor is the end of the process, so far as the involvement of the United States in the global turmoil is con-

cerned, within sight. "We are in a process without end and without spite," and without apocalyptic solutions to look forward to. Ever since the first quarter of the 19th century, the United States had believed that it could involve itself in foreign affairs when it chose, and even its involvement in Europe after World War II, launched with the massive application of the resources then available to it, was undertaken with a terminal date in mind. But now the United States had to develop a permanent understanding of its interests as other nations had been compelled to do. And this understanding could not be changed by each succeeding administration "because it either represents reality—or it doesn't."

Kissinger was careful not to involve himself, even when speaking off the record, in the current debates about the Kremlin's supposed quest for military superiority, but he did discuss the broader issues of what he calls "the inequality of power," in the historical and philosophical vein so characteristic of him. A balance of power is necessary, he says, because without it there can be no relaxation of tension. In the absence of a balance, if an inequality of power develops, "this may encourage aggression."

World War I, however, was not brought about by the inequality of power, "but despite an equality of power which obtained at the time." What Kissinger is saying, in effect, is that the equality of power can give the leaders of nations a false sense of security. At the beginning of July, 1914, recalled Kissinger the historian, the leaders of the nations that were about to fight a world war had all gone on holiday—except, he added with another chuckle, the Austrians. "Not a single political leader expected anything.... World War II came because they understood nothing but the elements of strength." It came because the leaders of nations had lost control over the military decisions.

But could not the Russians of today be the Austrians of 1914? Kissinger is not unaware of the dangers. The Soviet Union is an ideological state, "whose ideology is hostile to other states," and incompatible with other ideologies. It is a bureaucratic state which "does not operate on the basis of unpredictability, risking all on the throw of the dice." However, it goes on accumulating power, because it is not overly imaginative about what else to do in the field of international

relations. "But one day that power could be used to the disadvantage of the West." But, having said that, he returned to the old argument about the new facts of power in the nuclear age—an argument which had gone on for two decades, and on which he claimed to speak with some authority, he said with a self-deprecating smile, because he had participated in it throughout that period, "sometimes on both sides."

No leaders had ever had it in their hands to destroy all life on earth, he said. No leaders had ever had to face a decision of this kind. Kissinger was not calling for the dismantling, even in the long run, of nuclear weapons systems, as President Carter had done. What he was saying was that it would be to the disadvantage of the West to fall behind "in each category of weapons." This means that he would allow the Kremlin to be ahead

in some categories provided that the West retained an edge in others.

Arms control experts believe that it is now quite impossible to have complete symmetry between East and West in all classes of weapons, and that a way must be found to allow each side to develop a mix of weapons that satisfies its own security needs without threatening the other side. The proposition seems simple enough. Is it beyond human ingenuity to accomplish this purpose? This is what the debate was about during the Kissinger era, and this is what the debate is about now.

Kissinger's remarks focus the debate once again on the central issues which appear to have got lost lately in the heat of the argument about the new administration's attitudes and personalities.

It is time to get back to essentials.

©1977, Victor Zorza

By Andras Goldinger for The Washington Post

Return to Academic Life

Kissinger Gets a Warm Welcome at Georgetown

By Lawrence Feinberg
Washington Post Staff Writer.

After an eight-year interruption to run Ameri-
can foreign policy, Henry Kissinger returned to
academic life yesterday at Georgetown University,
attracting crowds of friendly students and trailed
by reporters and Secret Servicemen.

The former Secretary of State refused to com-
ment on the Carter administration but in a brief
talk Kissinger said:

"The fundamental problem of the United States is to find some relation between our values and our possibilities. . . . We have to avoid quixotic cru- sades that will sap domestic support and the possi- bility of (achieving) an international consensus. But we must also avoid conducting a foreign policy (based) on the practical considerations of the moment."

"The concerns of the United States are not de-
fined by a particular administration," Kissinger
added, "but by the reality within which we live."

Kissinger came to Washington in 1969 as Presi-
dent Nixon's national security adviser after teach-
ing for 18 years at Harvard University. Yesterday,
well-tanned after a vacation in Acapulco, he began
six months as a visiting professor at Georgetown.

As he walked across campus a procession of re-
porters and television film crews scurried behind
him, and when he went into different buildings,
hundreds of students waited outside. Most cheered
when they saw him and clamored for autographs.

"I haven't had any contact with students for eight years," Kissinger told a small group in the office of Dean Peter Krogh, the head of Georgetown's School of Foreign Service. "I look forward to that opportunity."

Univessity officials said Kissinger is scheduled
to give only one public lecture and to appear in
just three classes and seminars. They said he will
spend most of his time doing research and writing
at Georgetown's Center for Strategic and Interna-
tional Studies at 1800 K Street, NW, where he al-
ready has moved into a large office.

The university is paying Kissinger $15,000, but
he also reportedly has made a $2 million arrange-
ment to write his memoirs.

He's not doing that much at the university,"
said Paul Anderson, a graduate student as he
waited on the steps of an administration building
while Kissinger attended a champagne reception
inside for trustees and a few students. "I wish he
was getting more exposure to students."

A few minutes earlier, Kissinger had walked
into a fifth floor smoking lounge in the university
library and asked some students how they were get-
ting along. He was quickly surrounded by report-
ers, asking him questions about foreign policy,
which he deflected politely.

"I walked in here to buy some Lifesavers," one
student exclaimed. "And I ran into Henry Kissing-
er. It's fantastic."

Convict. 18. Sues Juvenile Agency

The New York Times

THURSDAY, MARCH 10, 1977

# Kissinger Back in Academia
As the Professor of Diplomacy

By BERNARD WEINRAUB
Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, March 9 — Visiting Professor of Diplomacy Henry A. Kissinger returned to academia today after an eight-year absence,

"I'm looking forward to this," Mr. Kissinger said with a smile as he sat with a handful of students in a room at the Georgetown University School of Foreign Service.

The 53-year-old former Secretary of State, surrounded by Secret Service men, seemed relaxed and subdued at welcoming ceremonies on the Georgetown campus where he has accepted a six-month position as a visiting professor. Mr. Kissinger will deliver occasional lectures, take part in seminars with students and work with the university's Center for Strategic and International Studies.

## A Low-Keyed Mood

During his two-hour visit to the campus on a bluff of the Potomac, Mr. Kissinger waved and shook hands with students and faculty, visited the library and attended a brief reception in his honor. The mood was low-keyed.

Asked about adjustment to private life, Mr. Kissinger smiled and said slowly: "It's a period of transition that has its ups and downs. You know—you had the responsibility. There's the initial temptation to pick up the telephone and tell somebody what to do. It takes a while to realize there's no one at the other end of the telephone."

"I'm very much at peace," said Mr. Kissinger, tanned after a three-week vacation in Acapulco. "I'm very much looking forward to this opportunity to reflect, to recharge my batteries, to make whatever contributions I can as a thinker rather than a doer."

Mr. Kissinger, a former Harvard professor, lives about six blocks from the Georgetown campus. He is expected to make the university a temporary base while preparing his memoirs, which will be published in the fall of 1979 by Little, Brown & Company of Boston, a Time Inc. subsidiary. Mr. Kissinger has also

Continued on Page 5, Column 5

ork Times

L

37

y

The New York Times/George Tames

Henry A. Kissinger meeting with students at Georgetown University yesterday and, above, signing autographs. "Being out of office, I am rapidly approaching infallibility," he remarked.

Henry Kissinger Back in Academia,
Now as a Professor of Diplomacy

*Continued From Page 37*

signed a contract for an undisclosed
amount with the National Broadcasting
Company and will appear on news shows
and in documentaries.

Surrounded by reporters, Mr. Kissinger
declined to answer questions about the
Carter Administration. He told students
and members of the faculty:

"I believe that we now have an obligation with the new Administration to see to it that it succeeds because we have had 20 years of turmoil in the United States and we must have a period in which we can demonstrate the capacity of our country to pursue permanent objectives."

Speaking without notes, Mr. Kissinger
said:

"In the period I was in office, it became
Increasingly clear that the fundamental
problem of the United States and the
world is to form some permanent concep-
tion of the relationship between our
values and possibilities.

"We have to avoid quixotic crusades that will sap our domestic support. But we must also avoid conducting our foreign policy on the basis of tactical considerations at the moment."

A Need for 'Reflective' Experts

"To navigate between these two ex-
tremes requires an informed group of citi-
zens," he said. "Above all it requires ex-
perts in the field whose approach to the
problem of foreign policy is not partisan
but reflective, who understand that the
concerns of our nation are not defined
by a particular administration."

Although Mr. Kissinger had been
strongly criticized as Secretary of State
for bypassing the Foreign Service and
operating in a secretive way, he was wel-
comed warmly by the faculty at the
School of Foreign Service.

Peter Krogh, dean of the school, said
Mr. Kissinger's academic background and
"professional accomplishment," were
"the ideal to which the school aspires
for its students." He said Mr. Kissinger
symbolized the bridge between "the
world of theory and the world of prac-
tice."

Mr. Kissinger replied with a smile: "I
am in a position now, where being out
of office, I am rapidly approaching infalli-
bility. The day is not far distant when
I will speak of the necessity for more
theory in international relations and
greater stress on architecture over tac-
tics."

A Challenge for the Students

"I look forward to the seminars being
arranged," he added. "And if you can
get me to admit that any mistakes were
ever made while I was in office you will
do better than my friends from the press
who are here."

Shortly before departing Georgetown
Mr. Kissinger discussed what he termed
his "transition," from Secretary of State
to private citizen.

"When you are Secretary of State, you
have to deal with probably more prob-
lems than can be handled in any one
day, and you have the constant sense
that you are responsible for what may
happen six months to a year down the
road," Mr. Kissinger told reporters. "It
is both exhilarating and creates great
pressures.

"The transition has its difficult as-
pects," he said quietly. "But on the other
hand one gains the freedom to think more
deeply about problems. It's a tremendous
relief that I have the opportunity to re-
flect and make a contribution through
thinking and lecturing rather than
through activity.

"But it's a period that does have its
ups and downs," he said.

S, SATURDAY, MARCH 5, 1977

The New York Times/March 5, 1977

Cities with names in panels are among those where earthquake was felt.
Cross indicates approximate epicenter.

# A Strong Quake Strikes Rumania

## GISCARD TELEPHONES AN APPEAL TO CARTER

*Continued From Page 1*

in London that Prime Minister James Callaghan would fly to Washington next week aboard a chartered Concorde, where the move described by a Government official as a gesture of faith and hope that the Port Authority would agree to permit supersonic jetliner service to New York.

The Concorde began service to Washington in May on a 16-month trial basis. Mr. Callaghan is expected to raise Concorde issue with Mr. Carter during visit beginning Wednesday, the day before the Port Authority meets.

To both the French and the British international prestige is at stake. The Concorde case, which is expected to decide the future viability of existing supersonic jetliners.

There are nine in operation. The French have four, flying from Paris to Washington, Rio de Janeiro and Caracas, Venezuela. The British have five in service from London to Bahrain and Australia.

Exploitation of the French routes along at an average of 70.2 percent passenger capacity netted a deficit of $53 million last year for the carrier company, All France. Landing rights in New York, with its 20 million air passengers a year, could help salvage the operation.

The French cling to hopes that if Corcoran's Concorde has turned out to be a financial disaster-development costs were in the billions of dollars-an improved second generation

REVIEWS/77

DIPLOMATIC NOTES

Henry's
Best Move

LESLIE H. GELB

On June 5, 1975, five ships left Port Said cutting south into the Suez Canal to mark the reopening of the waterway. Fourth in line cruised the U.S.S. *Little Rock*, flagship of the Mediterranean fleet and the only non-Egyptian vessel in the convoy. Standing on the bridge of the lead ship, clad in an admiral's white uniform, President Anwar el-Sadat blessed the event by calling it "the happiest day in my life."

It may also have been the happiest
day in the public career of Secretary
of State Henry A. Kissinger—and
probably his greatest diplomatic tri-
umph. Sadat had relegitimized the
United States. The West was back in
the Arab world. A historic cultural
bond had been reestablished. There
would, of course, be a price to pay.
The Arab world again would start
looking westward, expecting the West
to solve its problems with Israel and
with economic development. If
progress toward solutions is tardy, the
blame will fall hard on Washington
and the capitals of Europe. But that
day in June the feelings of friendship
and shared destiny ran together, and
they still do now.

Few dispute the judgment that Kissinger's best moments came in the Middle East. But if you think about it, the best of Kissinger in the Middle East was not what brought him the most publicity. Kissinger was hailed mostly for engineering the Arab-Israeli troop separation agreements at the end of the October War in 1973. But these were, at most, means to what came afterward, the new Arab-Western relationship.

After almost all wars there are
cease-fires and troop disentanglement
accords. The United Nations accom-
plished both in the Israeli War of
Independence in 1948. After the Brit-
ish-French-Israeli attack on Egypt in
1956, the U.N. brought about

LESLIE H. GELB is a diplomatic correspon-
dent of the New York Times.

another cease-fire, and President Eis-
enhower pressured Premier Ben-
Gurion to withdraw Israeli troops
from the Sinai. After the 1967 war, the
U.N. declared a truce, but Israeli
forces held onto the territory they had
conquered. Given this history, Kiss-
inger's moves to save the Egyptian
army surrounded by Israeli forces and
to separate Israeli-Syrian forces were
well executed but not extraordinary.

Kissinger's real achievement was in
using these agreements to restore
Western credibility in Cairo, Damas-
cus, Riyadh, and elsewhere. It was
important to do this, central to do
this, because ever since President Tru-
man championed Israeli indepen-
dence, Arab-Western relations had
gone downhill, Arab leaders had
turned increasingly toward the Soviet
Union, Moscow had not demon-
strated serious interest in a Middle
East peace settlement.

With Moscow dealing only with the Arabs and urging them to resist compromises, and with the United States dealing only with Israel, no progress toward peace was likely. Kissinger put us in both camps.

Kissinger's insight was that the
Arabs did not like this situation any
more than he did—or than most
American foreign-policy analysts did.
Arab roots were in the West. As Otto-
man influence in the Arab world
waned, European influence took
hold. English and French became sec-
ond languages for educated Arabs.
Their children were often sent to
Western schools in Europe and the
United States and to the American
universities in Cairo and Beirut.
Trade was westward. Technology
came from the West. Tastes in culture,
art, films, dress were Western. All of
this, to be sure, was tinged with envy
and bitterness. The Arabs knew they
were looked down upon by West-
erners, and they could not forget the
injustices of their past colonial
regimes. But West was Best, and they
always felt uncomfortable in the
Soviet embrace.

Few of these Western-oriented atti-
tudes and activities died away in the
'50s and '60s. But it was hard to do
business with the West, and children
being sent there for an education had
to be apologized for. Since the end of
1973, however, it has once again

become acceptable and fashionable
and even natural. Trade and travel
have boomed. In Washington, Arab
diplomats and Washingtonians
mingle easily. Arab leaders like King
Hussein of Jordan and President
Sadat appear often on American tele-
vision and Americans find them lik-
able and admirable.

Kissinger talked and talked to Arab
leaders about past bonds and about a
shared future. His charm and bril-
liance are at full power in presenting
broad common visions. "He con-
vinced Sadat and many other Arab
leaders," one aide said, "that we and
only we could help him develop his
country and make a settlement with
Israel."

So much of what Henry Kissinger
has done for the past eight years has
been questionable or laden with
ambiguity. Even in the Middle East,
some will say, he has left us with a
mixed blessing and an unbearable
burden. But there would have been
no blessing had he not mixed Ameri-
can interests in the Middle East; the
burden was already there.

Considering what the Carter
administration will have to ask of the
Arabs as well as the Israelis in the
search for peace, it is far better that we
now are beginning to trust each other.
When President Sadat, just hours
before the convoy was to depart from
Port Said, asked the U.S.S. *Little Rock*
to join in, he was toasting Mr. Kiss-
inger. It was a rare tribute for a rare
accomplishment.

FOOD AND DRINK

Ferment in
Yakima

CREIGHTON CHURCHILL

I often hear the question, "When is
America going to make a Great
Wine?" There is only one honest
rejoinder, which never fails to frus-
trate our boosters: "Must America
make a Great Wine?" Like the Mona
Lisa and the Ninth Symphony, great
wines are entities that speak out with
unassailable conviction, that bewitch

CREIGHTON CHURCHILL is a well-known
writer on enology.

[LC]

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PROGRAM
ABC Evening News

STATION
WMAL TV
ABC Network

DATE
March 9, 1977 7:00 PM

CITY
Washington, D. C.

SUBJECT
Kissinger Returns to Academe

BARBARA WALTERS: Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger originally came to Washington, D. C. from Harvard University. Now he's returning parttime to the academic world. Today Kissinger began his new job as visiting professor of diplomacy at Georgetown University in Washington, creating quite a stir on campus. He was greeted warmly by the students.

Kissinger's voice may yet be heard at the White House. Sources tell us that he will dine with President Carter, along with the National Security Adviser Brzezinski and Secretary of State Vance this Friday.

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PROGRAM
CBS Evening News

STATION
WTOP TV
CBS Network

DATE
March 9, 1977 7:00 PM

CITY
Washington, D. C.

SUBJECT
Kissinger Warmly Received at Georgetown

WALTER CRONKITE: Private citizen Henry Kissinger, still surrounded by Secret Service agents, received a warm reception today as he made his debut as a professor at Washington's Georgetown University. He later talked about the transition from Secretary of State.

PROFESSOR HENRY KISSINGER: When for eight years you have -- you've had the responsibility, there's an initial temptation to try to pick up the telephone and tell somebody what to do. It takes a while to realize there's no one at the other end of the telephone.

But I'm very much at peace about it.

RADIO TV REPORTS, INC.

PROGRAM News 7

STATION WMAL TV

DATE March 9, 1977 6:00 PM

CITY Washington, D. C.

SUBJECT Kissinger Makes Debut at Georgetown

DAVID SCHOUMACHER: Henry Kissinger has gone from professor to diplomat and back to professor again, this time at Georgetown University. Professor Kissinger took a tour of the campus today, and our John-David Klein went along.

JOHN-DAVID KLEIN: Power is the best aphrodisiac, the former Secretary of State was once quoted as saying. The cameras were there to film him; the security men to protect him. Kissinger has no office; but he still has power.

[Applause for Kissinger from students.]

This was his first day at Georgetown. He met with students and college officials. He's on the faculty for the next six months. He gets fifteen thousand dollars for three speeches and some visits to the campus. It was visiting day today. In a period of an hour and a half, he must have spoken to one hundred different people, looked at twenty different rooms in four different buildings. But he did slow down a bit to answer some questions.

What else will you be doing besides -- besides teaching here?

PROFESSOR KISSINGER: Well, I'll give the seminars -- I'll give some seminars and some lectures, and I'll meet with the faculty. And also at the Center they have a number of projects on energy and food and interdependence where I meet with the researchers.

KLEIN: Anything with the Carter administration at all, do you think, coming up?

-2-

PROFESSOR KISSINGER: I wish the Carter administration success, and I'm not....

KLEIN: Do you see a role for yourself?

UNIDENTIFIED REPORTER: Professor Kissinger....

PROFESSOR KISSINGER: That's up -- that's up to them. I don't see a role for me.

KLEIN: The new professor will give his first speech later this month. Considering the stir he created on campus today, you better try to get a seat early.

John David Klein, News 7.