RUDOLF AUGSTEIN

Hamburg, den 17. Oktober 1983

Dear Henry!

Ich hatte schon während unserer Unterhaltung Zweifel, ob Bismarck das Wort, das Sie ihm zuschreiben ("Wehe dem Staatsmann, dessen Kriegsziele bei Ende des Krieges nicht so klar sind wie bei Kriegsbeginn"), denn wirklich während des Krim-Krieges gesagt habe. Das ist nicht nur nicht nachweisbar, sondern in jeder Hinsicht unglaubhaft. Wir haben es nämlich noch mit dem "tollen Bismarck" zu tun, dem Abenteurer und Spieler, dem Sohn des Glücks. Drei Jahre nach Ende des Krim-Krieges schrieb er 1859, zu Beginn des Krieges zwischen Frankreich und Österreich/Ungarn: "Die gegenwärtige Lage hat wieder einmal das große Los für uns im Topf, falls wir den Krieg Österreichs mit Frankreich sich scharf einfressen lassen und dann mit unserer ganzen Armee nach Süden aufbrechen, die Grenzpfähle im Tornister mitnehmen und sie entweder am Bodensee oder da, wo das protestantische Bekenntnis aufhört vorzuwiegen, wieder einschlagen." Sehen Sie sich die Karten von damals an, und Sie werden mir zugeben, daß hier noch der Abenteurer spricht.

Das von Ihnen zitierte Wort hingegen findet sich 1850. Damals wollte Bismarck, kaum 35 Jahre alt, die "Kapitulation" von Olmütz verteidigen und derart die Aufmerksamkeit seines Königs auf sich ziehen.

Sehr herzlich

OCT 24 1983

pflug ist nicht mehr Minister,
unser Bayerhofer regiert in Hessen. Haden
Sie den Muth, das den Leuten dann zu
fagen, dann beginnen Sie diesen Krieg.

Preußischer Landtag. 2. Kammer. Dienstag.
3. XII. 1850. Adressberathung. Re. 1. 265.
Hahn. 1. 36. — G. 1. 73. (83.)

Krieges würdiges Ziel; Ein des Kr. w. 3. f. u. Egoismus; Staatlicher E.

Kriegsführen; mit oder ohne Ihr Gut-
heißen.
„Der Herr Borredner (Abg.
Twisten) hat ferner Dänemark darüber zu
berühigen gesucht, daß es einen Krieg
in diesem Augenblick von Preußen unter
unseren nach innen und außen zerrütteten
Verhältnissen nicht zu erwarten habe.
Meine Herren, zum Glück ist man im Aus-
lande nicht so leichtgläubig, und ich kann
Sie versichern und das Ausland versichern,
wenn wir es für nöthig finden, Krieg
zu führen, so werden wir ihn führen
mit oder ohne Ihr Gutheißen.“
(Sensation.)

Preußischer Landtag. 2. Kammer. Freitag.
17. IV. 1863. Interpellation Twisten wegen
Dänemards. Hahn. 1. 127.

Kriegsführen; Vom Kr. bis zum Hunde-
söhen. f. u. Unfähigkeit, Politische U. an
unferer Kammer.

Kriegsführung und Gesamtpolitik. „Fürst
Bismarck hat nichts den Grundzaß festgehal-
ten, daß der Krieg eine Fortsetzung der
Landespolitik sei, und daß unsere Beziehun-
gen zu fremden Staaten während eines
Krieges noch mehr der unmittelbarsten Be-
ratung zwischen dem Monarchen und seinem
auswärtigen Minister bedürftig wären, als
im ungestörten Frieden, aber nicht nur
die Haltung des Auslandes, sondern auch
die innere Situation kann Einfluß darauf
haben, ob der Krieg schärf er oder zurück-
baltender betrieben werden soll, vor allem
aber auf die Frage, wann friedliche und den
Frieden vordereitende Waffenstillstands-
verhandlungen annehmbar oder zurückzu-
weisen sind. Die ganze Kriegsführung ist
eben von der Gesamtpolitik des Staates
während der Dauer des Feldzuges in
keinem Augenblick zu trennen.“

Hamb. Nachr. 25. 1. 1893. Morg.-Ausg.
Kittel von Bismarck angeregt. Hof. 11. 203.

Kriegsführung 1870/71. „Bis zur Schlacht
vor Sedan hat man noch leidlich operiert.
Aber feither hat man eine Torheit nach der
anderen begangen. Nach der Schlacht von
Sedan ist man, statt mit konzentrierten
Kräften im Argonner Walde stehen zu blei-
ben und den Feind anlaufen zu lassen, wie
unfinnig nach Paris gerannt, ohne zu
wissen, wozu. Ich habe dagegen protestiert,
aber Mollte hat keine Vernunft an-
genommen.“

Verzailles, zwischen 25. 31. XII. 1870. Zu
Prinz Kraft zu Lohenzlohe Ingekingen.

Rei. 11. 80.

Kriegsführung 1870/71. „Ich bin sehr
dagegen gewesen, daß der Krieg weiter ge-
führt werde, als bis in die Champagne
ich habe es für den größten Fehler gehalten,
bis Paris vorzudringen und zur Zernie-
rung zu schreiten.“ ... Mollte wurde durch
Bismarcks schärfen Tadel der Kriegs-
führung sehr errichtet; er beschreibt
Bismarcks Neuherungen mit Entschiedenheit
und unter Zurückgabe des Ausdrucks. Bis-
markd wiederholte: „Es ist aber doch ein
Unglück, daß wir mit Paris überhaupt zu
tun bekommen haben; dieser Fehler ist eben
nicht mehr gut zu machen.“ Mollte erhob
sich und wollte ziemlich heftig antworten.
Hier brach der Kronprinz die Unterredung
ab und führte die Herren zur Tafel.

Verzailles. 13. 1. 1871. Zu dem Kronprinzen
und Mollte. Re. 11. 84/85/86.
Lorenz. Kaiser Wilhelm und die Begründung
des Deutschen Reiches. Jena. G. Fichter, 1892.

Kriegsbereitschaft; Sich mit Kr. rühmen.
f. u. Rühmen; Sich mit Kr. r.

Kriegsdrohungen; Bestimmte Kr. f. u.
Kaiser Alexander 11. von Nussland.

Kriegserklärung (1870) und Infallibilität.
Die Prolamation der Infallibilität
am 18. VII. und die französische Kriegs-
erklärung am 19. VII. (1870) stehe nicht
in einem zufälligen, sondern in einem ur-
fälschlichen Zusammenhang. Engenige habe
dem Papst den Krieg versprochen als Ere-
kution gewissermaßen des neuen Dogmas.
Man verstehe das hier immer noch nicht,
obschon er es wiederholt auf der Tribüne
erklärt habe.

Friedrichshuh, 16—19. VII. 1880. Bei Fisch.
Ball. 188.

Kriegserklärung Frankreichs. „Ich theile
dem hohen Haufe mit, daß mir der fran-
zösische Geschäftsträger heute die Kriegs-
erklärung Frankreichs überreicht hat.
(Stürmisches, nicht enden wollendes Bravo
und Sochrunen und Händelkatzchen von
allen Seiten des Haufes und auf den Tri-
bünen.) Nach den Worten, die Se. Ma-
jestät der König soeben an den Reichstag
gerichtet hat, führe ich der Mittheilung
dieser Thatuche Nichte weiter hinzu.“

(Begeistertes Bravo auf allen Seiten.)
Reichstag des Nordd. Bundes. Dienstag, 19. VII.
1870. Körnungsvollst. Re. IV. 411.
Hahn. 11. 10.

Kriegserklärung Frankreichs. „Die lai-
serlich französische Regierung hat
durch ihren Geschäftsträger das in Abschrift
anliegende Attentück — ihre Kriegs-
erklärung enthaltend — übergeben
lassen. Es ist das die erste und einzige
amtliche Mittheilung, welche wir in der
gangen, die Welt seit vierzehn Tagen be-
schäftigenden Angelegenheit von der laiser-
lich französischen Regierung erhalten haben.“
Berlin, 19. VII. 1870. Circularedepische an die
Verreiter des Nordd. Bundes. Hahn. 11. 59.

Kriegser-
f. u. Luzer.

Kriegsfah-
ren im
Flotte sch
in einem
sie an der
treideschiff
beugen so
russische A
die Siche
noch zweie
der gesford
fahr besteh-
treides un
Bundesge-
Getreide
mit dem
Kriegs-
Ueberschuf
wir dies
wir es in
des Landes-
chen G.
Brotkorn,
sall frem-
sorgnis be
scherer V
falle zu

„Dann ge-
Kittel v.

Hamb.
Verzailles.

Kriegsges-
zwei Lut
einen zu
zu Gesan-
meinte, d
als Spion
und Flüg-
man wer
tellen,
„Dann ge-
Verzailles.

Kriegsges-
des Reichs

Kriegs-
f. u. Cha.

Kriegs-
man jeht
nicht nur
zu bestr
Allierten
liche Ver-
anderungs-
treten, D
durch die
waigen
Bunde
müssen.“

Hamb.
Kittel v.

Kriegsges-
„Ich wir
tärischen

486

nichts daran, daß wir zu einem System
können müssen, bei dem uns die Krisen
nicht aus der Hand gleiten.

Nehmen Sie den Persischen Golf, neh-
men Sie Lateinamerika - über Mittel-
amerika kann ich nicht sprechen*, das
erfordert ein gemeinsames Vorgehen al-
ler demokratischen Industrienationen.
Das können wir nicht allein lösen, das
können die Europäer nicht allein
lösen ...

SPIEGEL: ... und Japan erst recht
nichts.

KISSINGER: 1973 war ich sehr aufge-
regt, weil ich glaubte, die Europäer woll-
ten - was ja auch der Fall war - aus der
Nahostkrise Kapital schlagen. Wenn es
heute am Golf eine Krise gäbe, könnten
sich nicht einmal die nationalistischsten
Europäer einbilden, sie würden dort zu
unseren Lasten Vor-
teile erringen. Ich
spreche dabei gar nicht
von militärischen Ak-
tionen, sondern da-
von, wie wir uns politi-
sche und wirtschaft-
liche Stabilität vorstel-
len.

SPIEGEL: Da stim-
men wir Ihnen gern
zu.

KISSINGER: Dasselbe gilt für Lateinamerika. Das beschäftigt mich ungemein, denn ich glaube, daß wir so, wie wir das Schuldenproblem dieser Länder bisher behandeln, die Gefahr einer politischen Radiakisierung Lateinamerikas riskieren. Der Preis, den wir dafür bezahlen müßten, wäre unvergleichlich höher als das Problem der Verschuldung.

SPIEGEL: Auch
richtig. Aber was
schlagen Sie vor?

KISSINGER: Wir können nicht auf
Dauer ein System beibehalten, bei dem
über 50 Prozent der Export-Erlöse nur
zur Zinstilgung dienen. Das kann keine
Regierung auf lange oder auch nur
mittlere Sicht durchstehen, wenn sie ih-
rer Bevölkerung auf Verlangen interna-
tionaler Finanzinstitutionen und Banken
eine Austerity-Politik verschreiben muß,
nur um ihre Zinsen bezahlen zu können.

Diese Länder werden ihre Schulden
nur bezahlen können, wenn es eine wirt-
schaftliche Entwicklung gibt. Es muß
mehr Kapital in Länder hineinfließen,
als aus ihnen herausgeholt wird. Wenn
man ein Entwicklungsland zum Kapital-
Exportland macht, muß das zwangsläufig
zur Katastrophe führen. Deshalb sollten

wir das Problem definieren und behan-
deln. Und wenn da nicht alle Industri-
länder ihre Pflicht erfüllen, schaffen sie
die Voraussetzungen für vom Volk ge-
tragenene radikale anti-westliche
Regime.

SPIEGEL: Es ist immer wieder faszini-
nierend, den Historiker und Staatsmann
Henry Kissinger über die Probleme die-
ser Welt dozieren zu hören, auch wenn
er bisweilen unrecht hat.

KISSINGER: Zum Beispiel?

SPIEGEL: Im Libanon. Da haben
Sie, wenige Tage nach dem Einmarsch
der Israelis, von einer „außerordent-
lichen Chance“ für eine grundlegende
Regelung des Nahostproblems gespro-
chen.

KISSINGER: Natürlich will ich nicht
damit in die Geschichte eingehen, daß

ich ausgerechnet im SPIEGEL zum er-
stenmal im meinem Leben zugebe, daß
ich mich geirrt hätte. Wir wollen es ja
nicht übertreiben. Ich sehe schon das
Titelbild mit der Schlagzeile: Kissinger:
„Ich hatte unrecht.“

SPIEGEL: Nein, nein. Wir würden
das anders machen. Wir würden sagen:
Er hatte immer recht, nur einmal nicht.

KISSINGER: Aber ernsthaft: Ich ha-
be nie für möglich gehalten, daß der
Libanon als solcher eine Möglichkeit
biete, das Nahostproblem zu lösen. Ich
hatte geglaubt - und ich gebe zu, ich
glaube es immer noch -, daß das, was als
Krise im Libanon begann, hätte genutzt
werden können und müssen, um die
Zustände im Westjordanland zu verbes-
sern und so eine gewisse Bewegung in
die Situation im Nahen Osten zu brin-
gen.

SPIEGEL: Mit Begin und Scharon
konnte das doch gar nicht laufen.

KISSINGER: Bismarck hat einmal
während des Krimkrieges gesagt: „Wehe
dem Staatsmann, dessen Kriegsziele bei
Ende des Krieges nicht so klar sind wie
bei Kriegsbeginn.“ Und genau das ist
den Israelis passiert.

SPIEGEL: Sie wollten ja angeblich
zunächst nur eine 40 Kilometer tiefe
Sicherheitszone schaffen.

KISSINGER: Wenn es ihre Absicht
war, die PLO zu zerschlagen und zu
beweisen, daß es keine Chance für eine
radikale Lösung gab, und wenn sie es
dabei belassen hätten, die PLO - von mir
aus auch mit einem Vorstoß nach Beirut
- hinauszutreiben und sich dann auf ihre
jetzige Position zurückzuziehen, dann
hätte es unter israelischen Sicherheitsge-

sichtspunkten Sinn gemacht. Wir hätten
dann sagen können: Jetzt seid ihr sicher,
jetzt muß es woanders Fortschritte ge-
ben. Aber sie wollten etwas anderes, was
keinen Sinn machte, sie wollten einen
Friedensvertrag mit dem Libanon.

SPIEGEL: Und Rache wollten sie auch.

KISSINGER: Vor allem wollten sie
den Friedensvertrag. Das bedeutet, daß
sie eine Regierung in Beirut einsetzen
mußten, womit sie in die Welt der liba-
nesischen Innenpolitik gerieten; daß sie
dann Soldaten verloren und uns schließ-
lich mit hineinzogen. Statt auf eine Inte-
rimslösung für Westjordanland mußten
wir uns um Verhandlungen über den
Libanon bemühen.

SPIEGEL: Halten Sie denn das, was in Westjordanland geschieht, für richtig? Kann man die Araber so behandeln?

Einmarsch der Israelis im Libanon: „Kriegsziel bei Kriegsbeginn nicht klar“

* Kissinger ist zur Zeit Vorsitzender einer von
Präsident Reagan einberufenen überparteilichen
Kommission für Mittelamerika.

DER SPIEGEL, Nr. 40/1983

171

OFFICE OF
HENRY A. KISSINGER

November 29, 1983

Dear Ms. Chevron:

Thank you very much for your letter to
Dr. Kissinger of October 31 requesting
an opportunity to get in touch with him
concerning a possible feature on him and
his house in Connecticut for your pub-
lication AMBIENTE.

Unfortunately, Dr. Kissinger's schedule
is such at the moment that he simply has
no time to participate in an interview
of this type right now. Additionally,
the house is undergoing extensive reno-
vation and will not be ready for occupancy
until the middle of next year. He regrets
that he cannot be of more assistance and
hopes you will understand his position.

Ms. Doris Chevron
US Correspondent
AMBIENTE
1918 Rockefeller Center
1270 Avenue of the Americas
New York, New York 10020

Chuck Coursey
5411 McCommas Blvd.
Dallas, TX 75206

November 21, 1983

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Washington, D.C.

Dr. Kissinger:

Thank you for your appearance on Ted Koppel's special viewpoint session following ABC-TV's airing of *The Day After* on November 20th. Before seeing you there I was unwilling to accord your views the respect that I now feel they deserve.

I have been an idealist all my life. However, I understand that the Soviets are unwilling to accommodate my idealism on the issue of nuclear weapons. It seems we must wield a "big stick" whether we like it or not -- at least until the Soviets believe that we are sincere in our call for peace. We probably should not "disarm ourselves morally and psychologically" yet. Still, I believe that nuclear freeze and build-down should be our goal -- even to the levels that Dr. Carl Sagan suggested. We must not regard this as unlikely or impossible. The Soviets are a frightened, even paranoid group of people. Considering their history, I think they have many good reasons to be. Please allow empathy and compassion to be shown in the negotiations you conduct, even as we hold the "big stick" for assurance. The Russians must be shown that we genuinely believe we're all in this together.

Lately our foreign policy seems to include a game of scolding the Russians. We say "How dare you do this...how dare you do that!" Everybody knows the Russians do things that civil people shouldn't do, ideally. Even I -- the idealist -- know better that to expect them to live up to our code of behavior. Everybody knows how they react to international embarrassments. If we'd put more energy into expressing our genuine concerns and less into this useless chiding, it seems we'd be much more successful in getting to the root and solutions to our diplomatic problems.

NOV 28 1983

EL PAIS

Miguel Yuste, 40 - Madrid-17 - Teléfono 754 38 00

October 31st, 1983.

Doctor Henry Kissinger,
1800, K. Street, N.W.,
WASHINGTON

D.C. 20006
U.S.A.

Dear Doctor Kissinger,

My newspaper, which is the largest and most influential in Spain, is presently preparing an extensive research work on the murder of Luis Carrero Blanco, president of the Government, on the occasion of its tenth anniversary. As you will most probably know, that event marked a historical milestone in the subsequent Spanish political transition. The purpose of my newspaper with this work is to do its utmost to contribute to the better comprehension of Spain's contemporary history, and that is why we dare ask you for your cooperation.

On December 18-19, 1973, you were paying an official visit in Madrid. In those two days, in your position as Secretary of State of the United States, you held an interview with your colleague, Laureano López Rodó, and you were received by Spain's Head of State, Francisco Franco, as well as by the then Prince of Spain, Juan Carlos de Borbón (at present Spain's King and Head of State) and by the Prime Minister, Luis Carrero Blanco. It was just a few hours after your leaving Spain that Luis Carrero Blanco was murdered, victim of a terrorist outrage. Would you be ever so kind as to answer to the following questions?

* How, where and when did you learn the news and which were your reactions and what impressions did it make on you?

* Which are your memories of those days in Madrid and which conclusions did you arrive to after your meeting with president Carrero?

* What was the analysis of the U.S. Administration after the event? (Gerald Ford, then vicepresident of the United States, was the appointed representative of president Nixon in the burial of Luis Carrero Blanco).

* What influence could the death of Carrero, who was the heir to general Franco and chief supporter to the régime, possibly have on bilateral relations? Did it have any on Western defence plans?

* The location of the attempt is about 100 m. away from the U.S. Embassy in Madrid. Did the U.S. intelligence services detect nothing of its preparation, which certainly took several months?

We sincerely await your contribution to this work and we can assure you that your statements, if you decide to make any, will be literally respected.

Sincerely yours,

PROMOTORA DE INFORMACIONES, S. A. (PRISA)

/ml

Sociedad inscrita en el Registro Mercantil de Madrid al time 2 836 general. 2 159 de la Sección tercera del Libro de Sociedades, folio 54, hoja numero 19 511. Numero de Identificación Fiscal A-2829705

CO. 8 ALAMO/2. A/13 A. Granada. 18. C/10. A/24 C/26. B. ERSCO. C/1. A/26 en. 20. B. BASTIAC. Fase en la Catedral.

NOV 14 1983

ALUMINUM COMPANY OF AMERICA

ALCOA BUILDING
PITTSBURGH, PENNSYLVANIA 15219

1983 March 29

ALCOA

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Center for Strategic and
International Studies
Georgetown University
1800 K Street NW
Suite 400
Washington, DC 20506

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I need your help!

As you may know, Krome George will retire from Alcoa March 31, 1983. Several activities are being planned to mark his long and dedicated service to the company. One of those projects is my assignment -- a book outlining Krome's career and accomplishments.

Because of your past contacts and friendship with Krome, we thought
you might like to be included in the planned book.

Specifically, I need a greeting, statement, or recollection which
would be included as a sidebar in the general text. That is, it
would be set off, perhaps in italics, at an appropriate spot. It
may be in the form of a letter, wire, a tape which we will tran-
scribe, or you may simply telephone me if that is more convenient.
Content is entirely up to you, based on your involvement with Krome.
We're especially interested in something humorous that also makes a
serious point.

Because this project is strictly on the QT, we have gathered a list
of Krome's friends from various sources, but probably have missed
some. If you know of someone who belongs in the planned book, please
feel free to send him or her a copy of this letter. As you might
imagine, we are more concerned about missing something important
than in having too much material.

As a final infringement on your busy schedule, may we hear from you
by April 15? We hope to have the book completed for presentation in
early June.

Thank you for your help.

Edward L. Crouse
Public Relations Department
(412) 553-2714

ELC/clo

APR - 4 1983

c/o Mrs Arthur Stanton
10 Gracie Square
NEW YORK NY 10028

19 December 1983

Dr Henry A Kissinger

We met briefly in London when you called on my former
boss, Denis Healey. I shall be in New York for a period
(at the above address) and would be grateful of an opportunity
to meet you again. I enclose a copy of my "credentials"
from Denis, and a copy of an article I wrote about him
which was published last May in the London *Observer*, in
the hope that it might interest both yourself and Mrs Kissinger.

I know that Denis would want me to pass on his best wishes,

R K HELLER

DEC 22 1983

Rt Hon Denis Healey CH MBE MP

HOUSE OF COMMONS
LONDON SW1A OAA

December 1983

TO WHOM IT MAY CONCERN

This is to introduce my Political Adviser
RICHARD HELLER who is taking a few months off
in Hollywood, where he hopes to make his
fortune!

I would be immensely grateful if you could
spare him a few minutes of your time. He is
exceptionally knowledgeable about British
politics, and the Labour Movement in particular,
and has been helping me for three years on all
aspects of world affairs. He is also a
brilliant journalist and has written novels and
short stories for many clients.

DENIS HEALEY

# SHARING A LIFETIME

For the past 18 months RICHARD HELLER has been political assistant to

MY day begins by reading the Man's mail. It starts with five lunatics and a statement by the National Executive. A box of slides. Letters of anguish: five people want the Man to save the world and 40 want him to save the baby seals. A lady wants him to wear darker suits on TV. Three invitations to lunch. One says feel free to bring his political adviser, and I write alongside 'Accept this one' in red pencil. An old man urges him to reduce estate duty, which he abolished. An air letter from Hong Kong: five paragraphs of gnostic Eastern wisdom signed 'A Faithful Fool.' A clutch of requests for a signed photograph.

Invitations to speak. Newcastle cannot get enough of him. Two nice letters from children (one with drawings). A stack of letters about foreign parts from pressure groups. The phrases merge: fascist repression, continuing crisis, hypocritical silence of the British Government, demand for a clear statement by the party, by the Man. Multinationals. Arms sales. Liberation forces. Destabilisation. Unity of democratic and progressive forces. Terror. Massacre. Refugees. Starvation. Disease. All over the world the four horsemen are saddling up.

Onward through the mail. Letters from geniuses and saviours. The writer would be grateful for comments on the attached 10-page single-spaced plan for Britain's economic miracle . . . for world peace . . . for Cosmic Renaissance. Finally the junk mail. Someone has sent more statistics about the Socialist Republic of M— than I ever wanted to know. Into the bin. Offers from business equipment firms: buy our word processor, double the output of your staff. I destroy these at once. Ludd rules, OK?

Some heavy steps in the corridor. The door crashes open. Some hummed vaudeville music on a rising beat: Yah-Dah-de-Dah-Dah-DAH. Arms flung aloft to greet the applause for the Star.

The Man gazes at me, puzzled. After all, I have worked for him for only 18 months. With a mighty

The Man gazes at me, puzzled. After all, I have worked for him for only 18 months. With a mighty effort of memory he says 'Oh.

> He hands over a pile of newspaper cuttings. He has razored all the morning nationals, 10 journals, three foreign papers, two financial bulletins and Hansard. 9

Richard. Good.' Genuine, pleased surprise that I should be at his disposal. Pennies from Heaven.

The Man moves to his desk. The huge EIIR briefcase thuds down beside the stack of mail. 'I was brilliant on TV last night.'

'You were rude and omniscient, as usuel.'

'I called Howe a sado-monetarist.'

He looks at the mail. He reaches at once for the slides. He opens the box and gobbles the contents, holding each slide to the light with intermittent noises of pleasure. One slide holds his eye. He is almost transfixed. I can just make out the subject, a grandchild holding a small bird.

Reluctantly he puts the slides away 'Anything in the mail?'

'Baby seals.'

'Do we have a spokesman on baby seals?'

'Yes. I've checked. We are strongly for baby seals.'

'Good. Can you draft me a reply?'

I lean over and extract all the letters about baby seals. I insert them into a folder, which I label baby seals. I attempt to draw a baby seal while he ruffles through the rest of the mail. He gives a running commentary. 'That's old Tom . . . I took that up with Willie . . . we tried that when we were in office, . . .'

Then he starts to do his mantra. He says in a faraway voice 'That goes there . . . that goes here . . . that I'm going to keep in my file . . . that one goes with me . . .' while shuffling papers from one folder to another. At length he achieves harmony.

Eventually I hear him say 'These are for you.' The same words would announce a gift of flowers or Krugerrands. In fact he hands over a thick pile of newspaper cuttings. He has razored all of the English morning national papers, 10 journals, three foreign papers, two financial bulletins and yesterday's Hansard. The cuttings are to file against future need. There are already three full filing cabinets. One for foreign parts. Afghanistan to Zimbabwe in permanent suspense. One for domestic and economic. One for the party. This contains two drawers labelled 'Goodies' and an equal number labelled 'Baddies.'

I put all the cuttings into a large folder. I label this: Filing. Onward, Excelsior.

'What have I got today?' He answers his own question by reading from his diary. 'Lunch for the King of G—PM's Questions. Then I want to dictate to Harriet. Then I've got this new ambassador. The foreign affairs team. The union people. Then I've got to see Bugalugs.'

'Bugalugs?'

'Francis Pym.' He peers intently at the next entry. 'At seven o'clock it says Dracula.'

I look at my own diary. 'That's Doctor Acola. Chairman-in-exile of the N—Liberation Front.'

He makes a vampire face. The

Prof. Dr. Wolfgang Hirsch-Weber
Lehrstuhl für Politische Wissenschaft II
der Universität Mannheim

6800 Mannheim 1, 18.8.83
A 5, 6 · Postfach 2428
Telefon (06 21) 2 92 / 29 76
H-W/Ma

Professor
Henry Kissinger
1800 K Street N.W.
Suite 520

Washington, D.C.
20006

U.S.A.

AUG 26 1983

Dear Professor Kissinger:

One of my students, Karl-Heinz Panse, recently submit-
ted an M.A. thesis on the theme: "Henry Kissingers außen-
politisch-theoretische Grundkonzeption für eine vom Ost-
West-Konflikt geprägte Weltordnung". I gave it the highest
possible grade, it is by far the best M.A. thesis I have
read in a number of years. Based on broad research, it con-
tains a systematic and highly intelligent discussion of your
thinking. I differ with Karl-Heinz Panse on one or two points -
he admires you too much -, but this doesn't lessen my
recognition of his academic achievement.

I send you the thesis by separate mail. Of course, you
do not need to have your own ideas explained to yourself.
However, you might find it interseting to look at a thought-
ful, scholarly analysis of your theories.

Sincerely yours,

Washington, 25 June 1983

Dear Mrs Vick,

At the risk of bothering you again, let me please
list the three reasons for my insistence in requesting an interview with Dr
Kissinger.

I) My newspaper has something special to offer. Because LE FIGARO is a partner in an international news network covering Europe as well as Japan, this interview would be carried not only in France but simultaneously in 7 or 8 countries. As an example I've sent Dr Kissinger copies of in interviews I've had in the past with Senator Kennedy ( at the time of the Presidential campaign ) and more recently with President Reagan. This material showed the extension of our network.

2) After 6 years as Correspondent in Washington, I will be reassigned in early August as correspondent in Moscow. Thus my last ditch effort. My original request goes back to the Fall of 1979.

3) When I saw Dr Kissinger at a seminar on the "Transantic crisis" in December 1981 he told me not to get discouraged, to keep trying and that eventually he might be available.

JUN 27 1983

EXCALIBUR

東望企業管理顧問股份有限公司

EXCALIBUR BUSINESS DEVELOPMENT & CONSULTING INC.

7/FL, NO. 342-1 MIN-SHENG E. ROAD, TAIPEI, TAIWAN
REPUBLIC OF CHINA
TELEPHONE: (02)5015420-7
TELEX: 10196 TRANCAR

Date: November 28, 1983
Ref.: EBDC-720083

Dr. Henry Kissinger
c/o U.S. Department of State
Washington, D.C. 20520
U.S.A.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

It was a great privilege to meet you and speak with you at the IAFEI 14th World Congress in Jakarta, Indonesia. Your presence and speech to all IAFEI members was most memorable.

I must say that the Congress was even more special to me because the answer you gave in regard to Taiwan's future economic growth was risen by me. Your short and succcinct reply was very much appreciated. Enclosed please find two copies of the same photograph took in IAFEI Congress. Please keep one and favor me by autographing the other and returning to me for my personal memory.

I sincerely hope we will have the opportunity to meet again in the near future in Taipei, or, as my business travels take me to the United States.

Warmest regards,

Chris J.F. Lin
President

CL/gk

encl.

DEC 7 1983

1103

7 DEC 1983

People
weekly

TIME & LIFE BUILDING, ROCKEFELLER CENTER, NEW YORK, N.Y. 10020 • (212) JU 6-1212

Deborah Himmelfarb
Promotion Manager

FEB 22 1983

February 14, 1983

Ms. Chris Vick
1800 "K" Street
Suite 400
Washington, D. C. 20006

Dear Ms. Vick:

To follow up on our conversation of a few weeks ago, it has come to my attention that Dr. Kissinger had some very good things to say about the reaction he received to the PEOPLE story on his heart surgery last year.

More specifically, I understand that at a dinner at Shirley Clurman's home, Dr. Kissinger told PEOPLE's managing editor, Pat Ryan, that he was astounded by the on-the-street comments he received from PEOPLE readers, and, that he believed PEOPLE was the best read of all Time Inc. magazines.

Testimonials like this one are often used by us for promotional purposes. Our aim in doing this is to demonstrate to our advertisers how well read PEOPLE is -- and, to underscore the fact that PEOPLE readers respond to what they see here.

I have attached two examples of how these testimonials have been used. The black brochure, entitled "Good News from PEOPLE" was mailed to our entire promotion list in 1982. The blue folder, which includes a half dozen single-sheet "Good News" stories is this year's format. Any additional testimonials we obtain in 1983 will be added into the folder.

OFFICE OF
HENRY A. KISSINGER

November 29, 1983

Dear Mr. Pitts:

Thank you very much for your letter to
Dr. Kissinger asking him to participate
in your upcoming program on cardiovascular
diseases.

Unfortunately, due to his extremely heavy
travel and speaking schedule as well as
his responsibilities as Chairman of the
President's Commission on Central America,
Dr. Kissinger simply does not have time
to take part in this project. He regrets
that this is the case and wishes you
success in this important undertaking.

Mr. Peter J. Pitts
Public Affairs Associate
Cable Health Network
1211 Avenue of the Americas
New York, New York 10036

Cable Health Network

Dr. Henry Kissinger
River House
435 East 52nd Street
New York, NY 10022

10/27/83

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

Cable Health Network, America's only cable network dedicated to keeping America healthy, is producing a 4 hour program dedicated exclusively to cardiovascular diseases, the number one killer of adults in the United States.

This **Informaton** (see attached materials) is a live program, with filmed segments. My reason for writing to you is to attempt to convince you to appear on this program either on tape, or live in our New York studio.

The reason that we feel you would be such an asset to the program, is as living proof that bypass surgery need not mean the end of an active lifestyle. You are living proof of this. Most people who have never had any heart problems could keep up your pace.

The program really does present the potential to save lives.
As you'll see from the attached materials, we are finally using
the power of television to teach viewers how they can make their
lives better places to live.

The program will air on Tuesday, December 6th from 7:00-11:00pm.
If your schedule does not permit a live appearance, we would be
able to shoot a brief interview in under 30 minutes, at any
location.

I would greatly appreciate your consideration of this proposal.
I can be reached at the number and address below.

Thank you for your time.

NOV 4 1983

Cable Health Network, Inc.
1211 Avenue of the Americas
New York, New York 10036
(212) 719-7230

News

'INFORMATHON' BACKGROUNDER

Cable
Health
Network

Cable Health Network's innovative new 'Informathon' concept provides television viewers with a greater degree of two-way involvement than has ever been accomplished before.

"The 'Informathon' format is really the result of everything we've learned about using television to help people, from our own experiences as well as other reliable sources," says Dr. Art Ulene, Chairman of Cable Health Network. "It doesn't ask viewers to send money. Instead, it responds to their needs and provides them with an opportunity to interact with the medical experts on the show. We've learned that this interaction is vital. The problem with most television programming is it doesn't demand a dialogue. The viewers sit there passively without relating actively to what's being presented. The whole premise of Cable Health Network programming is based on the idea of two-way communication between us and our viewers. And the thousands of letters we are now receiving regularly underscores the correctness of that programming premise.

"Shows that use telephone call-ins as part of the programming format usually limit viewer involvement to the few who are actually heard on the air," Dr. Ulene says. "The 'Informathon' phone-in is different because the phone banks are manned by doctors who answer each caller's specific questions. This two-way

-more-

- 2 -

communication gives the viewer a personalized response, supplementing
the general information given the total viewing audience during the
'Informathon'.

"We believe television's potential for dramatically improving the health and lifestyles of Americans is just beginning to be tapped," Dr. Ulene says.

The network's series of live 'Informathons' which started in November
1982, are a synthesis of Dr. Ulene's experiences in harnessing the
lifesaving power of television during the last seven years. These
'Informathons,' of which Heartline '83 (scheduled for presentation Dec.
6) is the latest, have also been shaped by the lessons learned from
other sources. These include a series of controlled studies in the U.S.
and other countries documenting how television can change behavior and
even save lives. An indicator of this positive impact was recently
demonstrated when Cable Health Network's first 'Informathon,' on
cardiovascular diseases, triggered more than 20,000 U.S. viewer calls
to a team of cardiologists who advised many to seek immediate medical
assistance. And Cable Health Network's second Informathon, Diabetes
update '83 received over 50,000 calls.

Dr. Ulene first became aware of television's enormous potential when he
produced a series of short programs dealing with breast cancer for a Los
Angeles TV station. He received 100,000 responses from women requesting
information about breast self-examination. Twenty actual early cases
of cancer were reported. A smoking prevention and cessation program on
TV, aimed at students, produced an equally dramatic response.

-more-

-3-

With the tremendous success of his spots and short series on health subjects, Dr. Ulene began to experiment with longer forms of health-related television programming. "It became increasingly clear to me that programs on health produced a degree of interest and involvement significantly greater than on any other subject," he says. Subsequent national surveys established that American adults' demand for more health and science programs outstrips demand for more news, sitcoms or sports by more than two to one.

Other studies that have further substantiated television viewers' receptivity to what they see on the screen include the California TV station that did a series on weight loss, offering a brochure through the American Heart Association. According to the AHA, 125,000 viewers requested the booklet and they estimated this series resulted in a total aggregate weight loss of about one million pounds. Finland's national television station carried a series of seven counseling sessions with ten smokers who were trying to quit. About 100,000 smokers also participated in the experiment, via TV, 10,000 of whom stopped smoking for at least six months following the session.

-more-

-4-

Dr. Ulene said that the Network decided to produce Heartline '83 as the third in its series of 'Informathons' for two reasons: (1) because of the millions of Americans who are afflicted with the disease and don't know it, and (2) the fact that in many cases awareness and changes in lifestyles can be helpful in preventing the disease. Other 'Informathons' planned include cancer, nutrition, and arthritis.

"I believe that television is one of the most powerful tools that we have to improve the quality and extend the duration of people's lives," Dr. Ulene says. "Through the presentation of programs like Heartline '83, we have a chance to put this remarkable tool to good use."

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