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THE PRESIDENT ANNOUNCED HIS CHINA TRIP IN JULY, 1971, AND HIS VISIT TO THE SOVIET UNION THE FOLLOWING OCTOBER. FOREIGN AFFAIRS STRATEGISTS IN THE WHITE HOUSE AND STATE DEPARTMENT QUESTIONED THE WISDOM OF ANNOUNCING THE TRIP TO MOSCOW EIGHT MONTHS IN ADVANCE. THEIR REASONING WAS THAT IT WOULD GIVE THE SOVIET UNION ENOUGH TIME TO PUT MR. NIXON IN A DIPLOMATIC BIND BECAUSE OF THE HEAVY PRESSURE ON HIM TO CONCLUDE A DEAL IN MOSCOW. THERE IS A CONSENSUS WITHIN GOVERNMENT THAT THE ANALYSTS WERE RIGHT.

IN JANUARY, 1971, THE PRESIDENT ALSO STUNNED THE BUREAUCRACY WITH HIS DISCLOSURE OF KISSINGER'S SECRET DIPLOMACY IN VIETNAM. THE REVELATION OF KISSINGER'S SOLO NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE NORTH VIETNAMESE WAS NEWS EVEN TO MANY OFFICIALS WORKING ON THE NEGOTIATIONS.

ONE OF THE CONTINUING ENIGMAS IN THE STRAINED RELATIONS BETWEEN THE PENTAGON AND WHITE HOUSE IS THE ROLE OF ALEXANDER M. HAIG, JR., THEN KISSINGER'S TOP AIDE, WHO MAINTAINED CONTACT WITH HIS OIO COLLEAGUES ACROSS THE POTOMAC RIVER.

HAIG, ACCORDING TO AN AMERICAN BROADCASTING CO. REPORT, PLAYED A KEY ROLE IN TRANSFERRING NSC INFORMATION TO THE JOINT CHIEFS OF STAFF. THE NETWORK QUOTED HAIG AS DENYING THE REPORT WITH THE OBSERVATION THAT, "I CANNOT BE RESPONSIBLE FOR OTHERS MISREADING MY POSITION."

IN THE VIEW OF INFORMED OFFICIALS, THE SO-CALLED IN NO WAY A "SEVEN DAYS IN MAY" SCENARIO WITH OVERTONES OF MILITARY CHALLENGE TO CIVILIAN AUTHORITY.

"THE MILITARY WAS TRYING TO MAINTAIN WHAT HAD BEEN LEGALLY ACCESSIBLE IN THE PAST AND WHICH WAS SLOWLY BEING CHOCKED OFF," OBSERVED AN OFFICIAL OUTSIDE THE PENTAGON.

SEVERAL KNOWLEDGEABLE SOURCES DISCOUNTED RECENT PRESS REPORTS THAT THE MUTUAL SURVEILLANCE INCIDENT WAS THE ONE CITED BY PRESIDENT NIXON AS THE "NATIONAL SECURITY" MATTER THAT FIGURED IN EFFORTS LAST SPRING TO LIMIT INVESTIGATION OF THE WHITE HOUSE PLUMBERS.

"I CAN THINKIF A NUMBER OF NATIONAL SECURITY-RELATED MATTERS IN THE INVESTIGATION OF GREATER CONSEQUENCE THAN THIS ONE," SAID ONE SOURCE WITH FULL ACCESS TO THE WATERGATE PROSECUTION. (END TEXT). RUSH

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