BULLETIN

THE AMERICA-JAPAN SOCIETY, TOKYO

Vol. IX

August—September 1960

No. 2

LUNCHEON IN HONOR OF PRIME MINISTER
AND MRS. HAYATO IKEDA

In commemoration of the installation of the Ikeda Cabinet on July 19, 1960, the America-Japan Society held a welcome luncheon in honor of Prime Minister and Mrs. Hayato Ikeda on Tuesday, August 30, at the Imperial Hotel.

Present at the meeting were Foreign Minister and Mrs. Zentaro Kosaka; United States Ambassador and Mrs. Douglas MacArthur II; Hon. Tsuruhei Matsuno, President, House of Councillors; Hon. Masayoshi Ohira, Chief Cabinet Secretary, and many other distinguished American and Japanese guests.

The attendance totaled well over 450—the largest

recorded at the Society's luncheon meeting during the year.

Hon. Shigeru Yoshida, President of the Society, presided.

The new Prime Minister's speech, stressing the unchanging nature of Japanese-American amity and solidarity, was acclaimed by the audience as a welcome reaffirmation of the friendly relations between the two countries following a period of great political upheaval in which Japanese-American relationship was put to a severe test.

WELCOMING REMARKS

—Shigeru Yoshida

The following is a translation of the welcoming remarks given in Japanese by Mr. Shigeru Yoshida, President of the Society, at the Society's special luncheon meeting held in honor of Prime Minister Hayato Ikeda on Tuesday, August 30, 1960 at the Imperial Hotel.

Ambassador MacArthur, Distinguished Guests, Members of the America-Japan Society:

First of all, may I have the pleasure of introducing to you two very special guests who are with us today. May I introduce Mr. Mark Bortman, who is Chairman of the Civic Committee of President Eisenhower's "People to People Program", and also Dr. R. Von KleinSmid, Chancellor of the University of Southern California. I ask you to give them welcome.

CONTENTS

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<table><tr><td>Welcome Luncheon in honor of the Prime Minister and Mrs. Hayato Ikeda</td><td>1</td></tr><tr><td>Welcome Luncheon in honor of Dr. Henry A. Kissinger</td><td>5</td></tr><tr><td>Visit to Kirin Brewery Co.</td><td>8</td></tr><tr><td>Japanese-Harvard International Seminar 1960</td><td>8</td></tr><tr><td>Chronological Record of the Activities of the Society August and September</td><td>9</td></tr><tr><td>Membership</td><td>9</td></tr><tr><td>Addresses of Sister Societies</td><td>10</td></tr><tr><td>Sister Among Cities</td><td>11</td></tr></table>

Ladies and gentlemen, I am very happy as President of this Society to say a few words in welcoming our honored guest, Prime Minister Ikeda. But before doing so, may I refer briefly to the very unhappy circumstances which led the Japanese Government to ask for the postponement of President Eisenhower's visit to Japan. The reason for this, in my estimation, is very simple. I think this whole thing was engineered by the communists. In other words, the communist tactic of divide and rule had regretfully been successful in this regard. Of course, the Japanese Government was also placed in a very difficult position. The people of Japan, perhaps, were too complacent in not realizing the dangers of the pressures of communist infiltration. Although it was a very regretful thing that we had to do it, I believe the reason which I have just explained, was in large measure the cause of the very unfortunate incident.

Now, I think we are very fortunate in having Mr. Ikeda as our new Prime Minister because he is known as a man who recognizes the vital importance of our strengthening relations with the United States, the very vital importance of foreign relations with regard to Japan, and he also is constantly aware of the dangers of the communist threat. And so, I think it is most fitting that he has assumed the leadership of our government, and on behalf of the members of this Society it is my great pleasure to welcome the Prime Minister and Mrs. Ikeda who are with us today. I pray and hope that he will continue in his duties as Prime Minister to work with the unswerving conviction which he has shown in the past in guiding our country towards the true course of democracy. I thank you.

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The America-Japan Society Bulletin

# INTRODUCTORY REMARKS

## —Douglas MacArthur II

The following remarks were given by the Hon. Douglas MacArthur II, American Ambassador to Japan.

*President Yoshida, Excellencies, Laides and Gentlemen:*

Since coming to Japan nearly four years ago, I have had the privilege of participating in many impressive ceremonies and gatherings. But I can assure you that no event gives me more pleasure than to have the privilege today of saying a few words about our guest of honor.

Prime Minister Ikeda, of course, needs no introduction, for he is widely known not only in Japan but also in the rest of the world as a dedicated leader who has served his country and his fellow citizens with distinction and honor. Mr. Ikeda is unusually well qualified to serve as Prime Minister, because of his long and illustrious record of public service, during much of which he has been closely associated with our distinguished President, former Prime Minister Yoshida. Mr. Ikeda brings to the high office which he holds impressive technical skills, great personal courage and integrity, and high-minded devotion to the principles of freedom with justice. He expends much of his great energy and talent in striving for a better way of life not only for the peoples of his own country, but for those of the lesser developed nations as well.

I think it is particularly fitting that this organization—The America-Japan Society—should honor Prime Minister Ikeda, for he has made it abundantly clear throughout his long career of public service that he supports wholeheartedly the close ties of friendship and cooperation between Japan and the United States which serve so well the enlightened self-interest of the peoples of both countries. Both our nations benefit greatly from our many common ties. The welfare of the peoples of both countries is strengthened by mutual trade; their freedom and independence is safeguarded by the security agreement between Japan and America; and the cultural exchanges between our two countries enrich the lives of Japanese and Americans alike.

With Prime Minister Ikeda's sure and steady hand on the helm, I think everyone is confident that Japan will continue to follow a course that will serve the enlightened self-interest of the Japanese people and the cause of peace with justice in the world. I know I speak for all members of this Society when I say that we are also confident that under Prime Minister Ikeda's leadership the already close ties that Japan has with the United States and other nations of the free world will be even further strengthened.

Ladies and gentlemen, it is now my great privilege and honor to present the Prime Minister of Japan.

# FRIENDLY RELATIONS BETWEEN JAPAN AND THE UNITED STATES

## —Hayato Ikeda

The following address is a translation of the address delivered in Japanese by the Prime Minister.

*President Yoshida, Ambassador MacArthur, Distinguished Guests, Members of the America-Japan Society:*

May I say first of all that I consider it a great honor and privilege to have been given the opportunity to meet with you all and to extend my warm greetings here at this luncheon today.

I wish also to express my sincere gratitude to your president, Mr. Yoshida, and His Excellency the United States Ambassador for their most cordial words of introduction and encouragement just now.

All of us know, I am sure, that Mr. Yoshida, the new president of this Society, is a reverend elder statesman and veteran diplomat and is one of the most distinguished leaders in our country today. It was he who, as Prime Minister, was in large part responsible for the successful conclusion of the San Francisco Peace Treaty and thus laid the groundwork for Japan's present prosperity. In view of the vital importance of the relations between Japan and the United States, it is indeed most gratifying to know that such an able statesman has assumed the presidency of this Society.

Ambassador MacArthur is not only a highly respected colleague but has been a warm personal friend of mine for a number of years. We all know him as

a man of energy and vitality, who has dedicated himself to the cause of further strengthening the ties of friendship between our two countries. I should like here to join with all our people in expressing to him our deep gratitude and admiration for his constant efforts in promoting friendship and cooperation between Japan and the United States.

As you all know, the present year, 1960, is a particularly auspicious one in that it marks the 100th year since the exchange of ratifications of the first Japan-United States Treaty of Amity and Commerce. It is most gratifying that in various parts of both Japan and the United States, many events in celebration of this memorable year have been or are being held by both our peoples who rejoice over the centennial of our friendship. I am especially happy to note the warm spirit of welcome that has been shown by the American people to the forthcoming visit of Their Highnesses the Crown Prince and Princess to the United States. I believe this symbolizes the bright future of our friendly relations which are ever growing stronger with the years.

On the other hand, however, it is indeed most regrettable that the recent unhappy circumstances compelled us to postpone the visit of President Eisenhower. The overwhelming majority of our people had been looking forward eagerly to his visit as the highlight of the centennial program. I deeply regret that Japan's international reputation, which we had built

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Prime Minister Hayato Ikeda addressing the numbers of the America-Japan Society at its special luncheon meeting held in his honor on Tuesday, August 30, 1960 at the Imperial Hotel. From the left: Prime Minister Ikeda; Mr. Shigeru Yoshida, President of the Society; Mrs. Ikeda, and Ambassador MacArthur II. Mr. Kiichiro Satoh, Chairman, Mitsui Bank and Vice President of the Society sitting on the right of the front table.

up by our unremitting endeavors through the austere postwar years, has been seriously impaired as a result of this unfortunate incident.

Since I have only recently assumed the office of Prime Minister, it might be appropriate here to clarify some basic aspects of the policies which my administration seeks to pursue. In both our foreign and domestic policies, we shall seek to further promote mutual understanding between the peoples of Japan and the United States and to recover international trust in us. For this purpose, special emphasis will be placed on raising the living standards of our people and on the development of our national economy by mobilizing the superior assets and capabilities of our people. At the same time, emphasis will be placed on the establishment of a true democracy and on instilling into the minds of our people the need to maintain and respect social order. I believe that by doing so we can not only regain trust in Japan by the United States and other nations of the free world, but also gain the respect of the communist countries.

In Japan today, the political ideal cherished by our people is a democracy based on human dignity and freedom. Economically, greater prosperity and welfare of our people than in the years before the war are being achieved under a system of free economy founded on the twin pillars of free enterprise and private ownership. Furthermore, as has been stated on a number of occasions, the new Treaty of Mutual Cooperation and Security recently concluded between Japan and the United States, motivated by these same

ideals, is a purely defensive treaty for the maintenance of our country's peace and prosperity.

As a heavily populated country, Japan must seek to develop her economic life through normal and free international trade. But this can be achieved only if there is peace. Of Japan's present foreign trade, the United States ranks first, both in exports and imports. On the other hand, Japan is the second largest market of the United States, ranking next to Canada. These relations of interdependence between our two countries are growing closer each year, not only in trade but in investments and technical tie-ups.

The same is true in the fields of science, technology and culture in general. I believe it is no exaggeration to say that never before have the intercourse and mutual understanding between our two peoples been so close as they are today.

You may remember that the Kabuki troupe, which went to the United States recently as part of the centennial program, was very favorably received in New York and other cities where it performed. We are also happy to note that the sedate tone of Japanese architecture and interior decoration is steadily growing in popularity in the United States. These and many other similar examples, I believe, prove that our two peoples have come to increasingly understand each other's mode of living and culture and that the interest in Japan is not merely a passing trend but is becoming more and more permanent.

It is, of course, a well-known fact that this Society and the many Japan Societies in various parts of the

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WELCOME LUNCHEON FOR DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER

A luncheon in honor of Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, professor at Harvard University, was held at the Industry Club of Japan on Monday, September 12, 1960.

The Society also invited to this luncheon about 50 participants in the Japanese-Harvard International Seminar which was under way in Tokyo at that time. (cf. report in this Bulletin.)

The function was held under the joint sponsorship of the Society and the Japanese Institute of International Affairs. Dr. Hikomatsu Kamikawa, representing the co-sponsor institution, made a welcome speech following Mr. Komatsu's introductory remarks.

Dr. Kissinger is credited with originating the Harvard International Seminar, held every summer at Harvard University since 1952, in which about 40 persons of diverse professions and disciplines from various countries of the world discuss contemporary problems. He also took the initiative in organizing the Japanese-Harvard International Seminar in Tokyo, 1960. Dr. Kissinger is well known as the author of "Nuclear Weapons and American Foreign Policy."

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Executive Director
Harvard Univ. Int'l Seminar

NUCLEAR WEAPONS AND AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY

—Henry A. Kissinger

The following address was delivered by Prof. Henry A. Kissinger, Executive Director, Harvard University International Seminar, at the America-Japan Society luncheon meeting on Monday, September 12, 1960 at the Industry Club of Japan, Marunouchi.

Mr. Chairman, Ladies and Gentlemen:

In America we have the unfortunate habit of introducing our remarks sometimes with a story, and I would like to take the liberty of taking advantage of this. The story concerns an Englishman who was visiting Sweden, and in going through passport found himself confronted with two lines, one marked "For Swedes" and the other one marked "For Foreigners". After a while an official came by and the Englishman was sitting squarely in the middle. The official said, "Sir, will you please go into one line or the other." The Englishman said, "This is just my trouble. I am not a Swede and I am obviously not a foreigner."

I mention this because all of us here in the International Seminar are somewhat in the position of the Englishman in Sweden. We are obviously not Japanese but we also do not feel like foreigners. The reason we do not feel like foreigners is because of the warmth,

the efficiency and the kindness that we have met wherever we have been in Japan, and I am sure that I speak for all my colleagues from 15 nations when I express now, on behalf of all of us, our gratitude for the manner in which we have been received. I would like particularly to thank the members of the America-Japan Society and Mr. Komatsu and Mr. Hachiya who have worked with a dedication and devotion which is even more impressive than their efficiency, and their efficiency has been enormous, for the wonderful experience that they have accorded all of us. I must say also that Mr. Komatsu and Mr. Hachiya have managed something which in nine years of the Harvard International Seminar I have never succeeded in doing—namely, to convince all of our participants that they should be in the same place at the same time and wearing ties!

Now, ladies and gentlemen, I have been asked to speak to you about a very difficult, a very complicated subject, namely the relationship between nuclear weapons and foreign policy. Before I do so, I would like to make one remark to explain my own status. I have been very flattered by the impressions created by the Japanese newspapers that I hold very important responsibilities in America. I think it is only fair to point out that my connection with the Government

6

in America is very slight indeed. While I have occasionally advised them they have very rarely taken my advice. Also, I am considered in America, in general, a critic of American policy and I do not want to risk any newspapers getting back to America and making me lose my status as a critic, and I am sure also that the official American representatives in Tokyo are as eager as I am to make clear that I do not represent their views. With this qualification, I would now like to make a few remarks about the topic.

## Desirability of Peace

I speak with very great reluctance about nuclear weapons in a country, in the only country in the world, that has experienced the devastation of nuclear weapons. And whatever the views may be in our different countries about the strategic significance of this or that weapon, or about the political significance of this or that arrangement, I can assure you that there is no dispute about the desirability of peace. There is no argument anywhere in America or anywhere in the West about using any kind of weapon first.

All my discussions here, and anything that you might read about in the American press—and here, in fact, I am sure I do speak also for official American thinking—concerns only the question of how the safety and security of the free countries can best be maintained in case of communist aggression. This is the only significant subject for discussion.

Now, secondly, I would like to say that we are aware that there are many countries in the world to which the question of security takes other forms than in to the United States, and many people who consider the American discussions on strategy as perhaps indicating a one-sided concern with the military problems. To them I would like to say that I can understand their concern and I can understand their reluctance so briefly after a cataclysmic war to address themselves to this question. Anybody must have sympathy and understanding for the efforts of other nations that may be more concerned with economic development than with the question of security. Yet I would like to put to you the particular problem faced by the United States and this problem is as follows:

## Permitted Only One Guess

For better or for worse we are the strongest nation in the free world. For better or for worse our decisions will crucially affect the future of freedom everywhere. For better or for worse we have to understand as Americans that a statesman is permitted only one guess. If we assume that there is no danger and it appears finally that there is a danger, we will not be able to say to our people or to the people who stake their defense on us, "We are terribly sorry. We made a mistake and now freedom is lost everywhere." We have to take the responsibility for making some difficult choices not because we like to, not because the vast majority of Americans would not prefer to be concerned as well with their own affairs as many countries and most countries in the world, but because we are aware that if we should assume that there is no danger and this turns out to be wrong, we will have jeopardized everybody's freedom everywhere in the world.

The tragic element of policy-making resides in the fact that you can never be completely certain, and if we insist on absolute certainty we will purchase it at perhaps an excessive price.

This is the reason why America which 15 years ago emerged from World War II with only one desire—to go back home and to be done with the rest of the world—why America finds itself now in the very paradoxical position that 15 years after a war that

was designed to make it forever possible for us to withdraw from the world, we are engaged all over the world, and what makes the situation doubly ironical is that we entered this period with one of history's perhaps cruelest jokes. We entered the postwar period with an atomic monopoly which we interpreted as making us forever secure and which, in fact, was to make the world forever vulnerable. In such a situation where Americans have had to adjust to the fact of their international involvement and where technology has changed so rapidly that the truths of one period have been the obstacles to understanding of another period.

In such a situation, it is inevitable that mistakes have been made. What we can ask of our foreign friends is not that they should fail to point out mistakes, because this is the only way we can learn, but that they should have some understanding and compassion for the particular process by which we have arrived at this position and that they do not demand of us a perfection which in my travels around the world I have not seen matched. It is human nature to be imperfect, particularly when one lives in a world that one has never expected.

## Soviet Record

Now, with this as a background, I would like to point out why the problem of security must be considered by America. Any statesman can always escape the dilemmas by ascribing the most favorable intentions to the other side. It is always possible to say that the communists have no intention of using pressure. It is always possible to debate the question of sincerity. I would merely point out that with a country which has annexed hundreds of millions of people since the end of the war, which in the past four years has made 119 threats of nuclear attacks, it is not totally unreasonable for Americans when confronted with such a situation to believe that there is a security problem.

The security problem, however, has changed very rapidly and very markedly. At the end of World War II, when we had the atomic monopoly, it was easy and it was possible to believe that the way to deter aggression was to convince the aggressor that in case of pressure his country would be devastated. This was the period when we developed the system of long-range strategic bombing and some of the supporting bases all over the world. And it is also true that it has been very difficult for Americans to adjust to the changed situation in this respect.

When this theory was developed, we had an atomic monopoly. Today the communist countries possess long-range weapons of their own and now we face a situation where they may believe that the United States would not risk the devastation of its own country for the sake of foreign countries. And I would tell you that it does not matter whether the Soviet Union is correct in this assessment. I am not saying that we would not be prepared to risk this devastation. The great problem of this period is to prevent the war and not to fight it. If the Soviet or Chinese communist leaders should believe that the United States is unwilling to risk the destruction of Chicago or New York and Washington for foreign countries, they may be tempted to exert ever-greater pressure on them, of which examples like Berlin may prove only a forerunner.

## Need for Local Defense

It is for this reason that many of us in America have become convinced that in the period ahead it will become increasingly important for the countries which are or may be threatened, in cooperation with other

7

free world countries to be able to defend themselves locally and to be able to resist communist aggression where it takes place. What form this defense takes is up to the country concerned. In other areas, the countries consider a formal treaty wise. What the specific arrangement of weapons should be is largely a question for the country concerned. In general, it has been my belief that any country that is associated with the United States has no need to develop or acquire nuclear weapons of its own. And I do not believe, in general, that countries that have security arrangements with the United States should have their own independent nuclear forces. This is a point in which difficulties of translation made my remarks at a press conference the other day not fully clear. It is true, I believe, that countries which want to pursue completely separate policies may be driven to other conclusions about their requirements.

Now, the relationship between the various parts of the world, the political relations within the various alliances, depends very much on local conditions, but there is one point about which I feel rather strongly. It is often argued that the United States wants bases abroad in pursuit of its own quarrel with the Soviet Union or Communist China. Now, again, the question of bases is one which each country should decide for itself, but from the American point of view we do not need bases anywhere in pursuit of our quarrel with the Soviet Union and Communist China. Our necessity for bases arises primarily where the local population feels the need for them as an aid to the defense of the country concerned. And many people who say to me, "Why should we permit our country to be devastated in our defense" should ask themselves this question: whether Americans might not ask the same question and say, "Why should we permit our country to be devastated in defense of countries that are not willing to defend themselves?"

## Problems Complex

But all of these are complicated questions on which serious people have differed. The main thing that can be said in a brief speech is the following:

The problem of peace and the problems of security at this moment are extremely complex and yet we live in a world in which they are constantly being reduced to simple slogans. It is not true that everyone who proresses his desire for peace necessarily brings about peace. It is not true that everybody who is in favor or reducing the armaments will necessarily bring about disarmament. We have to be able to live not only with complexities but with paradox. I have been part of many groups that have studied the problem of disarmament, and all of them have come to the conclusion that if one really wants nuclear disarmament one may have to have conventional disarmament. Many have come to the conclusion that even if one wants nuclear disarmament it is a very difficult question to decide at what level the numbers ought to be stabilized, and it is always easy to make a declaration and say, "We are for universal general disarmament." It is much more difficult to give this declaration concrete meaning. When Khrushchev says that he wants to discuss disarmament at a heads-of-state meeting at the United Nations in New York, this proves that he either does not understand what is involved in disarmament or it means that he is cynically using it to bring about unilateral disarmament of free countries. Even if there is goodwill on the part of everybody it requires careful technical detailed studies.

I would like to take this opportunity to say that one of the things that concerns me most in the contemporary world is not the dispute of whether we should have more nuclear or more conventional weap-

ons. That is a technical question on which most people who have studied the problems are beginning to agree. There is no doubt that there should be more emphasis on conventional weapons and that one should use nuclear weapons only as an absolute last resort, but this is relatively easy. What worries me is that many of the intellectuals in the free world are using easy slogans: "He who proclaims that he is for peace must be for peace," and "He who proclaims that he is for universal disarmament must make a contribution to universal disarmament."

I do not find the same passion in favor of concrete specific proposals as I find in favor of vague general sentimental phrases which, on closer examination, are either meaningless or dangerous.

## Avoid Easy Slogans

At a time when the whole fate of mankind hangs in the balance, I think all of us have a duty to study these problems precisely. All of us must make a contribution in avoiding the easy slogans. The discussion is being polarized at the moment, if I may be honest, on the one hand, technicians of strategy who look at problems entirely from the purely military aspect and, on the other side, if I may use a phrase, technicians of morality who apply topical maxims literally and who think that a beautiful pose is in itself a policy.

Both courses of action are equally dangerous. Not everything that sounds plausible is good. Not everything that can be comprehended the first time one hears it is correct. There is a kind of humility that comes close to spiritual pride and a kind of fastidiousness which is a form of arrogance.

We are all in the free world facing a very difficult situation. We have to act at a moment when humanity literally can destroy itself while knowing very well that we are very far from perfection. We know that in all our countries great tasks have to be accomplished and we do not have the consolation of telling ourselves that we are pure and everybody else is evil. Not all of us do have the opportunity to be able to wait until we become pure. We do not have the choice, as it is so often said, between perfecting ourselves and dealing with foreign problems. We have to perfect ourselves dealing with foreign problems.

One often hears that the real problem in the world is economic or the real problem in the world is political or the real problem in the world is ideological and that we detract energies by talking about one rather than the other. My conviction is that the real problem in the world is ideological, moral, political, economic and strategic. We do not have the privilege of picking out among the total range of problems we confront those which we most like to deal with and then concentrate on those. Our challenge is that we have to be able to deal with all of them if we are to be effective in any of them.

## Harvard Seminar

Even though I have become known here in Japan as the author or a book which deals with nuclear weapons, I was concerned with developing the International Seminar long before I addressed myself to nuclear weapons, and I hope that I will deal with it long after it is necessary to address oneself to nuclear weapons.

No serious person in America, certainly not I, will say that the security problem is our problem, or perhaps even ultimately our chief problem, but because a problem may not be ultimately the chief problem, it may be immediate and an important one. To many of our friends from abroad I would like to say this: While we must have understanding and sympathy for those

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<table><thead><tr><th>Address</th><th>President</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Japan-America Society of Washington<br>3197 Porter Street, Northwest, Washington 8, D.C., U.S.A.</td><td>Clarence E. Meyer</td></tr><tr><td>The Japan Society of New Orleans<br>909 National Bank Commerce Bldg., New Orleans 12, La., U.S.A.</td><td>William C. Robertson, Jr.</td></tr></tbody></table>

<table><thead><tr><th>Address</th><th>President</th></tr></thead><tbody><tr><td>Japan Society of Seattle<br>Post Office Box 1209, Seattle 11, Washington, U.S.A.</td><td>Ralph A. Johansen</td></tr><tr><td>Japan-America Society of Chicago<br>Room 906, 343 S. Dearborn St., Chicago, Ill., U.S.A.</td><td>John H. Weddell</td></tr></tbody></table>

## SISTERS AMONG CITIES

### Development of City Affiliation

In a hundred years, Japanese and Americans have discovered and developed a common interest in almost every conceivable field of human endeavor. Individuality and between like minded organizations, the mutual discovery of Japanese and Americans that the spirit has something in common has come to people in academic studies and education, in art, architecture, and music, in business, trade, and science, in government and in religion.

Of all the ways that Japanese and American society have come to touch, none is more fascinating nor more spontaneous than the sudden flowering of city to city relations over the past five years.

The idea is new, but the basis is sound. If scientists have something in common, businessmen have something in common, and musicians have something in common despite a difference in language and culture, why shouldn't cities have something in common? Meeting in Osaka last year, the mayors of Japanese and American Pacific Coast cities discovered again that cities do indeed have a great deal in common, and that each can learn from the other.

The sister city idea did not begin with a tie-up between Japanese and American cities. The first affiliations were developed after World War II between American and Western European cities. Often there was a historical connection, either in fact or in name, such as that between New York and York, England, and New Orleans and Orleans, France.

Yet it says something for the special nature of the Japanese-American relationship that within a very few years there have come to be far more affiliations between Japanese and American cities than between those of any other countries in the world. In both Japan and America the idea has caught hold—not only the idea to affiliate, but the almost instinctive turn of an American city toward Japan for a partner, and of a Japanese city toward America.

Even before President Eisenhower inaugurated the non-governmental "People-to-People" program at a White House Conference in September, 1956, the first Japanese-American sister city affiliation—that between Nagasaki and St. Paul—had been initiated. This relationship was concluded in December 1955, and became the first of the 28 partnerships now linking Japanese and American cities.

The following fall in launching the "People-to-People" program, President Eisenhower's objective was to encourage Americans into more direct personal contact and communication with people of other nations in the interest of greater mutual understanding, and enduring peace. The sister city idea was incorporated into the larger People-to-People effort, and it rapidly became one of the most popular and successful forms of unofficial People-to-People contact.

The first contacts between affiliated cities are often made by municipal officials with the mayor serving as honorary chairman of the affiliation. In successful affiliations, contacts rapidly develop between private organizations with like interests; such as educational, cultural, technical, business, professional, social, service, religious, labor, youth and hobby groups. Added to these municipal and organizational contacts, is a third level of contacts on an individual person-to-person basis. If the affiliation is to become genuine and self-propelling, continuing contacts are necessary on all three levels. To carry out the program effectively, most participating American communities form a committee, whose members are usually leaders of organizations representing a cross-section of the community. The committee is then responsible for coordinating and assisting contacts with the sister city.

U.S. servicemen or private citizens returning home from Japan have been instrumental in interesting some American cities in particular Japanese affiliation. For example, an American GI stationed in Sendai was befriended by the local president of the Japanese Association of University Women. He, in turn, wrote his mother in Riverside, California and this correspondence resulted in establishment of a scholarship fund at Tohoku University. Supported by contributions from Riverside women's clubs, this fund has enabled about eighteen Japanese girls each year to attend college. A formal affiliation between Sendai and Riverside followed in due course.

Many affiliated cities are similar in size and economic interest, and wherever possible, selection of a partner has been based on mutual interests. Once the communities agree to join hands, formal resolutions are passed by the respective city councils and ceremonies are usually held in both places. Following the formal affiliation, contacts and projects are begun between the sister cities.

### Activities of Sister Cities

Cooperative activities between sister cities extend over many fields, ranging from reciprocal visits of good-will missions, exchange of messages and introduction of each other's facilities and ways of life, to exchange of messages and introduction of each other's facilities and ways of life, to exchange of books, plants, flowers, students and professors. Mishima and Pasadena respectively hold annual Pasadena and Mishima "Says", featuring exhibitions of the sister city's special products. In addition, Pasadena residents have raised a scholarship fund for Mishima. Another example of exchanges was the presentation of Bunraku dolls by Osaka to its sister city, San Francisco, and the Golden Gate City's return gift of a cable car, which Osaka plans to display in its projected Traffic Museum.

Sister cities are not just fair-weather friends. When Nagoya was devastated by the Ise Bay typhoon last fall, her sister, Los Angeles, lost no time in rushing