Kissingers saw China

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and his wife, Nancy, arrived in Hong Kong today after a 10-day

private visit to China. They came on the new through train from Canton, and security men at the railway station kept reporters away from them.

Diplomatic sources said Kissinger would leave for Singapore Saturday. There was speculation that he would see Israeli Foreign Minister Moshe Dayan, who arrived from Rangoon Wednesday night on a tour of southern Asia and goes to Singapore Friday.

In China, Kissinger met with Chairman Hua Guofeng, Senior Vice Premier Deng Xiaoping and other high-ranking officials. It was his 10th visit to China and his first as a private citizen.

MAY 3 1979

## To pay N-plant 'accident'

HARRISBURG, Pa. (AP) — Customers who saved money when the Three Mile Island nuclear plant was in operation should pay increased charges of about $30 a year while the crippled plant is restored, says the treasurer of the holding company that owns it.

John Graham of General Public Utilities proposed to the Pennsylvania Public Utility Commission Wednesday an

increases total GPU subsidia

The addition of a GPU would be obtained through an energy clause, which passes along to customers the cost of purchasing replacement power.

Graham argued that a half-cent per kilowatt hour surcharge is fair because the undemaged reactor currently out

World

DIPLOMACY

Moscow's
Geopolitics

A Kissinger answer
to a global challenge

Kissinger during Manhattan speech

The Soviet presence on the Horn of Africa, says former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, was not an "unselfish" response to an appeal from Ethiopia involving its quarrel with Somalia. Moscow's purpose was geopolitical: "To outflank the Middle East, to demonstrate that the U.S. cannot protect its friends, to raise doubts in Sau di Arabia right across the Red Sea, in Egypt, in the Sudan, in Iran." Speaking in Manhattan last week to the International Radio and Television Society, Kissinger suggested that four basic principles should be kept in mind—perhaps by the Carter Administration—as the Russians, with their Cuban consorts, now threaten to intervene in southern Africa as well:

The first is, I hope that our Secretary of State will be successful in the negotiations he is now undertaking with the Soviet Union on the limitation of strategic arms. The control of nuclear weapons is one of the pre-eminent problems of our period, and it should not be lightly linked with other issues. But it is important that the Soviet Union understand that another move of the kind we have seen in Angola and Ethiopia will raise the presumption that we are facing a global geopolitical challenge incompatible with any definition of détente. Under those circumstances I do not see how any agreement could possibly be ratified and how détente could survive. I hope that *that* will be made clear to the Soviet Union.

The second is, it is time that one overcomes the ridiculous myth of the invincible Cubans. Who has ever heard of Cubans conducting a global foreign policy? We cannot conduct our foreign policy under the threat of the possible intervention

of Cuban troops. It is a sign of the decline of our world position that we have inflicted on ourselves through Viet Nam, the collapse of Executive authority produced by Watergate, and our own internal disputes. Twenty years ago this would have been considered absurd, and it is a proposition that is bound to undermine our position around the world.

Third, let us justify our foreign policy by arguments other than the fear of Cuban military intervention. We must make clear to other countries that we will not be blackmailed by Cuban troops or by Soviet arms. Whatever arguments can be advanced for conducting our foreign policy, we will not accept the proposition that if we do not accede to the arguments of individual countries they will then call in the Cubans, or the Soviets will then send arms.

Fourth, we have an obligation to try to remove the legitimate causes of unrest and instability in Africa. Of course the U.S. must stand for majority rule. This we did when I was in office, and I support the efforts of the Administration in this direction. But majority rule must be given a concrete content. What exactly is the basis for our opposition to the so-called internal solution in Rhodesia? I favor the attempt to enable all leaders and factions to participate in the proposed elections. At the same time let us take care not to turn majority rule into a device by which those who could not win an election try to force their way into office by the threat of force. Majority rule must not become the slogan of those who have already rejected a multiparty system and already announced that they want to create a one-party state. And majority rule must include protection for minority rights. If the black and white communities cannot live together under the rule of law, we will see a race war of tremendous proportions develop. We cannot want to encourage this.

FRANCE

New Party Game

Communists play J'accuse

Tanned from a post-election Algerian vacation, Communist Leader Georges Marchais was in an even more than normally combative mood as he took the podium at his party's Paris headquarters. The occasion: the first meeting of the 126-member central committee since the left's stunning election defeat last March. Did the blame for that lie with the Communists, who bickered endlessly with their Socialist allies during the campaign? Not to hear Marchais tell it. "We bear no responsibility," he said in a dukes-up, three-hour speech. The cause, he asserted, was purely the Socialists' "obstinacy." As for suggestions that the party bosses ought to tolerate more debate within the ranks, "we reject them clearly." More freedom?

Marchais was disdainful: "One cannot initiate a sort of permanent discussion on everything and anything in the party and its press."

As Marchais well knew, there has been more soul-searching within the party than at any time since 1956, when Ni-kita Khrushchev delivered his watershed anti-Stalin speech and when Soviet troops invaded Hungary. The cause this time was the debacle in March. After all, before the election, opinion polls showed that the leftist parties had their strongest opportunity since the creation of the Fifth Republic in 1958 to push a left-wing coalition regime into power. What shook the Communists was not just the unexpected victory by the center-right coalition led by President Valéry Giscard d'Estaing but also the weakness of their own performance. The party's share of the total vote (20.6%) slumped to a ten-year low, and that became even worse when gauged against the small increase gained by the Socialists, who emerged with 22.6% of the vote, thus confirming their position as the dominant party on the left.

The recriminations have been loud and, considering that the French Communists are among the most monolithic of the Western European parties, startlingly public. Indeed, there was audible grumbling within the ranks last fall, when Marchais began his public jousting with the Socialists. It was ostensibly over the extent to which French industry should be nationalized under the left's Common Program; many party members feared that feuding with the Socialists on this point might wreck the left's chances of winning power.

After the returns were in and the left had lost, the accusations began to fly in

Communist Party Leader Marchais

Recriminations have been loud and clear.

BURNETT—CONTACT

TIME, MAY 8, 1978