9 NOV 1974

Dear Mr. Minister:

I want to take this opportunity to emphasize once again how much I appreciated your cordial welcome during our visit to Romania.

I am particularly pleased that the visit afforded an occasion both to review important international issues and to achieve further understanding. I am certain our talks will strengthen the friendly and steadily expanding relations between our two countries.

Mrs. Kissinger joins me in expressing to you and Mrs. Macovescu our thanks for your hospitality and our warm good wishes.

Best regards,

Henry A. Kissinger

His Excellency
George Macovescu,
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
Socialist Republic of Romania,
Bucharest.

Bucharest,
Sociațiat Republic of Romania,
Minister of Foreign Affairs of the
George Macoveac,
His Excellency

Henry V. Klaasen

Beat redarga,

hospitality and our warm good wishes.
You and Mrs. Macoveac own thanks for your
Mrs. Klaasen joins me in expressing to

relations between our two countries.
strengthen the friendly and amicably expanding
understanding. I am certain our talks will
international issues and to achieve further
afforded an occasion both to review important
I am particularly pleased that the visit

cordial welcome during our visit to Romania.
I want to take this opportunity to express-

Dear Mr. Minister:

9 NOV 1974

20

be an external collision, with another of Washington's great centers of power—the Pentagon, perhaps, or the State Department, or the Democratic leadership on Capitol Hill?

This is the kind of question which always fascinates Washington, a town which loves a good, slashing bureaucratic row as Madrid loves bullfights.

But there is another reason as well why the White House insiders are interesting. Taken together they represent a revealing reflection of the character, style and even, in a sense, the personal and political history of the President of the United States.

A lucky archaeologist may unearth in one spot the layers of three or four civilizations which have flourished and died there. In the same way the inmates of the Kennedy White House faithfully mirror three layers in the career of John Kennedy, in his spectacular climb to the pinnacle of political power.

The first and deepest layer consists of what one of its members has wryly dubbed "The Irish Mafia." The most recent layer consists of "The Eggheads," as the half-dozen or so intellectuals Kennedy has installed in the White House are sometimes called by members of the Irish Mafia. In between the Irish

Mafia and the Eggheads there is a thin middle layer, centered on one man, who is a sort of archaeological link between them.

These three groups accurately reflect the stages in the President's political growth. Kennedy is, after all, an accidental politician—the tragic, still unexplained explosion of a Liberator bomber made him President. As Kennedy's father has said, Jack's older brother Joe was slated to be the family statesman—Jack wanted to be a historian, or perhaps a journalist. But when Joe, a wartime pilot, was killed on his last mission, the Kennedy tribal laws demanded that Jack step forward to take his place. The same tribal laws demanded that he succeed as a politician, and in no ordinary way, but vastly, overwhelmingly.

The first requirement for becoming a successful politician is to win elections. Fifteen years ago, when Kennedy's amazing drive for power began, it was natural that he should gather around him men who were expert in the arts of winning elections. It was also natural that Kennedy, an Irish Catholic in heavily Irish Catholic Massachusetts, should gather about him other Irish Catholics. There are five men who have been with Kennedy since before his 1952 election to the Senate. They are the hard core of the Irish Mafia, and are sometimes known as "The Boston Originals."

The two most important members of the group are Kenny O'Donnell, thirty-seven, a black Irishman, and Larry O'Brien, forty-four, a red Irishman (nobody ever calls them Kenneth or Lawrence). O'Donnell is a tough, handsome, rather dour ex-football captain and Harvard roommate of brother Bobby Kennedy. He is Kennedy's appointments secretary, but his job is really more important than that. He sees the President more than anyone else—up to forty times a day—and he is Officer in Charge of Making Things Work, as he has been ever since 1952. He sees that schedules are kept, that the right people show up at the right time, that things happen when they ought to happen.

Larry O'Brien, a big-nosed, freckle-faced, likable man, is Officer in Charge of Politics.

The top "Boston Originals": Kenny O'Donnell (left) and Larry O'Brien have been with Kennedy since he first ran for the Senate. O'Donnell is now JFK's appointments secretary; O'Brien is chief liaison man on Capitol Hill.

Some members of the group Alsop calls the "Irish Mafia"—Kennedy's cortege of "organizers and operators." From left are Ralph Dungan, Fred Dutton, Dave Powers, Ted Reardon and Dick Donohue (standing, right).

Former Harvard dean McGeorge Bundy (right) is the most powerful of the Kennedy "Eggheads." Alsop calls Bundy, whose title is Special Assistant for National Security Affairs, "one of Washington's major movers and shakers."

Egghead Jerome Wiesner is Kennedy's chief science adviser. Some Washington circles—such as the Pentagon—dislike his views favoring disarmament.

He is chief liaison man on Capitol Hill, and he has an able three-man staff to help him. But again, his job is bigger than it sounds—it is to make sure that Kennedy remains the undisputed leader of the Democratic Party.

The other three Boston Originals are Ted Reardon, forty-six; Dick Donohue, thirty-three; and Dave Powers, forty-nine. Powers has been called "Jack Kennedy's George Allen"—he is an old crony, a man who makes the President laugh. Reardon, Harvard room-mate of brother Joe, has been with Kennedy longest, but he is a retiring fellow who has faded a bit into the wings. Donohue is not officially on the White House staff, and says he is "just visiting." But he has an office in the West Wing and visits about twelve hours a day.

A sixth member of the Irish Mafia was recruited in 1956—Ralph Dungan, thirty-eight, a shrewd and articulate Princeton M.A. And there is a new boy—Fred Dutton, thirty-eight, formerly political mastermind of California's Gov. Pat Brown, who joined the Kennedy team after a spat with Brown at the 1960 Democratic Convention. Fred Dutton is not, strictly speaking, a full-fledged member of the Irish Mafia, since he is not a Catholic and only one quarter Irish. But he is an honorary member—he is the same sort of man, and he thinks the same way. Another honorary member of the Irish Mafia is witty, cigar-chomping Press Secretary Pierre Salinger, thirty-five.

If you were to ask Reardon or Powers or Donohue or Dungan or Dutton what they were doing in the White House, you would get one variant or another of the same answer—"I just do what the President asks me to do." As this suggests, Kennedy does not believe in organization charts. "He'll call me on the phone," explains one member of the Irish Mafia, "or maybe stroll into my office, and say, 'Do this for me, will you?'—and I do." This informality begets a certain sense of equality. There are few hierarchical distinctions. "Nobody here works for anybody else," another member of the Irish Mafia explains. "We all just work for Jack."

Although they differ greatly in personality, all these men share certain characteristics. They are operators, organizers, people who get things done. Except perhaps for Dungan, who is the Irish Mafia's intellectual, they are not primarily concerned with large ideas or high policy. They are brilliantly able political technicians. They are the sort of men a very shrewd, ambitious and farsighted politician would gather about him on his way to the top.

Now that Kennedy has reached the top, he still needs such (Continued on Page 91)

Pierre Salinger (left, in light suit), press secretary, and his Negro deputy, Andrew Hatcher. As usual, Salinger is holding one of his beloved cigars.

Arthur Schlesinger Jr. is "the only old Kennedy friend among the Eggheads." A noted historian and former "ghost" for Adlai Stevenson, he is the best known, and most controversial, White House insider.

22

By REX
STOUT

# DEATH OF A DEMON

BEGINNING
A NEW
NERO
WOLFE
MYSTERY

The red-leather chair was four feet away from the end of Nero Wolfe's desk, so when she got the gun from her handbag, she had to get up and take a step to put it on the desk. Then she returned to the chair, closed the bag and told Wolfe, "That's the gun I'm not going to shoot my husband with."

Sitting facing her with my back to my desk, which was at right angles to Wolfe's, I raised my brows. I hadn't expected her to put on an act. When she had phoned the previous afternoon to ask for an appointment, she had, of course, sounded a little jumpy—as most people do when they call the office of a private detective—but she had been quite matter-of-fact in giving the details. Her name was Lucy Hazen, Mrs. Barry Hazen. She gave her address, on East 37th Street between Park and Lexington. All she wanted was thirty minutes with Nero Wolfe, to tell him something confidential. She didn't want him to do anything, not even give her advice; she merely wanted to tell him something; and she would pay one hundred dollars for the half hour. She could and would pay more if she had

to, but she hoped the hundred would be enough.

In November or December, when Wolfe's income has reached a bracket where out of a hundred received he can keep only twenty bucks, he will make an appointment only for someone or something very special. But this was January, no big fee was in prospect, and even a measly C note would help in the upkeep of his old brownstone on West 35th Street, including staff, particularly since he wouldn't have to work for it. So it was set for eleven-thirty the following morning, Tuesday.

When the doorbell rang at eleven-thirty on the dot and I went to let her in, she gave me a smile and said, "Thank you for getting him to see me."

Handshakes can be faked and usually are, but smiles can't. It isn't often that a man gets a natural, friendly, straightforward smile from a young woman who has never seen him before, with no reception, no catch and no dare, and the least he can do is return it if he has that kind in stock. As I took her to the office and helped her off with her coat, which was mink, I was thinking that you never know, even the good-looking wife of a

This time the blackmailer was paid with

June 10, 1961

91

The White House Insiders

(Continued from Page 21)

men about him. Kennedy is still interested
in winning elections—make no mistake
about that. He is determined to cap his
eyelash win last year with a landslide in
1964. But for a President it is not enough
to win elections. It is not even enough to
get things done. It is necessary to decide
what to do. To that end, for a man who
wants to be a successful President—and
Kennedy very much wants to be a great
President—ideas are at least as important
as votes. That is where the Eggheads
come in.

There are four major Eggheads, plus
several subordinate and part-time
Eggheads. There are certain very clear dis-
tinctions between the Eggheads and the
Irish Mafia. For one thing, none of the
Eggheads is either Irish or Catholic. For
another, although a couple of them sup-
plied the Kennedy camp with "position
papers," none of the Eggheads was in-
volved in the sweaty, day-to-day business
of campaigning. Thus the attitude of the
Irish Mafia toward the Eggheads is a bit
like that of combat troops toward the
rear echelon.

Another difference is geographical. The
Irish Mafia surrounds Kennedy in the
West Wing of the White House, whereas
most of the Eggheads are across an alley

mer full professor, holder of four honor-
ary degrees. At the same time the chief
impression he conveys is that of being
a solidly sensible man.

Bundy's deputy, Walt Whitman Ros-
tow, forty-four, is another Yale man,
another fully guaranteed intellectual, and
a former M.I.T. professor. During the
campaign Rostow supplied Kennedy
with his "basic position paper" on de-

fense. He also supplied Kennedy with his
central campaign theme. Before the
Democratic Convention he saw Kennedy
at a party, and told him, "I know what
the first sentence of your acceptance
speech ought to be. You ought to say,
'This country is ready to get moving
again, and I'm prepared to lead it.'"

Kennedy tried out the first part of the
Rostow formula even before the conven-
tion, and it became his campaign theme.
After the election Kennedy wanted to
make Rostow chief of the State Depart-
ment's Policy Planning Staff, but, as in

Bundy's case, Rostow was vetoed by
Rusk—on the grounds that he was “too
bookish”—and Kennedy then took him
into the White House.

Rostow has a brilliant mind, and ideas
come to him so quickly that he often
talks in a kind of shorthand of his own.
Although Bundy is ostensibly his boss,
in practice they split the world between
them, Bundy concentrating, for example,
on Cuba, Laos or disarmament, while
Rostow concerns himself with South
Vietnam, the German-aid problem and
the need
(Continued on Page 94)

Explanation

Some students' marks are
higher than his,
And it's making our
hearts no lighter

To discover from him that
the reason is

Some students' parents
are brighter!

Thomas Usk

in the old State Department building. In a
human as well as a geographical sense, the
members of the Irish Mafia are closer to
the President than the Eggheads. Finally,
whereas the members of the Irish Mafia
owe their present eminence to Kennedy,
all the Eggheads had achieved academic
or other distinction in their own right
before they came to the White House.

The No. 1 Egghead is McGeorge
Bundy, forty-two, a Yale man, former
Harvard dean, and already one of Wash-
ington's half-dozen major movers and
shakers. As Special Assistant for National
Security Affairs, Bundy is chiefly occu-
pied with defense and foreign policy. On
the recommendation of columnist Walter
Lippmann, Kennedy briefly but seriously
considered making Bundy—whom he
hardly knew—his Secretary of State.
After he had chosen Dean Rusk instead,
he proposed to make Bundy Deputy
Under Secretary for Political Affairs,
but Rusk vetoed Bundy. During the pull-
ing and hulng of this period, Kennedy
had been much impressed by Bundy's
crisp intelligence and air of quiet compe-
tence, and when Rusk vetoed him, Ken-
edy drafted Bundy into the White House.

Bundy is a stocky, square-shouldered
man who wears rimless spectacles and a
businesslike air. He is briskly articulate,
but never long-winded, a characteristic
which particularly attracted Kennedy,
who hates verbosity—as one of the White
House insiders has remarked, “Kennedy
thinks of words as the shortest distance
between two points.” Bundy is a fully
guaranteed intellectual, a historian, for-

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Well, we wouldn't go that far. But a
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To buy postage, have the postoffice set
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is always protected from loss, damage,
misuse. And automatically accounted
for on visible registers that show postage
on hand, postage used. Metered mail
needs less handling in the postoffice,
can often get on its way earlier.

Even if you are just a small mailer,
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94

THE SATURDAY EVENING POST

(Continued from Page 91) for counter-
guerrilla forces. Kennedy often sees each
man separately.

Arthur Schlesinger Jr., forty-three,
Harvard historian, Pulitzer prize winner,
bellwether of the liberal intellectuals and
former speech writer for Adlai Stevenson,
is the best known and the most contro-
versial of the White House Eggheads.
During the campaign Vice President
Nixon used Schlesinger's name to scare
conservative Democrats, suggesting that
their party had been taken over with
sinister intent by Schlesinger and his

friend, Kenneth Galbraith, now Ambas-
sador to India. Schlesinger paid Nixon
off by writing a campaign tract in which
he portrayed Nixon as a monster, lacking
all the usual human attributes.

Although he is expert at controversy,
and at making enemies in the abstract,
even crusty conservatives find Schlesinger
difficult to dislike in the flesh. He is a
witty conversationalist, with an infec-
tious laugh and a talent for friendship.
Although he is an old Stevenson man, he
is also a long-time friend of Kennedy—
the only old Kennedy friend among the

Eggheads. When Kennedy offered him an
ambassadorship, Schlesinger, who en-
joyed his comfortable life in Cambridge,
turned the job down, to Kennedy's sur-
prise. But when Kennedy asked him to
come to the White House, Schlesinger
was sorely tempted by such a unique op-
portunity for a professional historian.

"What would I do in the White House?" he asked Kennedy. "Hell, I don't even know what I'm going to do myself," Kennedy replied with a laugh. Schlesinger came, but the question he asked Kennedy is still not clearly

answered. He wrote most of the eloquent
official paper denouncing Fidel Castro,
and he is currently the White House ex-
pert on South America, about which he
knew very little before he came to the
White House. He seems likely to become
a sort of Egghead maid-of-all-work, like
Dutton, Dungan, Donohue and company
in the Irish Mafia.

Jerome Wiesner, forty-six, the fourth
Egghead, is a brilliant scientist and an-
other former M.I.T. man. He wrote the
campaign-time "position paper" on arms
control, and in mid-January Kennedy
summoned him to Washington and asked
him to be his chief science adviser. Wies-
ner agreed to come, but with obvious
reluctance. "You don't seem too happy
about this job," Kennedy said. "Why?"

"I'm heavily identified with disarma-
ment as an issue," Wiesner said, "and I
think this might embarrass you later."

"Look," Kennedy said, "I've faced all
that, and it's *my* decision, not yours, so
stop worrying about it."

Wiesner might turn out to be right, all
the same, if Soviet policy ever permits
arms control to become a serious issue.
He is deeply convinced that it is better to
accept some risk that the Soviets might
cheat, rather than to follow a path at the
end of which he sees the near certainty of
a nuclear holocaust. This view is not
popular in the Pentagon and in other
powerful circles.

These four men are the key Eggheads.
There are subsidiary Eggheads, like
pipe-smoking Fred Holborn, thirty-two,
who came down to Washington from
Harvard in 1957, to help Kennedy work
on a speech for a couple of weeks. The
two weeks have stretched into a career.
And there are part-time Eggheads, like
defense expert Henry Kissinger, thirty-
eight, and Columbia Prof. Richard
Neustadt, forty-two, whose book, *Presi-
dential Power*, Kennedy read and ad-
mired during the campaign. Neustadt has
provided Kennedy with useful advice on
how a new President seizes control of
the vast machinery of government.

Finally, there is the man who is a sort
of missing link between the Irish Mafia
and the Eggheads, Theodore Sorenson.
Sorenson at thirty-three is an interesting
human being. He is a Nebraskan—his
father managed campaigns for the great
liberal senator, George Norris—and
Sorenson is a special sort of Middle
Western puritan-liberal-intellectual. He
has been known to take an occasional
daiquiri—his boss's favorite cocktail—
but he is proudly indifferent to the
pleasures of the table, and he does not
smoke or drink coffee. He has been
called shy, but it would be more accurate
to say that he bores easily. He is bored
by anything that does not relate in one
way or another to John F. Kennedy.

All the White House insiders, Irish
Mafia and Eggheads alike, are oddly fas-
cinated by Kennedy. After his first few
days with Kennedy, Wiesner began to tell
his wife about his chief. She interrupted
him after a few minutes: "Come on now,
Jerry, get those stars out of your eyes.
Kennedy can't be all that good." There
are visible stars in the eyes of even such
self-contained men as Bundy and O'Don-
nell. But there is a special quality to So-
renson's devotion to the President. There
is in it a measure of self-identification.

"Ted's relationship with the President
is his whole life," one of those who knows
him well explains. "So anything that
seems to threaten that relationship is in
a way a threat to life itself."

It may be this self-identification which
accounts for Sorenson's remarkable
knack for reproducing Kennedy's style.
Sorenson has been for years Kennedy's
chief speech writer, and in a Kennedy

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June 10, 1961

speech the most practiced eye cannot determine where Sorenson ends and Kennedy begins. Sorenson gets help in the drafting process from his able, three-man staff—Myer Feldman, forty-three, Lee White, thirty-eight, and Richard Goodwin, thirty. But he is intensely jealous of his speech-writing prerogatives.

In part this is because he is quite rightly convinced that speech writing is an important function of policy making. He has been known to paraphrase the old saw—"Give me the making of the songs of a nation, and I care not who makes its laws"—with the word "speeches" substituted for "songs." But his speech writing also seems to be an essential part of his precious relationship with Kennedy. During the campaign bitter tension developed between Sorenson and a potential rival as speech writer, Harvard Prof. Archibald Cox, now Solicitor General, which is probably why Cox is in the Justice Department instead of in the White House with his fellow Egghheads. Arthur Schlesinger, who was in the Stevenson days the country's best-known ghost, is a more dangerous potential rival, which is why those who like to look for trouble predict that Sorenson and Schlesinger will have a row.

Sorenson is far more than a mere ghost, of course. As Kennedy has said, "All domestic matters go through him." Three or four times a week Kennedy will return to his office at around 10:30 in the evening. When he does, Sorenson almost always joins him, and the two men will work quietly together, sometimes until after midnight, disposing of the day's accumulation of business with the monosyllabic ease of men who have worked well

together for years. Outside business hours, Kennedy and Sorenson see little of each other. The relationship is essentially master-servant. But within that context Sorenson's relationship to Kennedy is unique. He is the closest thing there is to a Kennedy alter ego.

This has not always been so. Kennedy, when he came to the Senate, hired Sorenson sight unseen, on the recommendation of Sen. Paul Douglas, and for some time Sorenson's was just another face around the office. Their peculiar intimacy, which is paradoxically impersonal, began when Kennedy was ill, and called on Sorenson for help with the book he wrote largely in the hospital, *Profiles in Courage*. The relationship deepened in the hard years of Kennedy's drive for the Presidency, when Sorenson was often his sole companion on the endless crisscrossings of the continent.

The fact is that Kennedy needed Sorenson—Sorenson filled a vacuum for Kennedy. The men he had gathered about him before 1952 were able operators, as we have seen, but they were not idea men. Until after the 1952 election Kennedy's career as a vote getter was brilliant, but his career as a legislator was not particularly distinguished. Sorenson was the first real idea man in the Kennedy entourage, and he appeared on the scene fortuitously just as Kennedy was beginning to realize that ideas are as important as votes at the top of the political heap.

It is in this sense that Sorenson is the link between the Irish Mafia and the Egghheads. Sorenson, like the Mafia, is a battle-tested veteran of the Kennedy campaigns. At the same time, though he lacks their academic attainments, he is

fully the intellectual equal of the Egghheads, who speak respectfully of his mental activity. "It was a remarkable experience," one of them has said, "to watch Ted, whose whole experience had been on Capitol Hill, *think* his way into the Executive Branch."

There are other able men in and around the White House, like Brig. Gen. C. V. (Ted) Clifton, forty-seven, the ablest of the military aides, Budget Bureau Director David Bell and chief economic adviser Walter Heller. But among the men who work directly and exclusively for the President, the key men are those named. They are, as noted at the beginning, an oddly assorted group—it would be hard to find two men more seemingly dissimilar than, say, Kenny O'Donnell and Arthur Schlesinger. This raises the first obvious question. Will they, or some of them, soon be at one another's throats?

Take a dozen ambitious and combative men, who spend day after day in one another's pockets and who all depend on the ear and favor of one man, and you must expect tensions and shows of temperament. 'These have, in fact, already occurred. But the best bet seems to be that they will stop short of the bitter rivalries and deadly hatreds of previous palace guards and kitchen cabinets.

In government the bitterest battles are fought when the combatants are haunted by a fearful sense of insecurity. Kennedy has a habit, common both to powerful politicians and very rich men (both of which he is), of collecting people—he is a sort of human flypaper. Sorenson and the Irish Mafia have made Kennedy a career, and they know by now that as long as he is President—indeed, as long as he lives—there will be a place for them near him. As for the Egghheads, if they do not become permanent items in the Kennedy collection, they all have challenging careers to return to. In short, as one of them has said, "Considering everything, we're a pretty relaxed lot in the White House."

Moreover, these men—even O'Donnell and Schlesinger—have more in common than appears on the surface. Here again the White House insiders are an interesting reflection of their chief's style and personality. "The one thing Jack can't bear is a slob or a slouch," one of the President's closest personal friends has said. All the men in the White House work a ten- to twelve-hour day six days a week. Kennedy also cannot bear forelock pullers, and there are no Uriah Heeps or professional yes men in the White House. Indeed, except perhaps for Sorenson, all of them are, like their boss, remarkably self-confident, sometimes to the point of arrogance.

Moreover, although the Irish Mafia may consist primarily of organizers and operators, they are also highly intelligent men. And although the Egghheads may be academic types, they are also highly effective operators in their own right. Thus, as at a boy's boarding school or in the Army, the differences between the old boys and the new boys have tended to recede as each man has emerged as an individual in his own right.

Finally, as one of the Egghheads has remarked, "Jack Kennedy's an amazing juggler of human beings." Like most great politicians, he has the quality of empathy—he can put himself in another man's shoes, sense what he is feeling. He has a horror of corn, and yet there is a streak of Irish sentiment in him. He will go to considerable lengths to give a pat on the back where it is needed. Recently, wandering through the West Wing offices with a friend—Kennedy is a restless man, and he likes to wander all over the White House—he stopped for a chat at a stenographer's (Continued on Page 98)

## The Perfect Squelch

Wilmer was an egotistic artist with kind words for no paintings except his own. He voiced devastating criticisms of other artists' "daubings," and asserted that the great weakness of his fellow painters was their failure "to put enough of themselves" into their work. Wilmer, by contrast, drove himself to occupational exhaustion which frequently required him to seek refreshment in the nearest bar.

One afternoon he stalked into one of the plushier cocktail lounges on the rockbound New England coast where he summered, planted himself on a bar stool and announced to one and all that he was utterly worn out from his labors.

"I," he proclaimed, "have been trying to paint the lighthouse for three whole days."

The barmaid, pretending wide-eyed innocence, asked, "Have you tried one of those new rollers with the long, long handle?"

 Alyce O'Connor

95

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President of the Socialist Republic of Romania,

Manea Maneaș,

His Excellency

Henry A. Klaasen

Best regards,

sincere thanks for your gracious hospitality.

Mrs. Klaasen joins me in sending our

two countries.

I believe that the visit was highly useful
ment extended on my recent visit to Romania.
You and other leaders of the Romanian Govern-
I deeply appreciated the cordial welcome

Dear Mr. Prime Minister:

9 NOV 1974

The National Executive Conference of Washington

1156 15th Street NW
Washington DC 20005

202 296 0676

Robert K. Lifton
Frank Mankiewicz
Ted Van Dyk

Kirby Jones
Executive Director

July 5, 1974

Mr. Charles W. Bray
6409 Winston Drive
Bethesda, Maryland 20034

Dear Mr. Bray:

On Thursday, July 18, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger will hold a private
Washington seminar on "Foreign Policy and American Business."

You -- or your representative -- are invited to attend this seminar which will also feature Peter Peterson, Chairman of Lehman Brothers and former Secretary of Commerce; and Thomas J. Hughes, President of the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace.

This seminar is part of the monthly series held by The National Executive Conference of Washington. Since early 1973 over 250 corporations, organizations, and associations have been regularly represented at monthly seminars which have featured Cabinet Officers, Congressional Committee Chairmen, White House Officials, and others discussing crucial matters of economic and political importance.

On July 18 you will have the opportunity for personal give-and-take with Secretary Kissinger and the other speakers. The seminar is closed to the press and completely off-the-record. Dr. Kissinger will be available for your questions on the Summit meeting, his recent Middle East trips, and all aspects of U.S. foreign policy.

The registration fee is $200, which will include cocktails and lunch. The seminar will begin at 9:30 a.m. in the Congressional Room of the Statler Hilton Hotel and last until 2:30 p.m. Of course any payment of $200 will be credited toward an eventual Annual Membership.

To make a reservation, just contact The National Executive Conference office in Washington at 202/296-0676.

P.S. Space is limited to 150 attendees; please let us know as soon as possible whether you can attend.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE
---
OFFICE OF THE SECRETARY

June 20, 1974

HAK:

Subject: Your Meeting with Frank Mankiewicz

You have agreed to meet Frank Mankiewicz in your
State Department office at 6:00 June 21.

As you know Frank has long sought a meeting with you
to discuss his forthcoming trip to Cuba. (An appointment
for May 16 was cancelled due to your extended stay in the
Middle East.) He now plans to depart this Saturday and will
be interviewing Castro in late June.

Mankiewicz also will raise his long-standing invitation
for you to attend his seminar of National Business Executives.
You have agreed to meet with this group in late July but no
definite date has been set. (Earlier, you had also agreed to
an appearance on May 29th but this too was cancelled.)

Attached at Tab A is Mankiewicz's most recent letter
on this question, plus a related memo from Larry.

June 5, 1974

HAK:

1) Congressman Wolff called to say he had talked to you yesterday about seeing you to report on his conversations with Soviet Parliamentarians. He asked me to set up a date. I would like to tell him that it will be impossible for you to meet with him until after your return from Ottawa.

Set up meeting between
Ottawa and the Moscow trip

After the Moscow trip

No

2) Frank Mankiewicz is practically in tears over our inability to set a firm date for you to meet with his seminar. May I offer him a firm date sometime in mid-July?

Yes

No

See me

LSE

S:ml

## How you can participate

Your company can participate in the National Executive Conference seminars in one of two ways: as an Annual Member, or on a per-seminar basis.

For a fee of $1,500 your company may purchase an Annual Membership entitling you or your representative to twelve (12) consecutive monthly seminars, as well as written transcripts of each seminar. The membership is held in the name of the company and any corporate representative may attend. (Several Annual Members have sent different representatives to different seminars.) Multiple Annual Memberships are available and through this alternative, several companies have brought clients or other guests.

For $200 per seat, a company may attend any single seminar. Any initial payment is credited toward eventual purchase of an Annual Membership. The availability of single-seminar seats depends, however, upon anticipated attendance, with Annual Members given preference.

To ensure your company's participation in all twelve of the next year's seminars, write:

Kirby Jones, Executive Director
National Executive Conference
of Washington
1156 Fifteenth Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20005

## You're in good company

The following is a partial list of the more than 200 companies whose corporate executives have participated in National Executive Conference seminars.

*   **Air Line Pilots Association**
    *   Allegheny Ludlum Industries
    *   Allied Chemical Corporation
    *   Allis-Chalmers Corporation
    *   American Motors Corporation
    *   American Standard, Inc.
    *   Anaconda Company
    *   Baker, Weeks and Co.
    *   Bangor Punta Corporation
    *   Bankers Trust Company
    *   Bell and Howell
    *   Borden Company
    *   Bristol-Myers Company
    *   Butler Manufacturing Co.
    *   Campbell Soup Company
    *   Carborundum Company
    *   CFS Continental, Inc.
    *   Champion International
    *   Chicago Board of Trade
    *   Cities Service Company
    *   Columbia Broadcasting System
    *   Communications Satellite Corp.
    *   Corning Glass Works
    *   Doyle, O'Connor and Co.
    *   Eastman Kodak
    *   Exxon
    *   Fiduciary Trust Company
    *   First National Bank of Boston
    *   First National Bank in St. Louis
    *   First National City Bank
    *   FMC Corporation
    *   Walter N. Frank & Co.
    *   Goldman, Sachs and Co.
    *   Gulf Oil Corporation
    *   Harris, Upham & Co., Inc.
    *   Inland Credit Corporation
    *   International Harvester Company
    *   International Multifoods Co.
    *   IU International
    *   J. Walter Thompson Co.
    *   Johnson & Johnson
    *   Jones & Laughlin Steel
    *   Kansas City Southern Industries
    *   Kellogg Company

*   Embassy of Korea
*   Keefe, Bruyette and Woods, Inc.
*   Jennison-Wright Corporation
*   Land O'Lakes, Inc.
*   Lever Brothers
*   McCormick and Co., Inc.
*   Massachusetts Mutual Life Insurance Company
*   Massey-Ferguson, Inc.
*   Mead Corporation
*   Mercantile Safe Deposit & Trust Co.
*   Mobil Oil Corporation
*   Monsanto Company
*   Moog, Inc.
*   Nationwide Insurance Co. of New York
*   Nestle Company
*   Northwestern Public Service Company
*   Owens-Illinois, Inc.
*   Penn Mutual Life Insurance Company
*   Pepsico, Inc.
*   Potomac Electric Power Company
*   Prescott, Merrill, Turben & Co.
*   Raytheon Company
*   Royal Crown Cola, Co.
*   Sanwa Bank of Japan
*   Schering-Plough Corporation
*   Seven-Up Corporation
*   Smith International, Inc.
*   Southern California Gas Company
*   Squibb Corporation
*   Squire, Sanders & Dempsey
*   Standard Oil Co. (Indiana)
*   Steinhardt, Fine & Berkowitz
*   Texstar Corporation
*   Trelleborg Rubber Company
*   TRW, Inc.
*   Union Camp Corporation
*   United Air Lines
*   Warner Lambert
*   Warner & Stackpole
*   Western Gear Corporation
*   Wm. Underwood Company
*   Young & Rubicam

An invitation to corporate executives to attend private off-the-record Washington seminars on the crucial economic issues facing American business.

1156 15th Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20005
202/296-0676

[L.C.]