WEDNESDAY, SEPTEMBER 26, 1973

"Maybe They Can Ask The Astronauts How To Bring These Things Out Of Orbit"

David S. Broder

Salvaging
Conventions

The members of the Democratic Party's Commission on Delegate Selection worked so hard and so long last weekend on framing rules for the 1970 convention that by Sunday morning their chairma'am, the usually indefatigable Barbara Mikulski, was addressing the member from Ohio as "Gov. Guideline—I mean, Gov. Gilligan."

If good will and dogged determination can overcome obstacles, this commission will triumph. But by the end of the weekend, its members realized they were up against a tough, and perhaps insoluble, problem in trying to restore a sense of legitimacy to the institution of the nominating convention.

of peacekeeping operations." The Moscow or Washington agreement may also be prepared to loosen the leash on the SG. Demonstration by both great powers for a cause which is finally, to others. Dr. Kissinger, head of success "during thisambly."

On the major issue of the cent years, as commercial sports has grown, the United States to acknowledge that some could not pay for it. The Union to deny there is a serious problem by it, to pass it off as a spell of bad weather. Dr. Kissinger, the problem forthrightly. He proposed to outpace producer crops, world reserves decade." Accepting the diagnosis, he went on to urge conference in 1974. A focus on the problem of world food supplies can no longer handle the staff work of Agriculture Organization of the United Nations.

Sec. of State Henry A. Kissinger (left) has a word with United Nations Ambassador John Scali before Kissinger addressed the UN General Assembly Monday. (AP)

No U.S. power
play—Kissinger

NEW YORK (AP) — Sec. of State Henry A. Kissinger assured nations of the world Mon-day that the United States will not seek to dominate their affairs in concert with the So-viet Union, or with any other big power.

"My country remains committed to the goal of a world community," Kissinger prom-ised the United Nations General Assembly in his debut as secretary. "We will continue to work in this parliament of man to make it a reality."

Kissinger proposed that the 135 member na-tions reach agreement on peacekeeping guidelines for swift and effective action in fu-ture crises.

"In recent years we found ourselves locked in fruitless debates about the inauguration of peacekeeping operations and over the degree of control the Security Council would exercise over peacekeeping machinery, an impasse which ensured only that permanent peace-keeping machinery would never come into being," he said.

Kissinger also proposed that the UN organ-ize a world food conference next year "to harness the efforts of all nations to meet the hunger and malnutrition resulting from natu-ral disasters."

And he renewed the U.S. pledge of support for permanent membership in the Security Council for Japan. The five permanent mem-bers of the 15-nation council since the UN was formed in 1945 have been the United States, the Soviet Union, Britain, France and China.

Kissinger's speech to the 28th General As-sembly contained no bold U.S. initiative for breaking the impasse in the Middle East, nor any other dramatic, far-reaching proposal.

Its significance rested more in its tone, par-ticularly in reassurances that "the United States will never be satisfied with a world of uneasy truces, of offsetting blocks, of accom-modations of convenience."

Kissinger said that even though the United States has broken through two decades of es-trangement with Communist China and ended many Cold War confrontations with the Soviet Union, "even in this room the vocabulary of suspicion persists."

"Relaxation of tensions is justified by some as merely a tactical interlude before renewed struggle," Kissinger said. "Others suspect the emergence of a two-power con-dominium."

He said the truth is that the United States has no desire for domination and will oppose any nation that chooses that path.

Kissinger tells U. N. to build formal peace

By John Maclean

Chicago Tribune Press Service

NEW YORK, Sept. 24—Henry Kissinger debuted as United States secretary of state today by calling upon the United Nations to help establish an “institutionalized peace” in the world.

Speaking before the 28th General Assembly, Kissinger read off a shopping list of world problems—pollution, energy, feed, trade, international finance—hich he said were challenging targets for U. N. action.

"It would be idle to deny that the American people, like many others, have sometimes been disappointed because this organization has not been more successful," Kissinger said. "But despite our disappointment, my country remains committed to the goal of a world community."

KISSINGER pledged the United States to work hard on problems involving the big powers, such as the impose in the Middle East.

As a member of the U. N. Security Council, the U. S. has a special obligation to assist in the search of r a solution in the Middle East, Kissinger said.

"While we cannot substitute for the efforts of those most directly involved, we are prepared to use our influence to generate a spirit of accommodation and to encourage the

parties toward practical progress."

Kissinger spoke for 26 minutes without disclosing any dramatic new proposals. He confined himself mostly to philosophic observations on the future of American foreign policy.

"We ask this assembly to move with us from detente among the big powers to cooperation among all nations," he said.

Kissinger did offer to soften the U. S. position on a series of peacekeeping guidelines which the U. N. has been trying to draw up for several years. He said the U. S. was prepared to consider a demand by the Soviet Union that the Security Council play a more central role in the con-

duct of such operations. The Soviets are attempting to gain veto power over such U. N. peacekeeping deployments as the one in Korea.

Kissinger also called for a World Food conference under U. N. sponsorship in 1974. He told the delegates it was time the world moved away from a peace based on a balance of this room, the vocabulary of suspicion persists."

Kissinger's remarks were greeted with politeness. For-

eign Minister Andrei A. Groforces to one founded on shared aspirations.

"We have ended many of the confrontations of the Cold War," he said. "Yet, even in myko of the Soviet Union said the speech was 'constructive,' while Gunnar Jarring, the U. N.'s Middle East mediator, said it was good, as expected.

WITH THE traditional opening address out of the way,

Kissinger got down to the real diplomatic business of the U. N.—private meetings among foreign ministers.

He hosted a luncheon for the heads of the African delegations, then met with Sir Alec Douglas-Home, Britain's foreign secretary, and later with Masnyoshi Okira, Japan's foreign minister.

The key meeting today was a dinner withe Gromyko, held in Kissinger's private quarters at the Waldorf-Astoria hotel.

Doctor at C.I.A. Links Kissinger
To Request for Ellsberg Profile

By JAMES M. NAUGHTON

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, Sept. 25—The Senate Watergate committee made public today an affidavit in which an official of the Central Intelligence Agency linked Henry A. Kissinger, the new Secretary of State, to a 1971 request for a psychiatric profile of Dr. Daniel Ellsberg.

The affidavit, submitted to
the committee by Dr. Bernard

Portions of the testimony are
on Pages 24 and 25.

M. Malloy, a staff psychiatrist
for the C.I.A., quoted David M.
Young Jr., a former White
House official, as having told
him that the request for an
agency profile had come from

Mr. Kissinger and John D.
Ehrlichman, the former White
House domestic adviser.

Dr. Malloy's affidavit also
declared that E. Howard Hunt
Jr., one of the Watergate con-
spirators, who completed two
days of testimony before the
Senate committee today, had
described the profile as a tool
to "render Dr. Ellsberg ineffec-
tive or to make him the object
of pity as a broken man."

Hunt confirmed, during ques-
tioning by the panel early this
evening, that he took part in
an Aug. 12, 1971, meeting with

Continued on Page 25, Column 6

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Chicago Daily News

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Wednesday, September 26, 1973

22

Kissinger looks ahead

Henry Kissinger's address to the United Nations was a curious blend of his vaulting dreams of a better world and his (or President Nixon's) current strategy for caution.

It was in essence a warm and human speech, quietly delivered and thoughtfully, tentatively received by the delegates from around the world.

There were touches of humility: "We have learned not to exaggerate our capacity to transform nations." There were powerful restatements of abiding principles: the universality of truth and justice; the need to leaven national policy with compassion and humanity.

There was a firm reassurance of U.S. support of the United Nations itself—"this parliament of man." And there was a recital of things recently accomplished on the world front: the Middle East cease-fire, the Berlin agreement, the end of the Vietnam War, and a softening of "the rigid confrontation that has dominated international life and weakened this organization for a quarter of a century."

But when it came to a catalog of U.S. proposals for the future there was a notable lapse into generalizations. Kissinger said the United States would continue to search for "a new relationship" with China and to promote "positive trends" elsewhere in Asia; pursue the building of "constructive relations" with the Soviet Union, "promote conciliation" in Europe, and give "new virgor" to our policy in the

Western Hemisphere. Perhaps this was not the place or time to spell out ways and means. But in lieu of anything definite whatsoever, this part of Kissinger's presentation must have prompted listeners to wonder: "So what's new?"

His proposals for collective action by the United Nations were more concrete, and added up to a solid reendorsement of that body. He pledged U.S. co-operation toward ending the Security Council impasse that has frustrated UN peace-keeping efforts. He urged that the body be made universal, and particularly proposed admission for North and South Korea and the granting of a permanent Security Council seat to Japan. He urged new UN initiatives to feed the world's hungry, to help the underdeveloped nations toward self-sufficiency, and to harness science and technology for the benefit of all.

In brief, the secretary of state (the world's most junior foreign minister, he whimsically reminded his audience) reaffirmed his nation's dedication to peace, co-operation and justice, and by implication suggested that the United States is emerging from its time of domestic trials and is ready to continue its role of leadership in the international arena. It was not a bold statement, but it was appropriate. In any event, the world will make its judgment on the basis of how Mr. Nixon and his new secretary of state suit deeds to the words.

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Wed., Sept. 26, 1973

Kissinger's role—and the UN's

The fact that Henry A. Kissinger's first official act as secretary of state was an address to the United Nations can be ascribed to coincidence. But the content of his address gives a measure of hope that the United States will begin to practice more traditional, multilateral diplomacy through UN channels than it has in the last decade or so. Kissinger also selected an appropriate vehicle for such diplomacy: a UN-sponsored conference, with full U. S. support, on the problem of the world food shortage.

Kissinger took the podium as the principal architect of big-power, personal diplomacy, the inevitable result of which was a belief by many nations in Europe and the third world that they were being bypassed. Kissinger wisely sought to allay these fears by his promise to promote conciliation in Europe and in Asia. He said the United States will not abandon its traditional allies and that it will "work for peace through the United Nations." We hope he follows through on these pledges with greater participation by the U.S. State Department,

which also has been foolishly bypassed.

In its annual report made public earlier this month, the UN's Food and Agricultural Organization said the world food situation in 1973 "is more difficult than at any time since the years immediately following the devastation of the second world war." In the next year, there may be as many as 30 million incremental deaths in the underdeveloped world as a result of starvation and malnutrition. Floods and droughts have afflicted many nations, India, Pakistan and six west African states most severely. These conditions, combined with the fact that the world's population will double by the end of the century, require that long-range plans be made promptly.

The UN is in a natural and perhaps unique position to organize a conference to deal with this enormous problem. If it is to be more than a forum, it will need the kind of enthusiastic, multinational support that Kissinger urged. We are glad he offered the support of the United States and call upon the other UN members to make similar pledges.

David S. Broder

Democrats
must weld
a majority

WASHINGTON—The members of the commission on delegate selection of the Democratic Party worked so hard and so long last weekend in framing rules for the 1976 convention that by Sunday morning their chairman, Barbara Mikulski, was addressing the member from Ohio as “Gov. Guideline—I mean, Gov. Gilligan.”

If good will and determination can overcome obstacles, the commission will triumph. But by the end of the weekend, its members realized that they were up against a tough and perhaps insoluble problem in trying to restore a sense of legitimacy to the nominating convention.

In each of the last three presidential years, whichever of the national conventions was genuinely contested has been judged not just mistaken but illegitimate by large numbers of the American people, and its nominee has been rejected.

That happened to the Republicans in 1964 when they nominated Barry Goldwater, and it happened to the Democrats in 1968 and 1972, with Hubert H. Humphrey and George McGovern. The only “successful” conventions were those that simply ratified choices made elsewhere—either in the White House or the presidential primary states—by nominating Lyndon B. Johnson and Richard M. Nixon.

THE LEGITIMACY of a contested national convention decision has been undermined by a combination of three forces: the application of a highly legalistic and overly exact one man-one vote philosophy to the necessarily

is running on his fumes.”

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Sept. 26 1973

Low-Key Debut

DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER, the new Secretary of State of the United States, made his international debut as holder of that title by delivering a discreetly tempered and understood speech on Monday before the 28th session of the United Nations General Assembly.

It was generally seen as a disappointment by most of his audience. The 135-nation forum, worried by clearly waning U.S. regard for the UN, had hoped for a vigorous reaffirmation of American support and the announcement of new initiatives within it.

They got neither. In his half-hour address Dr. Kissinger almost routinely declared that the U.S. would continue to work with the UN, but called on its members to stop their bickering. Only in the most general way did he urge the nations to join in more cooperative efforts to achieve further harmony in the world.

In essence he said all the proper things — philosophically — but offered very little that was specific. Disappointment was evinced by the mere 20 seconds of token applause which followed. It was not joined in by the delegates of Red China, Cuba and Albania.

In view of present international uncertainties, and in view of recent UN paralysis in the face of various crises, the Kissinger speech — we think — was far from the anti-climactic and it seemed to many listeners. A second hearing hints that its basic absence of controversy is precisely what the UN needs most, as suggested.

The speech, in a word, amounted to a low-key warning that the world body has great but unrealized potential for world peace; that the U.S. recognizes and will encourage that potential, but meanwhile intends to continue its own major efforts to that end largely by outside negotiations.

This was obvious, in the stress placed by Dr. Kissinger on the success of American initiatives toward the Soviet Union and Red China — and by his unmistakable suggestion that he intends to more or less bypass the UN in making another attempt to resolve the Mideast mess.

"My country seeks true peace," he said, "not simply an armsrace. We strive for a world in which the rule of law governs and fundamental human rights are the birthright of all."

We have no doubt that our new Secretary of State believes those soft-spoken words with all his heart, and will continue his great work to make them come true. For its own good, and for the good of the world, the other members of the UN should heed them well.

Commitment to World Community

It was a fortunate circumstance that Henry A. Kissinger's first major speech as secretary of state should be before the General Assembly of the United Nations. No audience is so representative of the world. No organization mirrors more faithfully the hopes and disappointments of mankind's search for security.

His address was not one of innovation, nor should it have been. For at this moment, the United States, weakened by the Watergate scandal, and the United Nations, a victim both of big-power neglect and little-power abuse, are feeling their ways into the future.

Kissinger already has talked about that future. He has expressed his determination to consolidate the remarkable breakthrough he personally contrived with Moscow and Peking. But he is well aware that the equally pressing world problems of trade, monetary reform and energy supply cannot be resolved by the big powers alone and can only move toward solution with broad international consensus.

The United Nations also has started looking to the future, prodded by Secretary-General Kurt Waldheim. But the obstacles remain, notably the competition between the big powers, and the widening gap between rich and poor.

So Kissinger, most appropriately, spoke both of the reality that the United Nations isn't what it should be and of the evidence that it is indispensable.

He emphasized peacekeeping. No nation has done more than the United States to support, finance and sometimes arm the organization's experiments with peacekeeping. At the same time, no nations have done more than the superpowers to undermine the peacekeeping authority of the organization by their adventures in unilateral "peacekeeping," whether in Czechoslovakia or Vietnam. There remains, however, the possibility that peacekeeping machinery can be matched with principles that will create at least a cease-fire potential for the United Nations. And American support could help.

He also emphasized the less controversial ability of the United Nations to respond to disaster. He urged a world food conference next year. It was an initiative responsive to the threat of famine in Africa and Asia, to a dwindling supply of food in other areas, to an urgent need to elaborate some mechanism to share the bounty of agriculture so that no man will die of starvation. It is a function that justifies of itself maintenance of an international organization.

Perhaps most welcome in the speech was the realism. Kissinger acknowledged the suspicion with which the world majority views the superpowers. He denied any intent to enter a "condominium" of power with Moscow. But he knew, and therefore must have been committing himself accordingly, that only deeds can reassure the world on his commitment of the United States "to the goal of world community."

VIRGINIAN-PILOT-28 SEPTEMBER 1973 ( 3 OCTOBER )

Congress v. Henry Kissinger

The House Ways and Means Commit-
tee vote to deny new trade advantages
to the Soviet Union until it rescinds
emigration restrictions on Jews fol-
lowed by an hour Secretary of State
Kissinger's comment in a news confer-
ence that the legislation is mischievous.

Mr. Kissinger stated the Nixon Ad-
ministration's case quite well. Remind-
ed of Soviet Foreign Minister
Gromyko's recent demand before the
United Nations that Western powers
stop meddling in his country's internal
affairs. Mr. Kissinger said: "The Unit-
ed States, of course, has its own views,
deeply held, about the human values at
stake, both in emigration policies and
in internal policies [such as punish-
ment of dissenting intellectuals]... We
are taking the position that we would
not, as a government, take a formal
public position. But we have also taken
the position that insofar as we have in-
fluence in other ways, we would use it
to the limit of our capabilities.

"... I have stated previously that the most-favored-nations clause was part of a general arrangement with the Soviet Union [reached] in negotiations extend-

ing over a period of many years. If now
the most-favored-nations clause is
blocked, then the most serious ques-
tions have to be raised about the degree
to which other countries—and in this
case, the Soviet Union—can rely on a
complex negotiation and about the per-
formance of the United States over a
period of time on its commitments."

One might contend that nations
meeting their responsibility to civiliza-
tion would have no cause for doubt
about America's diplomatic commit-
ments. This country, on the other hand,
has poor credentials for instructing the
world in how to accommodate minori-
ties. Mr. Kissinger's point about credi-
bility of commitments is valid; it was
the soundest argument the Nixon Ad-
ministration had for extending all those
months the Vietnam War. And, as the
Secretary further pointed out, "There
was no reason to suppose at the time
this most-favored-nations issue was
discussed with the Soviet Union that
the type of problem that is now block-
ing it could be the subject of conditions
in Congress, because it has never been

so used in any previous case where
most-favored-nations status was re-
quested for a Communist country."

The Soviet Union last summer im-
posed prohibitive exit taxes on Jews as
a prerequisite to their leaving the coun-
try for Israel. It since has suspended
the charges, which ostensibly were
based on the government's investment
in the applicants' education, and is al-
lowing about 30,000 Jews to leave an-
nually. But there is no guarantee that
the policy will not be changed again.

Nevertheless, the Congressional spon-
sors of the Soviet trade amendment—
Henry M. Jackson in the Senate and
Wilbur D. Mills and Charles A. Vanik
in the House—are engaging in politics,
if not indeed in hypocrisy. To appear to
be pro-Zionist while getting in a lick at
Russia is to sit very prettily. Other con-
siderations meanwhile are demanding.
The Ways and Means Committee's vote
was a setback to the Administration, to
U.S. foreign trade, to the U.S.-U.S.S.R.
detente, and to the institution of quiet
diplomacy.

CHICAGO SUN TIMES
26 SEPTEMBER 1973( 3 OCT.)

Revive the draft?

Recruiting for the volunteer armed
forces is falling short of the Penta-
gon's expectations. Through August,
the Army had not met its enlistment
quotas for seven straight months. Still,
it is flatly premature to suggest a re-
vival of the draft, as some in the Pen-
tagon and Congress are doing:

There is no question that the Penta-
gon was ill-prepared to launch its vol-
unteer concept. Apparently, only mill-
tary planners were unable to forecast
that in a war-weary nation, recruits
would come in large part from the un-
skilled, inadequately educated poor
seeking employment. Beyond that
there was no hard-nosed assessment
made of over-all postwar manpower
needs. As a result, there is no way
really of knowing if present recruiting
goals are even valid.

The basic problem, however, is not
that gross errors were made and pre-
cipitate action taken. The problem lies
with those who believe the errors can
be corrected only through a revival of
the draft. That would be, for the mili-
tary, an easy way out. For everyone
else, an early draft would be a re-
newed and divisive burden. The better
course is for the Pentagon planners to
do the thinking now that they should
have done before. The volunteer con-
cept, now that it has been adopted,
ought to be given a reasonable oppor-
tunity to work.

CHICAGO SUN TIMES- 26 SEPTEMBER 1973 ( 3 OCTOBER )

Kissinger's role—and the UN's

The fact that Henry A. Kissinger's
first official act as secretary of state
was an address to the United Nations
can be ascribed to coincidence. But
the content of his address gives a
measure of hope that the United
States will begin to practice more
traditional, multilateral diplomacy
through UN channels than it has in the
last decade or so. Kissinger also se-
lected an appropriate vehicle for such
diplomacy: a UN-sponsored confer-
ence, with full U. S. support, on the
problem of the world food shortage.

Kissinger took the podium as the
principal architect of big-power, per-
sonal diplomacy, the inevitable result
of which was a belief by many nations
in Europe and the third world that
they were being bypassed. Kissinger
wisely sought to allay these fears by
his promise to promote conciliation in
Europe and in Asia. He said the
United States will not abandon its
traditional allies and that it will "work
for peace through the United Na-
tions." We hope he follows through on
these pledges with greater particil-
pation by the U.S. State Department,

In its annual report made public
earlier this month, the UN's Food and
Agricultural Organization said the
world food situation in 1973 "is more
difficult than at any time since the
years immediately following the dev-
astation of the second world war." In
the next year, there may be as many
as 30 million incremental deaths in the
underdeveloped world as a result of
starvation and malnutrition. Floods
and droughts have afflicted many na-
tions, India, Pakistan and six west Af-
rican states most severely. These con-
ditions, combined with the fact that
the world's population will double by
the end of the century, require that
long-range plans be made promptly.

The UN is in a natural and perhaps
unique position to organize a confer-
ence to deal with this enormous prob-
lem. If it is to be more than a forum,
it will need the kind of enthusiastic,
multinational support that Kissinger
urged. We are glad he offered the sup-
port of the United States and call upon
the other UN members to make sim-
ilar pledges.

U. S. NEWS & WORLD REPORT-8 OCTOBER 1973 ( 3 )

A knowledgeable Russian, after a vis-
it back to Moscow, gave this confiden-
tial appraisal of the Kremlin's top man
to friends in Western Europe: "Brezh-
nev has problems, especially among

Communist Party bureaucrats in the
provinces. They don't like his policy
of détente with the U. S., and they like
even less the growing signs of a new
cult of personality around him."

3-E