Fifteen months after getting the order to establish and conduct the Indian Industrial School at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, there had appeared so much that was erroneous in regard to the prisoners and the beginnings of Carlisle that I had in mind the preparation of a magazine article about the Indian prisoners. During the Indian campaign I had written to General Sheridan as he desired and I had in view the use of some of these letters in my article. I wrote the General of my purpose and asked if he approved and if he was willing I should use what I had written him and give what I knew of the army's part covering the Indian prisoners. I concluded later not to put out the article, but, inasmuch as this book is an attempt to give important historical facts and as the army was compelled to take all responsibility I think it best to include here the reply General Sheridan directed should be sent to me containing the full synopsis of official army action.

HEADQUARTERS MIL. DIV. of the MISSOURI,

Chicago, Dec. 15th, 1880.

Captain R. H. Pratt, U. S. A.,

Carlisle, Pennsylvania.

Sir:-

In reply to your letter of Dec. 11th, General Sheridan desires me to say that he has no objection to your making such use as you wish of what you wrote him before leaving Fort Sill in the Spring of 1875 with the Indian prisoners then about to be sent to Fort Marion, relative to their treatment and so forth.

As you are not acquainted with all the correspondence in the case of the prisoners, and as the information may be of value to you in the proposed publication, I send you by direction of the Lieut. General a brief of it. This may enable you to fully inform yourself regarding the whole matter.

I am, Sir,

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8. Dec. 11th, answer was received that St. August-
tine is suggested, but before deciding the Sect'y of
War desired to know how many prisoners there will be.

9. Gen'l Augur was telegraphed to, Dec. 12th, to report the number of prisoners to be sent.

10. Gen'l Augur, in his letter of Dec. 10th suggests that the selection of prisoners be delayed until the meeting of the Commission - to which the Lieut. Gen'l replied that it is left to his judgment.

12. The Adjt. General, on Feby. 16, 1875, stated that two propositions had been considered - one to bring Indians to trial before military commission, and that the conclusion on this is that military jurisdiction in this form is wanting - the other to confine the men, separated from their families, in Fort Marion, Florida. The Lieut. General returned this paper approving the suggestion to send the Indian prisoners to Fort Marion.

13. Feby. 27th, the Lieut. Gen'l, in letter to Gen'l Sherman, recommended that ringleaders be sent to Fort Marion, Fla., and that balance of the tribes be turned over to the Indian Department.

14. Gen'l Pope in his letter of Feby. 23rd says he intends to march the hostile Cheyennes - captured - to Fort Leavenworth and place them on the military reservation, unless otherwise directed.

15. To this, the Lieut. Gen'l sent reply that he did not agree to this proposition.

17. Febry 27th, Gen'l Sherman telegraphed that he had disapproved of Gen'l Pope's proposition, and instructed him to hold the prisoners at Cheyenne Agency until orders could be received from Washington.

18. Febry 26th a dispatch from Gen'l Pope was telegraphed Gen'l Whipple, wherein he repeated his intention of bringing prisoners to Ft. Leavenworth.

19. Febry 27th Gen'l Sherman directed Gen'l Pope to hold Cheyennes at Cheyenne Agency until further orders.

20. March 2d - Gen'l Pope asked how many of the ring-leaders of the Cheyennes should be sent to the sea coast.

22. March 1st - General Sherman repeated to Gen'l Pope the Adjutant Gen'l's telegram, conveying the approval of the President of Gen'l Pope's proposition to bring certain Indians to Ft. Leavenworth, but that they are to remain where they now are until the result of endeavor to get money from Congress for their support is known.

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22¼. This was also communicated to General Augur by Gen'l Sherman, March 1st.

22¾. On March 3rd, the Lieut. Gen'l telegraphed Gen. Pope to consult Gen'l Sherman as to taking the Indians to Fort Leavenworth.

23. On March 4th Gen. Pope replied to this, and again asked how many of the ringleaders should be sent to the seacoast, and to what place.

24. To this, answer was sent that Fort Marion was the place for confinement.

25. On March 5th, a telegram was sent Gen'l Pope to take no further action as to the Indians until he received instructions from the Lieut. Gen'l or Gen'l Sherman.

26. On March 13th, the Adjt. Gen'l telegraphed the Lieut. Gen'l that the President decided that the ring-leaders are to be selected and sent to such military posts as may be designated, and "are not to be accompanied by their families". The remainder of the captured Indians to be turned over to the Indian Dept. except the two chiefs who outraged the German Girls, who are to be held in confinement at such place as the Division Commander may direct.

27. On March 16, Gen'l Augur was informed that the Indians were not to go to Fort Leavenworth.

28. April 9th Gen'l Pope telegraphed that there will be about 60 to be sent to the seacoast, and asked for orders where to send them.

29. On the same day the Lieut. General asked Gen'l Sherman for orders to send these Indians to Ft. Marion.

30. April 21st, Gen'l Pope reported that there were 65 of the ringleaders on their way to Leavenworth en route to the seacoast, and asked orders to send them to St. Augustine.

31. This was repeated to Gen'l Sherman, who was requested to ask the War Dept. if it was ready to receive them.

32. Gen'l Sherman replied that he forwarded this dispatch to the War Department.

33. On April 22d, the Adjt. Gen'l furnished copies of correspondence in reference to subsisting the captive Indians, etc.

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34. April 26th, Gen'l Sherman furnished a copy of telegram of Chief of Engineer reporting that Fort Marion would be ready by May 8th.

A copy of this was furnished Gen'l Pope, April 29th.

35. April 30th Gen'l Pope telegraphed that Colonel Neill has turned over to the Indian Dept. all the Cheyenne prisoners, and said he would like to have orders to send those selected to St. Augustine.

36. This was repeated to Gen'l Sherman, April 30th. Gen'l Pope reports that the prisoners left Caddo that day, en route to Leavenworth, and says they could be put in camp for a time at St. Augustine.

37. This was repeated to Gen'l Sherman.

38. He replied that it will be necessary to retain Indian prisoners at Fort Leavenworth until orders are received from Washington to send them to St. Augustine.

39. April 30th, the Lieut. Gen'l recommended that Lieut. Pratt be sent in charge of prisoners at Fort Marion.

40. May 1st, a telegram was sent to Gen'l Pope to hold prisoners until receipt of orders.

41. May 9th Gen'l Pope reported arrival of prisoners at Fort Leavenworth on the previous day (May 8th).

42. This was repeated to Gen'l Sherman, May 9th.

43. He replied that he reported it to the Secretary of War.

44. On May 10th, Gen'l Pope recommended that Lieut. Pratt be sent with the prisoners and placed in charge of them.

45. On May 11th, the Adjt. General telegraphed Gen'l Sherman that Fort Marion is ready, and for him to issue the order to Gen'l Pope to send the prisoners there in charge of Lieut. Pratt, whose detail would be covered by Special Orders.

46. On May 18th, Gen'l Pope reported that the prisoners left Fort Leavenworth for Florida on the 17th.

47. June 11th, Lieut. Pratt forwarded report of a talk he had with the prisoners, who requested that their wives and children should be sent to them.

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48. June 26th the Lieut. General addressed the Secretary of War giving his views on the subject of Lieut. Pratt's report, and recommending again that the family of each prisoner be sent.

49. July 8th the Adjt. Gen'l furnished a copy of the President's orders, in which he said "it would be well to carry out the recommendations of Lt. Gen'l Sheridan".

50. July 17th, the Secty. of War telegraphed that the Chief of Engineers fears that there is not room at St. Augustine for the women and children, and asks how many there will be.

51. The Lieut. Gen'l telegraphed the Chief of Engineers that they will not exceed 150, and that he has no doubt but that they would prefer living in tents.

52. In reply, the Chief of Engineers said the whole number confined within the fort should not exceed 100, and suggested their removal to Fort Warren or Angel Island.

53. To this the Lieut. Gen'l replied that it is not necessary to confine them at Fort Marion, and suggests they be placed in tents; and that it would be inconvenient to move them to Fort Warren or Angel Island.

54. The Chief of Engrs. telegraphed that there is no objection whatever to the Indians occupying all the ground outside the fort.

55. July 18th, Lieut. Pratt was asked by telegraph if there is not ground sufficient to encamp the Indians in the vicinity of the fort.

56. To this, he replied that $2150.00 is required for repairs to make the fort the best place for them, and that prisoners only claim 95 persons in their families.

57. July 20th the Lieut. Gen'l instructed Lieut. Pratt to apply for funds to make the repairs.

58. July 20th, the Lieut. Gen'l telegraphed Gen'l Pope that the prisoners claimed only 95 persons as constituting their families.

59. July 20th, Lieut. Pratt forwarded a list of the women and children to be sent to the Indian prisoners. Copy of this was furnished Gen'l Pope with instructions to send the families to Fort Marion as soon as practicable.

60. July 31st Gen'l Pope was directed to report when the families are ready to be sent, so that Lieut. Pratt can come for them.

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61. July 26th, Lieut. Pratt forwarded copies of correspondence relative to annoyances in consequence of the tripartite government over the Indian prisoners at Fort Marion.

62. On July 31st Lieut. Pratt requested that he be permitted to pass through Chicago when going after the women and children.

63. To this, reply was sent that it would be so ordered when the time came for sending the families.

64. July 26th the Adjt. Gen'l furnished copy of letter from the Interior Dept. as to the removal of the families of the prisoners, giving the executive orders on the subject.

65. July 31st the Lieut. General in letter to the Adjt. Gen'l said the number of women and children selected by the prisoners was 92, and that he will request that Lieut. Pratt be ordered to conduct them to Fort Marion.

66. August 2nd the C. O. Fort Sill telegraphed that many of the prisoners wives are married to other men, and do not wish to go to St. Augustine, and asked if they shall be compelled to go.

67. On this, August 3, the Lieut. Gen'l telegraphed to Headqrs. of the Army requesting that Lieut. Pratt be ordered to Sill to take charge of Indian women.

68. Informed Gen'l Pope of this request.

69. Also on August 3d, telegraphed Lieut. Pratt of the affairs at Fort Sill.

70. August 8th, A.A.G.Dept. M's repeated telegram from C.O., Fort Sill, stating there were 31 women and children belonging to Kiowas and Comanches in Florida, who do not wish to go there.

71. On August 4th Lieut. Pratt telegraphed that Comanche and Kiowas prisoners received moccasins, etc., by last night's (3d) mail, and that information sounded like Agent Haworth's obstructions, etc.

72. On the same date, Lieut. Pratt forwarded letters received by him from Agents Miles and Haworth, and "talk" of the friends of the prisoners.

73. August 7th Army Headqrs. furnished copy of instructions given by the Interior Dept. to Agents Miles and Haworth for the removal of the families of the Indian prisoners.

74. August 13th the Adjt. Gen'l telegraphed that the President had revoked, for the present, the order sending Indian families to Florida.

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75. This was repeated to Gen'l Pope with directions to notify officers concerned.

76. August 20th, the Adjt. Gen'l furnished copy of correspondence with the Interior Dept. relative to removal of the wives and children of prisoners at Fort Marion, and as to the expenditure of $2100.00 for erection of buildings for their accommodations.

It was false information to his superiors from a narrow minded and unvisioned Indian Agent that prevented the same advancement in civilization coming to the wives and children of the prisoners that the prisoners themselves attained.

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The historical value of the Mills collection with an account of the
events which enabled its acquirement is told in the "Proceedings
of the National Museum for 1878" and is introduced here, giving the
name and tribe of each prisoner, omitting the offenses alleged.

"Catalogue of casts taken by Clark Mills, Esq., of the heads of sixty-four Indian Prisoners of various western tribes, and held at Fort Marion, Saint Augustine, Fla., in charge of Capt. R. H. Pratt, U. S.A.

The attention of anthropologists in later years has been directed
very closely to the shape of the head, of the lineaments, and of the
external form generally of mankind during life, instead of being con-
fined to that of the cranium and the skeleton, and every opportunity
of securing accurate casts, in plaster, of native races of a country is
eagerly embraced. The face masks made by the brothers Schlagintweit,
of Asiatic tribes, are well known standard objects in the principal
ethnological collections of the world and constitute the largest single
series yet brought together.

"It has always been difficult to obtain face casts of the North American Indians. They manifest a deeply rooted aversion to the process required, and, indeed, a superstitious fear generally of being imitated in any manner, even by the pencil or camera. The face masks from nature now in existence have, for the most part, been taken from the dead, with the consequent lack of vital expression, and the opportunity of obtaining life-like similitudes of 64 Indian prisoners of war, of at least six different tribes, was promptly embraced by the Smithsonian Institution. No difficulty was experienced in securing these cases, as the Indians had every confidence in the statements of Captain Pratt, who had them in command, that there would be nothing detrimental to either soul or body in the process, and indeed, he himself was first subjected to it to reassure them. In fact, understanding that the casts were destined for the city of the Great Father at Washington, there to be

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preserved forever, one invalid whose treatment was deferred until the
last could scarcely be satisfied even with the assurance that he should
not be neglected.

S.F.Baird.

"Fort Marion, St. Augustine, Fla.,

February 9, 1972.

"Prof. Spencer F. Baird,

Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.

Dear Sir:

In reply to yours of the 23d of January, I am authorized to forward the categorical list and offenses of the prisoners, compiled from the official reports of the officers having the matter of looking up offenders in charge at Indian agencies. I have added to that list the date and place of arrest or capture, and the date of death of those who have died. To give the other information asked, I add in general some account of our later dealings with these people. This you can abridge or rearrange to your purpose.

"Down to less than thirty years ago these tribes roamed without hindrance from the Platte River to the Gulf of Mexico, ranging through New Mexico, Eastern Colorado, the western parts of Kansas, the Indian Territory, and Texas, having little care or oversight from the government. From time to time their limits were decreased, until, in 1867, they had been given fixed reservations in the Indian Territory; the Cheyennes and Arapahoes west of the Cherokees and north of the Washita River, with hunting privileges in Western Kansas, while the Kiowas and Comanches were south of them and west of the Chickasaws, with privileges to hunt in Northwestern Texas. Their opposition to abridgment of their

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ancient freedom required an active military force to get them within these limits. At the end of 1868, after several engagements and continued pursuit by troops, they were brought directly under care of their agents upon their reservations. The period of quiet was short. They soon commenced raiding along the frontier, more particularly on those parts they had thought their own. The few cases of punishment received in these forays from the troops or outraged border settlers were only sufficient to give them a relish. Buffalo hunters invaded their territory and angered them by a wholesale destruction of the best resource of their nomadic life. Individual Indians were not held accountable for notorious offenses, and their reservations grew to be places for refuges from which they raided and to which they fled in comparative protection. Moving in small parties they enforced terror far into the settlements and wrecked vengeance upon the weak and isolated, not sparing women and children, whom they sometimes carried captive to their camps. This was their war, and recitals of adventure on these incursions formed a staple interest in their ceremonies and around their campfires. Stealing horses and mules from settlements near was largely indulged in. This stock, if not desired for home use, found purchasers on another border or within their own limits. Sometimes the thieves were traced and called upon to return the stock, but oftener it was clear gain. In this business they had strong competitors and much encouragement by contact and example from the bad white men who leech upon the sparsely settled districts of the frontier. The worthy settler suffered many losses from these white men, who, often personating the red man, organized a system of depredations on the vast cattle and horse herds of Western Texas of incredible

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magnitude, and succeeded in attaching much additional blame on the Indians. Throughout 1870, '71, '72, and '73, things went from bad to worse. Texas furnished their richest field, but all settlements bordering their reservations suffered; so that in these years scarcely a neighborhood but could tell of some murders or depredations. Surveying parties, emigrants, the lone settler, wagontrains with supplies for the military, Indian consumption, or traders' use, all fell under their lawlessness and barbarous rapine. The counsels and urgings of their agents and other authorities were flung to the winds.

"Early in 1874 it was determined to end by force what other measures were clearly unable to stay. To this end, a day was fixed, about midsummer, on which all Indians of these tribes who wished to be at peace were to come to their agencies, submit to an enrollment, such roll-calls and other oversight as might be established to hinder their absence. Those who remained out after this date were to be declared hostile and forfeit whatever rights and privileges they had heretofore enjoyed, the government determined to remove. This intention was fully published, but many were incredulous, and when the day arrived, about half of each of the Kiowas and Comanches, with a greater proportion of the Cheyennes and a few Arapahoes, had accepted hostilities. They found their error when commands from Kansas, Texas, New Mexico, and the Indian Territory moved upon them simultaneously and throughout the fall of 1874 and the subsequent winter followed them to their supposed safe retreats on the Staked Plains, or in the canyons of the Red River. By spring all of the tribes named, except a few score of Quahada Comanches, were driven in about their agencies. As fast as they were taken, or surrendered, all horses, mules and war material were taken from them, and the warriors confined or paroled within close limits. All against whom good evidence of having committed crime could be found

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were taken out, and charges were alleged with a view to legal action.
Another class, composed of those who were notoriously guilty of crime,
but against whom no good evidence could be brought, and also of those
who were notoriously insubordinate and stirrers up of bad feeling, was
selected to be sent east for confinement in some fort. Not many of
the first class could be found, because of difficulties in identify-
ing, as usually, in Indian murders, none live to tell the tale, and
Indian testimony is not accepted. When the time came to send them east
for some reason the first class accompanied the second, and all were
sent here, where they arrived on the 21st of May, 1875.

"In looking up these cases, it was found difficult to strike
amiss among so many offenders. Those who accepted the position of
friendship to the government by remaining at their agencies averaged
little better than the hostiles, their opposition and offenses, gen-
erally simply antedating those of the hostiles.

"Personal history sufficient for your purpose will probably be
found in the list, but the charges are only alleged and not proven.

"It is simply just to say that since being here those men have
set an example to civilization in good behavior; twenty-two of them
have learned to read and write, understandingly; while in the matter
of labor, at such as could be given, they have not failed or weakened
in the slightest degree.

"Respectfully and sincerely yours,

R. H. PRATT,
U. S. ARMY."

List of Indians whose casts were taken.

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were taken out, and charges were alleged with a view to legal action.
Another class, composed of those who were notoriously guilty of crime,
but against whom no good evidence could be brought, and also of those
who were notoriously insubordinate and stirrers up of bad feeling, was
selected to be sent east for confinement in some fort. Not many of
the first class could be found, because of difficulties in identify-
ing, as usually, in Indian murders, none live to tell the tale, and
Indian testimony is not accepted. When the time came to send them east,
for some reason the first class accompanied the second, and all were
sent here, where they arrived on the 21st of May, 1875.

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RICHARD HENRY PRATT: THE RED MAN'S SOLOMON, AND HIS EXPERIMENT IN INDIAN EDUCATION

A magnificent lion of a man was concluding his eloquent address in behalf of Indians at the 34th Annual Lake Mohunk Conference.

We have a great national seal on which is an Eagle and "E Pluribus Unum". I call your attention to the fact that the bird of freedom is passing; we have shot him to death and nearly destroyed his race.

Get the new nickel and look at the face on the Indian, and see just in front of his eyes the one great American word, "Liberty". Consider, read, investigate, get to the bottom of his case, and show me, if you can - where in all our history of our dealings with the Indian, we have given him liberty and any material help to develop into real civilized manhood and independent citizenship.¹

The times were right for a man like Richard H. Pratt; he was greatly needed. Wounded Knee was such a recent part of America's story that it still served as a symbol of a people's hatred and a banner for their resistance to efforts to help the "savage red man". One after another of the great western tribes was falling before the combined onslaught of railroads, buffalo hunters, settlers moving west, and the US Army.

Then the nation's attention began to shift from the problem of conquering the Indian to "rehabilitating" him after the conquest. During the 1870's, eastern humanitarian and philanthropic groups became increasingly active. By the close of the decade, the spirit of Indian reform had produced several powerful organizations dedicated to securing justice for the Indian. However, justice did not readily seem to include civilization with its necessary counterpart, education. Beaten in combat and confined to a reservation with its self-perpetuating

1

ABSTRACT

AUTHOR: Clarence L. Reaser, LTC, CH

TITLE: Richard Henry Pratt: The Red Man's Solomon, and His Experiment in Indian Education

FORMAT: Essay

DATE: 1 December 1975

PAGES: 25

The central theme of the essay is a consideration of the factors in the life of Richard Henry Pratt which facilitated his development of a philosophy of Indian Education that sought the total integration of the American Indian into the American society, and the implementation of that philosophy in his Superintendency for 25 years of the Carlisle Indian Industrial School at Carlisle Barracks, Pennsylvania. Data was gathered from published literature and unpublished manuscripts, memoirs and personal correspondence provided by the Military History Research Collection at Carlisle Barracks, the Yale University Library where his personal papers are housed, and his granddaughter, Mrs S. Clark Seelye, living in Hingham, Mass. Mrs Seelye also permitted a personal interview the results of which are incorporated into this essay. General Pratt's major contribution is not in an educational system, which did not survive, but in his undying role as a champion seeking justice for an oppressed people.

ii

cycle of poverty and deprivation, the Indian had lost his ability
to resist the programs his "Great White Father" conceived as best
for him.

At the end of the decade, the challenges inherent in the chang-
ing complexion of the Indian problem had still not fully dawned upon
the nation's policy makers. But one man did see the new opportuni-
ties in the changing milieu, a wise and dynamic leader, a Red Man's
Solomon, who forced upon the nation's consciousness a new concept in
Indian education.

Editorializing on the manner in which the United States had been
altered by his influence, the Philadelphia North American said of
him in his 76th year of life, "General R. H. Pratt, gallant soldier,
educator, humanitarian, is the founder of the famous Indian School
at Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Probably more than any other man in the
history of the nation, General Pratt influenced public opinion to a
humane and just consideration of the Indian problem."

This paper will consider the life and contributions of this
amazing man.

HIS LIFE

The life of Richard Henry Pratt was fascinating from the very
beginning. Born of English ancestry in Rushford, New York, on 6 December
1840, his life (according to a short unpublished biography in the
possession of Pratt's granddaughter) nearly ended before it was well
begun. Young Richard developed a case of the small-pox. At the order
of the doctor, the undertaker came to measure the sick child for his

2

coffin, in accordance with the custom of the times. His father,
a fiery man of quick action, literally kicked the undertaker out of
the house saying that there was no need of his services, the boy
would live. And live he did.

At the age of six, the family moved to Logansport, Indiana,
where Richard's early youth was spent. At age 13, tragedy struck
the Pratt family when his father, returning from a successful gold
strike on the Feather River in California was robbed, then murdered,
by a fellow prospector. This placed upon Richard a new responsibility
for his mother and two younger brothers. He found whatever work he
could to help support the family. Later, Pratt would tell nostalgi-
cally of his longing for a new pair of boots during those days of near-
poverty. When he finally earned enough money to afford them, he slung
the boots proudly around his neck. They were much too valuable to wear.

For five years he worked as a printer's devil, supplementing his
meager pay of a dollar-and-a-half a week by splitting rails. At 18 years
of age, he engaged himself to a tinsmith and by the end of three years had
mastered the craft well enough to teach it to Indians at Carlisle 20 years
later.

The events at Fort Sumpter in April, 1861, lifted the young man
from the tinner's bench and launched his Army career. Enlisting during
the reverberations of "the shot heard around the world", he fought
courageously for four years on the battlefields of Kentucky, Tennessee
and Georgia. He was mustered out on 29 May 1865, having risen to the
rank of Captain. But the Army was still in his blood, and after an

3

unsuccessful two year stint in the hardware business, he applied for
a Regular Army Commission and was appointed second lieutenant in the
Tenth United States Cavalry. With his arrival at Fort Arbuckle in
Indian Territory in the spring of 1867, carrying his brevet rank of
Captain awarded for bravery during the Civil War, Pratt began a life-
time of association with the American Indian, on the battlefield and
in the classroom.

## Religious Influences

Any adequate understanding of the man Richard Henry Pratt will necessarily consider some of the profound religious influences upon his life. So central to his philosophy of life was a firm confidence in God that it found expression in everything he did from boyhood onward. Possibly more than any other single influence, his faith produced the granite-like character which was necessary to move the mountains of apathy, resistance and hostility which took turns opposing him through the 50 years of his involvement with the American Indian.

The earliest religious influence upon his life came from his courageous and devout mother. Supported by her vital faith, she assumed the added burden upon the untimely death of her husband without complaint. Mary was known as a "singing Methodist". One of Pratt's granddaughters indicates that it was from her constant singing of the old heroic Methodist songs, and her frequent apt quotations from the Bible, and her devout prayers, that young Richard was influenced toward his robust, red-blooded Christianity.⁵

Early in his youth, Henry (as he was then called) became a Methodist,

4

following in his mother's footsteps. It became almost sacramental
to him to open the church for prayer meetings and to ring the bell
before church on Sundays. He was as conscious of obeying God in that
service as he was when he sang the hymns of his church.
6

A lady who knew him in those youthful days says that he loved
to sing as he worked in the tinner's shop, shaping the shining metal
with a vice and soldering-iron. One of his favorite hymns went like
this:

Turn to the Lord and seek salvation,
Shout the praise of his dear name;
Glory, honor and salvation,
Christ the Lord has come to reign.

7

That he carried his faith with him into battle is apparent from
some excerpts from his unpublished *War Dairies*. With Company A of
the 2d Cavalry, he described a bloody battle scene in which men from
both North and South were dead and dying.

We began to see dead men laying around. Rebels and Federals, in strange confusion. The farther we advanced the more numerous became the dead bodies. I noticed a few appeared to have died in such agony, the face was winced into a frightful look. Others appeared to have died instantly, hardly knowing they had been struck. A great many were lying on their backs, their bodies straight, eyes open, looking upward, and hands clasped and raised toward heaven, evidently praying. My eyes filled with tears, as in my mind I heard them earnestly calling "Lord Jesus receive my spirit." We thought with what an earnest Spirit can a man call on God in such an hour and the admonition "Be ye also ready" came to mind. I uttered an inward prayer for a constant preparation.⁸

As an adult, Pratt became a practicing Presbyterian, apparently
through the influence of his wife who was Presbyterian. He became
very interested in the theological dimensions of his faith and enjoyed
the times the Chaplain could be present in his unit not only to conduct

5

religious services but also to engage in serious discussion. Tersely
he described one such visit.

Had quite a conversation with the Chaplain on Doc-
trines and Theology in the afternoon. His views
on the Word, spirit, different dispensations. Cal-
vinism, as used by Presbyterians, Americanism as
used by Methodists pleased me very much (sic). In
evening had a continuation of last eve's Bible Class.
Examined the whole of the first Ephesians.⁹

His confidence in the Providence of God never waivered. Through
the difficult struggle to gain approval for the Indian School and then
to find enough money to run it, he always believed that God was with
him. One of Pratt's daughters recalls the first thousand dollars
given by a benefactor to the Carlisle Indian School.

Father opened the letter in our living room.
Mother and some of us children were there. The
tears came to his eyes, and he said: "Let us thank
God." We all knelt down right there, and father
poured out his thanks in a way that seemed to me
strange. I was about twelve, and that thousand
dollars looked very big. But he thanked God, not
for the money, but that the Indians had found
another friend.¹⁰

To say that he was a man of faith, however, is not to imply an un-
questioning allegiance to every endeavor made in the name of religion.
The longer he lived, the more bitterly he opposed Christian missions
as well as other agencies when he thought them to be retarding the
progress of the Indian toward full Americanization and first-class citi-
zenship.

Pratt considered the influence of the churches a hindrance to his
concepts of Indian progress and civilization on several grounds, all of
which were probably justified. In a letter to Senator Dawes, Pratt, ¶
spelled out the problem as he saw it between the churches, education

6

and Indian policy.

American citizenship does not appear in the curric-
ulum of any church work within my knowledge... The
ruinous influence of vast sums of money to the dif-
ferent tribes has been secured under church and
sentimental pressure... It is the constant policy
of the churches to pull back onto the reservation,
every progressive youth. Consequently they are in
favor of home and tribal schools.¹¹

For me, the most fascinating observations about the dimensions of Pratt's religious life came from the discovery of his personal Bible, donated by his granddaughter, Mrs. S. Clark Seelye, to the Military History Research Collection at Carlisle Barracks, where Pratt founded the Indian School. His friendship with his benefactor Mr. John Wanamaker, and the famous evangelist D. L. Moody, are documented in the following note, written and signed in 1910 by his own hand, on the inside cover of the well-worn Bible.

The notations and comments in this book are largely
from an old and worn Bible of Mr. John Wanamaker,
loaned to me for a month. Mr. Wanamaker says many
are Mr. Moody's as he and Mr. Moody were always
swapping notes.¹²

In that Bible are more than four hundred pages of finely penned
sermon outlines and notations including these, which apparently refer
to his own leadership role at the Indian School:

> It is a good rule never to see the face of man until
> we have seen the face of God each day.

> It is fitting that he who opens the eyes of the slum-
> berers should have time first to look up to the
> Father of Lights.¹³

There is evidence that Pratt used this Bible extensively in the
"Saturday Night Meetings" which became so much a part of the routine

7

at the Indian School, and which were so formative in the lives of
many of the students over the years. Howard Gansworth, a member of
the Class of 1894, recalls Pratt at one of those meetings.

He opened the meeting with scripture reading and a
short prayer. Then he read the reports from the
various quarters giving names of pupils who had
spoken Indian or used tobacco that week. It was
scandalous to do either. Without comment he laid
the reports on the reading desk beside him, slowly
tucking them under the Bible. He appeared to be
deep in thought-- about what he would say perhaps.
Presently, as if he had hit upon an idea, he stepped
to the edge of the platform.¹⁴

As we analyze the character of this fascinating man, we see a tena-
cious and complex individual empowered by his faith. He was an abstain-
er in an age which was not noted for its temperance. He was honest
beyond any doubt, as verified by the Treasury Department's letter and
voucher returning $.20 from the audit of Indian School records for the
25 years of his Superintendency.¹⁵ He had the courage of his convictions
in a political and public milieu of mediocrity and compromise. He was
a faithful husband and kind father, not only to his own children, but
also to the thousands of Indian boys and girls to whom he was "school
father" at Carlisle.¹⁶ He was a man of tremendous personal drive, im-
patient to get things done, trying always to improve Carlisle, to in-
crease its enrollment, to solve the whole Indian problem, not in a genera-
tion but in a day. It is perhaps in this personal intensity that we find
the chief reason for the lack of tact which got him into so much trouble
with those in the military and in government who disagreed with him.

Having looked at the man, let us now move to a consideration of

8

the profound contributions R. H. Pratt made to the cause of Indian educa-
tion in America.

HIS CONTRIBUTIONS

The United States never officially accepted the dictum of a great
general, "The only good Indian is a dead Indian", as a tenent of Nation-
al policy. As a matter of practical philosophy, however, the Indian
peoples were for many years treated as though it were a truism. Even
before the unjustifiable treatment they were to receive on radio and
TV shows of the 20th century, the 19th century inculcated prejudice
against the Indians through Wild West shows which vilified their char-
acter, exaggerated their dress, and proclaimed their general irresponsi-
bility. They were denounced as savage, lazy and shiftless, when they
had little chance to become anything else.

And when the government finally acted, recognizing the need for
education as a part of the civilizing process, that education, inade-
quately funded, took place largely in tribal masses. Even then it was
available only for a small portion of the children. When boarding
schools developed, they were still tribal, surrounded by the too-typical
squalor and poverty of reservation life. The possibility that students
would develop into useful American citizens in that context was limited
indeed.

Some churches developed missions and mission schools among the
Indians, but these, like the government agencies, were reluctant to lose
their converts from tribal living into the wider opportunities of the
society at large. So both state and church effectively cooperated to en-
force a tribal, segregated system.

9

Richard Henry Pratt, with a sensitivity born out of years of con-
tact with the Indian, and endowed with an unusual combination of tena-
city and tenderness, recognized the inherent self-perpetuating inad-
equacy of the reservation system and eventually developed a philosophy
of Indian education which resulted in the establishment of the Carlisle
Indian Industrial School.

He expressed his concern that the Indians were not able to break
out of the defeating patterns of reservation life in an address at the
Lake Mohunk Indian Conference on 16 October 1916:

The System and reservation are essentially coordi-
nated in one great function to keep the Indian
from merging into the national life, which merging
would in itself have utilized and saved him...
"Reservating" and segregating the Indian in tribal
masses away from civilization not only continued
his old life and kept him a burden, but it enabled
his exploitation as a bugaboo, to the profit of
notorious interests.¹⁷

Pratt's Educational Philosophy

General Pratt started with the premise that Indians were as in-
telligent and as capable of learning as anybody else in America
society. Racial differences never caused him to qualify his advice to
his students or his expectations of them.

An ethnologist from the Smithsonian Institution, Mr. Clark Mills,
once came to Fort Marion to take plaster casts of the faces of the
Indian prisoners Pratt was attending there. Mills wrote back to assure
Pratt that science supported his view saying, "their brain power is
fully equal if not superior to the whites."¹⁸ The General's complete

10

confidence in the truth of this estimate was sensed by his Indian
students and repaid in turn by their unflinching loyalty to him.

Given that premise, his observation of the inherent difficulties
of the reservation system, and his Christian concern for the Indians
themselves, Pratt's philosophy of education was perhaps inevitable.
He sought the total integration of the Indian into American Society.
He put it succinctly in one of his most articulate addresses en-
titled "American Indians, Chained and Unchained", given before the
Pennsylvania Commandery of the Military Order of the Loyal Legion at
Philadelphia in October 1912:

I have long contended that all public money appropriated for the education of children in America, native or naturalized, should build them into individual independent citizens, thus securing for them the freedom of life and opportunity provided by our Declaration of Independence and Constitution. Race schools fail in these results through ignoring the individual as the unit and binding him in masses to race destiny. TO CIVILIZE THE INDIAN GET HIM INTO CIVILIZATION; TO KEEP HIM CIVILIZED, LET HIM STAY.¹⁹

To trace the development of that philosophy as Pratt articulated
it, and to see its living expression in the eventual formation of the
Carlisle Indian Industrial School, it is necessary to go back to the
year 1874 on the Southern Plains of Oklahoma and Texas where the war-
like Kiowas, Commanches, Southern Cheyennes and Arapahoes roamed.

## Fort Marion

Buffalo hunters were destroying the herds upon which the plains Indians

11

depended for their survival. In this emergency, the tribes formed
a temporary alliance and began attacking the settlement of buffalo
hunters at Adobe Walls. Then they started to attack wagon trains
and in general spread terror throughout the territory. Inevitably,
the Army was called in to capture or destroy the hostile roving bands.
After many were killed, hunger caused the rest to surrender. Trials
were conducted and 72 Indians were found guilty of murder and rape,
and sentenced to be confined in irons in St. Augustine's old Spanish
Fort of San Marco, then known as Fort Marion.²⁰

The task of taking the 72 dangerous and desperate red men across
half a continent by wagon and rail to their prison in Florida, and
guarding them during their imprisonment there, was assigned to 1st
Lt Richard H. Pratt, 10th U.S. Cavalry. This heavy responsibility
for one so young apparently resulted from his reputation for successful
dealing with the red man, developed during eight years of intimate
contact with him as Commander of Indian Scouts. It was probably in
this role that the first spark of his educational concept began to
glow. He saw the Indians as equals. And his free, open mind accepted
what they had to say just as completely as though they had been white
men. His leadership was always judicious, fair, patient and understanding.²¹

After a difficult and depressing trip in which one of the prisoners
tried to commit suicide then knifed a guard, and another was killed
trying to escape from the prison train, the heavy gate at Fort Marion
clanged shut, separating the Indians from the outside world.

But if those prisoners expected their world to end, they were wrong;
it was only beginning. Pratt immediately removed their chains and found

12

work for them - polishing 10,000 sea beans for curio dealers. For that, the Indian prisoners were paid $1,000. Later, those who proved themselves trustworthy were placed out to work in and around the City of St. Augustine. Regular religious services were established at the Fort and eventually all who wanted to were permitted to go to church services in town. Some "benevolent ladies" were convinced to teach English and Writing to those who wanted to learn.

Summarizing the profound changes this program accomplished Pratt said, "the daily contact with our kindly people brought amazing results in transforming them into capable civilized men." In Pratt's manner there was no trace of condescension, no hint of superiority. He was the friend of the Indians as well as their jailor. His sympathetic understanding of their plight and his obvious desire to help them quickly won for him their confidence and trust.

During the Fort Marion experience his philosophy of Indian Education began to develop. Specifically it may have been sparked by the words of the Old Kiowa Chief, Mah Mante, who spoke for the prisoners three weeks after their arrival.

> We want to learn the ways of the white men. First we want our wives and children and then we will go any place and settle down and learn to support ourselves as white men do... We want to learn how to make corn and work the ground so we can make our living and we want to live in a house just as a white man.²³

At the end of three years imprisonment, the War Department, over the protests of Pratt and the requests of the Indians, decided to send them back to their reservations hoping that they would carry to their

13

tribemen the lessons they had learned in Florida. Twenty-two of
the younger men categorically refused to go back. So in early
1878, taking advantage of the situation, Pratt asked that he be
allowed to retain these men in his charge and to continue their
education at a more favorable site with funds provided by the
government.
24

Hampton Institute
---

After permission was granted, all the tenacity that was be-
coming so characteristic of the young officer was needed to find
a place for his Indians to go. After many failures, he was finally
able to persuade General Samuel Chapman Armstrong, founder and head of
the Hampton Institute in Virginia, to provide a place for his
charges. The 22 Indians, no longer prisoners but aspiring young
students, arrived at Hampton Roads in April 1878 to begin their
formal schooling. Thus the Indian Department of Hampton Institute
was established.

25
The Hampton interlude was not a happy one for Lt Pratt. The
first tenet of his developing philosophy was to bring the red men into
direct contact with whites, and in that interchange to alleviate
prejudice on both sides. At Hampton, a Negro Institution, Pratt
felt that this aim could not be achieved. Inevitably, the Indian
would become identified with the Negro and find himself subject to
the same racial prejudice. These views inevitably led to clashes
with Armstrong, and Pratt finally asked to be relieved from his
assignment. With Armstrong's consent, Pratt went to Washington in

14

the spring of 1879 on no less ambitious a project than to persuade
the government to support his plan to establish a school for Indians.

## The Carlisle Indian Industrial School

Indian Affairs was the responsibility of the Department of the
Interior. The Secretary in 1879 was Carl Schurz, an emigrant from
Germany. Lt Pratt came to him with the proposal that he secure per-
mission from the Secretary of War to "use Carlisle Barracks, then un-
occupied, located in the rich Cumberland Valley in Pennsylvania, whose
industrious people would be examples for the pupils." At first, Schurz
was lukewarm to the idea; but Pratt was not dissuaded. He boldly re-
minded the Secretary that he was a recipient of generous American con-
cern for those in need.

> You yourself, sir, are one of the best examples
> of what we ought to do for the Indians. You im-
> migrated to America as an individual. You came into
> the fullest freedom here in association with the best
> of our people. Indians need these same chances of
> participation, and they will as easily become use-
> ful citizens.²⁷

The combination of Pratt's irrefutable logic and his charismatic
personality soon won Secretary Schurz who as long as he was in office
was one of Pratt's ardent supporters.

The crusader's enthusiasm knew no bounds. Estatically, he wrote
from Washington on August 19, 1879: "My own dear loving wife. I embrace
you! I send you a thousand kisses, Carlisle is ours and fairly won!"²⁸

At last Pratt had his school, but he had no funds and no students.
Secretary Schurz provided the first money from the "Civilization Fund",
money received from the sale of Indian lands in Kansas. Friends contri-

15

buted other money but the financial prospects were still dismal indeed.

Getting students proved in some respects to be the most difficult task of all. Pratt was sent to the powerful and discontented Sioux for students. Defeated in battle and robbed of their beloved Black Hills, the Sioux now lived in Dakota, at the Rosebud and Pine Hill Agencies. There they nursed their grievances, watched the white man take gold out of the hills that had been their former homes, and dreamed of their past glory. No people ever had less reason to trust the US Government.

At the Rosebud Agency, Pratt carefully explained his plan to forty of the Sioux Chiefs including the famed Spotted Tail. When Pratt finished, Spotted Tail rose to his feet. "The White people," he said, "are all thieves and liars; we do not want our children to learn such things." Bitterly he reminded Pratt of the land that had been stolen from his people and of the gold that should have been theirs but for white treachery. "We are not going to give our children to learn such ways," he declared as he sat down.²⁹

To Pratt, it was clear that the success of his expedition rested on the Sioux Chief's decision. "Spotted Tail," he said, "you are a remarkable man. You are such an able man that you are the chief of those thousands of people. But, Spotted Tail, you cannot read or write. You cannot speak the language of this country. You have no education."

He pointed out that the Sioux had to rely on interpreters and others to tell them the contents of the treaties they had signed. Perhaps they would be digging gold in the Black Hills themselves had their chiefs been educated, he suggested. If they would permit their children to be educated

16

in the ways of the white man, their youth would be better able to avoid
the mistakes of their elders and to stand up for their rights as the
white man did. "As your friend," Pratt concluded, "I urge you, Spotted
Tail, to send your children with me to this Carlisle School and I will
do everything I can to advance them in intelligence and industry in or-
der that they may come back and help you."30

Then the Lieutenant left the council and permitted Spotted Tail and
the other chiefs to discuss the issue. Soon, the Indian Chief approached
Pratt who had been waiting nervously for the meeting to end. Spotted
Tail said, "It is all right. We are going to give you all the children
you want."31

That was the breakthrough that was needed and Pratt took with him
some 60 children from the tribes of the Indian Chief's Spotted Tail,
Milk, and American Horse. The elderly White Thunder offered his grand-
son, the only child of school age he had. Authorized by the government
to take a total of 120 students, Pratt selected the remainder from the
Pine Ridge Agency where Red Cloud lived with his people, and from the
tribes in the Indian Territory.

By now it must have seemed that nothing was impossible to the enter-
prising young man with a burden for the welfare of the Indian and a vision
of how to educate him. Pratt knew what he wanted to do, and he knew why.
He described the purpose of his new school as being

to teach English and give a primary education and know-
ledge of some common and practical industry, or means of
self-support among civilized people. To this end mechanic
shops and farms [are] provided where the principal mechanical
arts and farming [are] taught the boys, and the girls [are]
taught cooking, sewing, laundry and housework.32

17

Before that lofty goal could be achieved, however, there were
still many complex problems to be solved. Final Congressional appro-
val of the Carlisle school had to be gained, funding both from govern-
ment and philanthropic sources had to be secured. Food, clothing, fuel
and equipment were needed. A staff had to be hired. Taken together,
the concatenation of administrative problems to be solved just to get
the school started would have baffled the minds of ordinary men.

The thrilling story is too lengthy to recount here of the way the
young crusader went about solving them. Suffice it to say that in
due time all these problems were resolved and the school was put on a
firm basis. The run-down buildings of the old barracks were renovated
and new structures were added. The school farming area was increased
from 27 to 303 acres. And the annual student enrollment expanded from
the initial 120 until it reached over a thousand young Indian men and
women representing virtually every one of the more than 80 tribes in
the United States. Additionally, it became the prototype and served as
a model for the development of no less than 25 other nonreservation
Indian Schools across the nation.

No consideration of Pratt's administrative genius would be complete
without a mention of the "Outing System" he perfected at the Carlisle
School. Essentially the Outing System was an apprenticeship for civiliza-
tion. Pratt believed that as a part of the solution of the "Indian pro-
blem", Indian boys and girls should have an opportunity to live for a time in
private homes in order to gain practical experience in self-support, and
to learn the ways of the civilized living. He carefully selected homes where
the students would be welcome, he painstakingly selected pupils who could

18

profit by the experience, he diligently sought student work opportuni-
ties (of which the northeast had an abundance), and he assiduously super-
vised the progress of the students by means of interviews and question-
naires to the patrons. Pupils were required to save at least half of
their earnings and forward them to Carlisle were the money was banked
for them and placed on interest at 6% until they left the school.

By the time Pratt left the Army in the retired grade of Brigadier
General, after 25 years as Superintendent and guiding spirit, the
Carlisle Indian Industrial School had become a national institution of
international renown. The young Lieutenant's dream had become a reality.
From the frontier wars on the Southern Plains and the old Spanish prison
in St. Augustine had come a school in the East and a new approach to
Indian education.

EVALUATION

If a single word were selected to characterize Pratt's work for the
Indians it would probably be the word "uncompromising". His goal was
total American citizenship for the American Indian. And he flung himself
at that goal with all the force of his vigorous, combative nature. Evalu-
uating his work soon after the founding of Carlisle, an observer said,
"We do not expect to see the fortress of ignorance and prejudice give way
at once; but it is inspiring to hear the Captain confidently demand an
unconditional surrender."

Unassailed by self-doubt, Pratt remained utterly convinced of the
rightness both of his cause and of his method to the end. As he was

19

dying in February 1924, he wept. He was leaving this earth and
still there did not seem to be any hope for the red man.

"Father", said his daughter trying to comfort him, "Maybe God
has another and a better plan."

"There is no better plan", he said as he turned his face to
the wall. Those were the last words he ever spoke.

If the life of a man can be measured by the tributes of those
who have been influenced by him, R. H. Pratt was a giant indeed.
The glowing tributes are almost endless. Martha Napawat Thomas, a
full-blooded Kiowa, and a member of the Class of 1894 said, "You
have done more good for the Indian race than any man alive." Writ-
ing to him on the occasion of his 80th birthday, Samual W. Bushard
of the Class of 1903 wrote, "I can hardly write as my throat fills
up when I think of you and what you have done for my kind of people."
And Chauncey Yellow Robe, a full-blooded Sioux who graduated from
Carlisle in 1894, and who later held responsible positions in govern-
ment and education, said in a letter to a friend, "I live my life
as a monument to that great man."

General Pratt probed deeply the moral issues that were to dis-
turb the nation for generations to come. Equal opportunity for the
Indian became the great crusade of his life. His true significance
in history, however, lies not in his fight for a goal that, in terms
of present ethnic understandings are questionable. Modern social
anthropologists would quickly point out the unfortunate cultural implica-
tions in his philosophy. But it took us a Black Revolution and another
hundred years since Pratt's time to come to those understandings ourselves

20

as a nation. To criticize him for not understanding the cultural flaws
in his philosophy would be like faulting Sir Isaac Newton for his failure
to understand the Theory of Relativity. Pratt could not have seen the
need for ethnic integrity in the world of Wounded Knee and the society
would not have accepted it if he had.

The nonreservation education system did not endure in American soci-
ety, but Pratt cannot be faulted for failure on that score either. The
formidable opposition from agencies both of church and state make it re-
markable that the system lasted as long as it did.

Rather than in the educational system he developed, Pratt's lasting
significance lies in his role as a determined, courageous, tenacious,
selfless worker in behalf of justice to a people suffering from more
than two centuries of oppression by the dominant culture. Robert Utley
who edited Pratt's *Memoirs* analyses that contribution in these eloquent
words:

He saw in the Indian another human being, and in his long
crusade he made countless of his countrymen see the Indian
through the same lenses. He convinced them that different
skin color and different cultural background did not auto-
matically produce an inferior being. He dramatized the
plight of the red men as few others did, and he mobilized
public opinion behind attempts, no matter how misguided by
the standards of another age, to sweep aside the odious
wreckage of more than a century of Federal mismanagement of
the Indians.36

He was a single-minded, visionary, dynamic, righteous man who fought
a good fight. And for that, this nation owes him unending gratitude.

He was a man who eloquently insisted upon glorious impossibilities.
His stature is not diminished by the impossibility of his dream.

21

## FOOTNOTES

1. Richard H. Pratt, "Our Forlorn Indians," p.9.

2. Pratt, "Our Forlorn Indians," p.8.

3. Unpublished biography of Richard H. Pratt, p.1.

4. Unpublished biography, p.2.

5. Elaine Goodale Eastman, *Pratt the Red Man's Moses*, p.14.

6. Unpublished biography, p.5.

7. Unpublished biography, p.5.

8. Unpublished *War Diaries* of Richard H. Pratt, 6 April 1862.

9. Unpublished *War Diaries* of Richard H. Pratt, 22 March 1862.

10. Eastman, pp.87-88

11. Letter, Pratt to Senator Dawes, February 26, 1890.

12. *The Pratt Bible*, Military History Research Collection, Carlisle Barracks, PA.

13. *The Pratt Bible*.

14. Unpublished manuscript of Howard Gansworth.

15. Among Pratt's papers in the Military History Research Collection at Carlisle Barracks, is a letter from the Treasury Department, Washington, D.C., dated Jan 20, 1905, which records the result of a government audit of his accounts: "Your cash accounts as Superintendent, Indian School, Carlisle, from Nov 1, 1879 to June 30 1904, have been re-adjusted in this office in connection with explanation filed, and a balance of twenty cents ($0.20) found due you. A warrent in your favor for the above balance has been requested, and when issued, the Treasurer of the US will forward it to you, in care of the Military Secretary, War Department, this city."

16. The wisdom and sensitivity with which he carried out his role as "father" is seen in an incident which occurred during a visit to the Indian School by a group which included several Senators and the Secretary of the Interior. Edgar Fire Thunder, a bright, interesting boy, was making a welcoming speech describing his life at the school. Suddenly stage-fright overtook him and he was unable to continue. Pratt waited for a short time to see whether the boy would recover his presence, and when he did not, his friendly voice boomed out,

22

"Edgar works in the blacksmith's shop. Now if he will go to the shop, and put on his working suit, the Secretary, Senators and party will meet him there to see him weld an axle in one heat." Margaret Sidney, one of the persons present said, "I never saw such a kindly thing more delicately done, and I know I express the feelings of the company, when I say, that to us it was a spontaneous proof of the spirit of Carlisle School."

17. Richard H. Pratt, "Why most of our Indians are Dependent and Non-Citizens", p. 2.

18. Letter, Clark Mills to Pratt, December 16, 1879.

19. Richard H. Pratt, "American Indians, Chained and Unchained", p. 14.

20. Louis Morton, "How the Indians Came to Carlisle", *Pennsylvania History*, January 1962, pp. 54-56.

21. Lt Col Thomas G. Tousey, *Military History of Carlisle and Carlisle Barracks*, p. 278.

22. Richard H. Pratt, "American Indians, Chained and Unchained", p. 6.

23. Letter, Pratt to the Adjutant General, 11 June 1875.

24. Morton, p. 63.

25. An account of the experience at Hampton can be found in Eastman, *Pratt, Chapter 6; and Brunhouse, History of the Carlisle Indian School*, pp. 8-9.

26. Tousey, p. 289.

27. Eastman, p. 77.

28. Eastman, p. 78.

29. Quoted from Pratt's autobiography in Brunhouse, *History of the Carlisle Indian School*, p. 14.

30. Brunhouse, p. 15.

31. Brunhouse, p. 15.

32. Lt Paul E. Zuver, *A Short History of Carlisle Barracks*, p. 129.

33. Elaine Goodale, "Captain Pratt and His Work for Indian Education", p. 8.

34. Eastman, pp. 271-272.

35. Eastman, p. 244.

36. Pratt, *Battlefield and Classroom*, p. xvii.

23

SELECTED BIBLIOGRAPHY

1. Brunhouse, R. L. "Apprenticeship for Civilization: The Outing System at the Carlisle Indian School." University of Pennsylvania, no date.

(This individually published article is the best available treatment of the Carlisle Outing System which was a keystone of Pratt's education program).

2. Brunhouse, R. L. "The Founding of the Carlisle Indian School," University of Pennsylvania, no date.

3. Brunhouse, R. L. *History of the Carlisle Indian School: A Phase of Government Indian Policy: 1879 to 1918*. Master's Thesis, University of Pennsylvania: Unpublished, no date.

4. Chapman, Daniel T. "The Great White Father's Little Red Indian School." *American Heritage*, Vol. 22, December 1970, pp. 48-53.

5. Eastman, Elaine Goodale. *Pratt: The Red Man's Moses*. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1935.

(The only complete published biography. Biased. Highly anecdotal).

6. Gansworth, Howard. Unpublished Biographical Manuscript, no date.

7. Gilcreast, Everett Arthur. *Richard Henry Pratt and American Indian Policy, 1877-1906: A Study of the Assimilation Movement*. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1967.

(A study of the various governmental and humanitarian movements for Indian education during the period covered).

8. Goodale, Elaine. "Captain Pratt and His Work for Indian Education." Indian Rights Association, Philadelphia, April 1886.

9. Morton, Louis. "How the Indians Came to Carlisle." *Pennsylvania History*, Vol. 29, No. 1, January 1962.

10. *Pratt Bible*. Military History Research Collection, Carlisle Barracks, no date.

11. Pratt, Richard Henry. *American Indians, Chained and Unchained*. Lecture. Philadelphia: Military Order of the Loyal Legion, 23 October 1912.

24

12. Pratt, Richard Henry. *Battlefield and Classroom: Four Decades with the American Indian, 1867-1904*. ed. Utley, Robert M. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964.

(Edited memoirs and letters with an analytical introduction by a Regional Historian in the Yale Western Americana Series).

13. Pratt, Richard Henry. *Biography*. Unpublished, no date.

(Gives unpublished anecdotal material from the vantage of a member of General Pratt's family).

14. Pratt, Richard Henry: *Negroes and Indians*. Lecture. Philadelphia: Military Order of Foreign Wars, 14 January 1913.

15. Pratt, Richard Henry: *Our Forlorn Indians*. Lecture. Lake Mohunk: Thirty-fourth Annual Indian Conference, 18 October 1916.

16. Pratt, Richard Henry: *Our Indians*. Lecture. Philadelphia: Market Square Presbyterian Church, 15 April 1909.

17. Pratt, Richard Henry: *War Diaries*. Unpublished, 1862.

18. Pratt, Richard Henry: *Why Most of Our Indians are Dependent and Non-citizen*. Lecture. Lake Mohunk: Thirty-second Annual Indian Conference, 16 October 1914.

19. Sidney, Margaret. "Carlisle School for Indian Pupils." No publisher given, no date.

20. Tousey, Thomas G., LTC. *Military History of Carlisle and Carlisle Barracks*. Richmond: Dietz Press, 1939.

21. Zuver, Paul E., LT. *A Short History of Carlisle Barracks*. No publisher given. 1934.

25