AP

Kissinger with his boss and Secretary of State Rogers: Is foreign policy too important to be left to the diplomats?

one night, during one of the frequent, abstract conversations they carried on until the dawn, Kraemer remembers Kissinger saying:

"Kraemer, I want to go home and get a first-class education. I know only what I teach in the school. Otherwise, I know nothing."

Henry came home in May of 1946 and applied for September entrance to most of the good colleges. All of them wrote back that they would be glad to accept him the following year, but the September class was impossible because enrollment had already closed.

"But to its credit," recalls Kissinger, "Harvard agreed to take me even though its enrollment was closed, too. That is how I got to Harvard."

At Harvard young William Henry came to the attention of Prof. William Yandel Elliott, who also took him under his wing. "You have the makings of a great philosopher," the professor once told him. Stern old Elliott was never known to loss words like "great" around lightly.

Henry flourished in the intellectual soil of the Harvard School of Foreign Policy, opened up in 1956. Kissinger was recommended wholeheartedly for the job by three men who seldom ever agreed on anything else: McGeorge Bundy, Arthur Schlesinger and Prof. Elliott.

"It was tremendously impressed by recommendations from such diverse people," says George Franklin, who was running Foreign Affairs then. "Often we get glowing recommendations about some young man because he is some professor's disciple. But in Henry's case it was most clearly that this was an extraordinary man."

INSTEAD of the managing editor's job, however, Kissinger took on the project that produced the nuclear weapons book.

He worked with single-minded concentration on it. He lived with his wife in a New York apartment, and when he came home at night he forbade her to talk to him because it would interrupt his train of thought.

It was the right book at the right time. It hit when everybody was just starting to think about a world where others besides the Americans had atomic bombs to threaten people with.

In "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy" Henry attempted to prove that there was a genuine possibility oflichterism instead of a clear-cut fare. At that time, people were not speaking as they do today about tactical and strategic nuclear weapons.

But the book made very tough reading because it was written in that luminous, academic style that so many scholarly books get written in. Henry knew it. "I am sure," he told Franklin when the book started selling dumbfoundingly in the most unread best seller since Toynbee.

NOT MANY months after "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy" came out, his book called "A World Restored" was published. It had ac-

tually been written before the best seller; it was a refined version of his doctoral thesis at Harvard.

Henry followed up with other books and articles dealing with strategy and foreign policy. These were not the best sellers that "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy" was, but it was clear to most of his colleagues that Henry's thinking was getting progressively sharper, even if his writing style was not.

He also went to work for the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, which is kind of petty-cash Rockefeller foundation, with only $90 million or so. It finances projects of special personal interest to the Rockefeller brothers.

IN AN interview with Henry, Gov. Rockefeller was favorably impressed and so was Henry. They agreed that Henry would advise the governor on foreign-policy matters on a consulting basis while he remained to teach at Harvard.

"We have become good friends," Kissinger says, "I admire Rockefeller very much."

"What a kind-of-rate mind," Kissinger said, "but a first-rate intuition about people."

"And what a kind of mind do you have? I asked. "I have a first-rate mind," he said without a trace of modesty, "and a third-rate intuition about people."

When Rockefeller made his futile attempt to get the Republican nomination for President in 1963, he took a position on Vietnam that perfectly suited his face and his character. It was at the same time both pleasant and deceptive. Defending this position was left mostly to Henry Kissinger.

KISSINGER has taken on a somewhat similar role for President Nixon, to whom he was highly recommended by Rockefeller.

Kissinger is the administration spokesman who turns up to meet the press privately and off the record after actions like the Cambodia invasion and other public-relations disasters.

He talks to the newsmen candidly, with humor and without seeming to give them a lot of double-talk. He is sympathetic and understanding of the business of a newspaper having "to print something."

What Henry says in these press briefings, and how he says it, seems always to make unvarnished good sense.

Journalists like Dan Rather, the White House correspondent for C.B.S., say Kissinger is "the best briefer in Washington."

Kissinger also has the reputation that he never lies. As one newsman said:

"Henry will always tell you if something is secret and that he can't talk about it. He'll never just out and out lie like other bureaucrats might."

Among academics and other partisans there are more severe judgments of Henry Kissinger. In one of the dire predictions he made in an attempt to convince Henry not to take the National Security post, Kraemer told him:

"You are not going to be able to make foreign policy. You will not be the engineer but, at best, the brakeman on the train. The right will call you the Jew who lost us Southeast Asia; the left will call you a traitor to the cause. Don't take the job."

It is in Henry Kissinger's nature to not be thoughtfully at such percept and well-meant pieces of advice, and then mutter: "I know, I know." And then, for reasons only he may understand, he will go out and do the thing anyway.

SO FAR, the harshest criticism of Kissinger comes from precisely where Kraemer said it would: the left and the right.

"It was the left that was angry with him at first. These people somehow had expected the United States, with a presumed liberal like Henry Kissinger at the elbow of the President, to withdraw right away from Vietnam.

They were disappointed, and soon began to recall how they had known all along that Kissinger was really just a crypto-Fascist and a power-crazed Dr. Strangelove, right down to the evil Prussian accent.

A group of professors from Harvard marched into the Kissinger offices one day and announced that they would not speak to Henry again until the last American soldier had left South Vietnam.

There are also a lot of people who will tell you that Henry Kissinger once said the most personally insulting things about Richard Nixon after Rockefeller was defeated in Miami for the Republican nomination. (When Rockefeller had lost for sure, Henry was seen weeping.) The alleged Kissinger quotation that is most often repeated is: "That man Nixon is not fit to be President."

"This is followed by one of those questions that contain a built-in answer: 'How can a man who says those terrible things about another man possibly turn around and go to work for him?'"

The corollary is this: "How can a President, who must surely know all the bad things Henry Kissinger might have said about him, hire him and keep him for nearly three years as his closest adviser?"

THE ATTACKS from the right began

only after it was disclosed last summer that Kissinger had made a secret trip to Peking to seal the necessary understanding before President Nixon announced his visit to the People's Republic of China.

"I have received many amazing letters," Kissinger says. "It has been my first real exposure to the right-wing extremists. They sound very much like the left-wing extremists, only their vocabulary is not as good."

The criticism from the right boils down to the accusation that President Nixon and his conspirator, Kissinger, are weakening the power of the United States by withdrawing almost everywhere in the world so that the Russians can come in.

And if that is not bad enough, they are also accused of cosying up to Red China in a cowardly effort to avoid the manly, inevitable confrontation.

AS ONE might suspect from his background, Henry Kissinger says he is most concerned about the danger on the right.

He has said privately that, if there is a revolution in this country, "it will not be led by middle-class college students with long hair."

It will be led, he says, by the frustrated and angry hordes of people on the right who will feel that this country has been defeated and humiliated militarily and economically in Vietnam and other places. They are the ones who will make a serious grab for power, and might really get it.

By phasing out the Vietnam withdrawal, Kissinger has argued, the right may be placated and his country spared an attempted, fascist-type revolution.

Kissinger has also said, in so many words, that the policy of phased withdrawal is designed to protect the threatened freedom of those on the left who are most profoundly opposed to the policy.

Altogether, it is as elegant and slipper a bit of political reasoning as you are likely to come across in this day and age.

SOME of Kissinger's old colleagues and acquaintances, free from the passion of topical debate, ask themselves, and each other, "What is it that Henry wants?"

Does he want to be known as the most significant German-Jewish immigrant to America since Einstein? Does he want a share of those symbiotic relationships of history to be remembered as Nixon's Kissinger? Does Henry truly have an epic vision of history?

"It will be believe," Henry Kissinger says, "in the tragic element of history. I believe there is the tragedy of a man who works very hard and never gets what he wants. And then I believe there is the tragedy, "that there is a man who finally gets what he wants and finds out that he doesn't want it."

You are left by this man, who has the making of a great philosopher, to puzzle out the significance of that thought for yourself.

(c) 1971 New York Times

Thursday, November 25, 1971

THE STARS AND STRIPES

Page 15

> "But to its credit, Harvard agreed to take me, even though its enrollment was closed, too."

AP

**Q** Doesn't Henry Kissinger ever go out with any girl, famous or unknown, who doesn't then try to cash in on the publicity?

S.P., Santa Fe, N.M.

**A** So far we know of only one. The tasteful and discreet English actress, Samantha Eggar, has dated the Presidential adviser during his Hollywood visits.

**Q** What kind of "pop culture" can President Nixon expect when he visits Peking?

D.P., Palm Beach, Fla.

**A** Well, he can get the sheet music for the big Red Chinese song hit and learn to play it on the White House piano. The rollicking tune now challenging the Internationale in popularity-by-edict was originally an army ditty. Its title — "Three Main Rules of Discipline and Eight Points for Attention." The President may balk at singing some of the lyrics, which go, "Don't take a single needle or piece of thread from the masses" and "don't take liberties with women."

Samantha: Discreet dates.

c. and Jan.

RESSE: Fowl
 exhibit Dec.

S: Santon Fair
to Jan. 6.

Run-off race
tear-old horses

ANY

ADEN: Res-
learn To Ski
again in Jan.,
8 or call 2538-

the Opera:
and 14), "Der
ec. 11), "Ma-

Horse Racing at Mariendorf
Dec. 12, 19 and 26 at 2 p.m.

"The World As Guest In Ber-
lin" Foreign Foods Specialty
Month to Jan. 6 at the restau-
rants and hotels along the
Kurfuerstendamm.

Karel Gott at the Phil-
harmonie Dec. 9.

Violinists Yehudi and Hephzi-
bah Menuhin at the Phil-
harmonie Dec. 10.

Berlin Philharmonic Or-
chestra playing Berg,
Tschiakovsky, at the Phil-
harmonie Dec. 11 and 12.

International Racing Car
Show at the Deutschlandhalle
Dec. 11-16.

German Speed Skating
Chamnionshins at the

Thursday, December 2, 1971

The Drive—
One?

14-year-old boy was recently stabbed to death in one London school playground by a boy of the same age, now being held on charge of murder.

In the same time, the 55,000-strong National Association of Schoolmasters (NAS) produced a court listing 200 cases of classroom violence and vandalism, including sexual assaults on ten teachers.

William Parkes, a sociologist who concentrates on studying juvenile delinquents, horrid a recent educational conference by say-

where have been a number of cases where schoolboys, lying helpless in the gutter, have been set alight.

This is not the work of teen-agers but of children aged 9, 10 or 11."

London was the first municipal authority inain to outlaw whacking for the younger set. School kids over the age of 11 still quake under threat of the cane.

At London's cautious move — hailed by libels as humane and denounced by others as one — seems unlikely to be followed immediately by other English cities.

A survey published by London's Daily Telegraph indicated that most provincial education officers prefer to leave teachers with the right to access to their final deterrent against child-mayhem.

In the majority of districts the cane comes whipping down only in "exceptional circumstances" — and often its existence is regarded as a sufficient threat. Canings occur maybe once or twice a year.

Britain's big controversy over corporal punishment in schools tends to strike a strange, old-fashioned note in many countries overseas.

In most European countries, corporal punishment for kids is a thing of the past.

In the United States, many educators have found a substitute for violence against unruly pupils.

Dan Smith, a supervisor at the American School in London, said: "What is happening in England now reminds me of what the United States went through five years ago.

"Our answer was to suspend students or, ultimately, expel them. Under the law, parents have to provide schooling for their children, and an expulsion means they have to place them in private schools, often at high cost. So there was parental pressure to behave."

Smith, of Aspen, Colo., took the view that both in England and the United States there is a fundamental disenchantment by children in the current schooling process. "Punishment is a side issue," he said. "What's important is that the kids should gain confidence in the system."

The cane is not in use at London's American School.

It Heroin Traffic

Q Henry Kissinger complained about movie starlet Judy Brown using him for publicity. Is this true?

A The temptation may be strong for the ladies to line themselves up with the President's Number One adviser, but Henry himself isn't entirely free of the taint of letting a non-romance look like one. When twitted by Secretary of State Rogers in front of President Nixon about Gloria Steinem, Kissinger just giggled and didn't deny that the Women's Lib leader was his "girl friend." Gloria has been vehemently denying it all over the place, saying she only saw Kissinger out of repor-torial curiosity. So who's social-climbing on whom?

The invited guests gather around OAS Secretary-General Galo Plaza during the speech he delivered to mark the occasion.

## Chairman Bernardo Rueda Stresses Role of Panacafe, Offers Toast with Coffee from All Americas

"This celebration has a special significance for the Pan-American Coffee Bureau, the organization that has devoted its efforts through a good number of years towards furthering international cooperation in all aspects pertaining to the coffee market. The presence here of distinguished personalities from the Congress and Government of the United States and from our Latin American countries is living proof that these efforts have not been in vain.

"No less significant is the fact that one of Latin America's most distinguished personalities in his capacity as Secretary General of the Organization of American States has graciously sponsored this event.

"Let us toast once again to coffee with coffee from all the Americas here represented as a symbol of the continuing friendship and cooperation among our countries."

General view of Pan American Coffee Day Fiesta held at the grand salon of the Casa de las Américas (Hall of the Americas), Pan American Union Building, Washington, D. C.

From left to right: Ambassador Joseph John Jova, U. S. representative to the OAS; H. E. Dr. Roberto Gálvez-Barnes, Ambassador of Honduras to the White House; Ambassador Carlos Holguín, representative of Colombia to the OAS; Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, Special Assistant to President Nixon for National Security Affairs; and H. E. Dr. Francisco Linares-Aranda, Ambassador of Guatemala to the White House.

El Imparcial, Guatemala City, Guatemala, April 27, 1970

Bajo los Auspicios de la OEA

## Día del Café Celebrado en la Semana Panamericana con Relieve

La significación del café como artículo de exportación más importante de Latinoamérica se hizo descartar este año durante la tradicional celebración del Día del Café de la Semana panamericana.

En esta ocasión, el Día del Café se festejó bajo los auspicios de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) y de la Oficina panamericana del Café, conjuntamente, en el gran salón de la Casa de las Américas, Unión Panamericana, Washington, D. C., el día 15 de abril.

Por invitación conjunta del secretario general de la OEA, señor Galo Plaza, y del presidente de la Junta ejecutiva de la Oficina Panamericana del Café, señor Bernardo Rueda, asistieron a la celebración aproximadamente 500 personas, inclusive embajadores latinoamericanos ante la Casa Blanca y la OEA, altos funcionarios

del gobierno de los Estados Unidos y de la Casa Blanca, congresistas, oficiales de organismos internacionales, miembros de la prensa, la radio y la televisión, así como representantes de la Oficina Panamericana del Café.

La fiesta se vio realizada con la presencia del señor Henry A. Kissinger, asesor especial del presidente Nixon en el Consejo nacional de seguridad y en cuestiones de política exterior.

Por primera vez en la historia de los países cañadorees, durante la fiesta se sirvieron tipos diferentes de café procedentes de los 18 países productores de café, miembros de la OEA, así como de Hawaii y Puerto Rico. Expertos dirigidos por Charles Grebinger, del Centro para la preparación del café (Coffee Brewing Center), prepararon no sólo cafés típicos de nuestras regiones, sino también café exótico de Hawaii y café he

lado, los cuales fueron servidos por directivas senioritas, representando a todas las Américas, vestidas en trajes típicos de cada país.

Además del señor Bernardo Rueda, concurrieron a la recepción, en representación de la Oficina Panamericana del café y sus naciones miembros: el licenciado René Montes, presidente del Consejo; el señor César A. Gomes, representante en los Estados Unidos del Instituto brasileño del café; el ingeniero Alfredo Vargas, representante de Venezuela; el señor don Marcos Usrocovich-Beuta, representante del Ecuador; y los señores Kenneth W. Burgers, ingeniero Oscar Díaz-Echeverría, director ejecutivo y director ejecutivo adjunto, respectivamente.

Usaron de la palabra durante la conmemoración del Día del café en el octogésimo aniversario del Sistéma Interamericano el secretario general de la OEA, señor Galo Plaza; el embajador Joseph John Jova, representante de los Estados Unidos ante la OEA; y el señor Bernardo Rueda, los cuales hicieron destacar la importancia del café para la ecología de Latinoamérica y la significación del Convenio internacional del café en el comercio mundial.

Mr. Thomas C. Mann, former Under Secretary of State for Economic Affairs who played a key role in the establishment of the International Coffee Agreement (right) is greeted at the coffee party by (from left to right) Mr. Manuel Ramírez, OAS Deputy Chief of Protocol; OAS Secretary-General Plaza; Dr. Rueda of Colombia; Ambassador Raúl A. Quijano of Argentina, newly elected OAS Council Chairman; and Dr. René Montes of Guatemala.

4

Panacafe Spokesmen
Heard and Seen
Throughout
Latin America

As a part of the Pan American Coffee Day observance, representatives of the Pan-American Coffee Bureau delivered brief talks early in the day. The participants in these talks, which were broadcast in several languages from Washington, D. C. through the OAS-Radio and the Voice of America, were Cesar Augusto Gomes, U. S. representative of the Brazilian Coffee Institute (in Portuguese); Dr. René Montes, of Guatemala, Chairman of the Pan-American Coffee Bureau Council (in Spanish); Mr. Kenneth W. Burgess, Bureau's Executive Director (in English); and Mr. Oscar Díaz, of Guatemala, Bureau's Deputy Executive Director (in Spanish).

Montes, who is also Guatemala's representative to the International Coffee Organization, in addition presented a discussion of the International Coffee Agreement for telecast to Latin America.

Selected photographs of the event were distributed by World Coffee Information Center, together with press releases, to all the Latin American coffee-producing nations.

The United Press International service, which provided special coverage of the Coffee Day celebration, radioed photographs throughout the Hemisphere.

Ambassador Henrique Rodrigues Valle, representative of Brazil to the OAS, is served a cafezinho by Miss Amelia Reis of the Brazilian Embassy.

Ambassador Luis Demetrio Tinoco, of Costa Rica, receives a cup of his country's coffee from a young lady dressed in her Costa Rican costume.

To demonstrate that coffee is the favorite drink of the Americans and the Americas, Representative Lester L. Wolff of New York, a member of the House Foreign Affairs Committee, chats over coffee with representatives of the Pan-American Coffee Bureau. From left to right: Mr. Cesar A. Gomes, of Brazil; Dr. Alfredo Vargas, permanent representative of Venezuela; Dr. René Montes, of Guatemala; Mr. Marcos Uscocovich, permanent representative of Ecuador; Congressman Lester L. Wolff; and Mr. Kenneth W. Burgess, Executive Director.

6

Washington Star, Oct. 17, 1971

A

# Kissinger Mapped Nixon Shift

By GEORGE SHERMAN
Star Staff Writer

The realpolitik of Henry A. Kissinger — professor, world strategist and chief architect of Nixon foreign policy — has finally come into its own.

The White House emissary took off from Andrews Air Force Base yesterday en route

Western Europe Searching for New Role. Page B-2

to his second conclave in Peking where he will arrive Wednesday for four days of talks. His mission — final arrangements for an American president's first visit to Communist China. He also leaves behind here another first — announcement last week that Richard Nixon will join a summit late next May in the Kremlin.

## Interpretation

Chroniclers of the time may well gasp at the galloping pace of this geopolitical change. In just three months, scarcely more than a comma in the history books, the old familiar world of the Cold War has given way to a civil dialogue between Washington and each of two competing Communist giants.

Long-time Nixon watchers also may well doubt the genuineness of yet another "new Nixon" in the public arena. With superb political skill, he seems to have grasped the yearning of seared and tortured American society for relaxation from turmoil abroad.

Underneath, however, no

one yet knows whether Nixon — cold warrior and rather old-fashioned nationalist of the 40s, 50s and 60s — really has the stuff of compromise implied by the dialogues with China and Russia.

Of Henry Kissinger's stance, his deep commitment to cold, hard logic in pursuing international equilibrium, there can be no doubt. The budding triangular diplomacy between Peking, Washington and Moscow is a natural outgrowth of a philosophy of power politics Kissinger adopted as long ago as 1954 in his doctoral thesis on that master 19th Century politiker Metter-

nich and the Congress of Vienna.

Still implicit in the Kissinger approach today is a passion for order. That means two kinds of order—first, order in the way a superpower makes its policy decisions, and, second, conceptual order within which that superpower should dispassionately implement decisions aimed at stability in the dangerous world of nuclear stalemate.

Just before entering the White House with President Nixon, Kissinger put it all down on paper. His contribution to "Agenda for the Nation," a collection of essays put out by the Brookings Institution in late 1968 outlining problems facing the new administration, was a broadside onslaught against the traditional psychology of American foreign policy.

"Part of the reason for our difficulties," wrote Kissinger, "is our reluctance to think in terms of power and equilibrium." He charged that American devotion to morality, idealism, and quick absolute solutions—which in practice give way to instant unthought-out decisions of "crisis diplomacy" when applied to the real world—have prevented inquiry into the essence

and real premises of American foreign policy.

"It is part of American folklore," wrote Kissinger, "that, while other nations have interests, we have responsibilities; while other nations are concerned with equilibrium, we are concerned with the legal requirements of peace. We have a tendency to offer our requirements of peace. We have a tendency to offer our altruism as a guarantee of our reliability: 'We have no quarrel with the Communists,' Secretary of State Rusk said on one occasion, 'all of our quarrels are on behalf of other people.'"

He mentioned a long and coolly academic analysis of what he would do at home and abroad to change all that—steps which today, three years later, aptly describe the Nixon conduct of foreign policy. Through a tightly-ordered National Security Council system, whose chief engineer is Kissinger, Nixon has succeeded in breaking what Kissinger labeled "the inertia of modern bureaucracy," and embarking on thoughtful and highly imaginative new foreign policy ventures.

Overseas the emphasis is on practicality, as businesslike as

See POLICY Page A-5

Indianapolis Star, Oct. 29, 1971

HAK FYI

HAK
HASSER

Henry J. Taylor Says:
# Nixon-Gromyko Talk Worries Rogers

Taylor

Secretary of State William P. Rogers is privately but profoundly concerned about Soviet Foreign Secretary Andrei A. Gromyko's recent agreeable "yes, yes" session with President Nixon at the White House.

Gromyko is a man suspicious enough to bite off his own mother's finger when she hands him a cooky. And he comes by this honestly, for the Kremlin hierarchy operates on the assumption that everybody is unreliable.

Do you remember when Gromyko, lying through his teeth, swore up and down to President Kennedy in the White House that there were no Soviet missiles in Cuba? He assisted in stage-managing one of the most pitiful and disastrous presidential bungles in the history of the United States, if not the worst.

Gromyko is back again, as so often, like a shower of bad pennies. It is a repeat performance in concealing the fact that to the Reds coexistence means: my peace, yes, your peace. no. I have known him for nearly 20 years, had countless negotiations with him, and his rule is that all taking is fair and that any giving is your fault.

There are some people who are least likable when they are trying to be likable, as Gromyko was with President Nixon, and he is one of them. But Rogers' real concern is about the difference between the Soviet's superficially conciliatory attitude and the grim realities of the USSR's increasingly massive military buildup.

Gromyko personified what the USSR says is one thing, what it means is another, and what it does is a third. But to Rogers handsome is as handsome does, and all the military buildup can only be in preparation for a new round of Soviet power politics after the American retirement from Vietnam and reduction of our forces in Europe.

Behind the scenes, Rogers largely parts company with presidential adviser Henry A. Kissinger in this analysis, although he does not say so. And Rogers' additional concern

is that the war for the defense of Western civilization is entering its critical stage, yet the millions here and abroad who should be its passionate defenders, unaware of the nature and of their danger, have left the gate open and gone to bed.

To err may be human, he feels, but to be that deep in error is downright inconceivable.

The interests of the USSR, whether manifested in Vietnam, Cuba, the Middle East, the Paris peace talks or elsewhere remain totally hostile to the United States. Gromyko's White House superficialities notwithstanding, what we are seeing is the Communists' traditional hammer-lock technique: smile occasionally, twist a little more, quarrel a little more, lie a little more until the resistance can stand it no longer.

The problem has three phases: short range, intermediate and final. And in this the Russians appear to have Oriental patience.

The Soviet realpolitik is that the side which fights the harder in conferences and out will compel the adversaries to accept its conditions.

The Kremlin, obtaining generous concessions, brings the reconciliation to nothing by treating as a sign of weakness what has been inspired by the desire for peace.

The practice is the Soviet technique of gradualism. Accustom people to retreating and you cannot only push them out of firm positions but they'll even begin to believe that ducking into doorways is really much better than walking down the street.

Rogers blames much of the blindness and irrationality on Soviet propaganda. The target of diplomacy and propaganda is the same: to strengthen influence among friends and contain the inroads made by adversaries. And by the Soviet's use of the big lie and repetition, repetition, repetition the USSR scores heavily.

To the Kremlin propagandists black is white and white is black. They know how to paint the picture. But Rogers points out that their propaganda machine is only as effective as we are stupid. Our own simple-mindedness is the Reds' opportunity.

One of the hidden strengths in this propaganda is that millions among us ignore it. Thus, given the good direction it gets, it can be channeled into being a wave.

Our secretary of state's concern should be the concern of every thoughtful man and woman in the United States.

(United Features Syndicate)

YOU...

DR. HENRY A. KISSINGER, PRESIDENT NIXON'S NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS ADVISER, IS BEGINNING TO REALIZE HE MAY BE A HOUSEHOLD WORD IN JAPAN BUT IT'S NOT NECESSARILY A NICE ONE.

ON THE TRIP TO ALASKA TO MEET EMPEROR HIROHITO, A JAPANESE CORRESPONDENT, AWE-STRICKEN TO MEET THE FOREIGN POLICY ARCHITECT, TOLD KISSINGER THAT HE WAS "VERY FAMOUS IN JAPAN."

SEEKING AN INTERVIEW, THE CORRESPONDENT TOLD DR. KISSINGER: "YOU KNOW, IF YOU APPEAR IN TOKYO ON TELEVISION IT COULD CHANGE YOU'RE IMAGE."

KISSINGER'S FACE FELL.

BUT DR. KISSINGER IS A CELEBRITY WHEN HE GOES TO "21" IN NEW YORK. SOME TIME AGO, KISSINGER WAS LIONIZED WHEN HE APPEARED IN THE SMART MANHATTAN RESTAURANT WITH A BEAUTIFUL BLONDE. THERE WAS A LOT OF BUZZING AND CRANING OF NECKS IN THE DINING ROOM.

AMONG THOSE ON HAND WAS ANOTHER WASHINGTON CELEBRITY IN HER OWN RIGHT, MARY BROOKS, DIRECTOR OF THE U.S. MINT.

THE WAITER AT HER TABLE LEANED DOWN AT ONE POINT, POINTED IN THE DIRECTION OF THE PRESIDENT'S CHIEF FOREIGN POLICY ADVISER AND WHISPERED TO HER "IF YOU GO TO THE LITTLE GIRLS' ROOM YOU CAN SEE HENRY KISSINGER."

"IS HE THERE?" ASKED MRS. BROOKS IN ASTONISHMENT.

ADV FOR WEEKEND OF

OCT 2-3, 1971

RESERVED..

Washington Daily News, Oct. 5, 1971

Moscow has a Kissinger, too

London Express Service

MOSCOW—A mysterious but powerful new figure has appeared recently in the huddle of top Soviet leaders.

His name is Andrei Alexandrov and he is described as personal aide to Party Leader Leonid Brezhnev.

But his role in leadership affairs and the rumors of influence he wields already have led him to be dubbed in Moscow's diplomatic circles as Mr. Brezhnev's Kissinger.

Little is known about Mr. Alexandrov except that he is 53 years old, a lofty browsed intellectual and that he holds the rank of ambassador.

He speaks fluent German. Indeed it is so perfect that Germans here who have met him say he must have spent some years in Germany, presumably East Germany.

GROUP OF AIDES

Mr. Alexandrov heads a small group of close aides Mr. Brezhnev has gathered around him. They are clever, wordly men and comparatively young—the No. 2 to Mr. Alexandrov, is only 35. They appear to be advising Mr. Brezhnev on the Soviet Union's new dovish diplomatic offensive.

It is probable that Mr. Alexandrov and his thinktank wield more influence on the Soviet Union's foreign policy nowadays than foreign minister Andrei Gromyko.

For Party Chief Brezhnev has taken over the reins of foreign affairs so dramatically in the past few months that the roles of both Mr. Gromyko and of Premier Alexi Kosygin in this field have diminished.

The emergence of Mr. Alexandrov and his

team coincides with the face-lift in the public image of Mr. Brezhnev himself.

To the world, Mr. Brezhnev seems as dull and formal as a pin-striped British Civil Servant who people who have met him insist he is a lively guy.

When West Germany's Chancellor Willy Brandt came to the Crimea last month Mr. Brezhnev demonstrated his personality.

At the airport waiting for Mr. Brandt's plane to arrive he stood on a fence to wave to the Russian crowd. He spotted a group of German correspondents and shouted: "Are you ours?" "No," they replied, "We are ours!"

BRANDT VISIT

"Ah, you are joking with me," cried the beaming Mr. Brezhnev. "Never mind. I hope you will stop writing about the differences between us. It is more interesting to be progressive."

Just then Mr. Brandt's plane came into sight, circled the airfield and disappeared again into clouds to prepare for a landing. As it turned away from the airfield Mr. Brezhnev shouted jokingly:

"Ho ho, he has changed his mind and he is going back to Germany."

All of which is trivial banter—but followed by Mr. Brezhnev's willingness to chat to the handful of West German correspondents who had been allowed to the Crimea for the meeting and then topped by his chatty aides in Belgrade a little later, it is clear that he is attempting to become a more personable man in the eyes of the world.

WA 1..

OCT 9-10

30GA HFR

STAIRS 10-6 WA
ADV FOR WEEKEND OF OCT 9-10

BY HELEN THOMAS

WASHINGTON (UPI) -- BACKSTAIRS AT THE WHITE HOUSE:

PRESIDENT NIXON'S NATIONAL SECURITY AFFAIRS ADVISER, HENRY A.
KISSINGER, HAS MANY ADMIRERS AND AT LEAST ONE SUPER FAN -- HIS FATHER.

HE IS SEVENTY-YEAR-OLD LOUIS KISSINGER, A NEW YORK WHO KEEPS A
SCR PBOOK OF CLIPS ON HIS FAMOUS SON. THE ELDER KISSINGER IS TOTALLY
LOYAL AND HE IS HAPPY WHEN THE NEWSPAPER STORIES FLATTER HIS BOY.

HE ALSO IS IRKED WHEN KISSINGER'S DETRACTORS POUR IT ON.

KISSINGER HIMSELF IS AMUSED AND TOUCHED BY HIS FATHER'S INTEREST.
MANY OF THE KISSINGER NEWS ITEMS ARE NOT ABOUT HIS WHITE HOUSE WORK
BUT ABOUT HIS SWINGING SOCIAL LIFE AS A MAN ABOUT TOWN. BUT HIS DAD
TAKES THAT IN STRIDE. WHAT ANNOYS HIM IS WHEN SOMEONE WRITES
CRITICALLY OF HIS SON'S WORK AS A CHIEF ARCHITECT OF U.S. FOREIGN
POLICY.

KISSINGER OFTEN GETS TELEPHONE CALLS FROM HIS FATHER WHEN HE IS
UPSET OVER A STORY.

THE SCRAPBOOK ALSO INCLUDES THE HEADLINE-MAKING SECRET TRIP
KISSINGER MADE TO PEKING TO SET UP NIXON'S PROJECTED VISIT TO MAINLAND
CHINA.

LATER THIS MONTH DR. KISSINGER WILL TRAVEL BACK TO PEKING IN THE
PUBLIC SPOTLIGHT. APPARENTLY KISSINGER'S ABILITY TO BLUFF
R PORTERS AND THE PUBLIC WAS USED UP FOR GOOD WHEN HE SNUCK OFF TO
PEKING THE FIRST TIME UNDER A COVER STORY ABOUT BEING ILL IN
PAKISTAN WITH AN "INTESTINAL" PROBLEM. KISSINGER'S MOVEMENTS AND
HEREABOUTS ARE NOW AVIDLY FOLLOWED.

"I DO NOT EXPECT ANY STOMACHACHES TO DEVELOP," KISSINGER QUIPPED
THIS WEEK IN ANNOUNCING HIS SECOND PEKING TRIP.

KISSINGER WILL BE NEGOTIATING ON A DATE AND THE AGENDA FOR THE
NIXON MEETING WITH PREMIER CHOU EN LAI. A MEMBER OF PRESS
SECRETARY RONALD ZIEGLER'S STAFF WILL TRY TO MAKE ARRANGEMENTS FOR
PR SS COVERAGE, WHICH WILL TAKE SOME DOING.

THE TRAVELING WHITE HOUSE PRESS MAY PROVE TO BE A SHOCK TO THE
CLOS D CHINESE SOCIETY WITH ITS STATE-CONTROLLED COMMUNICATIONS.

"I BELIEVE THAT THE CHINESE IN THEIR LONG AND DISTINGUISHED HISTORY HAVE NEVER ENCOUNTERED ANYTHING LIKE A PRESIDENTIAL PRESS PARTY," SAID KISSINGER.

NOT HIS TOTAL LIFE. HE LIKES HIS JOB BUT HE EXPECTS HE WILL BE MOVING
ON.

STANS WOULD LIKE TO STAY ON IN THE CABINET THROUGH THE ELECTION,
BUT HE POINTS OUT THAT HE IS "A MEMBER OF THE TEAM" AND IF THE
PRESIDENT PREFERS HIM IN A SPOT WHERE HE CAN RUSTLE UP THE VOTES,
HE WILL DO IT.

STANS IS A BIG GAME HUNTER AND HE FINDS BEING A MEMBER OF THE
CABINET INHIBITS HIS TRAVELS TO AFRICA. THERE IS A STANS
MUS UM IN ROCK HILL, N.C. WHERE SOME 130 SPECIES OF ANIMALS ARE
DISPLAYED.

HE SAYS THERE ARE MANY JOYS TO BEING A MEMBER OF THE TOP
GOVERNMENT TEAM AND ONE IS THAT YOU CAN "CHANGE THE COURSE OF EVENTS."

DV FOR WEEKEND OF OCT 9-10

JG1207AED..

INSIDE LABOR

Release on Receipt

Dispatched 10/6/71

Unreported Cold War:

Conflict Between Nixon and Meany Over
Red China Will Affect World Politics

By Victor Riesel

WASHINGTON--There is more than one freeze in this jittery capital. The sharp chill which has polarized Richard Nixon and George Meany has developed into a cold war between the White House and the House of Labor over foreign policy. To report that this is of almost revolutionary significance is not rhetoric. To note that the battle between the President of the U.S. and the powerful president of the American labor movement is confined to Asia is a provincial understatement.

This foreign policy cold war touches all crises points from Peking to Jerusalem, from the Middle East to Berlin, from Moscow to Middletown, U.S.A.

It actually is a battle of two foreign offices -- that of President Nixon and that of President Meany. The AFL-CIO spends 20 per cent of its national income aiding free trade unions abroad -- financing the daily battles against Communist cadres across the globe.

This laborite opposition has infuriated Mr. Nixon as virtually little else has since his taking office. He anticipated right-wing criticism of his mission to mainland China. He discounted it. He did not weigh it heavily. Nor did he believe he would lose conservative votes. If so, he believed that broad support for his tension-easing voyage would neutralize loss of the conservatives and bring in the independent voters. He did not believe that the labor movement, which had been the strongest organized force supporting his foreign policy, would do more than demure.

Obviously neither he, nor Dr. Kissinger, nor any of his intimate advisers understand the inflexibly anti-Communist George Meany. How could they? Virtually all of them are newcomers to this capital. Few briefed themselves on the abuse the Communist world, be it Stalinist, Maoist, Trotskyite or neophyte explosive revolutionists, have dumped on the AFL-CIO president. To this Marxist world, Meany is global enemy No. 1. He has balked them on continent after continent.

He believes mainland China to be a brutal slave state in which some 25 million people have been killed as tens of millions were in the U.S.S.R. during the '20s and '30s.

He believes that Peking China is a paper tiger in desperate economic bankruptcy, industrial chaos and starvation. Those around him believe that Communist China wants American expertise to swing it into the 21st Century -- in direct competition to American working people.

Thus there is added to the loathing of world Communism a political and economic pragmatism. Peking's commune system virtually is not in a money economy. They are, in a sense, a sort of slave labor camp. They could produce textiles, for example -- once they get the expertise and technology -- practically at no unit labor cost at all. Soon they would be able to undersell the rest of the world with virtually any product.

Now, note what steelworkers chief I. W. (Abe) Abel, president of the AFL-CIO's Industrial Union Dept. told the "Save Our Jobs Rally" last Monday (Oct. 4). He said that, since 1966, foreign competition has killed some 700,000 American jobs with low-cost imports. And that 200,000 of these had been filled by textile workers.

Communist Chinese production could bring this total to millions of lost jobs in all fields -- once the communes start rolling.

But the cold war truly raging across Lafayette Square here is not confined to Asia. There is Berlin. Many believes that the White House is just as wrong in Europe as it is in China. This has been virtually ignored by observers. It has gone unreported. The AFL-CIO Executive Council, meeting Aug. 9-10 in San Francisco, sharply criticized the four-power negotiations in the isolated city. Many and his colleagues deplored what they called Communist efforts to create a "third Germany."

The council called for nothing less than the tearing down of the Berlin "Wall of Shame." The labor leaders demanded implementation of a 1951 United Nations resolution which called for a commission to visit the Soviet Zone and East Berlin to examine the feasibility of holding free election throughout all of Germany -- East and West -- and thus uniting the nation.

As for the Four-Power negotiations which permit the dismal wall to divide the city, the AFL-CIO sees this as a betrayal of all those who fought for freedom.

There is a sharp difference, too, between labor and the White House over the Middle East. Many and his colleagues believe the U.S. just is not pressuring the Russians to get out of occupied Arab lands. Certainly not with the vigor the Communists use to needle the U.S. in Okinawa and Taiwan.

The cold war between forces led by Richard Nixon and George Meany is no battle of words. It will affect the 1972 election. It will affect internal balances of power in many free lands. It will affect labor movements abroad. It will cut into the President's influence in Congress. You can believe it, it isn't just a war of words -- it's a war of two ideological worlds.

These were heads and subheads in left-of-center *Combat* of Paris:

"NIXON'S OSTPOLITIK. After His Visit to China, the U.S. President Will Visit Moscow in May. This Initiative Involves a Series of Objectives on His Part: 1. To Soothe Soviet Fears of Sino-American Encirclement; 2. To reduce the Cost of Arms Outlay; 3. To Try to Get the Kremlin to Cooperate in a Solution of the Vietnam Problem; 4. To Exploit in the Eyes of International Public Opinion the Psychological Advantages Won by American Diplomacy; 5. To Gain Maximum Trumps Before the Opening of the Election Campaign."

*"Moscow Informed Paris Early"*

The diplomatic editor of mass-circulation *France-Soir* said this afternoon that there is "considerable satisfaction" in Paris that Moscow "observed its commitment to political cooperation" and informed President Pompidou of the Nixon visit "as early as October 6" when the new Soviet ambassador presented his credentials.

"The U.S. does not appear to have shown the same consideration. If it informed France... it was at the last minute."

The paper's Washington correspondent said the Chinese had been informed of the visit to Moscow "and for all that have not cancelled or delayed the visit which Kissinger is to make to Peking.... Their attitude shows that the balanced policy conducted by the U.S. does not embarrass them in any way."

*"The Man of Surprises"*

Financial *Les Echos* of Paris said today:

"President Nixon is definitely the man of great surprises.... Now he creates another sensation.... People will perhaps say that these spectacular initiatives poorly conceal ulterior electoral motives.... That would be seeing only the petty side of things. In fact, Mr. Nixon is in the process of taking his place among the great Presidents of the U.S."

No. 135

6

10/13/71

A commentator in moderately conservative *Figaro* of Paris today maintained
that the Soviet invitation "is chiefly a charm operation..."

"For the Russians, the only valid opposite number on the world scene today is America.... For the USSR... a detente between China and the U.S. is inconceivable without a spectacular confirmation... of the present detente in relations between Moscow and Washington. President Nixon... evidently could not miss such a fine occasion to present himself to the American public as the man of peace...."

Daley, Ted Discuss
Issues—Not People

Mayor Daley insisted at his press conference yesterday that he and Sen. Edward M. Kennedy [D., Mass.] didn't discuss the senator's possible candidacy for the Democratic nomination for President during their 40-minute meeting in the mayor's office Tuesday evening.

See Schools
Shortage of
$62 Million

[Continued from first page]

million more than last year's
total budgets.

Last year, the board passed a $646-million budget in January, a $40-million supplemental budget in September, and a separate 30-million lunchroom fund budget.

Result of Criticism

This is the first year that such a working document has been presented and is an outgrowth of criticism by board members, primarily Warren Bacon, that the board has not been able to set priorities for its budget.

In the past, an already balanced tentative budget was presented to the board with a list of "unmet needs." This year the board will decide which needs should be unmet.

Redmond told the board that reducing this budget will be a "gigantic task."

What about the campaign for the Presidency?

"We were both optimistic," said Daley. "We agreed there is no doubt the Democratic Party will come up with an outstanding candidate."

Discuss the Issues

Did he ask Kennedy whether he is a candidate?

"No, I didn't ask him."

Is he a candidate?

"You'd have to ask him about that."

Did you discuss any other candidates?

"No."

According to Daley, he and Kennedy discussed matters such as public health, how to increase the number of doctors in the inner-city, the problems of Northern Ireland and Pakistan, and the Kennedy family.

Did they discuss political issues?

Talk of Jobs, Housing

Yes, the most important was the country, and the economy. We talked about ending the Viet Nam war, unemployment, and housing."

Kennedy apparently headed directly to the mayor's office from O'Hare Airport. His visit preceded the senator's address Tuesday night before a capacity crowd of 1,400 persons in the Prudential Building. The speech was sponsored by the Chicago Council of Foreign Relations.

Henry Kissinger, adviser to President Nixon on foreign policy, met for 45 minutes yesterday afternoon with Daley in the mayor's office, but neither would comment as to what they discussed.

Calle Cuite "Not So..."

WASHINGTON REPORT

Washington, October 15, 1971

WR-71-18

CUBA: THE SOVIET ICEBERG
STILL FLOATS IN THE CARIBBEAN

A Second Report by the Cuban Watch Committee

Editor's Note: The first report of the Cuban Watch Committee appeared on January 25, 1971 (Washington Report 71-2.) This report dealt especially with the developments in Cienfuegos harbor, which earlier had provoked a U. S. warning to the Soviet Union against the construction of a nuclear submarine base in that key port on the south coast of Cuba. The Soviets responded by denying that they intended to build a submarine base in Cuba and reaffirmed their adherence - in a meeting between Presidential adviser Henry Kissinger and Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko - to their 1962 commitment not to reintroduce offensive weapon systems into Cuba. This second report is intended to bring the reader up to date on the general situation in Cuba as it affects the security of the United States and the Western Hemisphere. It takes into account Cuban underground sources especially available to the members of the Cuban Watch Committee. This report will also throw light on the problems associated with the current U. S. efforts to negotiate with the Soviet Union a reduction both in the strength of military forces in the NATO and Warsaw Pact alliances and in the size of the strategic arsenals in the U. S. and the U.S.S.R.

Military Developments

The specific threat posed to the United States by Soviet submarines based at Cienfuegos, or elsewhere in Cuba, stems from the fact that these submarines would be able to remain on station for a much longer time than would be the case if they were entirely dependent on their home bases in the Murmansk area of arctic Russia. This is particularly true of the new "Y" class, Polaris-type Soviet submarines, which now constitute the principal strategic naval threat to the United States. This force now consists of 25 operational submarines, with more being built at the rate of 8-10 per year. So far, none of the "Y" class is known to have operated in Cuban waters or to have called in Cuban ports, but other types of submarines, including those armed with missiles, have made repeated visits to Cuba.

The "minicrisis" between the U.S.S.R. and the U. S. in September 1970, was provoked by indications of rapid building of shore installations on Alcatraz Island in Cienfuegos bay, and by the entrance into Cienfuegos of a Soviet floe-tilla, including a submarine tender, an LST, a buoy tender, and a tug. The buoy tender and tug were each towing an 82 foot barge which had been transported from Russia by the LST. It is believed the two steel barges are designed to store radioactive waste discharged from the reactors of nuclear submarines. They are still present in Cienfuegos bay. The submarine tender could, of course, service nuclear submarines at sea or along any protected coast where there is reasonably calm water.

The United States asserts that this kind of submarine support activity would come under its interpretation of the "understanding" of

1962 covering offensive weapon systems in Cuba. But what the U. S. could or would do about such an activity, if it persists, is a very different matter.

At present, the U. S. attention seems primarily directed to the shore installations in Cienfuegos and the presence in port of Soviet submarines and submarine tenders. But this concentration on Cienfuegos partially misses the point that the Soviet Union is strengthening its overall military position in Cuba-under the umbrella of its massive strategic power, which now exceeds that of the U. S. and which the U.S.S.R. is counting on to inhibit any strong U. S. reaction.

Despite Kissinger's warning to Gromyko in their meeting in October 1970, construction has continued at Cuban military installations under the direction of Soviet engineers, and Soviet military activities have increased. Among the key events have been these:

1. A major highway has been completed leading inland from Cienfuegos to La Cubilla, where there is a large Soviet military complex. Cuban workers, directed by Soviet military personnel, have expanded the base at Cienfuegos, to the point that it now covers an area of some six square miles. The already elaborate security precautions around the perimeter of the base have been further strengthened. And four subchasers of the Empka class, equipped with missiles, have been put on patrol around the waters near Alca-traz Island inside Cienfuegos harbor. In addition, the Soviet espionage ship, Kosmonaut Vladimir Numarov, which has been operating in the Caribbean for some time, has made Cienfuegos its regular port of call. These activities are in addition to earlier dredging and pier construction, and the erection of derricks, machine shops, storage tanks, barracks, warehouses, and recreational facilities. (For details, see: "Soviet Naval Activities in Cuba," Hearings before the Subcommittee on Interamerican Affairs, September 26, 1971, Washington, D. C., Government Printing Office.)

2. Intensive construction work has been started at Saetia, a peninsula enclosing the huge Nipe Bay in Oriente province, while other construction has continued at Caibarien, Neuvitas, Bajuraybo, Managua, and other military facilities. At Cayo Largo, 65 miles southwest of Cienfuegos, the Soviets have built a landing strip and docks, emplaced anti-aircraft batteries, built barracks, and camouflaged hangar-like buildings by the sea.

3. On December 7, 1970, three Soviet naval vessels, including an anti-submarine ship, a submarine, and a tanker arrived in Cuba and stayed until December 23rd. During the same period, the Soviet Navy also had a guided missile frigate and an oiler east of the Virgin Islands, the espionage ship Kosmonaut Vladimir Numarov

off the south coast of Cuba, and a submarine tender south of Haiti. The submarine tender, of the 9,000 ton Urga class, had by then become well known in the West Indies, and had provoked a remark the week before from Secretary of Defense Melvin Laird about a Soviet naval vessel "harbor hopping down in Cuba." Its movements, the Secretary noted, had been under the watchful eye of U. S. aircraft and warships. The tender had visited the harbor at Casilda, 40 miles east of Cienfuegos, sailed around western Cuba, entered the Gulf of Mexico for a stop at La Fe, a very secluded port at Guadiana Bay on the westernmost point of Cuba, and then moved to Mariel, 25 miles west of Havana before returning to Cienfuegos.

4. In mid-February, the fifth Soviet naval squadron made a port call in Cuba. The squadron consisted of one nuclear submarine, one guided missile cruiser, one submarine tender, and an oiler. The cruiser, No. 533, entered the harbor at Havana, while the other warships visited other Cuban ports including Mariel. Cuban underground sources reported that the submarine and the tender went to the area of Cienfuegos. Later, when the other vessels returned to the Soviet Union, the submarine tender remained behind.

5. In May, still another pair of Soviet naval vessels visited Cuba. They were the submarine tender No. AS-905 and a nuclear submarine of the Echo class. They stopped at Cayo Largo.

## The Growing Cuban Navy

These activities of Soviet naval vessels in Cuban waters and the related construction work at various Cuban port facilities must, in turn, be viewed in relation to the expanding Cuban Navy and Merchant Marine. The Washington "Evening Star" reported on November 4, 1970, that "the Cuban Navy is growing into a significant force" of some 100 ships. The "Star" attributed particular significance to the 18 Komar-type guided missile ships. They have a speed of 40 knots and carry two surface-to-surface missiles. The booklet, "Communist Threat to the United States Through the Caribbean," published by the Committee on the Judiciary, U. S. Senate (1970), carries several pictures of these Komar-type vessels traveling near the U. S. coastline.

The Cuban Merchant Marine, a branch of the Cuban Navy, has 51 modern freighters, five new oil tankers, and some forty trawlers. In addition, there are about 100 smaller ships engaged primarily in fishing activities. Soviet sailors are in control aboard many of the Cuban merchant ships and fishing trawlers. A crew manifest of the Cuban fishing vessel *Mar del Plata* which was turned over to authorities at Vigo, Spain, in 1969 lists a Boris Kinienko as Co-Captain, along with eight other Russian crew members. The Cubans officially admit that there are 150 Soviet advisers on Cuban "fishing" vessels.

Organization of American States, c) its concern over Cuba's export of revolution, and d) Cuba's military ties to the Soviet Union. Mr. Hurwitch pointed out that Cuba has not changed its policy of supporting armed revolution in the Western Hemisphere and that in the case of Cienfuegos, "Cuba permitted the Soviet Union to take new steps which could have afforded the Soviets the ability to again operate offensive weapons from this hemisphere."

In addition, said Mr. Hurwitch, "Cuba continues to interfere in the internal affairs of other hemispheric nations by providing training in Cuba for urban and rural terrorists—by providing monetary and other material support to subversive groups—and through occasional direct participation by Cubans in insurgencies. On July 26 Prime Minister Castro openly took sides in the pending Uruguayan elections and drew a stiff rejoinder from the Uruguayan government. His publicly expressed disappointment over the turn of events in Bolivia drew a reminder from the Bolivian Government that Cubans in 1967 and again in 1970 had blatantly interfered in the internal affairs of Bolivia. On August 27, 1971, Prime Minister Castro vigorously reaffirmed that he would not abandon his support for violent change in other nations of the hemisphere and spoke of Cuba's intention to give material support to Bolivian guerrillas. Prime Minister Castro said in August 1970 that if Cuba had not given full support to revolutionary movements in Latin America, it was in part because 'we have not been able to.' To abandon now these policies which hinder the Cuban Government's capability to achieve its objectives would therefore be neither prudent nor justified."

The Cuban Watch Committee applauds Mr. Hurwitch's statement on the U. S. position, as far as it goes. But the Committee also states the following:

First: The Sovietization of Cuba is making gigantic strides.

Second: It does not agree with Admiral Elmo R. Zumwalt, Jr. when the latter tells U. S. News and World Report (September 13, 1971) that he is "quite sure" that the Soviet Union in fact does not have a submarine base in Cuba. Admiral Zumwalt seems to be using a fine distinction between a "base" and a "facility." Other Defense officials have admitted that the Soviets have established the latter at Cienfuegos.

Third: The Kissinger-Gromyko "understanding" of October 1970, casts aside the Monroe Doctrine. This is something which can be done and has been done in certain cases in the past. But the charter of the Organization of American States and the Inter-American Treaty of Mutual Assistance of Rio De Janeiro include the United States among their signatories. The United States is violating these agreements when it discusses with an extra-continental power the fate of an American state, in this case Cuba, now under Soviet domination.

Fourth: The Soviet Union is engaged in political and military activities in the Caribbean Sea aimed directly at the security of the United States.

For the Cuban Watch Committee:

Dr. Herminio Portell-Vila, Editor, Radio Free Americas

Dr. Manolo Reyes,

Dr. Guillermo Belt, former Ambassador to the United States, the United Nations, and the Organization of American States

## EDITORIAL BOARD

<table><tr><td>John M. Fisher</td><td>Editor and Publisher</td></tr><tr><td>Frank J. Johnson</td><td>Managing and Foreign Editor</td></tr><tr><td>Dr. William K. Lambie, Jr.</td><td>Associate Editor</td></tr><tr><td>Dr. James D. Atkinson</td><td>International Politics Editor</td></tr><tr><td>Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky</td><td>Economics Editor</td></tr><tr><td>William H. Hecht</td><td>State Councils Editor</td></tr><tr><td>Edgar Ansel Mowrer</td><td>News Editor</td></tr></table>

<table><tr><td>Lee R. Pennington</td><td>Internal Security Editor</td></tr><tr><td>Dr. Herminio Portell-Vila</td><td>Latin American Editor</td></tr><tr><td>Dr. Stefan T. Possony</td><td>Strategic Affairs Editor</td></tr><tr><td>Prof. Raymond S. Sleeper</td><td>Associate Editor, Technology Editor</td></tr><tr><td>Dr. Stephen L. Speronis</td><td>Middle Eastern Editor</td></tr><tr><td>Duane Thorin</td><td>Contributing Editor</td></tr><tr><td>R. Adm. Chester Ward, USN (Ret)</td><td>Law & Space Editor</td></tr></table>

The American Security Council Washington Report is published bi-weekly by the American Security Council Press at 203 N. Main Street, Culpeper, Virginia 22701. Annual Subscription rates: United States, U. S. Possessions and Canada $10 a year. Additional copies available at 102 each postpaid. Printed in U.S.A. Second class postage paid at Culpeper, Virginia. The Washington Report is available by subscription only. Postmaster please send form 3579 to 203 N. Main Street, Culpeper, Virginia 22701.

Copyright by American Security Council. All rights reserved except that permission is granted for reproduction in whole or in part if context is preserved, credit given and two copies are forwarded to the American Security Council.

43

SENATE-U.N. (TOPS 24)

BY CARL P. LEUBSDORF

WASHINGTON (AP)-PRESIDENT NIXON WILL HAVE TO VETO THE $3.2 BILLION FOREIGN AID BILL UNLESS RESTRICTIONS ON ADMINISTRATION POLICIES IN INDOCHINA ARE REMOVED, DR. HENRY KISSINGER WAS QUOTED AS SAYING TODAY.

"THE ADMINISTRATION WOULD RATHER HAVE NO BILL AT ALL" THA ONE WHICH TIES ITS HANDS ON NEGOTIATING AN END TO THE WAR IN INDOCHINA, SENATE REPUBLICAN LEADER HUGH SCOTT TOLD NEWSMEN FOLLOWING A BREAKFAST MEETING BETWEEN KISSINGER, THE PRESIDENT'S TOP NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISER, AND A BIPARTISAN GROUP OF SENATORS.

THE PENNSYLVANIA REPUBLICAN SAID EFFORTS WERE PLANNED LATER IN THE DAY TO REMOVE TWO AMENDMENTS TO THE FOREIGN AID THAT THE WHITE HOUSE FINDS OBJECTIONABLE--ONE TO CUT OFF FUNDS FOR ALL U.S. OPERATIONS IN INDOCHINA EXCEPT WITHDRAWAL AND ONE TO LIMIT AID TO CAMBODIA.

FAILURE TO DEFEAT THE TWO AMENDMENTS PROBABLY WOULD LEAD TO AN ADMINISTRATION-BACKED EFFORT TO SIDETRACK THE ENTIRE BILL, WHICH COULD DRAW SUPPORT FROM SENATORS WHO SUPPORT THE RESTRICTIVE AMENDMENTS BUT OPPOSE FOREIGN AID.

SCOTT SAID KISSINGER TOLD THE SENATORS THAT IF THE TWO AMENDMENTS REMAIN IN THE BILL "HE DOES NOT SEE HOW THE PRESIDENT COULD FIND IT POSSIBLE TO SIGN IT."

SCOTT DENIED THE ADMINISTRATION, THROUGH A SERIES OF DENUNCIATIONS OF THE UNITED NATIONS EXPULSION OF TAIWAN, HAD FLASHED A GREEN LIGHT FOR SENATORS SEEKING TO CUT U.S. FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF THE WORLD ORGANIZATION.

"THERE IS NO GREEN OR RED LIGHT--JUST AN AMBER LIGHT," SCOTT SAID.

KB1152AED OCT. 28

DEC-366