Wyoming Newspaper
Clipping Service
1015 Garfield St.
Laramie, Wyoming 82070

FEB 5 1976

Humor comes forward
in Kissinger speech

LARAMIE, Wyo. (AP) — Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's sense of humor, which he sometimes can't show when dealing with world crises, came forward Wednesday during a speech and news conference at the University of Wyoming.

Kissinger was introduced by Sen. Gale McGee, D-Wyo. McGee was director of the university's summer school program in 1958 when Kissinger, then a professor at Harvard, served at UW as a visiting foreign affairs specialist.

Recalling his visit to Wyoming 16 years ago, Kissinger said, "As soon as I got into town, Sen. McGee left."

He said at that time, McGee's students were urging him to run for the Senate. "My students wanted me to get out of town as well," Kissinger said.

He said there used to be an old saying that there were two kinds of people in Wyoming— ranchers who did a little rustling and rustlers who did a little ransing.

"Gale McGee upholds that tradition," he said. "He used to be a professor practicing a little foreign policy. Now, he is a foreign policy practitioner who does a little instructing."

Kissinger said when he was a professor, he used to like to deliver speeches "off the cuff."

"Now, I can't because I doubt if the press could understand what I'm saying when I go eight sentences without a verb," he said. "for what it's worth, maybe they could."

Kissinger Views
Congressional
Role As Threat

LARAMIE, Wyo. (AP) — "If we succeed, the prospects Secretary of State Henry Kissinger said Wednesday American's opportunity to create a new international order is in jeopardy, because of divisions within the country and congressional attempts to play too detailed a role in foreign policy."

The country's ability to play a strong and effective role is in danger because of the controversy which thwarts serious discussion of the great issues and by the growing tendency of too many in the government not only to supervise but to leg-islate the day-to-day conduct of foreign policy," Kissinger said.

"The Congress can set broad guidelines and decide basic policies. But the Congress does not have the organization, the information or the responsibility for deciding the tactical questions that arise daily in the conduct of our foreign relations, or for executing a coherent, consistent, comprehensive policy," Kissinger said.

"An atmosphere of suspicion and a lack of even the most elementary confidentiality will make impossible the management of the government as well as the conduct of negotiation."

Kissinger spoke for about 45 minutes to an audience estimated at about 8,000 at the University of Wyoming where he was a visiting foreign affairs specialist during a summer program in 1958.

The Secretary of State was given standing ovations at both the beginning and end of his speech and was interrupted by applause five times.

"Our generation has the opportunity to shape a new international order," Kissinger said.

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FEB 5 1976

Facing the questions

FACING a barrage of microphones, Secretary of State Henry Kissinger took the podium before some 10,000 Wednesday at War Memorial Stadium in Laramie. Also on hand was Sen. Gale McGee, who invited Kissinger to the campus. (Picture by UPI)

Press
Sheridan

FEB 5 1976

Kissinger discusses
policy in UW speech

LARAMIE, Wyo. (AP) — Secretary of State Henry Kissinger says the United States must resist attempts by other countries to use “expeditionary forces” to impose minority governments in countries such as Angola.

The United States must insist that sending of such forces to impose minority governments on countries will not become “the pattern of international relations,” he said.

"We do not seek to police the world, but neither will we accept it if the Soviet Union attempts to do so," he said in a speech at the University of Wyoming Wednesday.

"Let no country believe that Americans will long remain indifferent to the dispatch of expeditionary forces and vast amounts of material to impose minority governments on distant countries," he said.

In a question and answer session following the speech, Kissinger acknowledged Marxist forces in Angola are on the verge of winning a civil war in the African country.

"It may be very late in the day to do anything in Angola," Kissinger said.

He said the presence of 11,000 Cuban combat troops backed by $100 million in Soviet equipment has practical effect of "impartiality"

government on a population which will find it very difficult to shake it off."

When questioned about nuclear arms limitations agreements reached with the Soviet Union, Kissinger said

Henry Kissinger

some critics who formerly held responsible positions waited until "after the impact of their own political aspirations" to make their charges.

Kissinger said Daniel Patrick

Moynihan, who has resigned as U.S. ambassador to the United Nations, had "full support" from both him and President Ford.

When asked if he would want the next ambassador to the U.N. to work in the same style as the controversial Moynihan, Kissinger said "There are no two Pat Moynihans in the country."

But he said the U.S. would continue its policy of standing up against "unfounded allegations" from other nations.

Kissinger said internal divisions in the country and congressional attempts to play too detailed a role in foreign policy were endangering America's ability to perform in the foreign policy area.

"An atmosphere of suspicion and a lack of even the most elementary confidentiality will make impossible the management of the government as well as the conduct of negotiation," he said.

"The American people have a right to demand of their leaders in and out of government to put and end to the destructive debate that has in recent months come to mark our political process," he said.

10c A COPY

[L]

# Kissinger Cites Need To End Destructive Political Debate

by Bob Wilson

Boomerang Managing Editor

Like a persistent itch that cannot be ignored U.S. Secretary of State Henry Kissinger's growing irritation with Congress over foreign policy got a public scratching Wednesday in Laramie.

Addressing a crowd estimated at 7,000 in the University of Wyoming

Fieldhouse Secretary Kissinger said "The American people have a right to demand of their leaders in and out of government an end to the destructive debate that has in recent months come to mark our political process."

Referring to the "twin strands of firmness and conciliation which reflect the permanent interests of the nation" Kissinger said the ability to pursue

either course has been increasingly threatened by "acrimonious controversy which thwarts serious discussion of the great issues and by the growing tendency of too many in the Congress not only to supervise but to legislate the day-to-day conduct of foreign policy."

Kissinger said the slogans of the past are reappearing: defense spending is wasteful at best and produces conflict at worst; American intelligence activities are immoral; the necessary confidentiality of diplomacy is a plot to deceive the public.

"If these attitudes shape our policies we will deprive our diplomacy of its essential tools," he said, adding that suspicion and a lack of confidentiality will make management of government and the conduct of negotiations impossible.

Kissinger said "If a national consensus does not exist our policy will be driven by narrow interest groups and short-term political considerations."

"An effective foreign policy requires a strong national government which can act with assurance and speak with confidence on behalf of all Americans. Our government is in danger of progressively losing the ability to shape events, and a great nation that does not shape history eventually becomes its prisoner."

Kissinger said "leaks, sensational investigations and the demoralization of the intelligence services "are depriving the government of its ability to respond to dangers."

It is essential to restore national unity while the "essential structure" of foreign policy is still sound and before "irreparable damage" is done to it.

"The principal danger we face is our domestic divisions," he said.

Congress has the right to participate in forming and conducting foreign policy, he said, but if the partnership between Congress and the administration is to thrive then "each much recognize the constitutional and practical limitations on its authority."

Congress can set broad guidelines and decide basic policies, but it does not have "the organization, the information or the responsibility for deciding the tactical questions that arise daily in the conduct of our foreign relations..."

"The President has this responsibility and must be permitted to exercise it on behalf of the entire nation. For in the last analysis the United States when it deals with other nations must speak with one voice."

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President
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Kissinger Cites Need ...

(Continued From Page 1)

Kissinger drew notice that he would five times during his prepared address, the first near the beginning when he said "the American people continue to have pride in their country. They know that America has done more for the world and for peace over the past 30 years than any nation in history."

Historical aspects of American foreign policy were noted by the Secretary of State who said American foreign policy had come full circle. "With great sophistication the Founding Fathers had manipulated the balance of power to gain our independence and then drew on the international system to assure our survival. A century and a quarter of almost total security had tempted us into isolation. And now, after two world wars in this century, we have learned the responsibilities—and the burdens—of world leadership are inescapable."

In a question and answer session with members of the press and the public following his address Kissinger showed some irritation when questioned—at length—about the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks agreement by Dr. Dean Larson, a college professor from Riverton, who finally asked if the SALT I agreements "Have any integrity," or "are you ignoring violations of the Soviets?"

"For a few moments I thought I was back at Harvard," Kissinger said, drawing laughter.

"First, the SALT agreement was drafted by the SALT Delegation in Helsinki, a delegation which contained members of the Department of Defense, Joint Chiefs of Staff, the CIA, and the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency," he pointed out.

Under the impact of their own political aspirations critics have now discovered things that when they were in high military positions they never brought to the attention of the President or anybody else, he said.

"Nobody in his right mind can believe that an administration that has resisted Communist expansion in every part of the world would deliberately collude with the Soviet Union in hiding violations," he said.

About Soviet intervention in Angola Kissinger said the

concern of the Ford Administration is the "precedent for the future."

The Secretary said African nations want to determine their own futures, but 11,000 Cuban combat forces backed by millions of dollars in Soviet arms are making that difficult.

Kissinger voiced support of departing United Nations Ambassador Patrick Moynihan and said the Ambassador "did at the UN exactly what he was sent there for."

Asked what guiding principal he would set for the future conduct of American Foreign Policy Kissinger responded, "To have the wisdom to understand the world in which we live and at the same time to develop a vision of the kind of world we want to bring about. The problem in foreign policy is always to maintain enough of the structure that exists without explosion and yet not to permit stagnation to arise, because the greatest creations are those that were a vision when they originated."

Secretary Kissinger was introduced by U.S. Sen. Gale McGee, D., Wyoming, who complimented the Secretary on drawing as good a crowd as "Johnny Cash and the B.T.O." (a rock group).

Secretary Kissinger had praise for both of Wyoming's senators, citing McGee's role on the Senate Foreign Relations and Post Office and Civil Service Committees and Sen. Clifford Hansen's on the Senate Finance Committee where he has "taker courageous stands for defense spending."

Kissinger visited Laramie enroute to Washington, D.C. from the West Coast where he participated in a series of panel discussions and made speeche this past week. He was invite to Laramie by Sen. McGee.

Seated on the stage with Secretary Kissinger and Sen. McGee were Wyoming Governor Ed Herschler and UW President William D. Carlson.

Eagle
Cheyenne

Wyoming Newspaper

FEB 6 1976

4—THE WYOMING EAGLE Cheyenne Feb. 6, 1976

## Editorial Comment

### Kissinger Appearance Quite an Occasion

SECRETARY of State Henry A. Kissinger came to Wyoming, this week, at the invitation of Wyoming's senior Sen. Gale McGee.

And Dr. Kissinger's appearance at the University of Wyoming fieldhouse proved to be quite an occasion. The attendance was estimated at 7,500 to 9,500. That was quite a crowd, considering Wednesday's weather.

We were sorry a representative of The Wyoming Eagle didn't have a chance to localize Dr. Kissinger's remarks more by asking for comments on such subjects as Wyoming's energy development and its possible relation to diplomacy in the oil-rich Middle East. But only a few questions were accepted, following his address.

However, Secretary Kissinger, one of the most important public officials in America today, did direct a few remarks to Wyoming and the West.

"It is good to be here in the West . . . As I have so often seen in my trips, the American people continue to have pride in their country. They know America has done more for the world, and for peace, over the past 30 years than any other nation in history.

"They know we have given more of our resources, fed more of the starving, taken in more immigrants, and educated more people from other lands than any other nation before us."

On the stage with him were Senator McGee, who introduced him to the big audience, Gov. Ed Herschler and Dr. William D. Carlson, president of the University of Wyoming.

SECRETARY Kissinger also had some kind thing to say about Senator McGee, veteran member of the Senate Foreign Relations committee.

He described McGee as "one who has remarkable vision" and one who was a fine professor as he is a U. S. senator.

In introducing the Secretary, McGee reminded that Kissinger had been in Laramie in 1958 to participate in a foreign policy seminar which McGee headed when he was a UW history professor.

The very fact that Kissinger accepted McGee's invitation to come to Wyoming was something of a compliment to the Wyoming senator who is, himself, one of the nation's leading experts in the field of foreign affairs.

FEB 6 1976

4—February 6, 1976

Cheyenne—Wyo. State Tribune

A Fundamental Fact

While Secretary of State Henry Kissinger was addressing 7,500 persons at the University of Wyoming Wednesday afternoon, a three-star Army general was speaking to scarcely 100 persons here in Cheyenne.

What the general said to the Cheyenne Rotary Club may have been far more important, in the greater sense, however, than the remarks of the secretary of state despite the gulf that separates their respective roles in U. S. government policy-making.

The general was Edward M. Flanagan Jr., commanding general of the Sixth United States Army whose military jurisdiction covers most of the western states including oversight duties for National Guard and Army Reserve training.

The gist of General Flanagan's remarks was that America today needs a strong military force if its voice is to be heard in world affairs; and he noted, and we think most correctly, that Secretary Kissinger, for example, speaks with a certain authority that is backed up and emphasized by a strong military force.

In other words, Kissinger could not speak with any hope of being heard by the Soviets or by any other countries lacking the power represented in the U. S. armed forces, without the inherent respect that accrues from the power vested in our military establishment.

The concern that General Flanagan expressed, and we must emphatically concur, is that we are weakening our pistol-power as each day goes by.

Given the current mood in Congress to gut the defense budget; given the constant nagging attacks on the military establishment by certain elements of the media aided and abetted by pacifist minded politicians; given the tendency of certain haul-down-the-flag elements on the American scene, all these things added together must inevitably spell a weakening of our ability to deal with the world situation from a basis of power.

If we as a nation are to survive in the form most Americans know this country today, then we are going to have to re-shape our thinking and most of all our national sense of direction from the course that has been charted for us by the negative elements that currently dominate our political thinking.

That means a majority in both the U. S. House of Representatives and in the Senate where in our latest bid to invite the most powerful aggressive force at large in the world today, the

take over a vital portion of West Africa, Angola.

What America desperately needs is to prepare itself for the inevitable showdown with the Soviet Union when a marked weakness on our part will mean one of two things: the choice is of bellying up as a world power with the ultimate destiny of becoming a colony of the Kremlin, or else in a final moment of terror pulling the trigger that will mean a nuclear war that will kill hundreds of millions and that probably will be won by the Soviets because of their missile superiority.

Either choice is unthinkable, yet unless we revise our approach to this subject, that is the direction in which we are heading.

There is a third alternative, but time is running out on it.

That is to maintain our strength in all areas of military capability by pouring money into research and development and for augmentation of our armed forces.

Today the Defense Department is asking for a $112.7 billion budget for Fiscal Year 1977, $8 billion more than for the current year, mainly for critical items. We need a new main battle tank now currently under development; we also need new Trident submarines and finally the B-1 bomber.

In research and development the Defense Department is seeking $10.9 billion for development, among other things, of the new M-X missile which is a movable weapon, reportedly would have greater throw weight than the Minuteman III, and would not be as vulnerable to Soviet missile attack as the Minuteman.

In testimony before the House Armed Services Committee, Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld said continuation of the Soviet buildup of strategic nuclear weapons could "threaten the survivability of the Minuteman (missile) force within a decade."

The Defense Department also seeks development of the cruise missile which is a jet-powered device that can be launched from either a bomber (here again the importance of the B-1) or a submarine (the Trident) and fly at low altitudes up to a distance of 1,500 miles and deliver a thermonuclear warhead with great precision.

The United States must be prepared to spend greater amounts of its national product or military development as in surance against either a world nuclear war or else politica subjection to the dominant world power.

26—WYOMING EAGLE Cheyenne October 29, 1976

# Kissinger Lauded By McGee in UW Speech

LARAMIE, (UPI) — Sen. Gale McGee, D-Wyo., Thursday said Henry Kissinger is the greatest secretary of state in our time.

McGee, speaking at the University of Wyoming, said "Henry Kissinger is our salvation.

"He's really the architect

in a continuity of American foreign policy. He is the most brilliant secretary of state in modern history."

McGee and Republican rival Malcolm Wallop appeared separately at the University.

The Republican answered questions posed by a panelists from the campus society of professional journalists, which had tried unsuccessfully to arrange a debate between the two candidates. McGee came under the auspices of the campus Democrats.

Wallop, who had accepted the debate offer, expressed regret it was not held. He said three previous confrontations with McGee were unsatisfactory because questions were predetermined and there was not enough time for rebuttal.

McGee called the previous debates "plain Dullsville."

The senator, seeking a fourth term, will appear before the panelists Monday, said spokesperson Judy Green.

McGee reiterated his stand that energy was the most important issue in the campaign. Wallop repeated his criticism of McGee for what he termed a billion dollar postal mail out.

McGee said he favors all seven proposals by the Citizens' Committee for Watergate Reform. The group has solicited views from candidates for federal office, according to a spokesman.

The suggestions for legislation include establishing a new division in the Department of Justice to investigate alleged wrongdoing by public officials, and appointment of a temporary special prosecutor whenever a high government official is suspected of crimes.

More than 90 per cent of the respondents have favored the two proposals, the spokesman said.

Wallop has not yet answered the committee's questionnaire, he said.

McGee Calls Kissinger Greatest

LARAMIE, Wyo. (UPI) — Sen. Gale McGee, D-Wyo., Thursday said Henry Kissinger is the greatest secretary of state in our time.

McGee, speaking at the
University of Wyoming, said
"Henry Kissinger is our salva-
tion.

The Republican answered
questions posed by panelists
from the campus society of
professional journalists, which
had tried unsuccessfully to
arrange a debate between the
two candidates. McGee came
under the auspices of the
campus Democrats.

Wallop, who had accepted
the debate offer, expressed
regret it was not held. He said
three previous confrontations
with McGee were un-
satisfactory because questions
were predetermined and there
was not enough time for
rebuttal.

The senator, seeking a fourth

McGee reiterated his stand
that energy was the most
important issue in the cam-
paign. Wallop repeated his
criticism of McGee for what he
termed a billion dollar postal
mail out.

The suggestions for legisla-
tion include establishing a new
division in the Department of
Justice to investigate alleged
wrongdoing by public officials,
and appointment of a tempo-
rary special prosecutor
whenever a high government
official is suspected of crimes.

THE NEW YORK TIMES, SATURDAY, APRIL 27, 1974

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31

# For U.S. Initiatives to Repair Relations With Europe

By George C. McGhee

WASHINGTON—The “grand design” of President John F. Kennedy, revealed in a notable speech in Philadelphia in 1962, envisioned an increasingly united European community linked inexorably with the United States by the bond of “Atlantic partnership.” The popular, illustrative name applied was “dumbbell,” describing a large sphere, Europe, connected by a bar of steel with an equal sphere, the United States. What has happened to this concept? Does it provide a feasible basis for our relations with Europe?

Many have commented on the current disarray of the European Economic Community resulting from the Arab oil embargo. We have witnessed the sad spectacle of nations scrambling to make private oil deals with the Arabs. We have the example of France “floating” the franc without prior consultation. Certainly the evidence shows a slowing down in European-unity efforts. Should this come as a

surprise or could it have been anticipated from earlier events?

In recent years, West Germany has been perhaps the most consistent advocate of European unity of all the Common Market countries. West Germany is, however, diverted from her European goals by inflation and interparty and intraparty struggles. German détente efforts have revived a distracting longing for some undefined fulfillment in the East that is deep in the German psyche.

Britain's entry into the Common Market gave supporters of European unity great hopes. Her valiant attempts to provide political direction to the community have, however, been stopped cold by her own desperate economic and political struggle for survival. The new Government of Harold Wilson appears not to know how far to press its threat, or bluff, of withdrawal in seeking a revision of the terms of British entry.

France, to which history and geography have bequeathed the central role in the European Economic Community, continues an egoistic pursuit of her own interests.

The community is still united on trade and tariffs. We continue to hope it can do more. It is easy to conclude, however, that the further unity agreed upon will take longer than we have thought. France alone is quite capable of blocking it in our lifetime.

What does this portend for United States relations with the individual European countries? As a contribution to European unity, we have in recent years downplayed such relations. We have sought to remove any suspicion of “divide-and-rule” tactics or of attempting to reassert the “leadership” we once provided. We have, rightly I think, avoided any semblance of a “special relationship” with Britain or strong ties with West Germany. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization provides a fruitful link on an Atlantic basis; it is, however, largely limited to security matters and being collective, like peas in a pod, provides no substitute for the old comfortable bilateral channels.

There has indeed been an increasing official indifference on our part to the European countries that once meant so much to us. We appear to have

deliberately downgraded the importance and expertise of our diplomatic representation in the key European capitals. We have made little effort to conceal the fact that the Soviet Union, China, South Vietnam and the Middle East have had priority over Europe. The so-called Year of Europe was a clear debacle.

I do not give up hope for the ultimate achievement of the “grand design.” We must, however, do something in the meantime to repair the damage done to our direct relations with Europe. Europe spawned our stock; it gave us and half the world its languages, its science, its cultural base and the political heritage of parliamentary democracy. The European countries, comprising 300 million of the most advanced people in the world, still have important national contributions to make beyond what they can accomplish within the community.

Without in any way attempting to downgrade our support for European unity we should begin a modest revival of our bilateral relations, both governmental and private. There is

still a great deal of unfinished business between us. In the absence of any suitable common forum, we must talk confidentially, ambassadors to foreign ministers, in London, Bonn and Paris about such pressing problems as East-West relations, the Middle East, monetary reform and development aid. We must revive the practice of direct prior consultation that was so productive in the postwar period.

We must again send our Jeffsons as ambassadors, our Presidents on tours. Others besides the English-Speaking Union must extoll our traditional ties with England. We must applaud again the determination shown by the stanch burghers of encircled Berlin.

The Europeans, until they can become one, are still there separately, and we need them as they need us.

George C. McGhee, now a corporate director, was Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs from 1961 to 1963, Ambassador to Bonn from 1963 to 1968 and ambassador-at-large in 1963 and 1969.

Mrs. George McGovern
Washington, D. C. 20510

August 18, 1975

Dear Secretary of State Kissinger:

I have received a request for your autograph from St. Bonaventure's Altar Society in McIntosh, South Dakota. This autograph will be used in an auction to raise money for the church.

I would greatly appreciate your help in answering their request. They have provided a card which can be signed and dropped in the mail.

Thank you very much for your time and consideration.

The Honorable Henry Kissinger
Secretary of State
Department of State
2201 C Street
Washington, D.C. 20520

Enclosure