ments. "This is the equivalent for us,"
Miller said, "since only the executive
 branch) can classify documents."

The rules were drafted by Miller
and other staff members, debated and
amended by the committee and finally
approved on June 23.

They were published in the Con-
gressional Record last week.

Strike by Teachers
In Seattle Is Settled

OLYMPIA, Wash. Sept. 20 (UPI)—
Negotiators for striking Seattle teach-
ers and the Seattle school board
reached an agreement on a new con-
tract early today, ending a two-week
walkout,

Classes will begin Wednesday,
school officials said. Pete Nueschwander, president of the Seattle teachers Association, said the new contract was a "very good one" and that he was "quite pleased" with the outcome of the negotiations.

member started to talk
intelligence situation
then stopped saying
Clark, "Unfortunately,
restriction even talk
what's happening."

Another rule of the
rected at staff emp
that they "shall not
substance or procedu
the committee, with
side the committee,
who is not a commit-
t

Still another rule
new committee says
foreign travel by
members "shall not
nated" outside the co
approval.

Current law requires
travel reports be con-
cially and annually
tary of the Senate
Miller said yesterday
ment to the law has
enable this commit-
tination of its staff
from being made pu-

violate
habit
nation

Last
raca na
civil
civil
North
to act

Mar-
Right
negot
 distr

The
more
ents of
discr

Jud-
minal
cific
proce
ing N
comp

He
that
lated
tricts
num-
being

HEW Investigating

Associated Press

The Department of Health, Education and Wel-
fare said yesterday it is investigating seven North-
ern and Western school districts for alleged civil
rights violations.

The districts have been informed that they may
request a hearing before any cutoff of federal edu-
cation funds for non-compliance. The proceedings
could last for several months, HEW said.

The seven districts are School District 89, May-
wood, Ill.; River Rouge City Schools, River Rouge,
Mich.; School District of the City of Saginaw, Mich.;
Lima City Schools, Lima, Ohio; Princeton City
Schools, Cincinnati; Ontario School District, On-
tario, Ore.; and Mount Adams School District 209,
White Swan, Wash.

HEW said it cited Lima, Saginaw, Maywood and
River Rouge for alleged discrimination in assigning
teachers and students; Princeton for its teacher as-
signment policies; Mount Adams for alleged non-
compliance in operating its special education pro-
gram and its policy on recruiting and hiring teach-
ers, and Ontario for its policy on recruiting and hir-
ing teachers.

There was no immediate estimate of how much
federal money each of the districts receives nor of
how many pupils are affected.

Ferndale, Mich., is the only school district outside
the South that has had its federal funds cut off for

The Washington post

Second class postage paid
at Washington, D.C. Printed
at 1150 15th St. N.W. 20071

Telephone Numbers: (Area Code 202)

223-6000—News & Business

223-6100—Circulation Service

223-6200—Classified Adv.

Direct Lines:

223-7300—District News Desk

223-7313—Md./Va. News Desk

223-7582—Ombudsman

223-8060—Sports Scores

The Associated Press is entitled exclu-
sively to use for republication of all
news dispatches credited to it or not
otherwise credited in this paper and
local news of spontaneous origin pub-

Chevy Ch

El

A-2 The Washington Star

Saturday, September 18, 1976

## Names/Faces

### Can You Trust a Publisher's Blurb?

Book publishers are supposed to have a way with words, so we can only assume that Howard Kaminsky knew precisely what he was doing when he chose a word to describe the memoirs his company will publish in a year or so. The memoirs are those of former President Richard M. Nixon, and will deal extensively with the Watergate scandals that drove Nixon from office. "The revelations of Nixon," Kaminsky told an interviewer in Frankfurt, Germany, "will be quite fantastic." Here's how Webster's defines "fantastic": "Based on fantasy rather than reason; imaginary; irrational; unreal; conceived or giving the impression of having been conceived by unrestrained fancy: so extreme as to challenge belief; unbelievable." With a publisher like this, who needs book critics?

### It'll Seem Like a Long Time, Anyhow

Just one day after a spokesman for Frank Rizzo said the Philadelphia mayor would have no comment on the court decision validating a recall petition against him, His Honor had this to say: "I'm not concerned. I will be mayor for a long time." Though his attorneys have already filed an appeal

## Conrad Heads for Md. Leaving RCA Puzzled

By Gene Smith

New York Times News Service

NEW YORK — Anthony L. Conrad, who was dismissed Thursday as chairman of the RCA Corp., was reported yesterday to have left for his home on fashionable Gibson Island in Anne Arundel County, Md., after having conferred with attorneys Thursday in Manhattan.

Meanwhile, a number of his business associates and former colleagues said they were mystified over Conrad's failure to file income tax returns for five years — particularly since most of the taxes he owed had been paid through withholding.

Edward H. Griffiths, who was named to succeed Conrad as RCA's chief executive, said in an interview that he did not know about Conrad's chief problem until a special meeting of the company's board of directors was convened at 11 a.m. Thursday.

"IT IS MY understanding," he said, "that the Internal Revenue Service was looking into one of his tax returns recently and informed him of that action."

One former executive with RCA said he understood that the IRS called Conrad "a few weeks or so 'old' and told him that it wanted to

whether he would be retained as counsel for Conrad.

CONRAD COULD not be reached at his home on Gibson Island in Chesapeake Bay.

Associates at RCA said that he had an apartment on the East Side of Manhattan and was flown by company plane every Friday to Baltimore to spend the weekend at Gibson Island. He would then fly back in the company plane Monday mornings.

Griffiths, the new RCA chief executive, said there was "shock throughout our organization." He asserted:

"I have known Andy for many, many years, probably better than just about anybody in management. It seems odd to speak in the past tense about him, but he was a real gentleman, a soft-spoken by circumstance. I could conjure up all kinds of adjectives, but he was straight as an arrow. I'm just as stunned as any body by all this."

## Newsmen Freed After 15 Days

[LC]

6

KISSINGER

Continued From A-1

An official with the party said that Kissinger
"thought the reports of his having been shot were
grossly exaggerated." A security official issued a
statement saying: "The secretary of state is per-
fectly well and has not been involved in any inci-
dent of any kind."

Rhodesia's Smith was to fly to Johannesburg
today to watch an international rugby match that
Kissinger also may attend.

Smith said yesterday he would like to meet with
Kissinger. There have been reports the two would
meet, but they have not been confirmed.

SMITH SAID HE would make his greatest effort ever to secure a settlement of the constitutional dispute — political rights for the black majority — that has hung over Rhodesia.

Smith said room to maneuver had been reduced
and time was short. However, Smith's ruling all-
white Rhodesia Front party passed a resolution
Thursday rejecting early transfer to black rule.

Kissinger also was to discuss demands by
blacks for dismantling of South Africa's system of
apartheid, or racial separation. Kissinger will
meet today with a group of black leaders and a
second group of both blacks and whites.

In Washington, a State Department spokesman
said Kissinger will visit Zaire on Tuesday and
Wednesday.

A black Johannesburg newspaper, The World, said that Kissinger's South African visit came at a time when there was growing anti-American feeling among many of the country's blacks. They fear "another American sell-out of their aspirations," an editorial said.

"This feeling has developed over the years fol-
lowing America's role of playing godfather to

—Associated Press

Secretary of State Henry Kissinger is welcomed
by South Africa's Premier John Vorster and his
wife, Martini, on arrival at their official residence
"Libertas," in Pretoria.

South Africa at such forums as the United
Nations. . . . But matters came to a head during
the Angolan civil war when the United States sided
with South Africa," the paper said.

U.S. Complains to Moscow
On Criticism of Africa Trip

MOSCOW (AP) — The United
States has complained to the Soviet
Union about what it regards as dis-
torted and strident commentary in
the official press here about Secre-
tary of State Henry A. Kissinger's
mission to southern Africa.

U.S. officials, while accustomed to
Soviet press criticism of American
policies and moves, are particularly
miffed over Moscow's portrayal of
Kissinger's trip as an effort to pre-
serve "racist regimes" in South
Africa and Rhodesia.

"We are pretty disturbed by the
strident tone, and more than that,
what seems to be a deliberate mis-
representation of his (Kissinger's)
purpose," one U.S. source said. "It
simply is not true."

U.S. officials have "orally" com-
plained to Soviet officials that they
consider this kind of commentary
both inaccurate and not in the best
interests of improving U.S.-Soviet
relations, sources reported.

The state-controlled media has
been flooded in recent days with uni-
formly negative articles on the Afri-
can trip.

Western political analysts believe
the propaganda offensive is aimed at
offsetting any diplomatic triumph in
Africa similar to the secretary's past
achievements in the Middle East.

"They do not want to concede that
the U.S. position has swung toward
promoting majority rule in southern
Africa," one diplomat said.

CONGRESS

1-

[L.C.]

# Rhodesia Seen Easing Position Following Talks

## KISSINGER, From A1

nal wing of the African National Council of Rhodesia, said Sunday that majority rule would have to come about in that country within nine to 12 months, Agence France-Presse reported from Lusaka, Zambia.]

Kissinger said he will now "seek further clarifications" from the black presidents about their position as a result of his talks with Vorster, and especially from President Julius Nyerere of Tanzania and Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda.

Nyerere has expressed great skepticism that Kissinger can elicit any compromise from Smith on Rhodesia that would be acceptable to Africa's black friends.

[George Bush, head of the Central situation in Rhodesia is "deteriorating. The status quo appears to be intolerable and we could get to a situation where we could have mass slaughter."]

Kissinger looked weary and somber tonight from his week of trying to thread his way through the black-white maze of issues, factions and personalities in Southern Africa.

To avoid antagonizing the black Africans, Kissinger refused to be photographed with Smith, whose government is illegal under British constitutional law. Rhodesia unilaterally declared its independence from Britain in 1965, and Kissinger, in public references to Smith, referred to him as "Mr. Smith," and not prime minister.

Smith would not comment on any issue the throng of reporters and photographers who had waited while Kissinger, Smith, Vorster and senior aides met privately in two rounds of talks lasting four hours each. Afterward, Kissinger and Vorster spent another 2½ hours discussing the Namibian situation.

In a session that began at 10 a.m. in the residence of American Ambassador William Bowdler, dominating a hilltop overlooking Pretoria, Kis-

singer and Smith, meeting for the first time, first talked alone for a half hour. They were then joined by their aides.

The talks on Rhodesia were continued tonight in Vorster's residence, with Vorster present. Later came the Kissinger-Vorster discussion about Namibia. South Africa, in addition to its control of Namibia, which the United Nations has ruled is illegal, partially controls the fate of neighboring Rhodesia. Rhodesia's only remaining road and rail lines to the outside world are through South Africa.

## Woman Dies, 3 Hurt In Fauquier Crash

A 21-year-old Culpeper woman was killed and three other persons seriously injured early yesterday when the car in which they were riding collided with a tractor-trailer at the intersection of Rtes. 29 and 17 in Fauquier County, Virginia State police reported.

Police said Connie Broyles of Rte. 2, Culpeper, died at 2:30 a.m., one hour after the crash, while she was being transferred by ambulance from Fauquier Hospital in Warrenton to Fairfax Hospital. Personnel at Fauquier Hospital were unable to say last night why the woman was being moved.

Mrs. Broyles' husband, Ronald, 30, and her sister, Gail Brooks, 17, both of the Culpeper address, also were passengers in the car, police said. Broyles was admitted to Fauquier Hospital, while Miss Brooks was taken to Prince William Hospital in Manassas, they said. Both were listed in serious condition last night.

The driver of the auto, William Lee Tuthill, 21, of Nokesville, Prince William County also was reported in serious condition in the intensive care unit at Fairfax Hospital.

Larry W. Bowman

# Long Odds in Southern Africa

By Auth for the Philadelphia Inquirer

It has been the hallmark of Henry Kissinger's foreign policy style to personally involve himself at the center of complex negotiations. In what may be his last major diplomatic effort, he is in to southern Africa to confront the many problems of that too long neglected region. Even for the Lone Ranger of Western diplomacy the prospects must look daunting, and there just may not be enough silver bullets left.

At the heart of the current mission is the joint American-South African desire to resolve the Rhodesian crisis quickly. One must assume, as Kissinger heads for Africa, that the Zurich meeting with Prime Minister John Vorster of South Africa produced at least minimal agreement on strategy to be followed.

At the heart of the current diplomatic initiative is a plan jointly devised by the United Kingdom and the United States whereby a projected $1.5 to $2 billion in financial guarantees would be made available to the 270,000 white Rhodesian settlers. This is what is meant by "protecting minority rights" in the current negotiations. The money (presumably raised by Western governments) would secure the land and property held by whites whether they emigrate immediately or remain in Rhodesia during and after a transition to African rule.

Vorster must surely have agreed to press Prime Minister Ian Smith of Rhodesia to accept this cash settlement and at the same time to agree to a transition to majority rule over perhaps a two-year period. It remains unclear whether Vorster will tighten South Africa's economic stranglehold over Rhodesia if Smith is predictably recalcitrant.

The cause for this joint American/South African initiative arises out of the foreign policy debacle that both countries suffered in Angola. In order to forestall the possibility that the Soviet Union and Cuba would repeat their Angolan success in Rhodesia, they are seeking instead to overthrow Smith themselves.

Their reasons are clear. A military solution in Rhodesia (whether or not assisted by foreign troops) would almost certainly bring to power the most radical Rhodesian African nationalist faction. This would mean that, from Angola across the heart of Southern Africa to Mozambique, Marxist-oriented regimes would hold command. Such results pose substantial economic and strategic problems, and would almost certainly lead to an immediate escalation of pressure against South Africa itself.

What are Kissinger's chances of success? It must be recognized from the outset that those most eager for a transition of power in Rhodesia are not the Rhodesians themselves. Ian Smith has given no hint of any eagerness to retire, and the African nationalists are so fragmented that each contending group shapes its strategy less by the desire for African power and more by an assessment of its own chances of ultimately acquiring power. Thus, in effect

Mr. Bowman is an associate professor of political science at the University of Connecticut.

Vorster and Kissinger are seeking to impose a solution on Rhodesians who, for the most part, do not share their goals. The potential for trouble is endless.

Three pitfalls seem to stand out. The first is that Smith will not give way and that Vorster will find it politically impossible to force him out. Smith has based his entire strategy on the promise of continued South African assistance. If pushed, he could surely emigrate. Vorster or, also likely, escalate his attacks on neighboring Mozambique in the hopes of provoking the Soviet Union and/or Cuba to respond. This would give some credence to his oft-stated view that white Rhodesia is the front line against Communist expansionism. There is no indication that Western governments under any circumstance would fight beside white Rhodesia, but Smith's potential for making things messy is boundless. And Vorster has to take some care with Smith because of his own domestic political situation.

The second pitfall is that the Rhodesian Africans will remain fragmented. This is quite likely and probably means that any deal will be rejected by one or another faction. The militants of the Zimbabwe African National Union and the guerrillas associated with the newly emerged Third Force are solely committed to armed struggle. They are not only likely to reject any deal that would hand over power to Joshua Nkomo of the Zimbabwe African Peoples Union, but they would try to sabotage any financial deal made on behalf of the whites. There seems no indication at all that the frontline presidents of Zambia, Tanzania, Botswana, Mozambique and Angola are themselves united on a single Rhodesian African

faction, or on the financial plan. The entire African picture is loaded with uncertainty.

Finally there remain the broader issues of big-power rivalry as it unfolds in southern Africa. The Soviet Union scored a major foreign policy success in Angola. Both the Soviet Union and China are active in Mozambique, and each has good relations with the Frelimo government there. How the Rhodesian situation turns out will have a lot to do with the future constellation of political forces within southern Africa.

Neither the Soviet Union nor China has much interest in seeing Kissinger pull off a diplomatic coup. Through their arming and training of the liberation movements, they can rightly claim a voice in the final settlement that Kissinger will find hard to overcome—or to swallow. The failures of past American policy in southern Africa are likely to be hard for Kissinger to live down. In this situation all the opponents of a moderate solution in Rhodesia (whites and blacks alike) need to do is stall and wait. The urgency seems much greater in Pretoria and Washington than it does in Salisbury, Moscow, Peking or the liberation movement base camps.

See KELLEY, A3, Col. 5

... received gifts

# Kissinger Cautions on Africa

By Murrey Marder
Washington Post Staff Writer

PHILADELPHIA, Aug. 31— Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger told the leaders of black Africa today that they must not let the opportunity for resolving Africa’s injustices slip away by abandoning negotiations and choosing violence.

Kissinger said "violence will only escalate bloodshed and lengthen, rather than shorten, the road to their goal."

This admonition by Kissinger came as some of Africa's most important moderate black leaders, notably Zambian President Kenneth Kaunda, are reported to have despaired of the prospects that diplomacy will achieve their goal of black majority rule throughout southern Africa.

Kissinger said he may make the first visit by an American Secretary of State to South Africa, if his talks with South African Prime Minister John Vorster in Zurich this weekend warrant it, and if Africa's black leaders concur.

To emphasize that the support of Africa's black leaders is crucial to his diplomacy, Kissinger stressed at a news conference here that a trip to South Africa would come only after he visits black Africa and would take place "in the closest cooperation and with the full support of black Africa or it will not be made."

Associated Press

Kissinger on African crises: "Violence will only escalate bloodshed."

In an earlier luncheon speech before a predominantly black audience, Kissinger acknowledged the pitfalls on all sides of his latest diplomatic mission to bridge the black-white gulf in Africa before time runs out.

At the same time, he sought to con-

vince his audience here, and in Africa, that the time is ripe for diplomacy

See KISSINGER, A10, Col. 1

African diplomats at the United Nations wait-and-see attitude on Kissinger-Vorster talks Page A-10.

possible. The injured man was "peppered" with flying glass fragments that would have to be removed before complete radiation counts are taken, an official said.

The commercial facility makes americium, a radioactive element recovered from waste produced by nuclear reactors. It is used in petroleum exploration to measure ground heat and is used as a source of radiation in some medical procedures. It is separated from other materials through the use of acids and resins.

Craig said the americium is extracted in a three-foot-long cyclinder. The operator in the concrete room had finished one flushing with nitric acid, he said, and was executing another flushing maneuver.

"He saw steam coming from the top of the cylinder and knew something was wrong," Craig said. "He started backing away from the window when it shattered. The material sprayed over him like paint."

"There was a chemical reaction, which caused the radioactive material to fly out into the room," said George Stocking, president of Atlantic Richfield Hanford Co. "As far as we know, no radioactivity was released into the atmosphere, but some material was tracked out of the room but remained confined to the building."

## Corrections

Because of a typographical error, a sentence in an article in the Business and Finance section Saturday was garbled in some editions. The sentence should have reported that the rise in the June index of leading economic indicators was revised upward from 0.3 per cent to 0.9 per cent.

The Washington Post incorrectly reported in its Aug. 28th editions that two women were charged in connection with an alleged conspiracy to manufacture PCP, a federally controlled dangerous drug. The information was incorrectly reported to The Washington Post by the Drug Enforcement Administration, whose agents made the arrests in the case. Ruth Lenore Albaugh and Susan Leigh Travis were not charged in the case. The Post regrets the error.

## 28 Named to Ford Campaign Unit

President Ford's campaign committee yesterday announced the names of 28 persons who have agreed to serve on a steering committee headed by former Ford campaign chairman Rogers C. B. Morton.

The President announced formation

and promote party unity, will hold its first meeting at 2 p.m. today at the Mayflower Hotel. It will also have a dinner meeting with the President tonight at the White House, he said.

Its other members are:

Reg John Anderson of Illinois; Sen. Dewey

## Bishops Unm Kennedy, Lal

CARTER, From A1

which he called "the best political machine in the country."

After spending the night at the home of time Washington representative, Peter Bourter began the day with a brief speech to Democratic Party state chairmen, meeting here to plan campaign strategy.

He told the state chairmen he was disappointed that recent scheduling of his campaign appeared to have tended to isolate him from ordinary votes made it difficult to "maintain my closeness to American people." Nevertheless, Carter's Washington was devoted to the inevitable of the early stages of a presidential campaign.

The high point of the day was his speech to a large hundred labor union officials at the Sheraton Hotel. Carter received the group's endorsement, then gave a preview of the rhetoric he may often during the campaign to attack the economic policies of the "Nixon-Ford administration."

Noting that President Ford has expressed satisfaction with his own record in the economic field, he said he agreed that the administration has made "new entries in the economic record book." Use of the term "employment was at record levels, he said, as was inflation. The administration also had set a record of "lost potential productivity," he charged.

Since 1968, Carter said, the cost of food has risen 70 per cent, health-care costs 60 per cent, homes 70 per cent and mortgage interest rates per cent.

"The 1968 dollar is now worth just 60 cents."

A16

THE WASHINGTON POST

Friday, September 3, 1976

# Violence Hits
## Cape Town's
### White Center

### AFRICA, From A1

Soweto, the black township outside Johannesburg, was quiet today but one black man was reported killed when his car was attacked by six men on the main road.

But the main center of trouble in the unrest that has been jolting this racially troubled nation since mid-June appears to be shifting to this city, where thousands of junior and senior high school students have been demonstrating in surrounding colored townships for the past three days.

The trouble has centered among the estimated 350,000 coloreds living in the Cape Town area, the largest ethnic group here. But blacks, who number about 150,000 in and around the city, also have been demonstrating and black and colored students have been making a concerted effort to join in a common protest against the system of apartheid, or strict racial separation.

Today's demonstration in downtown Cape Town, which involved students and workers who joined in during their lunch break, was a trauma for the city's 250,000 whites.

Following the disorders, Minister of Justice James T. Kruger announced an extension on the government's nationwide ban on all outdoor meetings and demonstrations until the end of October. The order had expired Aug. 31 so that today's student demonstration was technically legal.

Meanwhile, a well-known colored leader here, Norman Daniels, said in a statement that only the intervention of Prime Minister John Vorster could ease the mounting tensions here and get students back to their classes.

He was backed by several other prominent colored leaders today in a call for government action to meet the

Cape Town riot police charge a crowd of colored demonstrators during yesterday's conflict in the city center.

Associated Press

students' demands for a discussion of their grievances and to review the general political situation in South Africa.

Colored community leaders have been trying to mobilize the students' parents in a campaign to calm the situation.

# Kissinger, Waldheim Ask
## U.N. Anti-Terror Action

Special to The Washington Post

UNITED NATIONS, Sept. 2—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger and U.N. Secretary General Kurt Waldheim called today for urgent action by the world community to curb international terrorism.

Kissinger, ending a two-day visit to the United Nations during which he concentrated on sea-law negotiations, told a press conference that the United States would support any effort to get an international agreement for common action against terrorists.

West Germany has already announced its intention of bringing the issue before the General Assembly session that begins in three weeks, in the hopes of drafting a treaty on the protection of hostages.

If the United Nations does not act, Kissinger indicated, the United States will act to promote international action outside the United Nations.

Earlier in the day Waldheim, in his annual message on the state of the world—the introduction to his annual report—said, “The time has come for a new and determined approach by the international community to a problem which is now generally recognized as a threat to the fabric of organized society.” He called on the assembly to draw up “commonly agreed rules” to deal with terrorists.

Kissinger, speaking after an hour-long meeting with Waldheim that ranged over such issues as Cyprus, the Middle East and southern Africa, praised the secretary general for “the distinguished role he has played in all key issues.” Waldheim's five-year term expires in December. He is expected to win another one easily, although he has not yet announced his intentions.

On other subjects, Kissinger also:

* Indicated that the United States is

likely to veto Vietnam's application for U.N. membership, which comes up next week, unless there is progress on the “key issue of Americans rising in action.”

* Reaffirmed that there would be no new American initiative on the Arab-Isebei dispute in the immediate future, while saying that “negotiations will have to be resumed; the situation should not be frozen.”

* Insisted that his diplomatic initiative on southern Africa “can have no impact on our election that I can discern.”

Kissinger said that he is acting because the guerrilla war in Rhodesia is “certain to escalate and simply cannot wait for our election process.” The situation in Southwest Africa (Namibia), he added, is “going to deteriorate substantially on the ground and internationally unless progress is made.” Kissinger meets South African Prime Minister John Vorster on these issues on Saturday.

## Defunct Bank's Employees
## Testify on Signing Notes

SAN DIEGO, Sept. 2 (AP)—One-time employees of C. Amholt Smith have testified they signed promissory notes for millions of dollars as officers of companies they never heard of. They were simply asked to sign, they said.

They testified at the trial of a civil suit in which Smith and Sovereign States Capital, Inc., are being sued for $6.2 million.

The suit was filed by the Federal Deposit Insurance Corp. as receiver for Smith's United States National Bank since its collapse in late 1973. Many unpaid notes are still held by the government agency.

of illegally parked automobile on 41st Street, between Park

Vorster and Kissinger

[Ltr]

9-4-76

If They Strike a Bargain It Will Help South Africa, but not Rhodesia Whites

By JOHN F. BURNS

Special to The New York Times

JOHANNESBURG, Sept. 3—Prime Minister John Vorster, regarded by many of his countrymen as the first statesman to lead them since the wartime days of Gen. Jan Christiaan Smuts, is hoping to strike a diplomatic bargain with Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger this weekend that will substantially improve South Africa's deteriorating international position.

If the bargain is struck during the meeting in Zurich tomorrow through Monday, it will be at the cost of the white minorities that govern Rhodesia and South-West Africa. Mr. Vorster, who holds the fate of both minorities in his hands, is calculating that support for majority rule on South Africa's borders will gain him time in which to shore up the dominant position of the white minority at home.

### Impact of the U.S. Role

South Africa has already agreed to grant South-West Africa independence under a multiracial constitution by Dec. 31, 1978, ending the controlling role it assumed in the territory 56 years ago.

Officials here say that the Zurich meeting, the second between Mr. Vorster and Mr. Kissinger in 11 weeks, would not have been arranged unless both sides saw good prospects for success. But they point out that much remains to be settled and warn that Mr. Vorster will not hesitate to allow the talks to fail if he feels that South Africa is being asked to deliver more than it gains.

What inducements Mr. Kissinger may be prepared to offer is a matter of speculation, since neither side has divulged more than the vaguest description of what transpired when the two men last met, in West Germany on June 23 and 24. Mr. Vorster's few public pronouncements suggest that he sees direct American involvement in the affairs of southern Africa as a major gain in itself.

The South African leader has insisted from the outset that the United States and South Africa have a common interest in neutralizing Communist expansionism in the region. When he set out for his talks with Mr. Kissinger in Bavaria, he said his principal purpose was to convince the United States of its interest in preventing the Indian Ocean from becoming a "Marxist swimming pool."

Mr. Vorster's view, which is not disputed even in liberal circles here, is that Communist influence is strong among the Rhodesian nationalists who are conducting a guerrilla war from Mozambique and in the ranks of the South-West Africa People's Organization, which mounting a similar insurgency. His solution is to expedite

Continued on Page 3, Column 1

WYT

Tea
No

By

POLICE
inCE
sOGE
SOUL
you
TER
lic
the
DO
SH
A
C
V
C
a

umpstead Heath. "The beauty of the system is that it is voluntary. We didn't force anything down the unions' throat," he said. "Unless they had agreed to it voluntarily it would never have worked. The consensus will hold."

The fourth most powerful man is Jack Jones, head of the Transport and General Workers Union, and he is the only one of the quartet who sounds wobbly. A year ago, he set aside the habits of a lifetime and agreed to accept the Uniform Pay Code in an effort to stop inflation and help the Labor Government stay in power.

Now he's restless, and says that "the level of unemployment is unacceptable." Next week he will go to Brighton for the annual meeting of the Trades Union Congress. It would be bad news indeed for his three colleagues if he were to lead a union revolt against the present policy.

land Yard for flooding the neighborhood's annual West Indian carnival with so many policemen that the blacks could not resist picking a fight. The young blacks were in a fighting mood, all right; but the policemen were the catalyst that triggered the resentment that had been building for a long time. Perhaps a third of the employable youths in Notting Hill do not have jobs, and most of them are bored and angry.

The problem of race is not soon likely to disappear. There is much talk in Parliament about restricting immigration, but the fact is that the migrants are already here.

Last week, for example, the Office of Population Censuses and Surveys released a study of the most common last names in Britain. As in

## in Cape Town

Kissinger on development of southern Africa.

"As far as I am concerned," he said at the airport, "I am optimistic that we will ultimately arrive at a satisfactory solution. The question of interrelation between American states and southern Africa will be raised."

### THE REAL ONE!

THE NEW YORK TIMES, SATURDAY, SEPTEMBER 4, 1976

# The New York Times Is Fun. Here's living, flippable proof.

## DE GUSTIBUS

### Ale Lovers:
A Yard of Flannel

By CRAIG CLAIBORNE

RUM FLIP

"The Savoy Cocktail Book" contains cocktail recipes compiled by Harry Craddock, bartender of the Savoy Hotel and bar, published in 1900 and is something of a museum piece. We recently referred to it again and read the hints on cocktail mixing for the novice bartender. The instructions are as follows:

"1. Ice is nearly always an absolute essential for any cocktail.

"2. Never use the same ice twice.

"3. Remember that the ingredients mix better in a yard of flannel than in a yard of sugar.

"4. Shake the shaker as hard as you can; don't just rock it back and forth to wake it up, not send it to sleep."

We made reference to the book pursuant to a letter from Marshall M. Reisman of Manhattan who asked, "Do you have a recipe for a well-spiced rum beverage that was popular in the early eighteen-hundred, which was called either a "lip" or a "yard of flannel?"

The Savoy book explained that "the lip, particularly the variety made with rum, is renowned as an old fashioned drink of great popularity among saloonists. It is usually made in the following manner:

1 egg
1/2 tablespoon powdered sugar
1/2 ounce (2-ounce) of rum, brandy, port wine, cherry or whiskey.

Shake well and strain into a medium-size glass. Grate a little nutmeg on top. In cold weather a dash of pow-dered ginger can be added."

The book then proceeds to a recipe for an ice flip, and we presume with some as-urance that this is the drink known as "a yard of flan-nel." The name, we deduce, comes about in that the drink is made by pouring back and forth from one jug to an-other, one jug raised high. The book then proceeds to a recipe:

RUM FLIP

"Put on the fire in a sauce-pan one quart of ale, and let it boil; have ready the whites of two eggs and the yolks of four, well beaten up sepa-erately; add them by degrees to four tablespoonsful of moist sugar, and half a nutmeg. When all are well mixed, pour on the boiling ale by degrees, beating up the mix-ture continually; then pour it rapidly backward and for-ward from one jug to en-other, keeping one jug raised high above the other; "ill the flip be smooth and finely frosted." The bartender adds that the sugar is a good thing to take at the commencement of a cold. "Another presumen-tion: We believe the "most sugar" referred to is brown sugar.

Join the fun every day... right in your own home. Just call toll-free 800-325-6400 for convenient, dependable home delivery of **The New York Times**.

Home delivery is available through independent route dealers for an extra service charge in most parts of the New York metropolitan area and in key cities throughout the United States.

## Return of Pakistan-to-India Train Part of Thaw in Relations

By WILLIAM BORDERS

Special to The New York Times

LAHORE, Pakistan, Aug. 30

—The train is running across the border into India again, helping to erode deep-sealed enmity.

For people on both sides of the well-guarded border the little train that has just begun laboriously puffing across the fertile Punjab plain is not just a conven-ience but an important symbol of the changed relation-ship between countries that have been hostile since they became independent in 1947 and peoples who have been hostile for centuries.

"After all the blood and the horror that we have seen along this border, I never really thought that the train would run again," wokened Pakistani woman said as it lunched out of the Lahore station for the 30-mile trip to Amritsar, India.

The resumption of service a month ago after a hiatus of 11 years is part of a gener-ial, well-planned thaw that has brought the relationship between India and Pakistan to its best condition in years.

### Airplanes and Diplomats

The two countries' airlines are flying across the border again, too, and the negotiations have exchanged diplo-mats, who are issuing visas and are talking to the other. India has an opening, just as a beginning, but we are very hopeful," said Syed Fida Has-lem, a foreign correspondent in July as the first Ambassador Pakistan has had there since independence. The countries plunged into war over the Pakistani territory

Rashid Akbar

Passenger train leaving Amritsar, India, for Lahore, Pakistan, 30 miles away. Service was resumed in July.

that became Bangladesh.

That was the third war along the way to kill one another. Trains carrying refugees both ways along the Lahore-Amrít sar route were bar-ushed, the attackers butch-ering any passengers whose religion they did not share. Sometimes that meant every-

Hindus and Sikhs bound for India. Often they stopped along the way to kill one another.

account from "Train to Pak-istán," a famous Indian novel by Khushwant Singh: "The train had brought a full load of corpses. A heavy brooding silence descended on the vi-lage. People barricaded their doors and stayed up all night talking in whispers. Everyone felt his neighbor's hand against him."

With that sort of background, the resumption of the train service, like other aspects of the rapprochement that have come in the past few years, is marked by caution and by insistence that neither side appear to be yielding to the other.

### Cars in National Colors

Reflecting that intent, the train has eight cars, four with the maroon markings of Indian Railways, four with the green and white of Pakistan. When it reaches the border heading east, the Pakistani locomotive chugs off to a siding to await the westbound journey, and an Indian locomotive is attached for the remaining 40 minutes of the trip.

At the immigration and customs checkpoints in each country, people who are citi-zens of the other are sent to different counters from the rest of the foreigners, and they seem to be exam-

ined much more closely. Nevertheless, in the month since diplomatic relations were re-established each country has given thousands of visas to citizens of the other, many of them to visit relatives or religious shrines.

Foreigners traveling in South Asia have found it a commonplace occurrence to be closely questioned about conditions across the border by someone who used to live on the other side and years ago to go back for a visit. Now many of them are beginning to satisfy those yearnings.

The reconciliation is tem-pered by the realization that, as the Pakistani Prime Min-ster, Zulfikar Ali Bhatto, put it: "Our quarrel, whether you call it an Indo-Pakistani dis-pute or a Hindu-Moslem one, is the oldest in the world. It goes back for centuries?" The other day in New Delhi, a woman reflected the pre-vailing caution during a con-versation about Lahore, an ancient and ancient city that was her birthplace. "Ah, Lahore! How I'd lose to go back and visit," she said. Now that it is easy to go, would she? "No, I think. I'll wait a year or so and see how things progress," she replied; "and if it is still all right, then I'll make the trip."

## U.S. Gives Asylum to Foe of Mrs. Gandhi

In the first such action, the United States has granted po-litical asylum to Ram Jethmalani, chairman of the Bar Council of India and a vigorous criti-cism of Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's policies.

He is believed to be the first Indian national to have re-ceived asylum since Mrs. Gandhi imposed a state of emer-gency in 1971, and she has ago under which, in effect, and rights have been suspended.

Mr. Jethmalani, who is now a visiting professor of comparative constitutional law at Wayne State University in Michigan, now a bartender, "I was concerned that he could have been arrested even before that date because of an Indian Supreme Court decision that upheld the Government's con-vention that while the national emergency was in effect citi-zens had, in effect, no rights."

"I had no choice but to seek asylum," Mr. Jethmalani said in a telephone interview last night from his daughter's home in Grosse Point, Mich. "I was being hounded in my own coun-try—they had a warrant out for my arrest."

### Order Had Been Stayed

The warrant was issued in January after a speech that Mr. Jethmalani made to a group of lawyers in the state of Kerala, in southern India. Local au-thorities reportedly regarded that speech as inflammatory, for it contained what Mr. Jethmalani

ni described yesterday as "stinging criticism" of Mrs. Gandhi.

But that arrest order had been temporarily stayed by the Bombay High Court—which is the equivalent of a state su-preme court in this country—and Mr. Jethmalani, who is 53 years old and had been chair-man of the Bar Council for six years, continued delivering speeches in India attacking the Gandhi Government.

### Arrived in May

Mr. Jethmalani yesterday, however, that the saying of the arrest order was affective only until June 11, And, he said, he was concerned that he could have been arrested even before that date because of an Indian Supreme Court decision that upheld the Government's con-vention that while the national emergency was in effect citi-zens had, in effect, no rights."

"So I left the country," he said.

His flight, by a KLM Royal Dutch Airlines plane, left Bom-bay April 28, and Mr. Jethmalani traveled directly to Mont-real, where his son is a student. He arrived in this country in May and addressed several Indian organizations as well as civil liberties groups. His ap-plication for political asylum was made on July 7 to the Im-migration Service, Mr. Jethmalani said.

The application was for-warded by the agency to the State Department, whose offi-cials disclosed last night that after a review of Mr. Jethmalani's contention—that he felt he would be arrested the mo-ment he returned to India—it was felt he should be granted asylum.

"It was a decision consistent with American policy not to re-quire individuals to return to their home country when this would place them in danger because of their political belief or action," a State Department official said.

"We advised the Immigration and Naturalization Service that Mr. Jethmalani had a credible case for political asylum," the official said in a telephone con-versation from Washington.

## Dassault Accountant Vanishes With $1.6 Million in 2 Valises

Continued From Page 1, Col. 2

world, or in the private plans of the soldier of fortune, Jean Kay.

Mr. Kay is a 33-year-old ex-convict who has fought as a mercenary in several countries and was praised in a courtroom by André Mairaux, this writer and former culture minister as an idealist for trying to provide medical supplies for Bangla-desh by threatening passengers on a plane at Orléay Airport in 1971.

The French authorities, ad-mitting that the Vathaire case has them baffled, have asked Interpol, the international pol-

camping equipment. Outdoors apparel

A14

WEDNESDAY, SEP

# The Washington Post
AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

## An African Gamble

IT IS A LARGE gamble that Secretary of State Kissinger has taken for the United States, for the Ford administration—and for the Ford candidacy. He is undertaking “shuttle diplomacy” between black and white leaders in Southern Africa to negotiate the evolution of majority rule in Rhodesia and Namibia. If he fails, the United States will have suffered a major blow to its prestige and influence, and President Ford will have handed Jimmy Carter a fat campaign issue. Even if Mr. Kissinger achieves some short-term success, then Washington will have gotten itself smack in the middle of an immense unfolding regional crisis without having conveyed the sort of clear view of American purpose that might provide a firm basis for public and congressional support.

Indeed, by the standards of conventional prudence a case can be made that the United States, or an administration burdened by an electoral challenge, should have contented itself with expressions of alarm and piety, and simply called on the United Nations to take the situation in hand. No matter that the U.N., by becoming the creature of one side on this issue, has rendered itself incapable of dealing constructively with it.

The Kissinger-Ford gamble nonetheless seems to us no less right for being “imprudent.” One can fairly criticize the administration for coming late to southern Africa, and for coming there less out of concern for racial and human justice than out of a fear that the Soviet Union would exploit the larger regional turbulence as it did the struggle inside Angola. But the crisis in southern Africa is real and it threatens to rage out of control with almost unimaginable costs and consequences. For the United States to play if safe and to do less than it could to avert a holocaust would be not only bad diplomacy, contributing to world disorder, it would be an abdication of this country's moral obligation and responsibility to the world community. During the years of American neglect of Africa, others have had plenty of time and room to diffuse the situation, but nothing has been done.

In Rhodesia time may already have run out. The white minority may be too fearful—or stubbornly complacent—and the black guerrillas and politicians too divided and undisciplined for the sort of majority

rule-minority rights deal that Mr. Kissinger and South African Minister John Vorster discussed over the weekend at Zurich. Mr. Vorster's position is weakened by unprecedented black and colored protests against apartheid at home. Whether he can deliver Rhodesia's whites is uncertain, as critical as that is for him in his diplomatic effort to keep South Africa from drifting irreversibly beyond Western reach into total isolation. It is highly doubtful, too, that the black African summit at Dar es Salaam, a meeting timed to put maximum pressure on the whites' position, has produced either the unity or the restraint needed to draw Rhodesian blacks into a successful negotiation. Tellingly, the invitation to Mr. Kissinger to start a shuttle came from only one figure, Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere.

These four prospects presumably explain why Mr. Kissinger wants to focus first on Namibia, the territory seeking independence from South Africa. As in his approach to the Middle East, the Secretary hopes that by making progress on this smaller and easier question, momentum can be accumulated and time gained to tackle the harsher question of Rhodesia. This seems to be what he discussed in Britain, which is the American partner in the Rhodesian enterprise, in France, and in Germany, which is still considered home by many white residents of the former (pre-World War I German colony of Namibia.

The limited result of the Dar es Salaam summit suggests that its participants regard the Kissinger shuttle as a too-little-too-late gesture designed for other than African purposes and as a distraction from the armed struggle that white racism has so far made to seem essential to the pursuit of black freedom. The Kremlin is mounting a major drive to persuade blacks to come to just that judgment. Yet for blacks the issue is not just whether they will temper the use of force by diplomacy but whether they will aim for a social border and international position consistent with the co-operation of both races. At bottom this is what Mr. Kissinger, for the Ford administration, is offering. It is an offer that the Democratic Party, regardless of what happens in November, is bound to support. It would be the ultimate irony if southern Africa's blacks, in assaulting the racism of whites, enshrined a racism of their own.

ESDAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1976 —

25 cents beyond 50-mile zone from New York City, except Long Island. Higher in air delivery cities.

[LC]

# Kissinger Says Talks With Vorster Open Way for Africa Negotiations

## Citing 'Progress' at Zurich, He Expresses Hope for Settlements on Rhodesia and Namibia

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

LONDON, Sept. 6—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger said today that after three days of crucial talks with Prime Minister John Vorster of South Africa, “I believe that the conditions for a negotiation exist” for black and white Africans to settle the key problems of Rhodesia and South-West Africa before violence engulfs the area.

At a news conference in Zurich before his departure for London, Mr. Kissinger expressed hope about the prospects for achieving a negotiated solution to those problems in southern Africa, although it was clear that the Kissinger-Vorster talks had not focused heavily on the third issue —that of racial problems in white-ruled South Africa itself.

“These discussions have been fruitful,” Mr. Kissinger said, adding that as a result of his talks with Mr. Vorster, “progress” had been made toward the objectives of majority rule, minority rights and harmony in the area, instead of violence between the races and big power interven-

tion that would inevitably occur as it did in Angola.

Prime Minister Vorster said at a news conference that followed Mr. Kissinger's departure that the American Secretary had said all that had to be said. “There is nothing I can tell you that goes beyond that,” he added.

“We had free and frank exchanges,” he said, and “resulting from that, progress has certainly been made.”

Mr. Kissinger's remarks, at the beginning of his news conference in the Dolder Grand Hotel seemed aimed at encouraging black African leaders now meeting in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, to maintain confidence in American and British efforts to mediate and not lose hope that a negotiated approach could work.

Mr. Kissinger also appeared to have other audiences in mind. He was reminding Prime Minister Ian D. Smith, the leader of the white minority Government in

Continued on Page 5, Column 1

statement issued on August 25, prior to
the date of your editorial.

As we have previously emphasized,
suspension of the equal time rule
would permit other kinds of programs,
not limited to debates, featuring the
candidates in direct and substantial ap-
pearances. That is why NBC, for more
than 20 years, has urged repeal or sus-

ague of Women Voters and hopes
they go forward. There is a separate
public value in lifting the restrictions
of the equal time rule. That course be-
comes essential if the arrangements of
the League of Women Voters are de-
layed or barred by legal proceedings.

HERBERT S. SCHLOSSER,

National Broadcasting Company, Inc.

New York

The American Way of Divorce

By Tom Kleich for The Washington Post

lost sight of this. Denying visitation and
kidnapping are not the actions of re-
sponsible parents.

KATHLEEN A. DOLAN

Wheaton

Your series of articles "The Trauma
of Divorce" reemphasized the tragedy
that befalls all family members in a di-
vorce. However, I was particularly sad-
dened by Mrs. Currence's statement re-
garding her son, Robert Jr., age five.
"My boy, now I teach him that he cuts
the mustard—he has to do what the
girls do. He's going to scrub the floor
and do the dishes. Of course, there are
still things that boys do best—take out
the trash." Losing a parent when one is
five years old is, at best, a difficult ad-
justment. Having to also bear the brunt
of a "liberated" mother's newly found
dissatisfaction with the role of males in
society can only make this adjustment
more difficult.

ROBERT F. PRIEN

Germantown, Md.

I have followed Philip McCombs' in-
teresting series of articles on divorce
and its consequences as exemplified by
the case of Robert and Phyllis Curr-
ence. Family break-up is a sad story if it
happens to only one family, but when
the same bitterness develops in a mil-
lion families each year in the United
States because of divorce, it is time to
stop hand-wringing and do something
about it.

A good case can be made that the

chief offenders responsible for the di-
vorce tragedies are legislators and their
laws. History shows that when laws in-
volving the unity of the family are
strict, there are few divorces; when
laws are lax, divorces multiply and are
granted for flimsy legal reasons. Since
legislators in the past few decades
(within living memory) have created
the atmosphere for a million family
tragedies a year as the result of di-
vorce, legislators today, if they really
want to help people, can close this Pan-
dora's box by enacting stricter laws to
protect the unity and permanence of
the family.

REV. MAURICE FITZGERALD, C.S.P.,

The Paulists at St. Paul's College.

Washington

The Washington Post

EUGENE MEYER, 1875-1959

PHILIP L. GRAHAM, 1915-1963

KATHARINE GRAHAM

Publisher

BENJAMIN C. BRADLEE

Executive Editor

PHILIP L. GEYELIN

Editorial Page Editor

HOWARD SIMONS

Managing Editor

MEG GREENFIELD

Deputy Editorial
Page Editor

MARK MEAGHER

General Manager

Vice Presidents: JOHN M. DOWER, Communications; CHRISTOPHER M. LITTLE, Counsel; THOMAS R. MCCARTIN, Sales; JACK F. PATTERSON, Circulation; VIRGIL P. SCHROEDER, Operations; WILLIAM A. SPARTIN, Administration; LAWRENCE A. WALLACE, Labor Relations.

Published by The Washington Post Company

KATHARINE GRAHAM

Chairman of the Board

LARRY H. ISRAEL

President

# African Leaders Agree to Intensify Rhodesia Fight

[LC]

## SUMMIT, From A1

process of the armed struggle inside Rhodesia was capable of producing a new unified leadership.

After meeting behind closed doors at the Kilimanjaro Hotel until 4 a.m. this morning, the Rhodesian national-ist leaders met again later in the morning with the five presidents and then continued their private talks this afternoon.

Three of the five presidents, Ken- neth Kaunda of Zambia, Seretse Khama of Botswana and Agostinho Neto of Angola, left early this after- noon for their respective capitals. But President Samora Machel of Mozam- bique stayed on, apparently for fur- ther talks with Tanzanian leader Jul- ius Nyerere.

President Nyerere is scheduled to meet with U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs William Schaufele Wednesday to discuss the Kissinger visit next week.

Vorster took a new hard-line stand on SWAPO yesterday, saying he would not recognize it as the sole le- gitimate representative of the Nami- bian people or attend an international conference with it.

Both the United Nations and the Or- ganization of African Unity have rec- ognized SWAPO as the only true rep- resentative of all Namibian people and demanded that South Africa turn over power to the nationalist organi- zation.

SWAPO president Sam Nujoma said here yesterday that he would only ac- cept the 11 ethnically based groups presently involved in constitutional talks with South Africa inside Nami- bia as part of a South African delega- tion at an international conference. He said he was only interested in SWAPO's "seizure of power" there.

Despite these apparently hardening attitudes by both Nujoma and Vor- ster, there was some feeling here that

a compromise might still be reached whereby SWAPO and South Africa could be brought to the negotiating table, if not at a U.N.-sponsored con- ference in Geneva, as has been sug- gested, then inside Namibia itself or in a neutral African country.

On the other hand, Western observ- ers here saw little hope for a peaceful settlement to the Rhodesia dispute. With Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith adamant in his refusal to hand over power quickly to the black ma- jority and the nationalist movement still deeply divided, the prospect for peace there appears gloomy indeed.

Other than deciding to step up the war effort against the Smith govern- ment, the leaders of the so-called front line states agreed here to in- clude henceforth the two banned South African nationalist movements, the African National Council (ANC) and the Pan Africanist Council (PAC),

in all their future deliberations on southern Africa.

Both groups presented their views on the situation inside South Africa to the presidents during the summit. Spokesmen for both groups said they had asked for transit facilities in countries bordering on South Africa to make it possible for them to launch an armed struggle there now.

There was a feeling among the two groups' leaders attending the confer- ence here that, as one of them put it, "Our time has come at last."

## U.S. Frigate Repairs

Reuter

TOULON, France, Sept. 7 — The U. S. Navy frigate Voge, damaged in a collision with a Soviet submarine in the Aegan Sea 10 days ago, arrived at the French Mediterranean port early today for repairs, port officials said.

The connected as
adherents or dependents. The small class who,
in this state of public feeling, gain the command
of the representative body, for the most part use it
solely as a means of seeking their fortune.

It is hardly necessary to point out that the
phenomena Mill described were not unique to
early 19th-century England, nor to adduce further
arguments for getting to the polls on election day.

Dissatistaction with the candidates and
issues put forward by our two major parties is the
most commonly heard excuse for nonvoting. "If
they want me to vote, let them put up somebody
worth voting for" — like a dyspeptic guest at a
smorgasbord waiting for the caterers to spread
their wares on the table.

The citizen who feels this way is con-

an organized political party, we
believe it can be done today? And even if there
should arise among us one who could — through
some singular mesmeric power over television,
perhaps — would we really applaud the result?

The leader of a national political party in
the United States, after all, represents far more
than his party's platform. He stands atop a pyramid
composed of party units in fifty states, each with
its own problems to worry about, from local
school boards to mayors and governors, senators,
and congressmen (all functioning, presumably,
without the help of our Independent voter). It is
highly unlikely that any leader will ever arise who
is wise enough to contain within himself such a
sprawling diversity of aims and interests.

But even if such a paragon should be found,
the rest of us would become hardly more than
a "flock of sheep innocently nibbling the grass

POST

[L.C]

# Africans Are Suspicious Of Kissinger's Mission

## AFRICA, From A1

last week the pro-government weekly To The Point published a photo of the profiles of Vorster and Kissinger standing together in Zurich and noted they were looking in the same direction "searching for peace."

Kissinger's second trip to Africa comes at a time that attitudes are hardening on both sides of the Rhodesia dispute but a possible softening in the case of Namibia.

The meeting of five African presidents and Rhodesian nationalist facions here nearly two weeks ago resulted in a victory for the most militant stand, favoring an all-out armed struggle with the white minority Rhodesian government and no negotiations except for a surrender.

Apparently there was general agreement on this point, for the official statement issued at the summit's end said only that the five "front-line" presidents had agreed to "further intensify the armed struggle."

Meanwhile, warnings were heard from Rhodesia that the white government would not accept a peace program concocted in Washington, London and Pretoria and imposed from outside.

Unless Kissinger "is prepared to come to this country," said Rhodesia's transport and power minister, Roger Hawkins, Friday, "Then his attempts at achieving a settlement of our affairs are pre-doomed to failure."

Reports reaching here said Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith was deeply suspicious of the American-British plan to offer compensation to whites wanting to leave now or willing to stay on after majority rule because of the psychological effect it would have on the already diminishing white community.

"It could pull the whites out from under Smith," noted one Western observer of Rhodesian politics, "or it could encourage them to stay on and fight even harder."

Nor do white Rhodesians have much faith in guarantees of minority rights because of their general conviction that similar schemes in Kenya and Zambia have largely failed to preserve the white-minority interests under black rule.

Rhodesian black nationalists, on the other hand, see no reason why Africans should have to guarantee white interests when nobody is talking about compensation for their losses from decades of exploitation at white hands. "Why should we have to guarantee their staying on? asked Mugabe. "Certainly it should not come from our economy . . . it doesn't make any difference to us whether they stay or go."

The South African government has begun applying a belated "slow squeeze policy" on the Smith government, removing its helicopter gunship pilots, but not the helicopters themselves, and apparently "congesting" rail traffic from Rhodesia to South African ports.

But the squeeze does not appear to be hard enough yet to force Smith to

accept immediate majority rule and may well only begin to bite after it is too late to achieve a peaceful negotiated settlement.

The Vorster-Smith meeting in Pretoria Tuesday should prove crucial to the future of Rhodesian-South African relations and to the success or failure of the Kissinger initiative to break the deadlock over Rhodeisa.

While an atmosphere of gloom is gathering over peace efforts in Rhodesia, there is cautious optimism regarding Namibia — here and apparently in South Africa, too.

Some reports circulating here say that Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere, who is chairman of the frontline black African states, will tell Kissinger at their meeting Tuesday that he should concentrate on achieving a breakthrough in the Namibia dispute and have no illusions about making any progress now in Rhodesia.

It is believed here that the front-line presidents are far more prepared to pressure the Namibian nationalist group, the South West African People's Organization (SWAPO), into a compromise solution than the divided Rhodesian nationalists. In this regard, it is noted here that the presidents did not commit themselves to intensifying the armed struggle in Namibia as they did in Rhodesia.

Furthermore, the components for a compromise, based on elections with some kind of United Nations presence, seem present.

SWAPO President Sam Nujoma said here last week that South African-backed delegates to current constitutional talks would have to sit in the South African delegation to any internationally sponsored conference on Namibia while Vorster has in effect said he will not sit at the same table with Nujoma.

But Vorster has also indicated that he will probably not oppose an invitation to SWAPO coming from the Namibian delegates currently discussing Namibia's future. Thus the wrangle could boil down to the shape of the conference table, as it did in the Paris peace talks over Vietnam.

The fact that Nujoma has chosen to remain here after the breakup of the summit conference is believed to be directly related to the Kissinger-Nyerere talks on Namibia. It is presumed that Nyerere will pass on the American-South African proposals to the SWAPO leader and it is speculated that a top Kissinger aide, if not the secretary himself, may meet directly with Nujoma.

Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs William E. Schaufele Jr. has already done this once in Lusaka during Kissinger's first tour of Africa.

## S. Africa Unrest Continues

CAPE TOWN, South Africa, Sept. 12, (UPI) — Rioters hurled rocks at white-owned shops and motorists today and whites killed two coloreds (the official name for South Africans of mixed race) in new racial violence in the nation's Southern Cape Peninsula.

A.

# Kissinger: Africa Talks Productive

## KISSINGER, From Al

tegle projections, overtook his plans. Kissinger now is preparing to return to Washington Tuesday night after talks in Paris with French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing, and in Hamburg with West German Chancellor Helmut Schmidt, unless he receives an urgent summons from Nyerere to come to Dar es Salaam.

Reporters aboard Kissinger's plane were told that a summons from Nyerere is unlikely at this early stage in the black African summit conference. What Kissinger now is contemplating, instead, is to return to Africa—possibly next Monday—for what would be a round of shuttle diplomacy between the black African nations and South Africa that would last about two weeks.

This schedule, which some specialists regard as overoptimistic, is based on Kissinger's expectation that the black African nations will find his offer one they cannot refuse.

The goals Kissinger hopes to help black Africans achieve for Rhodesia and Namibia, he said, are "independence, majority rule (for blacks), minority rights (for whites), and assurances for economic progress."

Kissinger anticipates that the prospect of international economic aid for black Africans and financial compensation for white Africans will help induce Africa's black leaders to choose diplomacy.

He stressed, however, that "We're dealing with a negotiation of extraordinary complexity in terms of the issues involved and in terms of the parties involved."

Out of the Kissinger-Vorster talks has come, according to diplomatic sources, a proposal for a conference on Namibia, possibly to be held in Geneva, to plan early independence, for this territory ruled by South Africa, which calls it Southwest Africa.

A multiracial conference that met recently in the territory set a projected

date of Dec. 31, 1978, for granting independence to Namibia. That formula has been spurned as inadequate by the United Nations Council for Namibia and by the liberation group conducting a guerrilla war there, the South West Africa Peoples' Organization (SWAPO).

The exclusion of SWAPO from current independence plans for Namibia is a prime issue of contention.

South Africa's Vorster, at a press conference in Zurich just after Kissinger's departure, sounded notably less optimistic than Kissinger.

Vorster's attitude indicates he may anticipate considerable difficulty convincing the supporters of his own white-minority government in South Africa to bend very far very quickly on making concessions on Namibia, or on putting pressure on Rhodesia to bow to black-majority rule.

Vorster said he expects to meet soon with Rhodesian Prime Minister Smith

to convey the results of the Kissinger-Vorster talks. Vorster sounded as though he is facing a most unpleasant task. Kissinger's strategy counts on South Africa to put enough pressure on Smith to make his government accept black-majority rule as the inevitable course.

Vorster said, "I would characterize the talks we had as a free and frank exchange of the situation in subcontinent of southern Africa and ... progress certainly has been made."

But Vorster avoided any public commitments about anything. Although he told newsmen on Sunday that Swapo could participate in talks on the future of Namibia, along with what Vorster described as 20 political parties in that territory, today he emphasized that no South African government can be expected to participate in a conference with Swapo.

Kissinger was deliberately ambiguous

in public about what he described as progress toward "a concrete program" to be put before the leaders of black Africa.

He said there has been "an extraordinary amount of speculation" about the "so-called guarantees program" to compensation the 270,000 white settlers in Rhodesia, if the black majority of 6 million takes control.

This guarantee program reportedly could cost up to $1.5 billion to $2 billion, with the United States putting up the lion's share.

Kissinger said "our concern is not simply to deal with the minority—with the white minority in Rhodesia. Our concern is an economic program that brings about the economic advancement of all of Rhodesia, and ... to provide opportunities for all races and all communities to live side by side and with some assurances against rapid changes in their position."

## S. Africa Pulled Pilots Out of Rhodesia

By Reg Shay
Special to The Washington Post

SALISBURY, Rhodesia, Sept. 6—South African pilots and technicians flying with the Rhodesian air force were ordered back to their own country 11 days ago, before the talks in Zurich between Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger and South African President John Vorster, it was learned today.

The pilots and technicians—the latter flying as machine gunners—had played a major role in the guerrilla war. Rhodesia never officially acknowledged the presence of these "men who never were."

It is understood that the South Africans wore Rhodesian uniforms. Numbering about 50, they were mainly used to fly helicopters and spotter planes.

A Rhodesian government spokesman

today denied neither the withdrawal nor the presence. "As they were South Africans, any comment must come from Pretoria," he said.

In South Africa, a spokesman for the minister of defense commented: "We have no more soldiers or pilots in Rhodesia."

The South African's comment indicates that in addition to airmen, South Africa also had troops in Rhodesia. Officially it had pulled out all forces when civilian policemen were withdrawn from anti-guerrilla fighting in August of last year. Nineteen of the policemen had been killed in engagements.

In the talks yesterday in Zurich, Vorster reportedly ruled out the possibility of applying an arms embargo or other pressure to topple the Rhodesian government, although he said he was willing to "point out the

realities to the Rhodesian leaders."

One of the realities is that he no longer wants to play any part in the Rhodesian war that would compromise him in any further negotiations.

His refusal to apply an arms embargo suggests that while the airmen have been withdrawn, their equipment remains. Air force sources indicate that Rhodesia is hard put to find national crews. There are unconfirmed reports that retired officers are being called up to fly.

The South African pullout comes with the approach of the wet season, when the war is expected to be stepped up by the guerrillas. They use long grass and tree foliage for cover. The wet conditions also cut down the maneuverability of heavy transport on dirt roads. Aircraft thus are in peak demand.

[LC]

RESEARCH BUREAU

Cyprus Vote Backs Makarios

By Joseph Fitchett
Special to The Washington Post

NICOSIA, Cyprus, Sept. 6—A Greek Cypriot coalition supporting President Archbishop Makarios and his hardline attitude toward Turkey has scored a clean sweep of seats and a one-sided victory in yesterday's parliamentary election, results today showed.

The coalition included a pro-Makarios
conservative bloc and the two Communist
parties who put aside their ideological dif-
ferences in support for Makarios' "long
struggle" policy of refusing to make con-
cessions to Turkey or to Turkish Cypriots
and of maintaining a posture of nonalign-
ment despite the island's troubles.

The challenger, rightist former Deputy
President Glafkos Clerides, a moderate on
negotiations with the Turkish Cypriot
community, failed to win a single seat for
his candidates and even lost his own.

The vote amounted to the first effective
sounding of grassroots political currents
here since the 1974 pro-Athens coup and
Turkish invasion divided this island into
Greek and Turkish Cypriot zones. Nearly
80 per cent of registered Greek Cypriot
voters went to the polls in what officials
said was a record turnout. The Parlia-
ment, however has little real power from
fiscal review in this strong executive gov-
ernment.

The subdued, anxious mood of Greek
Cyprus — faced with hardening Turkish
occupation of nearly 40 per cent of the
island — contributed to making this elec-
tion the least violent since independence
15 years ago. It also may have contributed
to the voters' decision to shun any chal-
lenge to the consensus politics practiced
under the authority of Archbishop Ma-
karios, who is both spiritual and temporal
head of Greek Cypriot life.

Turkish Cypriots were not involved in
the elections. The Cypriot Parliament is
nominally national, but the Turkish Cyp-
riot minority, which is entitled to 15 seats,
has boycotted the Parliament since the
early 1960s.

The electoral results amount to a Greek
Cypriot referendum for Makarios' shun-
ning of concessions in search of a solu-
tion in Cyprus. Although the archbishop
will not come up for election as head of
state until 1978, voting for the 35 Greek

Cypriot seats in the island's 50-seat Parlia-
ment was largely a one-issue debate over
the foreign policy question of what stance
to adopt in the Turkish negotiations.

Makarios' "long struggle" in Cyprus is
usually defined as a refusal at this time
to sign anything recognizing the strongly
autonomous northern zone of the island
demanded by Turkey. This rejection is
coupled with emphasis on continued eco-
nomic austerity to help the steady com-
mercial revival in the Greek Cypriot zone.

Makarios' strategy shuns military action
against the superior Turkish presence on
Cyprus and relies on diplomatic and po-
litical pressure from the socialist and non-
aligned countries to wear down Ankara.

Clerides contended that the Makarios
position was "mere words, while a sepa-
rate Turkish state crystallizes in northern
Cyprus."

Once a Makarios protege and the prin-

cipal Greek Cypriot negotiator with the
Turkish Cypriots until last spring, he be-
lieves that Greek Cypriots should make
concessions now as the only chance of
obtaining a partial Turkish withdrawal
from the part of the island they occupy.

Clerides' campaign relied heavily on his
claim that Greek Cypriot flexibility would
induce pressure on Ankara from the
United States and the European Economic
Community, which he says are the only
forces able to influence Turkey.

In an interview after his defeat, Cler-\ides said he had turned down an offer
from his rivals for a one-third share of
the parliamentary seats as a trade-off for
softening his position. Despite being shut
out of the island's only political forum,
his party intends to play an active public
role, Clerides said.

While Clerides' supporters received
about 25 per cent of the popular vote,
they failed to win a single seat under the
electoral system based on majorities in
each of the six constituencies. Refugees
from Famagusta and Kyrenia, the main
areas lost to the Turks, voted solidly
against Clerides, giving him as little as 10
per cent.

Clerides hurt his claim to represent the
moderate center when he accepted the
support of the Eoka-B hardliners who ad-
vocate union with Greece. While they
despise the Turks, Eoka foes of Makarios
sided with the archbishop's opponent. Dis-
credited by the 1974 pro-Athens coup, for
which they are blamed, the Eoka group is
anathema among the refugees who com-
promise perhaps one-third of the 250,000
registered voters. Even Clerides' natural
supporters — businessmen, the urban mid-
dle class and civil servants — were put off
by his Eoka support.

The pro-Makarios coalition also made
strange bedfellows. Their nominal head is
a former foreign minister, Spiros Kipria-
nou, who leads a group of conservatives
helped by the church.

The coalition's real strength, however,
resides with Akel, the Communist Party,
proportionately the world's strongest Com-
munist Party not in power. Akel com-
mands more than a third of the popular
vote, but always supports other parties'
candidates.

United Press International
Makarios opposes concessions to Turkey.

DAY, SEPTEMBER 7, 1976 —

25 cents beyond 50-mill tax except Long Island. Higher in air taxes

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

LONDON, Sept. 6—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger said today that after three days of crucial talks with Prime Minister John Vorster of South Africa, "I believe that the conditions for a negotiation exist" for black and white Africans to settle the key problems of Rhodesia and South-West Africa before violence engulfs the area.

"These discussions have been fruitful," Mr. Kissinger said, adding that as a result of his talks with Mr. Vorster, "progress" had been made toward the objectives of majority rule, minority rights and harmony in the area, instead of violence between the races and big power interven-

Prime Minister Vorster said at a news conference that followed Mr. Kissinger's departure that the American Secretary had said all that had to be said. "There is nothing I can tell you that goes beyond that," he added.

"We had free and frank exchanges," he said, and "resulting from that, progress has certainly been made."

Continued on Page 5, Column 1

# Surprise Summit in Africa May Alter Kissinger's Plans

From News Services

LONDON (AP) — A surprise summit conference this weekend of key black African leaders, including the chiefs of revolutionary groups, may cause Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger to postpone a trip to Africa.

Reporters traveling with Kissinger from Washington yesterday were told by a senior American official that Kissinger learned the night before of the planned summit meeting.

Kissinger came to London for consultations with British leaders before a weekend meeting in Zurich, Switzerland, with Prime Minister John Vorster of South Africa.

The official said the secretary had planned earlier to visit at least five African countries after the meeting with Vorster.

Meanwhile, in South Africa itself, trouble continued on the eve of Kiss-

inger's talks, as police used tear gas and birdshot yesterday to disperse demonstrators during the second day of rioting in Cape Town. One youth was reported killed and two injured in the violence.

Tanzanian President Julius Nyerere informed Kissinger that the summit conference would be held tomorrow and Monday in his capital, Dar es Salaam. The African heads of state will discuss ways to end white-minority rule in Rhodesia and to gain independence for South-West Africa, a territory now controlled by South Africa's white government.

THOSE PERSONS expected to attend the conference include the presidents of the four so-called confrontation states bordering Rhodesia and leaders of four revolutionary groups in Rhodesia.

See S. AFRICA, A-6

S. AFRICA

[L.C]

Continued From A-1

Representatives of nationalist forces in Namibia, or South-West Africa, and Angola's Marxist-backed president, Agostinho Neto, also will participate, the senior U.S. official said.

Kissinger, anticipating progress with Vorster, had planned to leave for Africa Tuesday.

However, the senior American official said Kissinger now prefers to return to Washington Tuesday after seeing the South African leader.

He denied that the change meant Kissinger's efforts to achieve a peaceful transition to black majority rule in Rhodesia had collapsed.

Instead, he said, Kissinger views the summit meeting as a sign of willingness by the black leaders to find a common ground for settling the conflicts.

### ACCORDING TO
Kissinger's spokesman, Lawrence Eagleberger, the secretary messaged Nyerere proposing that Assistant Secretary for African Affairs Williams E. Schaufele Jr., go to Dar es Salaam immediately after the Vorster meeting.

When asked why Kissinger wouldn't wait in Europe for a report from Nyerere, the senior official said the summit meeting might last for several days.

There were reports that Kissinger hopes to undertake his journey to southern Africa the following week, possibly as early as Sept. 12.

The secretary is to meet this morning with Foreign Secretary Anthony Crosland before leaving for Zurich for the Vorster talks.

Kissinger is to return to London on Monday evening to brief Crosland and Prime Minister James Callaghan. He will fly later to Paris to meet French President Valery Giscard d'Estaing.

### KISSINGER SAID
before leaving Washington that President Ford had asked him to meet with leaders of the three countries "to discuss means of ending the conflict in southern Africa, which represents a threat to world peace and to the national interests of the United States.

"I will decide during and after my talks in Europe what next steps should be taken in Africa."

In the talks the United States will press South Africa to exert its influence on Rhodesia's defiant 270,000 whites to reach a settlement with the nation's 6 million blacks leading to majority rule within two years.

Kissinger will also urge Vorster to grant early independence after free elections to Namibia and push for prompt reform of South Africa's own racial policy of apartheid, or separate racial development.

### BUT THE TALK
among whites at parties, filling stations, private homes, at work and on street corners in South Africa reflects an entrenched opposition to what they consider "selling out" their kith and kin in Rhodesia at any price.

Vorster himself, close to the pulse of his conservative white electorate, told his nation this week that "moral lessons and threats" from other countries will not influence South Africa's domestic or foreign policies.

"And what about American economic interests in South Africa?" asked a white journalist here. "You think the United States is going to let the 4 million whites in this country go down the drain if Vorster refuses to go along and the Soviets let the Cubans loose again?"

He referred to the estimated 14,000 Cuban soldiers who helped the present Marxist regime win its civil war in Angola against Western-backed factions.

Yesterday's violence began when police used gas and clubs to break up a protest against South Africa's strict apartheid policy by hundreds of colored persons.