- 21 -

bilateral ties.

The United States is a Pacific power; our destiny—
has been inextricably linked to Asia; No region is of greater
importance to us now. None is more dynamic. None confronts
us with greater policy challenges.
interest + purpose

The security interests of all the great world powers intersect in Asia. Japan, China, the Soviet Union, Western Europe, and the United States have important interests in the region; all would be affected by any major conflict there. The United States has been involved in three long and costly Asian wars in the past generation. We have learned, at painful cost, that equilibrium in Asia is essential to our own peace and safety, and that no stable order in that region can be maintained

- 22 -

without our active participation.

A major part of the world's population and resources, are in the Asian-Pacific area. The region's economy is among the most dynamic in the world. It is there that we have our largest and fastest growing overseas commerce. Our interest in Asia's markets and resources is as vital as Asia's interest in ours.

Our ties with Asia have a deep human dimension as well. Asian cultures and ideas have profoundly influenced American intellectual life for more than a century. And over that same period our technology and our political concepts have spurred the transformation of many nations in the region.

Asia is thus decisive for our own efforts to preserve

- 23 -

peace, expand prosperity, and improve the quality of human
life on this planet.

Through much of the postwar period, America
engaged itself deeply in Asia to build up friendly nations and
to contain Communist expansion. American policy achieved
major and lasting successes -- the emergence of an
economically powerful and democratic Japan in close alliance
with us; the frustration of aggression in Korea; the gathering
dynamism and continued independence of smaller nations in the
area; and

But by the late 1960's our policies needed adjustment
to new realities. We were too directly committed militarily.
We were slow to see opportunities for easing tensions.
At times we acted as though our stake in the security of our
if not

- 25 -

OH

by one
most important ally a role
equal
new and deeper content as well as greater balance and
equality; partnership

-- to open the door to constructive ties with the
People's Republic of China; following a long period of mutual
isolation,

-- to promote political solutions to Asian regional
conflicts; and

-- to encourage self-help and regional cooperation
among smaller allies, which had relied so heavily upon
American support and initiative.

On all these fronts we have achieved much in the
last few years. Our relations with both adversaries and
friends have markedly improved. We have extended the

- 26 -

range of our diplomacy without reneging on our commitments
to our allies. We have adjusted our military posture to
maintain a balance in Asia in the face of changing strategic
requirements and political trends. We have strengthened
economic relations in many countries,
the reciprocity of our economic relations and expanded our
trade and investment.

Most importantly, the structure of our Asian peace
policy has proven strong enough to withstand the tragedy
in Indochina, last spring. The outcome, if there caused
initial widespread apprehension that it might signal -- or precipitate
-- a general American retreat from Asia and even from
global responsibilities. Our steadiness since then has
eased
alleviated those fears. And the basic requirements for

- 27 -

Asian stability remain the same: Asia still requires a
stable equilibrium among all the major powers. Nationalism
and self-reliance remain the dominant trends in the region.
And despite the strains of global recession and inflation,
the Asian-Pacific economy retains its great vigor and
potential.

And it is as clear as ever that no serious effort
to resolve major problems in Asia can succeed without
*participation*
America's *involvement* The future of Japan and our other
allies, the easing of tensions with potential adversaries,
the problem of peace in Korea, the continuing independence of
the nations of Southeast Asia -- all depend significantly on
a strong and responsible American policy.

For the future we face these requirements.

Years:

This is only President Ford invited Japan
a year ago to make its first overseas trip. This is only
Le will leave for Asia again at the end of December,
the人民's Republic of China,

- 28 -

We must maintain a continuing strong role in Asia.

We know that military power alone will not guarantee security.

Popular support and social justice are essential for effective

We know, too, that nationalism + self-reliance + dominant trends in Asia + resistance against subversion or external attack, but foreign policy begins with security and a military balance remains fundamental to peace and the easing of tension. Given the importance to our security and wellbeing of Asia, we owe it to ourselves and to those whose future depends on us to preserve a firm and balanced military posture in the Pacific.

We must continue to strengthen our partnership

with Japan. There is no relationship to which we have devoted greater attention in recent years; there is none from which we derive greater benefit. There is none in which we

- 29 -

have made greater progress.

Japan is our principal Asian ally; Japan is our

largest overseas trading partner; Japan's participation is

international

essential to global efforts to promote economic recovery.

Our hopes for a peaceful and prosperous Asia depend in large

many

part on Japan's creative collaboration on international issues.

Japan's experiment of political leadership without the

attributes of military power is anchored in turn upon our

security treaty -- which threatens no one, and is widely

recognized as a pillar of regional stability.

In contrast, we regard Japan not as an occasional ally, but as

a permanent friend. We are indispensable to one another.

In the early 1970's, in response to Japan's growing

- 30 -

economic strength and some bilateral strains, we went
through a period of adjustment in our relations. There were

some frictions -- some caused by United States' actions,
but close tensions
which have been overcome by devoted effort on both sides.

Today our relations are the best they have been in thirty
years. We face no serious bilateral problems. We are

on a vast agenda:
working together to advance the prosperity of the industrial
democracies, to ease tensions with the Communist countries,
and to extend the new era of cooperation to the members of
the less developed world.

And our bilateral relationship -- which depends so
much upon intangibles of conduct and understanding -- has
acquired a deeper quality, in recent years. There have been
important cultural exchanges, which have enhanced our

- 31 -

sensitivity to each other's national style and values. The
first visit by an American President to Japan last fall and

the Emperor's historic visit to the United States -- and
the warm reception that each people extended to the other's

leader -- demonstrated the depth and strength of this
friendship.

The profound friendship we have developed is
a unique example of close and enduring association between
two different cultures and two distant continents.

But we cannot rest on this accomplishment of the past.
We will preserve the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation
and Security while continuing to adapt its practical arrangements
to the changing military and political environment.

-- We will preserve the Treaty of Mutual Cooperation
and Security while continuing to adapt its practical arrangements
to the changing military and political environment.

-- We will strengthen our political consultation,
in the full realization
not in the expectation that we will always pursue identical

- 32 -

That we love the Union and its人民
policies, but to assure compatible approaches and full
understanding of occasional disagreements,

-- We will harmonize even more closely our
national policies to combat recession and promote economic
expansion.

-- We will continue to deepen the cultural dimension
of our ties, which strengthens the bonds between our peoples.

In all our dealings we intend to honor a higher
standard of concern and consultation than normally obtains even
between states -- even allied states -- one that reflects the profound
gquality
fundamental nature of our partnership.

We shall continue to build our relations with the People's
Republic of China. For a generation, our two great countries

were separated by a gulf of mutual isolation and suspicion, and fear
(Las led a significance far beyond its impact on
our two countries, if Labonge
The re-establishment of ties in recent years has transformed
the international landscape. The United States attaches the
highest significance to this policy. Next week President Ford
will travel to China on an important mission to carry this
relationship forward.

There have long existed attachments of sentiment and
high regard between the Chinese and American peoples, which
we have never ceased to value. But the United States and the
People's Republic of China came together after two decades
because of necessity. It was mutual interests that impelled
us both -- without illusions -- to launch a new beginning. These

CN

-34-

interests continue. They can be the foundation of a durable, growing relationship. The United States will work for this goal, on a reciprocal basis, carrying out the principles of the Shanghai Communique.

We and the People's Republic of China have a parallel concern
interest that the world be free from domination by military force
or intimidation -- what has been termed "hegemony," in our many
joint communiqués. We have affirmed that neither of our two
countries should seek hegemony, and that each would oppose
the attempts of others to do so. This policy will not change.

The United States will continue to resist expansionism as we
have in the entire post-war period. But the American people
will identify self-defense with truculence. We will continue

-35-

to be ready to work on a realistic and reciprocal basis to
improve relations with all potential adversaries, and to build
a more stable international environment.

The United States + China
We and the Chinese leaders have also agreed to pursue the
normalization of our bilateral relations, as envisaged in the
Shanghai Communique. The United States remains dedicated
to this course. We do not challenge the principle of one China --
a principle that is maintained by Chinese on both sides of the
Taiwan Straits. While time may yet be required to resolve our
remaining difference on this score, the direction of our policy
is clear. The United States is prepared to continue
process of normalization based on the principles
are confident that continuing progress will be made in strengthening
SinoCommunism.
our bilateral ties.

(N)

-36-

If President Ford's visit to China next week will be the first Presidential visit in nearly four years

We can expect the talks next week to be marked by the scope and the directness which have marked our previous encounters and which best serve leaders whose societies are different but whose policies are rooted in realism.

Since we lack the full range of diplomatic links with the People's Republic of China, and since so much depends on our mutual perceptions of the world scene, exchanges of views on the international scene between the President and the leaders of China are essential and assume special significance. This is important for us to understand clearly where our perceptions coincide and where our national actions run parallel. It is important as well to head off future problems and to lessen the risks of miscalculation.

-37-

Disagreements in ideology and national interests

will ~~exist; there should be no attempt to hide them.~~ At the same time, each side will determine its own policies according to its own situation and perception of its national interest; these are not subject to the instruction of the other. Both ~~are self-sufficient; both of us~~ of us understand the difference between rhetoric and action, between tactics and basic strategy.

that

This spirit of candor and mutual respect has infused our new relationship with the People's Republic of China from its beginnings ~~nearly four years ago. On this basis we can~~ are prepared to make our relationship an enduring and constructive feature of the world scene. It is with this conviction and for this ~~purpose that President Ford will go to Peking.~~

-39-

At the same time we and the Republic of Korea are
prepared to go beyond the stability of a balance of power to
a more permanent solution. We have proposed a conference
among North and South Korea, the United States, and the
People's Republic of China to discuss the dissolution of the
United Nations Command while preserving the Korean Armistice
Agreement. And in that context we are prepared to consider
other measures to reduce tensions, including a wider conference
to negotiate more fundamental arrangements for peace in Korea.
We will not acquiesce in any proposals which would exclude the
Republic of Korea from discussions about its future. And we will
not allow our military presence -- which derives from bilateral
agreements -- to be dictated by third parties. But we are prepared
to transform the armistice arrangements to a permanent peace.

if all the other interested parties are willing to join us,

We must seek a new structure of **lasting** stability in
**Southeast Asia.** This Administration inherited a conflict in
Indochina; and brought our involvement to an end. That chapter
in our history, which occasioned so much anguish, is now closed.

Our relations with the new governments in that region will not
be determined by the past; we are prepared to look to a more

constructive future. The United States will respond to
of good will. If those governments show understanding of our
concerns and those of their neighbors, they will find us ready
to reciprocate. This will be especially the case if they respond
to the anguish of thousands of Americans who ask only an
accounting for those missing in

-41-

action and the return of the bodies of Americans who died in
Indochina. We have no interest to continue the Indochina War
on the diplomatic front; we envisage the eventual normalization
of relations. ~~And~~ In the interim we are prepared to ~~contemplate~~ consider
practical ~~reciprocal~~ arrangements of mutual benefit in such
fields as travel and perhaps trade.

One of the basic purposes of our original commitment
in Indochina was to provide a buffer of security and time for the
~~many Southeast Asian nations to develop their own strength~~
of Southeast Asia
~~and cohesion. In this regard our efforts proved successful.~~
These nations were予 independence;
~~Many states of Southeast Asia were given the opportunity to~~
consolidate domestically and internationally. As a result
~~they are~~ these states will assume increasing importance. We have
~~the]~~

-42-

(N)

deep historical and political bonds with our ANZUS partners --

Australia and New Zealand. We have a substantial stake in the well being of the Philippines and Indonesia, which President Ford will visit next week. We have important continuing links with Thailand, and strong ties of friendship with Singapore and Malaysia as well.

The leaders of all these nations are preserving their national independence through economic development, diplomacy and institutions of mutual benefit to relax tensions, and increased regional cooperation. All of them are examples of self-reliance and national resilience. All of them also seek to sustain and broaden their association with the United States and wish us to remain actively engaged in Asia.

- 44 -

America's Responsibility

Thirty years ago, when we were first summoned to lead, we were the only country to survive the War with its institutions and economy whole. We were overwhelmingly predominant in nuclear weapons and in every measure of military and economic strength. The American people, with pride in their victory and fresh memory of the folly of isolationism, confidently assumed the responsibilities of world leadership.

Inevitably, with time, other nations -- allies and adversaries -- recovered and developed their strength. It was natural that an expanding world economy and decolonization would develop new centers of economic power and political influence. And it is understandable that the American people would tire of the burdens of leadership and ask for a better

- 45 -

balancing of America's interests and commitments.

To build peace,
But history gives us no such respite. Other nations
must do more but we must do our share. Today's environment
--
policy + today's international environment pose for us
face a novel challenge.
places heavy psychological demands upon us. We can no longer

overwhelm our problems with our resources; we must
learn foresight,
emphasize long-range conception, subtlety, tactical skill, and

constancy, and imagination. We can no longer expect our

moral preferences to hold sway simply because of the power,

we must learn patience and understanding. We

we cannot shape a new world by ourselves; we must elicit from

others, friend and foe alike, a contribution to the arduous

process of building a stable international order. Our challenge

is to demonstrate a new kind of leadership -- guiding by our

We cannot make the world in our image,
we must deal with it as it is.

-- We must learn patience and understanding.

We cannot shape a new world by ourselves; we must elicit from
others, friend and foe alike, a contribution to the arduous
process of building a stable international order. Our challenge
today is to demonstrate a new kind of leadership -- guiding by our

- 46 -

vision and energy, not by our predominance.

Military security, economic progress, or political stability cannot be built without us. We have no choice -- like it or not, for we remain far and away the world's largest single concentration of power. Nations have looked to us for moral leadership for 200 years and for political leadership for 30 years; if we abdicate our role, the consequences will be both immediate and vast, not only for others but for ourselves as well.

Only rarely in history do a people have the chance to shape the international environment in which they live. That opportunity is America's today. But we can do so only as a united and confident nation.

- 47 -

Therefore it is time to end the self-inflicted harm we are doing to this nation's capacity to conduct foreign policy.

It is time that we outgrew some of the illusions that characterized the long-past period of our isolationism -- the notion that we are always being taken in by foreigners; that military assistance to allies generates our involvement instead of substitution for it; that defense spending is wasteful and produces conflict; that American intelligence activities are immoral; that the confidentiality of diplomacy is a plot to deceive the public, or that tranquility can be achieved by an abstract purity of motive for which history offers no example.

In the nation with the highest standard of living and one of the richest cultures of the world, in the nation which has come

(14)

p 48

- 48 -

closest of all to the ideals of civil liberty and democracy, it
is long past time to put a stop to self-doubt about our example
and role in the world.

In a world of thermonuclear weapons, dispersed
power, and shrunken distances, we cannot afford disunity,
disarray or disruption in the conduct of our foreign affairs.

Foreign policy requires authority. It is not simply an
intellectual exercise; it fundamentally involves the belief

of others that our word counts, the perception of other nations
that our institutions are stable; the confidence in our steadiness

and resolve.

It would be idle to deny that the gravest difficulties
in our foreign policy are of our own making. At least in

certainly not for our elections; there are instabilities in
security,
regional peace or economic institutions that must be consciously
addressed. We cannot continue the internal warfare disrupting
the conduct of our nation's business abroad, buffeting all the
institutions of our government or all the instruments of our policy.

This country can have no moratorium on a responsible foreign
policy. The bitterness that has marked so much of our national
discourse for a decade no longer has reason or place. A great
responsibility rests upon us in Washington, in both the Congress
and the Executive. Our foreign policy has been most effective
when it reflected broad bipartisan support. This spirit of
cooperation has never been more essential than today. Our free
debate once again must find its ultimate restraint in the
recognition that we are engaged in a common enterprise.

- 52 a -

(Y)

The decade-long debate over executive predominance in foreign policy is now a thing of the past; Congress's reassertion of its role and prerogative is now a dominant fact in our political life. ~~But it must not swing to the extreme where our foreign policy is determined by pressure groups, logrolling or the lowest common denominator.~~

The President and the Congress share the same basic values and objectives on most of the issues now in dispute, ~~but Conciliation must be a two-way street,~~

is high time that all Americans join forces...

In the conduct of our policy generally, the Administration...

- 53 -

will articulate and explain the policies we are pursuing, defending
our views without apology. At home we will seek to resolve
disputes with the Congress in a spirit of compromise. In the
world, we will maintain a steady course. The American people
expect this of their government, and the government will respond.

## Conclusion

Ladies and Gentlemen:

As the President sets out in the next few days on his
Asian trip, to meet with long-standing allies and to advance our
new relationship with the People's Republic of China, we seek to
reinforce stability in that important region and to reaffirm America's
role in the world and dedication to peace and security.

- 54 -

These and other vital issues before us will not wait until January 20, 1977. It is the responsibility of all Americans -- of various political persuasions, in both branches of government, in the public and the press -- to help shape a national policy in a positive and cooperative spirit. It is the responsibility of this nation to exercise creative leadership in a moment of uncertainty, in a world that cries out for hope.

America has always embodied this hope. We are the only country whose destiny seemed always open, whose future always appeared more compelling than its past. We have been an inspiration to mankind, not only because of our philosophy of freedom and the haven we offered for the oppressed, but because we have proven time and again in our own experience

- 55 -

the resiliency and indestructible spirit of free men. We have
not lost our understanding of our true interests or our humane
concern for the fate of our fellow men.

This country's foreign policy is not a burden; it is
+a promise+.
a success. We have done great things. There are great things
yet to do. If the American people stand together, we will leave
as our legacy a more secure, just, and prosperous world than
the one that we inherited.