Il est d'ores et déjà établi que M. Hartling agira comme porte-parole des cinq pays scandinaves. Ceux-ci, dont les dirigeants n'ont cessé, depuis le 10 janvier, de se tenir en contact à ce propos, ont l'intention de faire l'impossible pour obtenir du gouvernement de Lagos que les secours aux populations ibos solent remis en route d'urgence et distribués efficacement. Le comité d'experts des ministères des affaires étrangères des cinq pays, qui, depuis bientôt cinq ans, a consacré des séances régulières à l'examen de la guerre civile au Nigéria, s'est réuni mercredi à Stockholm pour établir son plan d'action dans ce sens. Ses suggestions et conclusions devraient être communiquées par télégramme à M. Hartling.

Par ailleurs, la Croix-Rouge danoise, qui avait chargé trois C-54 prêtés par l'armée de l'air de médicaments et de vitamines pour une valeur de 2 millions de couronnes (un million et demi de francs), n'a pu faire partir ces appareils mercredi matin comme prévu, l'autorisation de Lagos ne lui étant pas parvenue. Ayant pris que le général Gowon refusa d'accueillir dans sa capitale les avions militaires, la Croix-Rouge danoise a alors affrété des avions civils, qu'elle a fait recharger mercredi soir. Si elle ne recevait pas le feu vert espéré, ces appareils seront sans doute achevés vers Cotonou.

Au secrétariat général de la Joint Church Aid (pool d'entraide groupant trente-cinq communau-

d'avoir cette catastrophe.

La Joint Church Aid a, encore aujourd'hui, cent quinze collaborateurs demeurés au Biafra. Les entrepôts de Sao-Tomé contiennent 3 500 tonnes de denrées alimentaires, et ils doivent être renouvelés ces jours-ci par une série d'avions et de bateaux venant d'Europe. L'association dispose là-bas de quatorze avions.

CAMILLE OLSEN.

autres équipes médico-sociales, un conseiller médical et d'un médecin, d'un délégué de liaison avec la Ligue et d'un délégué technique. Seolon M. Staniss, les stocks de vivres au Nigéria s'élèvent actuellement à 13 000 tonnes ; 7 000 autres tonnes seront à la fin du mois suivant pour la distribution en février-mars.

ISABELLE VICHNIAC.

## MAROC

### Le roi Hassan II viendrait prochainement en visite privée à Paris

M. Pompidou a reçu mercredi après-midi les lettres de créance de M. Abdessadek El Glaoui, nouvel ambassadeur du Maroc en France, à qui il a notamment déclaré : « Je tiens à vous exprimer la grande satisfaction que j'éprouve à vous accueillir en même temps qu'à vous dire combien m'est agréable la pensée de recevoir bientôt Sa Majesté Hassan II. »

Le chef de l'Etat faisait ainsi allusion à la visite privée que le roi du Maroc doit faire prochainement à Paris et au cours de laquelle il sera reçu à l'Elysée.

M. Pompidou a, d'autre part, rappelé la fraternité d'armes des

deux pays durant la seconde guerre mondiale et l'amitié qui unissait le général de Gaulle et le roi Mohamed V. « Mais le Maroc, a-t-il poursuivi, c'est aussi un grand pays qui sait être à la fois traditionnel et moderne, respectueux de son passé et tourné vers l'avenir. Aussi est-ce avec une très grande confiance que j'envisage les relations entre nos deux pays, qui ont fait ensemble un chemin long déjà, marqué par de grandes réalisations accomplies en commun. Rien de fondamental ne nous divise : tout doit, au contraire, plus que jamais, nous rapprocher.

## Le lecture dynamique

35.76 +

44.80.41 +

NOUVELLES GALERIES RÉUNIES
etc...

Éléments qui auront lieu
tres.

Avril à 18 h. 30

Avril à 11 h. 30

s'adresser sur place.

PECHINEY-PROGIL

BOXAL-ALUMINIUM

GENERAL MOTORS

C.E.A. PIERRELATTE

I.B.M.

N.A.S.A.

Veuillez me faire parvenir, sans obligation, des renseignements sur les cours de Lecture Dynamique Evelyn Wood.

Nom ....................................

Prénom ....................................

Profession ....................................

Adresse ....................................

Ville ....................................

Tél ....................................

Je désire des renseignements sur les cours de groupes. Renseignements de 9 h 30 à 19 h sans interruption.

M4AO

Le Monde

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LE REDACTEUR EN CHEF

Le 17 février 1970

Mr. Henry Kissinger
419 Beacon Street
Boston, Mass.
(U. S. A.)

Dear Henry :

Please find enclosed clippings of two articles on the French
foreign policy that were written after long talks at the same
level that those I published on US diplomacy, with this only
difference that there is no Henry Kissinger in France. Maybe
they can be of some use to you before Pompidou's visit.

Encl.

Le Monde

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LE REDACTEUR EN CHEF

October, 6, 1970

Mr. Henry Kissinger
The White House
Washington DC

Dear Henry :

I was delighted of the opportunity I had to meet you at dinner. Our talk inspired me two articles which I take permission to send you.

As I told you I intend to pay a visit to your country in November. Normally I shall be in Washington on 18 and 19 November. I hope I can see you at that time. It goes without saying that if the President had a few moments for me, I should be delighted.

As you may have noticed, we have since a few weeks a new correspondent in Washington, Clément having been granted a sabbatical year in Princeton. This new man(1) is extremely dynamic and competent. I should very much appreciate the help you could give him.

Looking forward to the pleasure of meeting you again,

André Fontàine.

(1) Jacques Amalric
4837 Loughboro Road NW
Washington 20016
tel. 244.66.16 -

LE MONDE — 4-5 octobre 1970 — Page 9

ENTIONS SOVIÉTIQUES

auve-souris

FONTAINE

Il fallait donc laisser à d'autres,
en l'espèce Israël et les Etats-Unis,
le soin d'exercer la pression néces-
saire pour faire faire demi-tour aux
blindés syriens. Cela n'implique pas
que le Kremlin ait pour autant sou-
haité le succès des fedayin, gué-
rilleros romantiques parfaitement in-
différents aux impératifs de l'équi-
libre nucléaire, et beaucoup plus
proches des thèses chinoises que
des thèses soviétiques, officiellement
favorables au maintien de l'Etat
d'Israël.

L'homme des Soviétiques, c'était
Nasser qui disait à qui voulait l'en-
tendre, à la fin juillet, qu'il faisait
son affaire des Palestiniens, dont il
sous-estimait à l'évidence la réso-
lution et le poids. Et c'est lui qui,
alors que Hussein faisait figure de
« Néron » aux yeux des masses ara-
bes, a pris l'initiative de le recevoir
fraternellement au Caire et de faire
pression sur Yasser Arafat pour qu'il,
accepte une solution consacrant
l'abandon au moins provisoire de
ses espoirs.

Raisonner ainsi est peut-être pré-
ter aux Soviétiques beaucoup de

cynisme, mais Staline et ses succes-
seurs en ont assez montré dans le
passé pour qu'on puisse ralonnable-
ment les en créditer aujourd'hui en-
core d'une bonne dose. Les Améri-
cains ramenant eux-mêmes actuelle-
ment l'affaire de la prétendue base
de sous-marins nucléaires de Cuba
à de plus modestes proportions,
il resterait donc comme principal
signe d'un possible changement de
cap de la politique soviétique la
violation du cesse-le-feu sur le
canal de Suez.

Le procédé est évidemment inquali-
lifiable, encore que typique du
Kremlin, qui a eu toujours tendance
à essayer de vendre à ses parte-
naires à la fois la vache et son lait,
en profitant de leur naïveté suppo-
sée. Cela dit, il n'est pas évident
que l'U.R.S.S. a voulu repartir, ce
faisant, à la conquête du monde.
Elle a pu vouloir seulement cher-
cher à améliorer la main de son
allié égyptien, dans l'éventualité
d'une ouverture véritable des négó-
ciations comme dans celle d'une
reprisé des hostilités. En attendant,
toutes les indications reçues avant
même la mort du président de la
R.A.U. sur les intentions du Kremlin
montraient celui-ci favorable à une

reconduction du cesse-le-feu, même
sans progrès de la négociation Jar-
ring. Rien ne pouvait aller davan-
tage au-devant des desiderata d'is-
raël. Pour persuader Le Caire de
se prêter à une telle solution, il
fallait peut-être lui fournir les arme-
ments qui préoccupent aujourd'hui
Jérusalem et Washington. Mais les
propos tenus vendredi par L. Brej-
nev à Bakou, bien que beaucoup
moins sereins que son discours de
la fin août à Alma-Ata, n'impliquent
aucun durcissement de la position
soviétique sur quelque point que ce
soit ni même aucune condamnation
du comportement du roi Hussein.

Tout en suivant du coïn de
l'œil les diverses manifestations de
la politique soviétique, il serait donc
sans doute prématuré de conclure
que le quasi-armistice qui a pré-
valu depuis 1962, sur la base d'un
partage de fait du monde entre les
Deux Super-Grands, serait mainte-
nant révolu. Sans doute serait-il plus
juste de penser que l'U.R.S.S., enga-
gée un peu partout dans la négocia-
tion avec l'Occident, cherche surtout
à s'y présenter dans la meilleure posi-
tion possible. De toute façon il est
clair que dans l'espèce de condomi-
nium, pour reprendre l'expression de
M. Amaury de Riencourt (1), qu'elle
exerce avec les Etats-Unis, elle n'en-
tend pas jouer à perpétuité les
brillants seconds. La réussite de
Luna-16, après des mois d'absence
dans la course à l'espace, est aussi
significative à cet égard que l'appa-
rition sur toutes les mers de la puis-
sance navale soviétique.

Entre deux empires d'une pareille
dimension, il ne peut pas ne pas
y avoir, quelle que soit l'ampleur de
leur accord, tacite ou exprimé,
conscient ou>Inconscient, des con-
tradictions, des malentendus, des
luttes d'influence et une perpétuelle
concurrence.

Rien, cependant, jusqu'à plus am-
ple informé, ne vient confirmer l'idée
que le Kremlin pourrait être tenté
aujourd'hui plus qu'hier de s'engager
dans la voie périlleuse des épreuves
de force avec les Etats-Unis, dont
la succession, dans les années 1947-
1962, nourrit l'histoire de la guerre
froide.

Il reste que M. Reston n'avait pas
tort d'écrire, l'autre jour, dans le
« New York Times », qu'il suffirait
de peu pour réveiller chez M. Nixon
les vieux réflexes anticommunistes.
M. Khrouchtchev, dans une circons-
tance analogue, avait dit en 1961 :
« J'ai été métalloï, je sais comment
m'y prendre pour refroidir un métal
porté au rouge. » Ses successeurs
n'ont certainement pas perdu la re-
cette. Tant à Berlin qu'au Proche-
Orient, ils disposent de nombreux
moyens de dissiper les soupçons
de leurs interlocuteurs, sans pour
autant affalblir en quoi que ce soit
leur puissance.

(1) Dans l'Amérique impériale, 6a.
Gallimard.

Le Monde

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LE REDACTEUR EN CHEF

May 16, 1972

Mr. Henry Kissinger
THE WHITE HOUSE
Washington, D. C.
(U. S. A.)

Dear Henry :

Thanks for your letter. I appreciate you found time to write me
and I noticed your invitation to stay in touch.

I read today in the *Herald Trib.* a column by James Goldsborough
inviting the American leaders to read a pair of articles I wrote
last week about Vietnam. This leads me to send them to you. You
will certainly find them severe, but I must say that, taking
part yesterday at the Party given for the Queen at Versailles,
I heard only praise about them.

As you will certainly notice, it is a two sided study and one
of its aims is to try to persuade the other side to give the
American offer of withdrawal after a four months period the
consideration that, in my view, it deserves.

I intend to spend a great part of June in Canada, having been
invited by the Ottawa Government. If I were sure I could have
the favour of meeting you -- not to mention the President
of course -- I could drop in for a few days during that trip
in Washington. It goes without saying that if the President
-- or yourself -- were ready to give us an interview, we would
welcome it.

I don't think it's necessary when speaking with you to stress
the influence of our paper over both the intelligentsia and
the ruling circles not only in Europe but in Indochina.

./

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# THE MESSAGE MAZE.

Today's typical consumer is bombarded by hundreds of advertising messages a day. If you are an advertiser, that's part of your problem: finding ways to make consumers pay attention to what you say.

Most media accept that as part of their challenge—to help get through.

Because TV Guide handles the job of “getting through” a little better, our advertisers do a lot better.

When you compare ads that run in TV Guide and Life or Digest, we generally score higher. Our lead holds against the women's books, too. And just about every time, we'll deliver more readership per dollar.

All of which helps explain why so far this year TV Guide leads those same magazines in advertising pages.

TV Guide. The medium where the message gets through.

TRIANGLE PUBLICATIONS, INC.

Sell with the one that's selling.

Sources: Starch, PIB.

"With all thy getting get understanding"

# Fact and Comment

## CONNALLY UNDER SIEGE

And not just from our foreign friends who are torn between anger and anguish and venting both over the rough no-nonsense Administration measures to reverse our unsupportable trade imbalance.

Increasingly, since the imposition of the 10% import surtax and the projected 7% Buy American investment tax credit, people and periodicals here have been expressing qualms that these measures have gone too far; that they are overkill; that we cannot "get away with it"; that the results will be depression in Europe and a sundering of our close Japanese relations; that we will suffer direly as well as they.

Treasury Secretary Connally's reported jut-jawboning that we mean business has been widely reported in a way that suggested he was undiplomatic and that he ruffled feelings. Now while French may be the language of diplomacy, on the tongues of Frenchmen it's used to convey the French viewpoint with about as much rudeness and arrogance as any people could display in any tongue. So if Connally came even close to being equal

to the French in brusqueness, we should be glad, not apologetic.

But I too was getting uneasy that we are catapulting the Free World into protectionism and isolationism, that much of our troubles in our trade imbalance were our own fault.

That is, until I read the remarks by General Electric's brilliant and able (those virtues are not often paired) Fred Borch. He succinctly and factually disposes of some of the criticisms of the Connally-Administration program now gaining wide currency. He makes a compelling case for the course we are now pursuing and he makes it "as one who has his own serious responsibilities to General Electric employees and shareowners, and who feels very strongly about the very formidable barriers to free, fair trade that are being raised in the world today, and who believes that trade cannot long remain 'free' unless it is also fair."

The Borch analysis begins on page 27. Read it and know more than you did.

## WHO'S ON FIRST IN WASHINGTON—TODAY

A couple of weeks ago my wife and I had the impressive pleasure of attending a White House State dinner, complete with ruffles by the Marine Corps, truffles by the chef corps and a bevy of violins by the Army Corps, playing assorted Yugoslavian airs.

But the thing that intrigued me most was who sat where in relation to the salt. Dr. Kissinger, just back from China and looking as though he'd suffered a sleep gap, was much nearer the bottom of the table at which I sat than Don Rumsfeld. Mr. Rumsfeld was right up there near

Martha Mitchell and President Tito.

And if you're wondering who Mr. Rumsfeld is that he seemed to outsit Dr. Kissinger, so was I.

And the answer lies in the answer—he will run the new Cost of Living Council.

So I guess election issue priorities outrank protocol in determining who's nearest the salt. Someone down there thinks that the state of the economy next November might have more to do with election results than China.

And, you know, they're apt to be right.

FORBES, NOVEMBER 15, 1971

25

GREAT AMERICAN

Most standard among the fulsome phrases always used
by politicians while introducing, nominating, saluting
and salutating one another is the phrase "Great American."

But there really are some, and a truly Great among
them is David Lawrence. One of this veteran journalistic
gentleman's extraordinary accomplishments is U.S. News
& World Report, which weekly keeps the Informed in-
formed with lively and comprehensive editorial vitality.

During much of my father's lifetime David Lawrence's
lucid commentary enlightened and influenced the coun-
try, and he has continued to do so to this day.

Often on one specific issue or another you and I might
differ with his view, but for four decades everyone di-
recting or concerned with events of our time has bene-
fited from his being and saying.

I was reminded of this by something that appeared
last June in "Tomorrow," a regular feature of U.S. News
& World Report:

"... Nor does notion sit well that U.S. has
passed its glory, is *collapsing as a power* on the
world stage. *Critics* overlook many dynamic
sources of real and lasting U.S. strength. No na-

tion comes close to *industrial might* of U.S., its re-
markable farm productivity, its technical know-
how. *Output* of this nation still is equal to *com-
bined* total of next four leaders: Russia, Japan,
West Germany and France.

Visitors find *other sources of vitality*. Europe,
as they describe it, is complacent, ignores big-city
problems of congestion, crime, pollution.

U.S. is unhappy about all these things, is strug-
gling to cure its ills.

*Then look ahead:* Population of the country is
growing younger, better-educated, less provincial.
Too: America, promising newcomers a share in
the highest personal income of any nation in his-
tory, attracts more immigrants than any other
place on earth. *That's another source* of future
vitality.

Troubles in U.S.? Sure. *But it's a mistake to get
carried away by gloom.*

David Lawrence didn't write that.

Perhaps much more important, he inspired and pub-
lished it.

AMTRAK: HOW MUCH FOR A HOPELESS CASE?

Recently, that almost too-bright, two-fisted dynamo,
Ben Heineman, creator of Northwest Industries, joined
some of us here for luncheon and there wasn't a dull
moment from the first hello to the carside goodbye. These
editorial backgrounders of FORBES' editors with the coun-
try's foremost CEOs are off-the-record. But on one of the
many topics Mr. Heineman covered with witty incisive-
ness-Amtrak—we asked if we could quote him in the
Amtrak story (see p. 34) and he said sure.

As he points out, "Amtrak is a sentimental excursion into
the past for legislators over 50. The trouble is it's not
going to be at an excursion rate." He made it very clear
he was not discussing the important part rails play in
commuter service, but was emphatic in stating that the
only area in the U.S. that intercity rail passenger service

would have any chance to be self-supporting was the
Boston-New York-Washington main line.

A few days later I was talking about his observations
with Louis Menk, one of the few very successful railroad
CEOs, about Amtrak and he said, "The long-distance
passenger train is in the same position now as the stage-
coach once was to railroading; it is time to let it die an
honorable death." As the pilot of the very successfully
merged Burlington Northern, he too knows what he is
talking about.

Right now Amtrak's deficit per train is larger than ever
before and it's got nowhere to go but up. Railroad buff
nostalgia costing $150 million to $200 million a year is
pretty expensive when there happen to be a couple of
more pressing national needs in need of federal funds.

ENLIGHTENED POINT

Lots of us occasionally awaken in the dark and our
minds, such as they are, turn a bit before sleep returns.
Thoughts that should have occurred in daylight of things
that should have been done or should be done come to
mind but fade away again when sleep returns.

In the early years of married life I used to snap on the
light and make a note. In latter years, wifely tolerance for
interrupting her sleep upon the interruption of my own

grew less and I tried writing out these little gems in the
dark. If you want to see a rough draft for a Pollock
painting, try that some time.

Then came the answer—a ball-point pen that at the press
of a thumb lights a tiny light at the tip so you can see to
write without disturbing a sleeping wife.

An inventive little thing like that helps save things like
thoughts and marriages.

SO

Clichés are because they're so.

ACTUARIES TAKE NOTICE

Failing to live causes more deaths than living to the full.

—MALCOLM S. FORBES,
Editor-in-Chief

26

Conference on "The United States and China"

Sponsored by the Fund for Peace, the conference was held at the Americana Hotel in New York on Friday 29 October. Although it was billed as a non partisan, "educational" gathering and an effort was made to be representational in presenting various viewpoints, it was clearly understood that this was the more "liberal" of the two conferences on China being presented in New York on this date.

The conference was well attended, drawing probably 3000 to the various panel discussions and over 2300 to a luncheon featuring an address by Senator Kennedy who spoke and ran not even staying to eat. His speech (see clippings) was the newsworthy event of the conference and consisted basically of a sharp attack on President Nixon for failure to exercise reassuring leadership after Taiwan's ouster from the UN.

Scheduled to open the conference at 9 AM were presentations by Senator Javits and Dr Paul Lin Chairman of McGill University's Asian Studies Department. Senator Javits' was fogged in at the DC airport and his press secretary read the speech. Dr Lin, however, was something different. Billed as a man who had spent one third of his life respectively in Canada, the United States and China (1949-1964, 1970), Dr Lin presented a sophisticated, effective portrayal of what should be considered Peking's position.

During the morning panel discussion, it was revealed that Robert Koosa, Conference Co-Chairman, had "dis-invited" the major spokesman for the Free Formosa movement, Dr Chen of Yale. Koosa's letter was read in which he stated that it would be impossible to expect any cooperation from Peking in developing a dialogue during the conference if an official representative of an independent Formosa group was present. This left sufficiently bad an aftertaste that Koosa was forced during the luncheon to state that a number of "conservatives" such as Senators Goldwater, Buckley and Dominick had been invited but refused the invitation.

Papers presented during the conference were short, but not immediately available. I was requested to contact Emily Koltz at the Fund for Peace (212-765-7550) between 3-5 in the afternoon for further information. The speeches of Senators Javits and Kennedy have already been requested from their Senate offices.

Panel discussions were held at 10AM and 3PM and limited to approximately 2 hours. Speakers had 12-15 minutes for an initial presentation and then answered written questions from the floor. I attended the panel on "The Future of US-China Policy" with Congressman Jonathan Bingham and Professors Hans Morgenthau, Franz Michael and Allen Whiting in the morning. During the afternoon "Defense Policies and the Asian Nations" had Norton Halperin, Average Harriman, William Whitson and Makoto Momoi (faculty of Japan's National Defense College).

Attached are extracts of the speeches and presentations.

D.T. Jones

JAVITS ADDRESS

UN decision brings to a close a "contentious" chapter in US
China relations. "Regretable" that Taiwan expelled but Javits
"will oppose" punitive cuts in UN and agencies budgets continuing
however "careful scrutiny" of all requests for funds.

Javits saw parallels between the US "preoccupation and anguish"
over VN and that of the Chinese over the Cultural Revolution.
We have mutual interest in reducing tension. VN has taught US
the problems of close in containment of China and US withdrawal
seems to have shown China the absence of US predatory intentions.
Care should be taken, however, to show Soviets that lessening
of US China tensions is not an "opportunistic" effort to conspire
against them.

Although Taiwan is the most visible issue, it is not as important
as the issue of Japans role. Chou En-lai used "the language of
challenge" only against Japan and claims that Japanese militarism
is bound to develope and that the US has created it. Javits sees
a "community of interest" between the US and China on Japan's
future role in Asia but on the economic side. Japan could supply
credits and imports for which China is "hungry" while the US and
Europe have reached their limits of absorption for Japanese imports.

Taiwan should press for true democracy and apply to UN. Taiwanese
"self determination" is the right policy for the US

The greatest benefit of China's UN entry will be involving them
in arms control, nuclear disarmament talks. It is vital to get
them into SALT style talks as otherwise we could be involved in
a nuclear confrontation over our Nixon Doctrine guarantees.

A possibility for an Asian Peace Conference to settle post Vietnam
questions

Mentioned the emergence of 5 world power centers and sees "no more
important task for the world than the reintegration of China into
the world arena"

DR PAUL T.K. LIN

Dr Lin spoke for almost an hour(over his time) and clearly had more to say and had to hurry and telescope his final remarks. Throughout the comments he buttressed his remarks with commentary from impecable Western sources never using Communist documents.

## UN Decision

 Cleared the way for "true voice" of ¾ the world to be heard. A victory for "reason, justice and conscience" For the winning side it was a "moral cathartic" and showed that middle and small states will no longer accept any limited sovereignty.

The US asked "an enormity" in its requests to the UN - to have "a fugitive, rump regime" represent China and the UN perpetuate overthrown governments. The decision was "not anti American but anti American policy" and was not a defeat but "a triumph for the American people at large" and will "give the US another chance against itself" for better relations with China.

## US Asia Policy

Korea actions could not have been interpreted as other than an attack on China. We interfere in civil wars in Laos, Korea, Vietnam, China "attempting to defend torturing regimes against the aggression of its own people". If China had practiced such interference in areas abroad it would have led to WW III.

## Taiwan

Crux of the issue. Only one solution - withdrawal of US armed forces. Treaties can be ended and the Defense Treaty has specific provision for ending it. In any case it is an ex post facto treaty and has been used to mount aggressive attacks on the mainland, run overflights and cooperative offensive style military maneuvers. "Taiwan under US occupation remains the chief threat for peace"

Our effort has apparently been just to keep the island away from the PRC and the KMT will be expendable if we can create a "free Formosa". Our strategy is to hold a key base of encircling policy. (Lin quoted a number of sources stating that Taiwan was part of China). Against a plebecite as the people of the island have no access to favorable information on PRC and history has seen "enough travesties of democracy" in operations of this type.

## Nixon Visit

"Hoping for the best but preparing for failure". Difficult to talk when other side menacing you"from your doorstep". Areas for discussion:

(1) Total withdrawal from Indochina

(2) Cease remilitarization of Japan

(3) Cease policy of using nations to fight against each other

China prefers reason to force but "will not submit to force". China is prepared for simultaneous attack from US, USSR, Japan and India

Normal Chinese Communist demands on destruction of Nuclear weapons, removal of bases and no first use pledges made.

THE FUTURE OF US-CHINA POLICY

**WHITING** - Taiwan at present is secure from any Communist attack. and it would take at least 3 years to build sufficient amphibious craft for an assault.

Peking is asking withdrawal of symbolic US presence of intervention in the civil war. The Defense Treaty is considered irrelevant by Chou because it is illegal. They don't demand that we renounce it because they know we can't do so politically. We can't get them to renounce the use of force even though they don't intend force (for similar internal political reasons e.g. it is still their civil war to end). We should however end CIA assistance for the mainland raids.

**Possible solutions?**
* Nuclear free zone in NE Asia
* Free zone 1500 miles around Peking-Tokyo
* Offshore oil - part of the resources of NE Asia and should be developed by all for the benefit of all - perhaps by a consortium.

Remember that Comm China is a bureaucracy with a 2000 year old tradition. As our policies interact with various agencies of their government we should expect to influence them somewhat rather than assume that any successor to Mao will determine everything.

**MICHAEL** - UN expulsion of Taiwan "shameful". China has often and continues to be guilty of aggressive action. If the standard of UN admission is control over area and population, it is obvious that Taiwan with a population greater than 2/3 of UN members should have been retained as the KMT is certainly in control of the area.

The UN has become an "expensive farce" and is going down the League's road of failure to live up to its principles.

Skeptical of the President's trip as it is one thing to talk with an adversary and another to profit from it. Talks with Peking are not timely now as future leadership is undecided and if permanent agreements with concessions are to be made there has to be a solid government to insure them.

Chinese society has been militarized with the cultivation of military attitude and training not equaled since Hitler.

If we are to accomplish anything we must remain strong and support our allies. We need to defend Korea and Taiwan and Japan where our credibility has been damaged.

**MORGENTHAU** - Normalization of our relations with China overdue for 20 years during which we have followed a "fictious reality" which was a "psychotic" situation. Would have preferred, however, a less flamboyant restoration of official contact.

Does not consider China aggressive. Major contest is Sino-Soviet 3rd world competition as to who is the true protector/follower of Marx-Lenin. Entrance of China into the UN is "bound to create serious problems" due to China's expected effort at 3rd world ldrship.

Serious question of world's future because of China. Historically China has viewed itself superior to rest of world. They have a problem of relating themselves on a basis of equality of nations. This not a problem in past as geographic separation solved it, but now we have 800 million Chinese with nuclear weapons and could be a threat. Not saying this going to happen, but wise foreign policy must take it into account.

Normalization of US China relations should not lead to bad relations with others. Sino-Soviet aim at "enforced isolation" of US with expulsion from Europe and Asia so they will be able to take over influence with Japan and Germany.

* BINGHAM - Recent events in UN fortunate step. US defeat was a "fortunate step" If we had succeeded it would have left a "festering sore" in the UN as Taiwan's ouster was ultimate anyway. Uster not in violation of UN procedures or circumstances. Our closest friends - NATU - were against us

* EDGAR SNOW'S RED STATE OVER CHINA to note that Mao at one time did not insist that Taiwan be returned to China. China's present attitude to Taiwan is based on US presence there. Would remain as long as an anti Peking regime committed to regaining the mainland continued but not a neutral style regime.

Looks for Taiwan's ultimate freedom and believes that Peking would ultimately accept a neutral Taiwan. Quoted a passage from *Red State Over China* to note that Mao at one time did not insist that Taiwan be returned to China. China's present attitude to Taiwan is based on US presence there. Would remain as long as an anti Peking regime committed to regaining the mainland continued but not a neutral style regime.

In short run the UN situation is not optimistic. Peking entry will make UN stronger but there will be many difficulties. Peking will be against a strong SecGen and UN sessions will be stromy. Sino-Soviet conflict for 3rd world leadership will aggregate problems and Security Council may return to Stalinist style freeze.

## QUESTION SESSION

Whiting and Michael disagreed over aggressiveness of Chicom regime, timing of the talks and attitudes of Chinese population

Bingham noted concern by Chinese clergy over the prospect that Taiwan be taken over by Peking.

Whiting noted that the admission of Taiwan to the UN was problematic as this would be a question of admitting a new member over which the Security Council holds a veto. Any entrance of Taiwan under presence circumstances would not be possible

Morgenthau stated that Nixon's visit could be regarded as within the Chinese tradition of paying tribute. He sees them believing that Nixon is coming "hat in hand" and stating at present throughout Asia that we had recognized our errors. Does not believe that China will ever recognition the separation of Taiwan no matter what Mao may have said in the 30ies.

Whiting noted the internal influences in China within government for allocation of resources and policy. Examples: Those desiring expansion of prestige and diplomatic relations with Burma differ with others desiring revolution. Army differs with Air Force as latter has built up electronic equipment to deal with our overflight threat("we built the Chinese electronics industry") To exploit these differences we should follow the route of diplomatic maneuver.

KENNEDY LUNCHEON

Besides the material reported in the press Kennedy noted that despite Bush's efforts in the UN many delegates were listening to "louder signals" being called in the White House. He also stated that we will never know what price was paid to get the votes that we did get.

No justification for reducing aid to UN. We are not even the largest per capita contributor to UN. "America needs the UN more than the UN needs America"

Saw decision as evidence (1) Our sands had run out in resistance to PRC in the UN (2) Legal issue at stake not expulsion of a state but representation of a state after a civil war i.e. the victor in the civil war. (3) Administration not entirely committed to the effort and that Kissinger's trips did Taiwan in.

DEFENSE POLICIES AND THE ASIAN NATIONS

HALPERIN - US policy previously based on concept of aggressive China which would expand if not contained and "indivisible peace" meaning that military collapse in one country lead to same in others. To support these policies needed bases and treaty commitments showing we would defend these areas.

New Attitude - we are viewing China as less aggressive and not much different than other nations. Moreover US military power cannot be effectively used to affect the internal political development of other countries. We must keep nuclear defense of signers of NPT credible and this must be done by keeping forces with nuclear weapons in the Asian area.

NE Asia - We must prevent any situation in which Japan feels obligated to rearm to defend itself and Korea and therefore must keep troops in Korea. We must maintain ANZUS alliance and commitment to Taiwan until that problem is settled. We should withdraw from any commitment to Thailand and withdraw forces and bases from Thailand and Vietnam and could even do so from Taiwan

Agreement with China - (1) In UN over ending of biological weapons and (2) No first use of nuclear weapons perhaps by means of a bilateral agreement with China.

WHITSON - Chinese refuse to be bullied. UN decision reinforces prestige of those in Peking who refused to compromise.

Internal - Dissention. Too popular to see them as dictatorship with one man rule decisive. Any system very dynamic over real questions of resource allocation, short/long goals and needs. We have the problem of identifying "friends" and "enemies" within this picture for our operations over the next decade.

Chinese viewpoints - (1) Retain as a group profound concern with internal issues i.e. "haunted by ...localism" (2) Routine efforts of sorting out power will occupy leadership attentions for years. This would be mitigated only with serious external threat (3) Economics represent not Mao theory but pragmatism. Mao theory is, however, very useful for the nation building problems of points (1) and (2)

Chinese Aims: (1) Destroy credibility of America's nuclear defense of Asian nations. Sure kill capability of 2 US cities would make US commitment ambiguous (2) Show the US and Soviets that China doesn't have a damage limitation problem. Demonstrate that even if

all Chinese cities gone, essence of China would remain in rural areas.
(3) Present themselves as the worldwide defenders of small and
middle powers (4) Seek pride even by using the propaganda aspects
of nuclear weapons

MOMOI - why Japan will not go nuclear or become more militaristic.

Japan has been and will continue to restrict its defensive ability
to that of defending the country. It will not use arms to solve
problems. Japan has specifically abandoned the policy of returning
threat for threat and forsworn the use of force to protect economic
interests.

The decision not to go nuclear was not emotional in base.

It is too late to go nuclear and useless. It is only of
advantage for those that can disperse. Only those countries can
have effective strategic nuclear weapons.

Japan cannot even raise manpower to defend its shores. Manpower
shortages are in the offing. 1,234,000 at age 18(male) in 1964
770,000 in 1974

Japan is actually facing a 20% reduction in military strength by
cutting her forces.

Also geographic conditions are such that the 2 largest cities
with 39% of the Japanese population is at the mercy of 1 missile
(Tokyo 28° and Osaka 11°). Consequently there is no credible
second strike as there would be nothing left afterwards.

Moreover Japanese technical background is weak. It would
take 10-15 years to develope such a force. There is strong opposition
by scientists who would not work on such projects. They lack
resources and enrichment technology and have no test facilities.
Finally there does remain strong social antipathy to going nuclear.

HARRIMAN - Truman followed Marshall's advise on China against
that of others and later was blamed for "losing" a China we never owned.

We should think carefully of future Japanese policy by future
Japanese leaders. There is less fear of Germany in Europe as their
military forces are completely integrated in a European framework
and there is no independent German military force. Europeans want
to keep military alliance as much to prevent German independent
military as to deter Soviet attack.

Our political ties with Japan are more important than any
economic problems and what we have recently done to make diplomatic
problems for Japan is a matter of concern.

It is "nonsense" to believe we can get anything from Moscow
by moving closer to Peking. We are "not clever enough" to do this.
Both sides are at fault over the arms race but we are "the worst
to blame". It is "unrealistic" to conceive of a pro-Western SE Asia
we have a great deal to say in the Far East but only if we listen
to others' points of view.

QUESTION SESSION

Halperin - It is not necessary to keep nuclear weapons in Asia.
What makes nuclear deterrent credible is US presence (political
and economic) in Asia. Mr Momoi has more faith in the US than
he does as we have recently found unique ways to irritate them.
If we withdraw and scale down our forces there would be changes
in Japanese policy and we cannot take Japan for granted.

Whitson - Agrees with Harriman that we are not clever enough to play the powers against one another but also claims that neither China nor the Soviets are smart enough to play the game either.

China's present stance over emerging Japanese militarism does not reflect Japanese realities. However the Chinese have recently ceased referring to US-Japanese "military collusion". what Chou has been saying is more related to internal affairs and part of the interservice rivalry presently being acted out in Peking.

Momoi - There would be little change in the military defense policy of the country if the government should be replaced. As long as the Conservatives are in power, policy is not likely to change and they should be in for the next five years. There could be a change in Japan's China policy if certain Conservative leaders took power but they would retain the present defense policy. If the Communists took power, however, policy would become more aggressive as they have stated they would revise the Constitution and have a regular army.

NPT - Points out that the government has already signed the NPT and it is up to Parliament to ratify it. At present they are too busy settling internal difficulties e.g. economics, textiles. There is also some difficulty over the inspection system as inspectors have been arbitrary and very demanding. He predicts ratification late this year of next.

EXECUTIVE

70

MEMORANDUM

KISSINGER, HARRY A.

THE WHITE HOUSE

WASHINGTON

November 11, 1970

MEMORANDUM FOR: HAK
MR. YOUNG
FROM: ROBERT C. ODLE, JR.

Pursuant to our conversation, we want to begin now to make the final arrangements for the foreign policy briefing for The Former Members of Congress, Inc.

As you know, this organization is composed of former Congressmen and Senators and is headed by Dr. Walter Judd. When the group was invited to a White House worship service, the President promised Dr. Judd and his group a briefing on foreign policy similar to our series of regional briefings. The President then promised Dr. Judd that the briefing would be conducted by Dr. Kissinger, Secretary Sisco, and possibly himself. Such a briefing will be most worthwhile because of the audiences which members of this organization reach -- many of them are constantly on the lecture circuit throughout the country.

As I understand it from you, Dr. Kissinger would want to run the briefing very similar to our foreign policy regional briefings, i. e., with just two participants: himself and Secretary Sisco, and along a schedule similar to that we have used in the past.

Since the group is lunching on the Hill, and can be seated and in place at the State Department by 2:30 p.m., December 3, the schedule could go something like this:

2:30 p.m. Briefing opens -- Mike Collins and Herb Klein. East auditorium, State Department.

2:45 p.m. Dr. Kissinger briefs.

3:30 p.m. Secretary Sisco briefs.

3:50 p.m. Questions and answers.

4:45 p.m. Tentative. President closes briefing.

5:00 p.m. Reception. Eighth floor, State Department. (Wives also in attendance.)

RECEIVED

JAN 14 1971

CENTRAL FILES

official 4/19/71

FORRESTAL

Type of Request & Date

(Last name and pending date)

KISSINGER, HENRY A.

Name: Michael Michael Forrestal

Request: Saw you at their McNamara lunch and said that you discussed lunch sometime soon. Forrestal would be able to come for lunch April 26, 27, or 30 or May 3, 5, or 6

Can be reached at 212/483-1000

DRY's Recommendation:

HAK's Answer: "yes" 5/19

Date and Time:

Party Contacted:

Additional Information: to DRH 5/19

RECEIVED

JAN 27 1972

CENTRAL FILES

Resolution:

October 5, 1971

Dr. Henry Kissinger
c/o The White House
Washington, D. C.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

While reading Kups' Column today I noted that you will be in Chicago
October 13 for the salute to Senator Charles Percy at the Conrad Hilton
Hotel. It would give me great pleasure to meet you in person. Perhaps
you will recognize a familiar face in a couple of the enclosed pictures.
I'm referring to Jack Heiman. Jack showed me a letter you had sent him
and mentioned you knew one another in childhood. I was born in Chicago
just a couple of years after my parents came to the United States from
Germany. My occupation is a legal secretary. I am 31, divorced with no
children (had a premature birth of twins but they did not live). My sisters,
Jean (Jack's wife) and my sister Margo are twins, however as you can see from
the enclosed picture they don't even look like sisters and Jean and I look
more alike. My family does not know that I'm writing to you and suppose
one would say that I have "chutzpah."

Your esteemed position as an Assistant to President Nixon must be exciting,
rewarding and, of course, a tremendous responsibility. I've been to
Washington and found it to be extremely interesting. Six years ago was my
big trip abroad - Israel, Paris, Vienna and Athens. It was an unforgettable
experience. Jean and Jack were supposed to go to Israel last December but
were unable to do so as Jean suddenly became ill with Hodgkins disease.
She was treated at Billings Hospital for a couple of months and the going
was rough, to say the least, but Thank God! she is doing fine and this Summer
they were able to go to Europe on a vacation.

I just recently returned from a vacation in California and Las Vegas. This
Spring I bought a new piano and when I have time enjoy playing although I
haven't taken lessons since being a kid. Last winter I joined the new
indoor tennis club - Mid-Town which is the largest indoor tennis club in
the United States. Also enjoy playing bridge. The year before last I was
Recording Secretary of the Central Council of the Leukemia Research Foundation.
Our monthly meetings, etc. were at the Conrad Hilton. The annual dinner dance
was there this June.

Wishing you all the very best for the New Year.

On the enclosed picture of me at
Mid-Town Tennis Club you can see
Senator Chuck Percy in a picture
with Alan Schwartz. Senator Percy
played tennis there a few months
ago. Elke Sommer played tennis there
also when she was appearing at
Drury Lane in the play Cactus Flower.

P. S. I would appreciate your returning the enclosed photographs to me.

telephone

(Type of request)

5/22/70

(Date received)

dem

(By)

Name: Kenneth Fox - Kansas City Star, Associate Editor

Request: John Andrews called from Zeigler's office to say that the above man has requested an appointment with HAK before Wed., May 27k. Zeigler says it's a must do, without question. (Andrews is sending a copy of Fox's letter to us.)

DRY's Recommendation:

HAK's Answer:

Date and Time:

Party Contacted:

Additional Information: Staying at The Mayflower (Rm. 326), Mon to Fri has app from 11-4. Tues he has a 12:45 appt which will last 2 Rs.

Resolution: Seen by Sonnenfeldt & Kollmeyer

FOX

(Last name and pending date)

GENERAL

To:

KISSINGER, HENRY A. /

From:

THE KANSAS CITY STAR

The Kansas City Times

(THE Morning KANSAS CITY STAR)

1729 Grand Avenue • Kansas City, Missouri 64108 • (816) 421-1200

February 20, 1971

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Executive Office of the President
The White House Office
1600 Pennsylvania Avenue
Washington, D.C. 20500

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

When I was last in Washington one year ago, your secretary attempted unsuccessfully to set up an appointment for me. She suggested that I try again on my next trip. That will be during the period from March 1 to 10.

The purpose of my visit is to obtain interviews on a background, no attribution basis in connection with my work as associate editor of The Kansas City Star. I have charge of the editorial pages for both our evening paper, The Star, and its morning edition, The Times. I also write our editorials dealing with national security affairs.

I will call your office the week of March 1 to inquire whether an interview with you can be arranged. Hoping that this is possible, I am

KLF:cjt

CENTRAL FILES

JUL 10 1953

RECEIVED

Washington D. C.
The White House
Mr. Sanford Fox

Henry V. Kissinger

Sincerely,

help.
With my best wishes and my thanks for your
valuable for all of us.
appreciate the time you gave--which I know is
taking charge of the project and I especially
mounted. I appreciate your thoughtfulness in
My secretary told me of your efforts to get it
looks most handsome in my office.
It was done in extremely good taste and
I am delighted with the mounting of the pull's

Dear Mr. Fox:

I am delighted with the mounting of the pull's
I am delighted with the mounting of the pull's
It was done in extremely good taste and
I look most handsome in my office.

Dear Mr. Fox:

KISSINGER, HENRY