2

THE PRESIDENT'S TRIP

Rather's 11:00 show Sunday led with verbal note of the upcoming historic Hirohito meeting and then had film of Hirohito's departure from Tokyo which occurred without feared demonstrations -- especially in light of the unprecedented entry onto Palace grounds Sat. by 4 fire-bombing demonstrations. Then Pierpoint film report giving background on reasons for Hirohito meeting -- RN, via elaborate courtesies, hopes to heal the wounds. Silent film showed excellent RN-in-crowd shots from Portland and Walla Walla and then brief clip of RN speaking on need for Japan and US to be friends -- applause. Also silent clip from RN-dock strike meeting, again animated discussion seen in RN's first direct strike intervention. Pierpoint said Kissinger was the star of Washington stops as he shook hands and signed autographs with gusto. One reporter, said Pierpoint, jokingly wondered if he were running for office. Verbally Rather noted RN at Hanford where, ironically, plutonium for US A-bombs used on Japan was developed. And concluding this over 4 minute lead (of 15 min. show) related to RN's travels, Rather noted WH says nothing has happened to indicate change in US plans for RN trip -- first official indication there've been recent US-PRC contacts.

ABC late Sun. network TV news also led with RN's arrival in Alaska for the historic meeting and had Gill report which opened with very good film from Walla Walla where 9,000 turned out and, said Gill, RN again called for a generation of peace. His thoughts were clearly on Hirohito -- about :45 of RN before a packed crowd telling of new era in US-Japanese relations. Gill said RN was preoccupied with foreign policy on this trip and a WH aide said communications with China indicate no problems with China trip.

Wires on the Hirohito visit are very straight, all emphasizing the trip's historic nature and the warm greetings exchanged. Crowd in motorcade said to total 45,000 in town of 48,000 and the 5,000 admitted to the ceremonies responded to RN and Hirohito with "thundering applause." Prior to visit, there were stories telling of the enthusiasm which Anchorage had for the occasion. RN's purpose seen in all accounts is to symbolize an era of friendly cooperation and reassure the Japanese.

RN's call for "Friendship with Japan" is the no. 3 story in early Monday Post (below IMF and campaign funds story) and is accompanied by RN-PN photo boarding plane. A story on Hirohito says his trip is being "widely acclaimed in Tokyo as final, crowning symbol of Japan's post-war re-emergence"... Later *Post* has a story, apparently from advances, on the meeting and a photo of the Hirohitos on p. 1 and inside where there's also a photo of RN meeting Gov. Egan. ... *Times City*

10
KISSINGER
BY DON MCLEOD

WASHINGTON (AP)-THE WIFE OF AN AMERICAN PRISONER OF WAR SAYS WHITE HOUSE ADVISER HENRY KISSINGER TOLD HER AND OTHERS THAT PRESIDENT NIXON'S TRIP TO COMMUNIST CHINA COULD SPEED UP A NEGOTIATED END TO THE VIETNAM WAR.

WASHINGTON (AP) - THE WIFE OF AN AMERICAN PRISONER OF WAR SAYS WHITE HOUSE ADVISER HENRY KISSINGER TOLD HER AND OTHERS THAT PRESIDENT NIXON'S TRIP TO COMMUNIST CHINA COULD SPEED UP A NEGOTIATED END TO THE VIETNAM WAR.

KISSINGER DENIED THE STATEMENT, ATTRIBUTED TO HIM BY BARBARA MULLEN, OF OAKLAND, CALIF., WIFE OF A MARINE PILOT MISSING IN ACTION IN LAOS.

OF OAKLAND, CALIF., WIFE OF A MARINE PILOT MISSING IN ACTION IN LAOS.
MRS. MULLEN SAID THIS AND OTHER STATEMENTS INTIMATING A BREAK IN THE DEADLOCKED NEGOTIATIONS WERE MADE BY KISSINGER IN METINGS--MOST RECENTLY ON AUG. 26 IN SAN CLEMENTE, CALIF.--WITH RELATIVES OF AMERICANS WHO ARE PRISONERS OF WAR OR MISSING IN ACTION.

AMERICANS WHO ARE PRISONERS OF WAR OR MISSING IN ACTION.
"HE SAID THE NORTH VIETNAMESE ARE NOT TOO HAPPY ABOUT" NIXON'S PROJECTED TRIP TO MAINLAND CHINA, MRS. MULLEN SAID IN AN INTERVIEW. "SO THEY WILL FEEL THEY SHOULD BEGIN TO NEGOTIATE MORE SERIOUSLY WITH US NOW."

MRS. MULLEN SAID KISSINGER REFERRED TO A THAW IN U.S.-SOVIET.

WITH US NOW."
MRS. MULLEN SAID KISSINGER REFERRED TO A THAW IN U.S.-SOVIET.
RELATIONS AS ANOTHER PRESSURE ON HANOI TO NEGOTIATE.
"I DIDN'T SAY IT. IT ISN'T TRUE. AND IT IS NOT OUR POLICY,"
KISSINGER SAID WHEN ASKED ABOUT THE REPORTS.

MRS. MULLEN SAID KISSINGER REFERRED TO A THAW IN U.S. SOVIET

"I DIDN'T SAY IT. IT ISN'T TRUE. AND IT IS NOT OUR POLICY,"
KISSINGER SAID WHEN ASKED ABOUT THE REPORTS.
KISSINGER, IS NIXON'S ADVISER ON INTERNATIONAL SECURITY MATTERS, HAS
BEEN MEETING BIMONTHLY WITH THE FAMILIES SINCE FEBRUARY, USUALLY IN CON-

THE NATIONAL LEAGUE OF FAMILIES OF
JUNCTION WITH BROAD MEETINGS OF THE NATIONAL LEAGUE OF FAMILIES OF
AMERICAN PRISONERS AND MISSING IN SOUTHEAST ASIA.
"THESE ARE TERRIBLY EMOTIONAL MEETINGS FOR THEM AND THEY CLING TO
EVERY STRAW, KISSINGER SAID IN AN INTERVIEW.
"I CERTAINLY COULD NOT UNDER ANY CIRCUMSTANCES HAVE SAID OUR MEETINGS
WITH PEKING WOULD HELP OUR NEGOTIATION WITH HANOI," KISSINGER SAID . . .
COULD HAVE SAID THAT IF THERE IS A GENERAL RELAXATION OF TENSIONS IT
WOULD CONTRIBUTE TO PEACE."
MRS. MULLEN'S STATEMENTS REFLECTED A COMMENT MADE EARLIER BY LOUISE
MULLIGN, OF VIRGINIA BEACH, VA., WIFE OF A NAVY FLIER CAPTIVE IN

WOULD CONTRIBUTE TO PEACE."
MRS. MULLEN'S STATEMENTS REFLECTED A COMMENT MADE EARLIER BY LOUISE M. MULLIGN, OF VIRGINIA BEACH, VA., WIFE OF A NAVY FLIER CAPTIVE IN NORTH VIETNAM, AT THE LEAGUE'S ANNUAL MEETING HERE THIS WEEK.

JC/JA956AED, 9/30

JC/JA956AED, 9/30
M. MULLIGN, OF VIRGINIA BEACH, VA., WIFE OF A NAVY FLIER CAPTIVE IN
NORTH VIETNAM, AT THE LEAGUE'S ANNUAL MEETING HERE THIS WEEK.

JC/...

JC/AA955AED, 9/30

HARVARD LAW SCHOOL RECORD

# Kissinger Plans Secret Visit to Law School

By Bob Dwyer

The RECORD has learned from a usually reliable White House source that Presidential Advisor Henry Kissinger is planning a secret trip to Harvard Law School during October. Kissinger will attempt to normalize relations between HLS and the Nixon Administration and to secure the release of Leon, former cabaña boy to Bebe Rebozo, and Princess Esmerelda, who were imprisoned in Peabody Terrace shortly after their marriage in last year's Law School Show.

The secret plan, devised by Treasury Secretary Connally and Attorney General Mitchell during a game of Monopoly, will have Kissinger leave Washington on October 7 on a good-will tour of so-called "friendly" American campuses. After stops at Bob Jones U. on the 8th, Oral Roberts U. on the 9th, and General Beadle State on the 10th, Kissinger will visit Saint Angelo College in Boston's North End on the 11th where, after a mammoth Columbus Day Italian dinner, he will feign gastric distress, hop on a fast MTA train, and arrive at the great wall of Langdell, ready to meet face-to-face with Dean Sacks.

A Xerox copy of the secret plan, encoded in the fine print of a popsicle wrapper discarded at a White House reception for the South Vietnamese Presidential candidates, was mailed to the RECORD last week in a Rand Corporation envelope bearing a Los Angeles postmark. Highly placed sources indicate that the Administration believes that USA-HLS tension will ease now that Dean Sacks has replaced Dean Bok, who is currently languishing in the largely ceremonial post of president of the University. Martha Mitchell reportedly selected the date of Kissinger's visit to coincide with the ceremony installing Bok as President, to add a touch of symbolic irony to the visit.

The RECORD has uncovered fur-

ther evidence indicating that Kissinger will visit HLS. Craig Claiborne and Scotty Reston of the New York Times have applied for visas to enter Massachusetts in order to study Harkness food and acupuncture techniques at Stillman Infirmary. Vice President Agnew visited New Haven last week to reassure Kingman Brewster that the thaw in Washington-Cambridge relations did not represent a diminution of support for Harvard's historic enemy Yale. Informed sources indicate that the HLS Forum has ordered posters which read,

HENRY KISSINGER

Quo Vadis?

Harvard Stadium

Oct. 12 8 p.m.

While the agenda for the Kissinger-Sacks parlay is not yet fixed, the talks will likely focus on an attempt by Kissinger to get Sacks to use his power to convince more HLS professors and graduates to follow Kissinger's example and leave Harvard to en-

ter government service in Washington. According to an HLS professor, who asked to remain anonymous, Sacks will agree in principle to Kissinger's demands, but will seek to postpone the effective date of the agreement as long as possible in order to stabilize the situation at HLS.

## Harvard Law School FORUM

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9

Attica and HLS

When Martin Luther King was assassinated, Acting Dean A. James Casner suspended Law School classes for two days "in order that each law student may have a full opportunity for uninterrupted reflection on recent events and on his position in regard to them."

When the bloodiest prison uprising in American history was recently enacted at the Attica Correctional Facility in New York, no word at all came from the Law School administration. It is arguable that a suspension of classes would not have been the appropriate institutional response to the Attica tragedy, but could there not have been something more appropriate than the awkward silence which ensued?

Attica failed also to preempt normal classroom routine. Obviously a discussion of American prisons would be more fitting in some classes than in others, but in a school of law — that seamless web — no classroom would have been an inappropriate forum for grappling with such a burning issue of law.

However, it is perhaps not so much to be mourned that Harvard Law School did not rush out and enlist itself in the front ranks of the vocally outraged. The uproar will die down, as it always does, and the real test will be what is accomplished in the long run. If the Law School then proves itself among the ranks of the silently committed, its reticence now can be overlooked.

But *is* the Law School committed to the necessarily long and painful task of prison reform? Has it been? Now is the time for fresh resolve, while the disgrace that is the American prison system is still before the nation's conscience. Let Harvard Law School lead out in devoting a sizeable portion of its talent and resources to the overall problems of penology and prison reform in this country. And let those among its students who seek a lofty cause worthy of their efforts deem this cause such a one.

Corporate America might feel slighted were HLS to pay more attention to areas of the law other than corporation law, but if Harvard and institutions like it fail to pay more attention to pressing social problems, America-at-large may ultimately feel a good deal more than slighted.

HARVARD LAW RECORD

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Published Friday ten times each semester by The Harvard Law School Record Corporation, 23 Everett St., Cambridge, Mass. 02138. Telephone 495-4418. Subscription price: $3.00 semester, $6 year mailed; students, $3.00 year distributed at the Law School. Individual copies: 20 cents at the Law School, 35 cents mailed. Second class postage paid at Boston, Mass.

Fenno

Bunky was in the Langdell corridor, ferociously mashing a cigarette butt into the new bordello-red carpet.

"Do that if you must, Bunk," I sighed, "but at least be quiet about it. After all this is a study area."

"Right," he retorted. "How have you been, Fenno old bean?"

"Oh, pretty fine. HWYS?"

"Oh, my summer was great. Picked up a hefty 300 balloons per, working down in Fun City."

"Great. For whom were you working?"

"Small firm. Bialystock & Bloom. They're located one stop after South Ferry on the IRT line. To be truthful, the firm itself is not that great. But what a receptionist!"

"There you go again, Bunk," I said slyly. "Glorifying form over substance. You'd think that two years at the Law School would have taught you at least not to make that mistake."

"Balderdash," he answered with vehemence. "The only thing I've learned here is not to use colored oleo."

"Come, come, let's not be bitter."

"No, butter."

"Jokes like that can get your Estate Plan rolling sooner than you'd think," I threatened.

"That reminds me, Fenno. What are you taking?"

"Well, I'll tell you. I tried to get into Videotape and the Law, produced and directed by Dr. Stone, but the jackals here beat me to it. The waiting list is a mile long. Then I tried to get into a B-School course, but I left only ten minutes in my schedule in between classes and the Registrar caught me on that one. Smart as a whip. I must be slipping. So, after that, I gave up and loaded up on some of the biggies."

"You don't mean ... ?" he gasped.

"Yup. Federal Courts ... See Reg. Estate Planning. Evidence. The works."

"This isn't the Fenno we all know and love," he said, eyeing me cautiously.

"Maybe you're right," I said sadly. "Nothing seems to be going right for me ever since O'Connell closed his store."

10

HARVARD LAW RECORD

Changes hands.

has been tarnished by neighboring Illinois.

Patricia Agnew

VIP violation of freeze

WASHINGTON. — In a move that is certainly going to dismay his boss, President Nixon's top foreign policy adviser, Henry Kissinger, apparently has become the most prominent person in the nation to have violated the wage-price freeze.

Kissinger this past week advertised his car for sale in the classified section of a local newspaper. The car is a Mercedes.

Coincidentally, a White House newsman who has wanted a Mercedes, answered the ad, and was surprised to learn it belonged to Kissinger. He was told the asking price was $5,000.

Two days later a secretary in Kissinger's office said the car, a 1968 model, had been sold at "not much below the asking price."

Kissinger, as everyone knows, concentrates on what is going on overseas. That may be why he hasn't caught up with the Cost of Living Council wage-price freeze regulations, which include "prices of used commodities, such as used cars, antiques, and resales of housing ..."

A Mercedes dealer in Washington said the book price of a used car identical to Kissingers' was $4,495. It was not clear, however, whether book prices apply to private sales.

POETIC DEBUT: The Democrats are going to have another poet also interested in running for President — a la former Sen.

Eugene McCarthy — when Rep. Shirley Chisholm (Dem.), New York, has her first book of poems published soon.

KEEPING FIT: Two gold medal winners of a world bowling tournament visited the White House the other day, and President Nixon whisked them off to the private two-lane alley where he and staffers bowl in the Executive Office Building.

The President said he tries to bowl once a week, but doesn't always have the time. When he does, it's usually "10 o'clock or so at night." Accompanied only by a White House servant and the family Irish setter, King Timahoe, Mr. Nixon bowls "seven to 12 games, one right after another," he said, adding that his average is 152.

An attendant at the alley said Mr. Nixon's average was a better 160, and his best game was 232. Mr. Nixon gave a brief demonstration for his guests — rolling one ball into the gutter and another right down the center for a strike.

SEAT OF HONOR: A young Georgetown University student went to the John F. Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts recently, arriving close to curtain time for Leonard Bernstein's "Mass." The student had only faint hope a ticket might be available. There were none, but as he turned away, disappointed, his eyes met those of Bernstein, who was entering the center. The student said he was tempted to ask the conductor if he had a ticket to sell, but decided against it.

Apparently Bernstein, however, sized up the situation and decided to do something about it. He sent an aide to the student to give him a ticket for the performance — and the seat was in Bernstein's private box.

Miss Agnew

NEW REPUBLIC 25 SEPTEMBER 1971 (24)

Drumfire on China

It is a topsy-turvy world when Premier Chou En-lai rebukes James Reston for having said the President lacks courage: "Deciding to come to China at this time is something which even the opposition party says others dare not do. So on this point he has some courage." How much courage it will take has yet to be fully determined. The new China policy was roundly rejected by the AFL-CIO executive council, 24 to 4 with two abstentions, while the American Legion has given it grudging approval on the express condition that no concessions are made by our side.

Anyone who rejects political acts because of the
possible motives behind them had better avoid politics
altogether. No doubt the President was fully aware of
the domestic gains in his announcement, although we
can hardly believe that he thought they could out-
weigh the gut issue: the domestic economy. More to
the point is Chou's remark. Nobody thought the old
China lobby amounted to much anymore. But the
White House needed no Geiger counter to alert it to
hostile right-wing reaction. The Vice-President's
celebrated midnight remarks last April against the first
flush of "ping-pong diplomacy" provided the
modern instant communications counterpart to Paul
Revere's ride. Immediately after the trip announce-
ment in July, twelve conservatives, headed by William
F. Buckley, announced suspension of "support"
for Nixon, and a few weeks ago delegates representing
67,000 Young Americans for Freedom voted to dump
Nixon, in part because the trip will threaten "the
national sovereignty of the United States." The
antics of the Rev. Carl McIntyre with his Taiwan
table tennis team raise little more than smiles from
sophisticated insurgents. But in Middle America con-
fusion and concern can become bitter hatred if proper-
ly aroused. Toward this end various reactionary
revivalists of the early 1950's witchhunt are once again
on the conspiracy trail. This time they can move
against the background of an admitted betrayer of
secrets, Daniel Ellsberg, as compared with the earlier
accused but unproven "traitor," Alger Hiss.

Recently a Detroit FM station carried four hours of
telephone interviews with a young American scholar
on China. The moderator claimed no other program
had evoked so many responses. The angry callers
seemed awakened from a 20-years' sleep, so obsessed
were they by the McCarran hearings, the Institute of
Pacific Relations, and alleged Communist affiliations
of such personages as Professor John K. Fairbank
and Henry Kissinger. But these long-dormant memo-
ries did not spontaneously spring to life; they are
cultivated. Visitors to San Clemente heard first-hand
of the "hate Henry" campaign that is being waged
in many localities in an effort to embarrass the Presi-
dent's trip through his embassy.

Mr. Nixon need only recall his own past to appre-
ciate the ignorance and fear that can be exploited
against China. In this regard he faces a much tougher
fight than did President Roosevelt in moving to recog-
nize the Soviet Union in 1933. American business had
built Russian factories. American journalists and

tourists had traveled throughout that country. A posi-
tive subliminal image of Russia had established aes-
thetic and humanistic ties through intimate familiarity
with Tchaikowsky and Rachmaninoff, Dostoevsky
and Tolstoy. The savagery of civil war and foreign
intervention against the new Soviet state had been
followed with the Hoover relief missions.

No such counterforce exists on the China question.
The bitter heritage of two wars, Korea and Vietnam,
fuses in American perceptions as the product of Chi-
nese Communist aggression. Total isolation from the
mainland for 20 years combines with the most remote
and random newsreel images of the previous decades,
broken only by the familiar figures of a sturdy little
generalissimo and his striking Wellesley-educated wife.

New versions of old tales fuel opposition fires. On
the day Senator Proxmire's Joint Economic Commit-
tee heard three prominent professors attack secret sub-
version against the mainland conducted jointly by the
Chinese Nationalists and the CIA, Senator Eastland
released a study by Professor Richard L. Walker which
estimated that between 34 and 60 million Chinese
died over the past 50 years as a result of Communist
activity. Walker included all the intermittent civil wars
of 1927-49 as well as wholly unsubstantiated and
unverifiable figures from every kind of source, includ-
ing Radio Moscow. Another hate-China theme focuses
on drugs. A few days after the Eastland report came
a headline-grabbing story from Saigon. According to
an alleged "high-level detector" out of North
Vietnam, poppy fields in that country are so large it
takes a harvesting tractor one whole day to cover a
single planting. The produce is secretly processed in
China, he said, and smuggled out through Hong Kong.
Interestingly the defector admitted he had not revealed
this information when first interviewed a year ago,
claiming it had not seemed important then. Its im-
portance now was obvious since only the previous
week, two detailed accounts - one by the Associated
Press Pulitzer prize winner, Peter Arnett, and another
in *The New York Times*, had traced the Asian drug
traffic to specific villages on the Burma-Thai border.
From there it moves over land and air routes to South
Vietnam, with the certain knowledge if not connivance
of Thai and South Vietnamese officials. No matter
that the *Far Eastern Economic Review* states unequivivo-
cally that Hong Kong is not a conduit for drugs from
mainland China, or that the US Narcotics Bureau lays
no charge against the People's Republic of China,
such as it does against Turkey, Iran and a host of
other countries.

We see no evidence of an all-out US campaign at
the UN to retain Taiwan's seat and thereby block
Peking's entry. We liked the way Mr. Nixon kept his
cool after Peking had blasted Secretary Rogers for the
regrettably wrong but understandably politic two-
China ploy. The President has some tough steps to
take in Washington and Taipei if his trip is to succeed,
but he deserves good marks for what he has done so
far in refusing the Pentagon bid to move nuclear weap-
ons storage from Okinawa to Taiwan and reportedly
canceling clandestine ground probes into China by
CIA-supported groups in Laos.

Rathnem

HAK FYI

HAK FYI NEW REPUBLIC 25 SEPTEMBER 1971 (24)

The Washington Post

AN INDEPENDENT NEWSPAPER

THURSDAY, JULY 8, 1971

New Possibilities in Vietnam

The other side in Vietnam is tightening the screws on President Nixon. To follow up the Vietcong's tempting offer to release prisoners if the United States agrees to withdraw this year, Hanoi has specified—in an interview with the New York Times—that the elements to be withdrawn must include not only combatants but advisers. Administration strategists have long believed that the only way to sustain an "independent" non-Communist government in Saigon is to support it with a residual force of advisers, logistical personnel and the like. Without such a residual force it is taken for granted that a Thieu-type government would collapse before a decent interval had passed after American withdrawal. So if the Paris talks confirm what Hanoi politburo member Le Duc Tho has just said, then Mr. Nixon's dilemma is very sharp indeed. He wants withdrawal and a Thieu-type government as well, but Hanoi, apparently hopeful that American public opinion will deny him the latter, wishes to force him to choose.

Le Duc Tho said too that the new Communist offer on prisoners and withdrawal did not hinge on a political settlement but could be implemented separately. Of course. Withdrawal, in the full sense of no troops, no advisers, no supporting air from outside Vietnam, would remove the principal bulwark of the Thieu government and transform the Saigon political scene to the benefit of the Vietcong. Hanoi's offer to separate the two points is not a concession but bait cleverly trolled before Mr. Nixon's critics at home.

Perhaps the most intriguing feature in the Le Duc Tho interview was his suggestion that, of the various men in Saigon, only President Thieu explicitly must go. This appears to reflect the dynamics of the Saigon presidential elections coming in October: Mr. Thieu's main rivals, Vice President Ky and Gen. (Big) Minh, have moved steadily apart from him. No one familiar with Vietnamese politics excludes a flipflop that would bring, say, General Ky back together again with Mr. Thieu. Nonetheless, Hanoi now speaks of post-withdrawal discussions "with the Saigon administration—but a new one, without Thieu."

At this point, one must ask what Henry Kissinger was up to in Saigon. He conferred not only with Mr. Thieu but with Generals Ky and Minh, the president of the senate and the Buddhist leader in the senate. Perhaps Mr. Kissinger was merely demonstrating, to American critics, that the United States wants the Saigon elections to be fair. But perhaps—we hope this is so—he was canvassing the Thieu opposition to see whether it might produce a winner in October. Mr. Thieu controls the army, central administration and provincial chiefs but, as one of his aides remarked the other day, he "still does not control the people." He got only 35 per cent of the vote in 1967.

Here, then, is one prospect opened up by the sudden subtle movements in the Vietnamese drama: Hanoi says it won't deal with President Thieu but hints it would deal with others in Saigon. The opposition elements explore if and how they might join against Mr. Thieu, and Henry Kissinger looks in to see how they are doing. Could it be that the defeat of President Thieu in an election would satisfy both the Communists, who would be willing to take their chances with another Saigon government, and President Nixon, who would have fulfilled his goal of providing South Vietnam a reasonably free political choice?

The risks in such a development cannot be ignored. But the possible advantages should make the exploration of it vital. American prisoners could be returned. American casualties could end. American troops could come home. As the polls and the Senate vote for the Mansfield amendment suggest, the anguish within the United States would be greatly mollified. And if Mr. Nixon were able to report that the United States had honorably accomplished its mission in South Vietnam and had allowed the government there to be chosen by the Vietnamese people themselves, then his own re-election prospects unquestionably would be enhanced.

Hanoi and the Vietcong could spoil these possibilities by pressing for too much too hard. Yet Mr. Nixon could spoil the new possibilities too by refusing to acknowledge, in his public remarks and his secret diplomacy, that they in fact exist.

The Boston Globe

Thursday, July 8, 1971

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KISSINGER?

War Calls
Go Astray

By WINSTON GROOM
Star Staff Writer

Just mention the name of Presidential adviser Henry Kissinger and Washington restaurateur Harold Giesinger's blood pressure goes up.

Because of an alleged case of mistaken phone numbers, Giesinger and his wife have been deluged by obscene and threatening anti-war phone calls apparently intended for Kissinger, the couple says.

The Giesingers have filed a $50,000 lawsuit in Superior Court here against the publishers of Avant Garde magazine which, the suit says, erroneously listed the Giesingers' phone number as that of Kissinger. The listing was in an article entitled "Dial-a-Hawk."

According to the Giesingers' lawyer, Edward Chozick, Avant Garde publisher Ralph Ginzburg, when informed of the situation, suggested that the Giesingers change their phone number. Ginzburg could not be reached for comment last night.

The Giesingers live in the swank Watergate Apartments in Northwest Washington and Giesinger manages the Watergate Restaurant.

Many high Nixon administration officials also live in the Watergate, but Kissinger does not. He lives on Waterside Drive.

But the Giesinger number was listed as Kissinger's in an article that stated:

See NAME, Page A-3

NAME

Continued From Page A-1

"Through painstaking research Avant Garde has collected the private home telephone numbers of all the administration's leading hawks. We urge you to call a hawk this evening."

"Nixon's reaction to the out-cry against the invasion of Cambodia shows that the administration is at long last listening to anti-war forces of this country. To ensure that the administration keeps on listening, the editors of Avant Garde have devised a new form of anti-war protest. It is called "Dial-a-Hawk," the article said.

The suit says the Giesingers have been "inundated with voluminous calls at all hours of the day and night."

Most of the calls have been "vuglar, vicious and threatening," the suit says.

According to their lawyer, the Giesingers were on an overseas trip when the magazine list was published. They began to get calls when they returned but did not find out why until several months later, Chozick said.

## Torrent Of Abuse

Giesinger said that, because of similarity in pronunciation, he usually would answer affirmatively when a caller asked for "Mr. Kissinger," and at that point he would receive a torrent of verbal abuse.

Finally, Giesinger was able to retain one of the callers on the line long enough to ask him where he got his phone number, and was told of the article.

Giesinger's suit charges that the magazine story was an "invasion of privacy" and asks for $25,000 in punitive damages and $25,000 in compensatory damages.

Besides Kissinger, the magazine listed phone numbers for Vice President Spiro Agnew, Secretary of the Navy John Chafee, Sen. Harry Byrd and practically all of the President's cabinet officers. It urged callers to give the officials "an earfull."