12

## President for Foreign Affairs
# Where's Henry Now?

by Stanley Karnow

No public figure anywhere these days quite matches Henry Kissinger. He hobnobs with Brezhnev, and Mao Tse-tung, moves Golda Meir to tears, evokes lyrical praise from Anwar el-Sadat, and even prompts Fidel Castro to concede begrudgingly that he is, despite his "reactionary ideas," an "intelligent man who is trying to adapt US foreign policy to present realities." At home, he has attained the stature of a folk hero. The polls call him the man Americans "most admire," and, judging from my own recent experience in the provinces, that estimate is accurate. Late last month, for example, I attended a Rotary Club dinner in Kentucky at which the featured local speaker prefaced his remarks with a toast to the Secretary of State's marriage that morning. Soon thereafter, on a flight out of Pittsburgh, a woman seated next to me spoke of "Dr. Henry" with the kind of enthusiasm that used to be lavished on movie stars. A check of 10 television stations and 10 newspapers west of the Mississippi on a random day not long ago found him to be the subject of stories on 10 nonnetwork news programs and nine out of 10 non-syndicated editorial page items. Thus Kissinger's fame not only stretches from Peking to Paris, but, as his former White House rival John Ehrlichman would say, he "also plays in Peoria."

Yet Kissinger's unprecedented power and popularity may be transient, for a number of developments are conspiring to erode the "structure of peace" he has been striving to build since the Nixon administration came to office. His last trip to Moscow, which he optimistically anticipated would result in "concrete progress" on the further limitation of strategic weapons and other issues, failed to fulfill his expectations and thereby confirmed that détente remains an elusive objective. The Middle East conflict, which with his superb negotiating skill he succeeded in easing three months ago, is again erupting as the Israelis and Syrians resist a compromise. His relations with Western Europe are in disarray and unlikely to improve with the emergence of either a conservative or left-wing leader in the forthcoming French elections. The breakthrough to China, perhaps his most dramatic accomplishment, could be jeopardized by rising political ferment on the mainland. His ties to Japan are frayed, and his attempts to forge stronger links with Latin America have yielded little. Meanwhile these troubles are overshadowed by energy shortages, raw materials vacancies, the specter of a population explosion, and other growing

economic and social problems as menacing in the long run to international stability as war. But the biggest threat to Kissinger at the moment is the prospect that the impeachment and possible removal of the President would undermine his authority, and, in the process, abort his hopes of achieving a measure of global order.

Last summer, sensing that the accumulation of Watergate scandals was driving Mr. Nixon into stormy weather, Kissinger shrewdly maneuvered to become Secretary of State so that, as he confided to a friend at the time, "I can be my own man." Since then he has labored assiduously to strengthen his autonomy and today he is, in effect, president for foreign affairs. He commands the State Department as an independent barony, permitting only a handful of loyal subordinates to share his secrets and relegating the rest to service functions. He pays enormous attention to the media, favoring a small coterie of reporters with exclusive tidbits and frequently telephoning them to complain if they even faintly tarnish his image. He expands extraordinary energy cultivating congressmen, inviting them to join his travels and briefing them in closed sessions designed to satisfy their itch to be "insiders." As the President's preoccupation with his own struggle for survival deepens, Kissinger has carefully pushed his prerogatives to the point where he shapes many decisions himself. And as John Osborne noted in these pages, he recently went out of his way to signal to Gerald Ford that he is available to stay on as Secretary of State in the event that Mr. Nixon leaves office.

Kissinger must know that this sort of game is hazardous to both the pursuit of foreign policy and to his own position. In the first place the Russians are seizing upon the administration's feebleness to press for a better bargain in their arms negotiations, and it is plausible to assume that the President's difficulties have inspired them to keep the Middle East stirred up. Hence Kissinger, for all his talent, can be no stronger than the administration he serves, and although he would like to continue at his job should Mr. Nixon collapse, that aspiration could go awry. For, as Washington Post diplomatic correspondent Murrey Marder has observed, a change of Chief Executives is a fundamental shift that alters relationships inside the federal establishment and almost invariably produces an interlude of policy reconsiderations as well as reassessments by foreign governments. Ford's ascendancy to the White

AUG 27, 1974

13

House, therefore, would not automatically guarantee Kissinger firm tenure.

Four years ago, when he arrived in Washington as the President's foreign affairs adviser, Kissinger brought the idea that stability does not derive from a quest for peace but from an "equilibrium of forces" founded on an international order in which "no state is so dissatisfied that... it expresses its dissatisfaction in a revolutionary foreign policy." The major powers, he contended, should therefore aim to create not a Utopia assuring everlasting peace but "workable arrangements" that preserve the balance of world forces. These arrangements would be respected as long as the powers recognized them as operating to their own advantage within a framework of legitimacy. Consequently, he suggested, international disputes could be resolved if the powers agreed to settle their differences within an accepted system and not challenge the validity of the system itself.

Kissinger had originally set down this concept more than a decade earlier in his Harvard doctoral dissertation on Europe after the Napoleonic period, when Metternich and Castlereagh faced the task of reconstructing a European order that had been disrupted by the French Revolution and its aftermath. Though history never repeats itself precisely, he believed that some of the factors that had contributed to comparative international stability during the 19th century seemed relevant to the 1970s. While the Soviet Union and China still paid lip service to their revolutionary vocations, they were actually more concerned with defending their gains than embarking upon adventures that might trigger a nuclear holocaust. Neither they nor the US had allowed Vietnam to become the Serbia of World War III, and this restraint indicated that new accommodations could be built on the fear of a wider conflagration. That the Russians and Chinese were locked in a quarrel only reinforced Kissinger's leverage to deal with them.

His notion was timely in its perception that incompatible ideologies were no longer an insurmountable obstacle to coexistence. It was also innovative to the degree that it represented a significant departure from the traditional American conviction that US strategies abroad are a moral drama in which good and evil are pitted against each other. "Henry injected a sense of maturity into US foreign policy by persuading countries to live with the world as it is rather than as they think it ought to be," says one of his acolytes. One of the few foreign ambassadors in Washington who sees Kissinger regularly makes the same point somewhat differently: "As a European he doesn't suffer from the American affliction of looking for absolute solutions. He understands that some problems can merely be defused, and that ambiguity is often the best we can get — and it's worth it if it reduces the chance of war."

Spurred by a passionate impulse to breathe life into

hitherto academic philosophies, Kissinger went forth during the first term of the Nixon administration to open contacts with the Chinese, elaborate the dialogue with the Russians and dispose of the Vietnam tragedy. His achievements on these fronts were notable but costly. Involving as it did the cooperation of Pakistan, the reconciliation with Peking led the administration to "tilt" against India during the South Asian war of 1972 and that posture undoubtedly influenced Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi's decision to sign a defense treaty with the Soviet Union. The covert nature of Kissinger's initial approaches to the Chinese, shocked and alienated the Japanese, whom the President had solemnly promised to consult before any such gesture, and relations between the US and Japan have not yet recovered fully from that and other American moves. Part of the price of the first strategic arms limitation accord with the Soviet Union was the wheat giveaway, which dealt a sharp blow to the US economy. And the suspicion that the initial arms deal offered the Russians an edge that they are now exploiting in their current effort to raise the ante for a future agreement has lent weight to hawkish senators like Henry Jackson and stimulated Pentagon hardliners to propose the construction of exotic new missiles and nuclear warheads disguised as "bargaining chips" for the next round of talks.

I am inclined to the view that a Vietnam settlement could have been reached years earlier had Mr. Nixon and Kissinger conceded, as they finally did, to the presence of North Vietnamese troops in the South in exchange for Hanoi's willingness to tolerate the Nguyen Van Thieu regime in Saigon. Instead the administration went through such exercises as the invasion of Cambodia and the Christmas bombing of North Vietnam in 1972, and there is no evidence to suggest that Kissinger dissented from those hideous tactics. Judging from his support of US Ambassador to Saigon Graham Martin, who is still fighting the Red menace as it was 20 years ago, Kissinger apparently believes in holding the old line in Vietnam. Some State Department sources submit, however, that he indulges Martin out of fear that the envoy might resign and return to the US to wage a campaign blaming him for having abandoned the South Vietnamese.

In an interview with Oriana Fallaci published in these pages, Kissinger depicted himself as the lone cowboy, and the self-portrait is illuminating. It throws light on his disdain for the bureaucracy, which in his opinion hobbles his brand of creative genius, and it also accounts for his obsession with secrecy, which he regards as vital to his style. Anyone who has wandered through the labyrinthine corridors of the State Department will sympathize with his anti-bureaucratic bias, and diplomats who have been engaged in delicate negotiations concur in the need for confidentiality. But Kissinger's extreme exclusivity, which has sometimes led him to plain deception, has hurt his credibility. He

THE NEW REPUBLIC

14

was reportedly aware of the activities of the White House "plumbers," and some damaging evidence may emerge on that score in the impending Watergate trials or in lawsuits already filed or planned against Kissinger by Morton Halperin and two other former assistants among the 17 officials and newsmen whose telephones were tapped allegedly with his approval. During his confirmation hearings before the Senate Foreign Relations Committee last September, he pledged an "open articulation of our philosophy, our purposes and our actions." Yet he has since appeared publicly before a congressional group on only one occasion, and his disclosures at press conferences have often been less than candid. During the Middle East war last fall, for example, he told reporters that "all the members" of the National Security Council had recommended the worldwide military alert that took place on the morning of October 25 when, in fact, only he and Defense Secretary James Schlesinger were present for the key deliberation. He promised as well to "make the record available ... and go into greater detail" on the episode, but the matter is still obscure. Moreover its murkiness was compounded at the time by contradictory explanations. Kissinger, evidently anxious to avoid irritating the Russians and jeopardizing détente, denied that it was a "missile-crisis type of situation." A day later Mr. Nixon called it "the most difficult crisis since the Cuban missile crisis of 1962."

Kissinger's clandestine manner, combined with his reluctance to delegate authority to specialists, has sometimes worked against US interests. C. Fred Bergsten, a former member of his staff, contends that Kissinger either bungled crucial economic issues because of admitted incompetence in the subject or ignored them entirely because he distrusts experts. Bergsten, now at the Brookings Institution, points to the botched textile talks with Japan and the wheat sale to the Russians as examples of Kissinger's blunders. Economic problems, Bergsten has written, "cannot be handled by superstar solos but require both political and bureaucratic consensus at home, sustained attention, and messy negotiations with a variety of leaders abroad."

According to one of his oldest academic associates, Kissinger's troubles with the Atlantic Alliance partially stem from his inability or unwillingness to make allowances for the fact that European policies are essentially formulated and implemented by civil servants rather than politicians, and that these entrenched bureaucrats cannot be overlooked as if they were employees of the State Department. The British Foreign Office and the Quai d'Orsay were miffed when Kissinger neglected to consult them adequately prior to his Atlantic Charter Speech last April, and they were again annoyed a couple of months afterward by his failure to keep them closely informed during Brezhnev's visit to the US. Later, when the Europeans re-

during the Middle East war and then went on to quarrel over oil, Kissinger reacted intemperately. He questioned the "legitimacy" of Europe's governments, voiced his "disgust" with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization and singled out the French as having "a high capacity to do mischief but ... no capacity to do anything constructive." It was scarcely the sort of language he would have used against the Russians or Chinese, and it inspired the justifiable comment that he prefers totalitarian adversaries to democratic allies. To a certain extent, it seems to me, he is insensitive to the complicated processes through which democracies reach decisions, and he may feel more comfortable with Brezhnev and Chou En-lai, who act without reference to churlish congressmen and inquisitive journalists. In any case Kissinger's acrimonious exchanges with the Europeans doomed the "Year of Europe," and it will probably be some time before the transatlantic edifice can be rebuilt.

That squabble illustrated Kissinger's shortcomings as a conventional diplomat, and the rather abstract quality of his broad strategic principles raises doubts about his role as a conceptual thinker. His real aptitude is his consummate proficiency as a negotiator, and he displayed his brilliance in that realm by persuading the Israelis and Egyptians to observe a ceasefire, disengage their troops along the Suez Canal, and, for the first time in a quarter-century, begin substantive talks. Sheer physical energy is a prime Kissinger asset, demonstrated as he shuttled tirelessly around the Middle East, pulling the fine threads of the tangle together. More importantly, as a foreign official who was involved in some of the effort explains it, Kissinger demonstrated four other essential attributes of a mediator: he avoided trying to impose an American solution but sought to narrow the gap between the two sides, giving each the impression that he was protecting its interests; he separated the basic from the marginal; he kept his promises; and he was honest, the official added, because "he didn't want to run the risk of being caught cheating." In the end both Israelis and Egyptians acclaimed him. "Henry was indispensable," says the official. "Without him the situation would have remained static."

The Arab-Israeli fracas was more than a local affair, and Kissinger jumped from the Middle East to Moscow with ease. During one circuit he even flew on to Peking to keep a date with Chou En-lai. Yet the final chapter on the crisis is far from having been written. Resentful that Sadat has swung toward reliance on the US, the Russians are apparently jockeying to compensate for their loss by encouraging Syrian intransigence and mobilizing Iraq and the Palestine Liberation Organization into a new Arab bloc responsive to Moscow. With the resignation of Golda Meir, the Israeli government has come apart. The conflict could again explode, and Kissinger, aware of that possibility, is making yet another trip there this week. Even if he re-

APRIL 27, 1974

15

peats his earlier mediation success, Middle East tensions will continue. Not long ago, when a visitor asked him how the thorny Jerusalem problem might eventually be resolved, Kissinger replied: "By the time we get to that I'll no longer be Secretary of State."

Kissinger's future as Secretary of State finally depends, though, on Richard Nixon's fate and Gerald Ford's fancy. If he goes before his time is up, we shall be left with the memory of his dazzling style and speculation on what he might have done had the vagaries of domestic politics spared him. Although his ambitions are far from fulfilled, the perception that he made an impact on the world may give him a measure of satisfaction. His response to challenges was summed up some time ago in a chat we had about a mutual friend who had accepted an offer to bail out an insolvent university. I thought the friend's decision was unwise; Kissinger disagreed. "If he can solve the problem he's in great shape," he said, "and if he fails he will be known as a former college president, which isn't so bad."

## The Nixon Watch

### They Done Him Wrong

When the attitudes that are described in this report were expressed to me, the Republican leaders in the Senate had sent word to Mr. Nixon—typically they had not been invited to tell him in person—that he was going to be impeached if he didn't halt the delaying tactics that he had been practicing since February 25 and comply immediately and fully with the House Judiciary Committee's request for White House tapes and documents. His response had been more delay and in consequence he had become the first President to be served with a subpoena by a congressional committee. Lawyers and advisers were struggling with the problem of how to raise the $467,000 that he'd promised to pay in hitherto denied or evaded federal income taxes, the additional $100,000 or more that he's likely to be owing on last year's income, and the $225,000 installment that is due this summer on his San Clemente estate. Reports of criminal investigations involving or at least touching his two brothers, his friends Charles G. (Bebe) Rebozo and Robert Abplanalp, the lawyer and accountant who have prepared his tax returns since 1969, and his confidential secretary and executive assistant, Rose Mary Woods, contributed to an impression and atmosphere of impending ruin.

So it seemed at a distance from the President and to some extent at the middle levels and outer fringes of

and of controlled anxiety that was indicated by such qualifying references to future possibilities as "whatever happens" and "whoever is President then." Closer to the President, among the small group of assistants who see something of him with fair frequency and spend much of their time discussing his problems with each other, the discerned atmosphere was very different during the period in review here.

It was the week when the President dashed off to the tornado-stricken city of Xenia, Ohio, so suddenly that there was no time to assemble and accommodate the usual press entourage. He flew the next day into Michigan's eighth congressional district, ostensibly to help a Republican candidate for Congress and actually to help himself with a show of gutsy confidence. He conferred at the White House with the President of Algeria and Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko, as if to say to the world that he's still looking after it. Finally he changed his plans within an hour and flew off to his Florida home on Key Biscayne instead of, as he had intended, passing the Easter season at Camp David, the mountain retreat for Presidents near Washington. He was said to have had a good time in the sum during a kindly weekend with Mrs. Nixon, his daughter Tricia and her husband Edward Cox—and with Bebe. The President's personal doings were cloaked in even greater secrecy than they usually are during his Florida stays. The fact that his beleaguered friend and next-door neighbor, Bebe Rebozo, was around during the Nixon stay was acknowledged only in private, with sour reluctance. Rebozo was with the President and the family when they attended an Easter Sunday service at the Key Biscayne Community Church. Mr. Nixon, departing afterward, exchanged cries of "Happy Easter" with the crowd. On these trips the President often visits Robert Abplanalp's weekend home on Grand Cay in the Bahamas, a short helicopter flight from the Florida coast, whether Abplanalp is there or not. This time he didn't.

Now back to the discerned atmosphere around the President. "Discerned" is a necessary qualifier because, of course, reporters must rely upon what they are told about a milieu that they never really penetrate. The innermost White House milieu discussed here is peopled by Gen. Alexander Haig, the President's staff chief; Dean Burch, the Arizona lawyer and friend of Sen. Barry Goldwater who recently left the Federal Communications Commission chairmanship and became a White House counsellor; Bryce Harlow, a perennial assistant to Republican Presidents who has returned to the employ of Procter and Gamble in Washington but, judging from past performance, will remain in the Nixon circle; James D. St. Clair, the Boston trial lawyer who heads up the President's crew of Watergate defenders; and Press Secretary Ronald Ziegler, one of the few protégés of departed H. R.

SPECTRUM

Varying shades of personal opinion on current issues

WILLIAM A. RUSHER
CBS RADIO NETWORK

MAY 2, 1974

I'm William Rusher.

In Washington, and many other world capital these days, the name to conjure with is Henry Kissinger. And to be sure, America's brilliant Secretary of State does have quite a string of diplomatic successes to his credit. In disengaging American forces from the Vietnam War and securing the release of our prisoners, and doing it, moreover, under circumstances that have not yet resulted in a Communist takeover of South Vietnam, Kissinger pulled off a coup that many had believed down-right impossible. And in the Middle East, too, where Soviet power has been in the ascendant for several years, Kissinger may be on the brink of an American success almost equally startling.

But there are places on the globe where it begins to appear that Henry Kissinger, for all his brilliance, miscalculated badly. One of these is China. There is grave and growing evidence that the Nixon-Kissinger policy of detente with Red China is springing some very serious leaks. One doesn't hear or read very much about the threatened collapse of our China policy because that policy is enthusiastically endorsed both by the Nixon Republicans and by their ancient enemies, the liberals. But the facts are simple and ominous. Red China is a dictatorship and when Nixon and Kissinger decided to change America's long standing policy of isolating it, they necessarily had to do business with the Chinese dictators, specifically, with Mao Tse-tung and his Premier, Cho En-lai.

Mao and Cho, who had broken with the Soviet Union, were more than willing to play along. For a time it seemed as though Kissinger could have his cake and eat it too. Divide China from Russia and improve America's relations with both. But Mao is 80 and Cho is 76; neither can last much longer. Moreover, Mao has shown over the years a positively frightening tendency to destroy his successive right-hand men. First he ruined Liu Shao-chi. And then he engineered the death of Lin Piao. And now there are obscure but alarming signs that somebody powerful is preparing to cut down Cho En-lai.

Is Chairman Mao getting ready to repudiate his Premier's policy of detente with the United States? Or, if Red China loses both Mao and Cho to age and disease, will the Soviet Union move swiftly into the resulting power vacuum and impose, by force if necessary, a new Chinese dictator pledged to friendship with the Soviet Union? And if so, what then becomes of Henry Kissinger's detente with Red China? Kissinger has played a major role in promoting China's new influence in the world and now it begins to appear that that influence may be turned implacably against the United States.

This is William A. Rusher for Spectrum.

The diverse opinions expressed on SPECTRUM are those of the commentators themselves and should not be attributed to CBS or any of its affiliates.
Produced under the supervision of CBS News, 524 West 57 Street, New York, New York 10019 (212) 765-4321

# Golan Heights Fighting Sets Scene for Kissinger Mission

Israeli warplanes yesterday attacked Syrian military positions on Mount Hermon while the two sides continued to exchange artillery and tank fire in the 50th consecutive day of fighting on the Golan Heights.

In Jerusalem, the Israeli Cabinet met to discuss the troop disengagement proposals it will present to U.S. Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, who arrived in Egypt before proceeding on to Israel and Syria on his latest peace-seeking mission.

The Cabinet also reportedly reviewed the current status of U.S.-Israeli relations, which have been somewhat strained recently. Israeli diplomatic sources in Tel Aviv reported some friction between Kissinger and Israeli Foreign Minister Aba Eban over the latter's public criticism of the United States for voting in favor of a U.N. Security Council resolution condemning an

Israeli raid against Lebanese border villages.

U.S. Ambassador Kenneth B. Keating asked for a meeting yesterday with Eban to express official U.S. displeasure at Eban's remarks, UPI reported.

A military spokesman said all Israeli planes returned safely to base after intermittent runs over the Mount Hermon region during a half-hour period. The Israeli armed forces radio said the planes attacked Syrian tank concentrations, artillery and missile batteries.

In a delayed report, the Israeli military command also said that a patrol "east of the salient" captured by Israel on the heights last October killed two Syrian soldiers in a clash late Monday. It was the first report since the war to mention Israeli ground incursions in the direction of Damacus, which lies 25 miles northeast of the cease-fire lines.

On the ground, the Syrians

directed artillery and tank fire at Israeli positions in the northern and southern sectors of the Golan Heights battle-field.

Syrian communiques said their forces destroyed four Israeli tanks, blew up an ammunition depot and killed or wounded a number of Israeli troops in fighting that spread from Mount Hermon all along the front.

An Israeli command spokesman said that four Israeli soldiers were wounded in the artillery battles but denied a Syrian claim that an Israeli missile base and four tanks were destroyed.

The step-up in fighting along the front appears to be timed to Kissinger's visit, which is aimed at obtaining a disengagement of Syrian and Israeli forces along the Golan Heights.

Syrian newspapers said that Syrian policy was patterned after the Vietcong policy of "fighting and negotiating" at the same time.

Kissinger Meeting Sadat
On Syria Disengagement

5-1-74 N.Y. Times

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN
Special to The New York Times

ALEXANDRIA, Egypt, April 30—Secretary of State Kissinger arrived here tonight and immediately conferred with President Anwar el-Sadat as part of an effort to build a 'broad base of support for a compromise troop-separation agreement between Israel and Syria.

The mood for the meeting, held at a time of rapidly improving Egyptian-United States friendship, was symbolized by Mr. Sadat when he told the new Mrs. Kissinger, "You're among Henry's family."

After discussing the Middle East situation, including Mr. Kissinger's ideas for bringing about Israeli-Syrian disengagement when he begins shuttling between Jerusalem and Damascus later this week. Mr. Sadat and Mr. Kissinger had a private dinner with their wives at a villa east of this city on the Mediterranean.

Earlier in the day, Mr. Kissinger wound up talks with President Houari Boumedienne of Algeria before flying to an Egyptian military airbase, and then by a Soviet-built helicopter to Mr. Sadat's beachside villa.

As he was leaving Algiers this afternoon, Mr. Kissinger told newsmen that he now had "increased hope" for the success of the disengagement talks as a result of what he called the "understanding and support" given to him by Mr. Boumedienne.

Aboard the Air Force Boeing 707 jet between Algeria and Egypt, a senior American official said that the talks with Mr. Boumedienne had had the same goal as those yesterday in Geneva with the Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei A. Gromyko and tonight and tomorrow with Mr. Sadat: to gain support

Continued on Page 3, Column 1

Poli科学社

# Kissinger and Sadat Meeting on Syria

Continued From Page 1, Col. 2

for a Syrian compromise on
disengagement.

Mr. Kissinger, in turn, has stressed that he expects the Israelis to make some concessions as well.

American officials had carefully avoided making public what they believe the disengagement accord should look like, but they have said that both Israel and Syria have rejected plans submitted by the other and therefore a middle ground must be found.

In a joint statement yesterday, Moscow and Washington agreed to use their influence to promote a Middle East settlement. American officials believe that this placed an obligation on the Russians, at the minimum, not to encourage Syria to resist a compromise.

In discussions with news-
men, American officials have
said they thought the Israelis
would have to withdraw from
more of the Golan Heights than
Israel has said she would.

The Israeli withdrawal for-
mula limits a pullback to terri-
tory seized during the war last
October. The Americans tend
to the view that the Israelis
will have to give up some part
of the land occupied since the

June, 1967, war, including the
town of El Quneitra.

The Syrians would be asked to drop their insistence on major Israeli withdrawals in this initial disengagement package, from the 400 square miles occupied in 1967. The Americans also support Israel's contention that prisoners should be returned in the disengagement phase, and that there should be a significant United Nations presence in a buffer zone between the two sides.

Mr. Sadat, who has publicly
praised Mr. Kissinger as "a
mircale worker," has already
used his influence to persuade
Syria to enter disengagement
talks like those that led to last
January's accord between Egypt
and Israel.

Arab Cooperation Sought

Mr. Kissinger plans to discuss
with Mr. Sadat—as he did with
Mr. Boumediene—the kind of
compromise that he sees as
possible, and to gain support
so that if additional pressure is
needed on Syria, once the
shuttle diplomacy begins, both
will cooperate in the search for
an agreement.

In his talks with Mr. Bou-
mediene, Mr. Kissinger found a
strong desire to improve rela-
tions with the United States in

all fields. It is expected that
once a Syrian Israeli disen-
gagement accord is achieved,
Algeria will agree to restore
diplomatic relations severed
during the 1967 war. Egypt
resumed relations with Wash-
ington Feb. 28 during Mr.
Kissinger's last trip.

The dramatic improvement in
relations with the United States
has been accompanied by a rise
in tension between Cairo and
Moscow. Mr. Sadat said re-
cently he no longer wanted to
rely exclusively on arms from
the Soviet Union. But Ameri-
can officials aboard in Kis-
singer's plane insisted again
that there was no request from
Egypt to receive American arms
and there was no likelihood
that this would become a major
topic during this visit.

The Americans also stressed
that, while from the long-term
strategic situation, a diminished
Soviet influence in Egypt would
be welcome, the United States
was not urging such a policy
on Mr. Sadat.

But the officials acknowl-
edged that the decision to seek
substantial foreign aid for
Egypt was, in large measure,
an encouragement to Egypt to
follow an independent course
in foreign affairs.

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Executive Vice President and General Manager

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FRANK P. HAVEN, Managing Editor

2-Part VIII

SUNDAY, APRIL 21, 1974

Kissinger Proposes, Congress Reposes

Secretary of State Kissinger stands out among world policymakers for his competence in articulating global problems and practical solutions.

A year ago he outlined Europe's problems and what might be done to fortify the Western alliance. During the energy crisis last autumn he formulated arrangements which would have substituted cooperation for confrontation. In his speech to the special General Assembly of the United Nations on world resources last week, he gave a brilliant analysis of international interdependence and what must be done to advance economic development.

It is a useful thing, this spelling out of priorities. We are grateful that Kissinger pursues these initiatives even if his advice often seems to fall on deaf ears and even if he cannot escape the handicaps of the controversy surrounding the Administration he serves.

His voice is particularly welcome at a time when so little that is sensible is being said about the pressing problems of the world. The Europeans, in their disarray, have frustrated Kissinger's initiatives to strengthen the Atlantic community and ease the energy crisis, but offered no alternatives of their own. The Soviet Union seems deprived of a vision of world security by the myopia of exploiting short-range crises and difficulties. China's isolation continues to exacerbate fear of Moscow and to retard a renewal with the United States. And the deterioration of the poor two-thirds of the world robs them of reasoned perspective.

Kissinger's initiatives will serve little purpose in the long run, however, if they do not receive the

support they require from Congress. There are moments when it appears that the weakness and confusion of the Democratic-controlled Congress is a greater obstacle to moving ahead on international problems than the awful diversions of Watergate. The failures of Congress can be measured by inaction and paralysis extending from trade legislation to the replenishment of capital for the International Development Assn.

Kissinger's address to the special U.N. session focused on the survival of humanity. He cut through the morass of helplessness with a program of hopefulness. But it is meaningless unless his commitment is matched by Congress with action, action to support emergency food reserves, extend to, the poor nations the generalized tariff preferences which the Western Europeans already have approved, replenish the IDA capital, enlarge agricultural development aid, extend fertilizer research, adopt trade liberalization legislation so that crucial negotiations can get under way.

The secretary of state was appealing for cooperation, warning against isolation, counseling against a cartelization of scarce commodities. He was speaking to the other nations of the world. He might as well have been speaking also to Congress. For his constructive goals are challenged not only abroad but at home, by partisan forces in Congress which, like provincial forces of distant lands, fail to grasp his message on interdependence, his message that in this world at this time there is no way to survive and prosper with the old alternatives of confrontation, protectionism and insularity.

# Unmasking Fallacies That Fetter U.S. Blacks

BY J. K. OBATALA

Sometimes when my grandmother believed I wasn't treating her with proper respect or attention, she would quote a once-familiar blues passage: "You won't miss your water," she would say—continuing to do whatever she was doing—"till our well runs dry."

What she meant, of course, was that one day I would need her and she wouldn't be around—that what

J. K. Obatala is an associate professor and chairman of the department of black studies at California State University, Long Beach.

She had to offer was, perhaps, worth more than I realized.

It hardly seems likely that such a simple piece of folk-wisdom could have much bearing on the complex relationships that have evolved among Afro-Americans, America and Africa. Yet the social pressures and emotional strains to which black Americans are subject often causes their blacks to underestimate the value of being a part of American civilization and having access to its institutions.

Paradoxically, our tendency to take Western civilization for granted—and in some cases to reject it—is also reflected in an unrealistic attitude toward Africa.

For example, infanticide and other forms of human sacrifice can still be found among some African tribes. During an extended visit to Africa a few years ago, I saw drums decorated with human skulls in one country and read press reports of sacrificial ceremonies in another.

What concerns me here is not that such practices exist but that most Afro-Americans will not discuss them openly and rationally. Some black Americans have even endorsed them—claiming that they are intrinsic (and, thus, somehow valuable) aspects of "traditional culture."

What some black scholars, writers

have visible and negative effects on his own social progress.

Thus, the Afro-American's legitimate quest for greater knowledge and understanding of his culture has in many instances degenerated into a blanket endorsement of everything black. This has led not only to an unfortunate internalization of the very racism against which we are struggling, but it has also become a barrier to effective self-criticism.

Middle-class blacks often ate soul food in the presence of whites as a protest gesture, or to impress lower-income blacks. If the less-affluent blacks were ever impressed by such rituals, however, they aren't anymore, now that a bowl of chitterlings costs as much, if not more than, a steak dinner.

For the truth is that economics is a far more important factor in the preparation of soul food by blacks than

From "African Designs," by Geoffrey Williams; Dover Publications, Inc.

DICE BRANSON

Judge Francis Thomas married the Kissingers in his modest Arlington, Va. office.

PEOPLE MAGAZINE

APRIL 1974

JUST HENRY AND
NANCY AND THE
DIPLOMATIC POUCH

Their courtship had sputtered on for more than a decade, having started when the diminutive Kissinger (5'8") and the regal Nancy (almost six feet) had both worked for New York's Governor Nelson Rockefeller. Now, appropriately, their honeymoon was jet-propelled, with Rockefeller sending the couple off to Acapulco aboard his private plane. There they hid themselves away in the lavish Mediterranean-style villa of Mexican banking zillionaire Eustaquio Escandon, sometime host to much of European royalty, including Prince Philip. Having booked a table for a party of ten at a chi-chi Acapulco restaurant on their wedding night, Henry and Nancy did not show up, remaining, instead, invisibly inside the villa.

By Sunday morning, the beginning of their first full day as man and wife, the couple was scudding about a wind-whipped Acapulco Bay in a motorboat called *El Orate* (the lunatic). Clad in a pink and green print bathing suit, matching shirt and pink cap, Nancy was rarely outside the protectively embracing arm of her new husband. And the Kissingers were never outside the motor-powered loop-de-loops of the Secret Service. Indeed, few people glimpsed the honeymooners except for a crowd who stood at the dock applauding as Henry and his bride alit from the launch and jumped into a black limousine that whisked them back into seclusion. Security around Kissinger has never been tighter.

Gone, it seems, are the days when Henry and Nancy might be spied slipping out of her hotel together, dining in a quiet restaurant or, as once happened in Washington, D.C., browsing in a supermarket. By evening of that first day, gone too, it seemed, was the notion that the honeymoon was to be all motorboats and moonlight. The Mexican foreign minister—reputed to be acting as go-between for the U.S. and Cuba—had laid diplomatic siege to the pink and white villa, awaiting the Kissingers' return from a private dinner with friends. And Monday morning, the first daily diplomatic pouch had been dumped on Henry's desk.

Nobody paid the judge

Judge Francis E. Thomas of Arlington, Va. didn't know for sure until an hour before the ceremony that he was going to tie the nuptial knot for Henry Kissinger and Nancy Maginnes. But he'd certainly had hints. Starting at Christmastime, a Washington lawyer put him on call to marry "a high government official" at a moment's notice. "I guessed right from the beginning that it was Kissinger," avers Thomas, 45, who is a juvenile and domestic court judge. "But I didn't think he would make it this week. I'd read in the papers he was in Moscow."

Kissinger wore a blue business suit, white shirt and a bright blue necktie; his bride-to-be was dressed in a gold-flecked beige suit with a matching fur-trimmed coat. "They promised to love and to cherish," Thomas recalls. "But there was no mention of God. And

there were no rings. I don't think they had time to get them."

It was a relaxed ceremony. "There were no tears," Judge Thomas says. "His children were quiet. I congratulated him and called her Mrs. Kissinger. She looked a little startled and stepped back. They all do. He kissed her and they held hands. Then there was embracing and handshaking all around."

In the excitement, neither Kissinger nor his aides remembered to pay Judge Thomas for his services. "I usually get $25 for a wedding," says Thomas, who once collected $100 when he married off Lana Turner. Whether or not Henry comes through with the cash, the wedding has been a bonanza for Thomas's marrying business. The judge usually gets two or three calls a day from couples. The Monday after marrying the Kissingers, he had 25.

HEARST FOOD MAN:
GUNS AT OUR HEADS

KENNETH GREEN

Early in the program, Oakland cops subdue a woman accused of harassing them.

UPI

Kramer's colleague Peggy Maze (above) gives directions to co-workers at PIN's hectic headquarters. Below, the poor line up in Oakland for the first free distribution of food financed by Hearst.

UPI

blame any organization for the troubles, not the SLA or the coalition of activist groups that supervised the program at the SLA's insistence. "It was just the whole thing," he says now. "Any time someone announces that $2 million is being given away, every two-bit ripoff artist in town tries to get into the organization."

The logistical problems did not trouble Kramer most—the violence did. "It was the constant yelling," he says, "the constant attack. We had trucks hijacked. We had stuff go in one door and out another. To get the food to a distribution center was almost like a battle. About one-third was taken off the trucks prior to distribution. You have to remember that we were under the SLA edict of no police, no cameras, and no identification."

On one occasion, the Oakland police had tracked down five hundred missing cases of chicken. "We can go and get it, and get it back to you," they told Kramer, "so you can feed the poor." But the coalition in charge veered to the idea, he recalls. "We were able to secure our own warehouse pretty well toward the end with people we hired, but it took twelve men a night just to keep our warehouse secure."

Despite the trauma, the threats and the ever-present hustling, Kramer staunchly clings to the belief that something good was accomplished. "Within forty-eight hours we put together the largest private food distribution system in the history of this country," he says proudly. "There were a helluva lot of dedicated volunteers who worked awfully hard day in and day out. We got 150,000 distributions out, so we did meet the SLA demands. We had good food and a lot of people who needed it did get it. If that's no good, I don't know what's good."

There were moments, however, when he remembers that if someone had said, " 'Lud Kramer, get out of here!' I would have said, 'Hallelujah!' " But he stayed, and so did his colleagues Peggy Maze and Patrick Colton. And they all have the scars to prove it.

"Peggy ended up with a smashed thumb," he says, "and Pat got ulcers, and I have kidney stones." He is also twenty-two pounds lighter. Having managed to feed a couple of hundred thousand Californians Kramer somehow forgot to feed himself.

JANE ESTES

Back in Olympia, a tired Ludlow Kramer reflects on his 35-day ordeal.

ROBERT KELLEY

Haggard, sadder, and undoubtedly wiser, Albert Ludlow Kramer III, director of Randolph Hearst's California food giveaway, has now returned to his job as Washington's Secretary of State. For 35 grueling days he ran People in Need (PIN), the relief effort controlled by a coalition of six community poverty groups and financed by Hearst in the hope of securing the release of daughter Patricia from her Symbionese Liberation Army kidnappers. Now, $2 million, 150,000 food parcels, 4,000 volunteers and uncounted ripoffs later, Kramer's ordeal is over.

It was not that the 42-year-old liberal Republican was unacquainted with the manifold problems of relief. He had been a power behind Seattle's successful effort to aid the largely middle-class victims of the Boeing recession. Yet somehow this time it was all different. "We were threatened 17 times," he recalls sadly. "Twice with guns pointed right at our heads. By that time we had bodyguards and they talked the men out of it." The warehouse containing food was an even more inviting target, says Kramer. "We got to the point where it was getting hit 55 times a night," he says. "Once our guards walked up to me in the middle of the night, handed me their guns, and said: 'We're not going to stay here. You defend the damned place.'

"Every time we sent food out, it wasn't how do we get a truck to take the food, it was how do we get it there under cover of darkness?"

Kramer nevertheless refuses to