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impoverishment" of the working class deepens, the market for the products of capitalist industry begins to disappear. The forces of production have created a plethora of goods; the capitalists cease to find it profitable to produce; the masses starve; they are impelled into action; revolution. However primitive this argument, it has an impelling simplicity. Here we are not dealing with academic theories of over-production or under-consumption; this is an apocalyptic prophecy, a prophecy of doom for the enemy and victory for the elect.

With the contributions of Lenin and Stalin, the apocalypse is dated, brought close. The Leninist theory of imperalism presents this crisis expanded on an international scale. The development of massive monopolies, product of the union of finance and industrial capital, locked in titanic struggles for the undeveloped portions of the world, rises to a climax in internecine imperialist wars between the great capitalist powers. The colonial peoples challenge the capitalists. Then comes the proletariat's opportunity to overthrow the whole system.

The Soviet revolution, removing a large section of the world from the capitalist system, creates the final tension. Stalin's theory of the "general crisis" sets forth the conditions of this last exacerbation of the contradictions of capitalism and places the end of the world-wide system on the order of

ism and places the end of the world-wide system on the order of
times of this last exacerbation of the contradictions of capital-
Stalin's theory of the "general crisis," sets forth the condi-
world from the capitalist system, creates the final tension.

The Soviet revolution, removing a large section of the
proletariat, an opportunity to overthrow the whole system.
The colonial peoples challenge the capitalists. Then comes the
intermediate imperialist war between the great capitalist powers.
the undeveloped portions of the world, rises to a climax in
finance and industrial capital, locked in titanic struggles for
development of massive monopolies, product of the union of
presents this crisis expanded on an international scale. The
is dated, brought close. The Leninist theory of imperialism
With the contributions of Marx and Stalin, the abysmously
of doom for the enemy and victory for the effect.
under-consumption; this is an abysmalprophecy, a prophecy
we are not dealing with academic theories of over-production or
primitive this argument, it has an compelling simplicity. Here
starve; they are impelled into action; revolution. However
capitalists cease to find it profitable to produce; the masses
forces of production have created a plethora of goods; the
the products of capitalist industry begins to disappear. The
inboverallment" of the working class deepens, the market for

[rd]

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4 - 23

the day.

It matters little that the economic developments of the hundred years since Marx contradict his theories at every point. The political realities of the era seem to the Communist to confirm them. Although the victories of Communism arise from the power of the Red Army, from the corroding infiltration of conspiratorial Communist parties, and from the weak and divided counsels of the West, every such advance strengthens in the Communist mind the certainty of the conquering correctness of his theory. In this field, as in all others, it would be a mistake to underrate the power of Communist theory in the Communist personality because it is rationally or empirically refutable. Communist theory is powerful not because it is true; most obviously it is not. It is powerful because _it is believed_. Each aspect may be intellectually weak enough on its own, but in the total theoretical structure each strengthens the other and a unified view is created. Theories which, standing on their own, would be ludicrous, take on the seeming luminosity of truth.

## Theory of the State

As with economic theory, so it is with political theory. Tested by the actual development of state forms -- particularly

Tested by the actual development of state forms -- particularly
as with economic theory, so it is with political theory.

## *Theory of the State*

of truth.
their own, would be indigrous, take on the seeming lunacy
and a unmitigated view is created. Theories which, standing on
in the total theoretical structure each strengthens the other
Each aspect may be intellectually weak enough on its own, but
most obviously it is not. It is powerfully because *it is believed*.
regardless. Communist theory is powerful not because it is true;
communist personality because it is rationally or empirically
mistake to underrate the power of Communist theory in the Com-
mittee theory. In this field, as in all others, it would be a
Communist mind the certainty of the concurring correctness of
claims of the West, every such advance strengthening in the
conspiratorial Communist parties, and from the weak and divided
the power of the Red Army, from the corroding infiltration of
confirm them. Although the victories of Communism arise from
The political realities of the era seem to the Communist to
hundred years since Marx contradict his theories at every point.
It matters little that the economic developments of the
today.

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4 - 24

over the past half-century -- the Marxist-Leninist theory of the state is patently untenable. But its truth for the Communist is its congruence with the rest of the theoretical structure. Rather than the facts confuting the theory, the theory transforms the facts. If at first sight it does not seem that, for example, Harry Truman was the picked representative of a ruthless concentrated capitalist class, "the head of a band of militant imperialists," as the *Daily Worker* once called him, then something is wrong with first sight. A further examination of the facts is necessary to arrive at their "true inner significance."

The state is part of the superstructure. However complex its forms, and the moral, political and juridical ideas which justify those forms, its character is determined by the substructure, by the existing relations of production. Its function is to defend by force the position of the ruling class and to maintain by force the oppression and exploitation of the ruled. Everything else the state may do or seem to do is accidental to its essence and to be ignored in serious political analysis.

Since it is an instrument of pure force, functioning to preserve existing relations of production, progress can come about only through the application of force to it, that is, through its violent overthrow. This doctrine is true of every

through its violent overthrow. This doctrine is true of every
spontaneous through the application of force to it, that is,
balance existing relations of production, progress can come
since it is an instrument of pure force, functioning to
to its essence and to be ignored in serious political analyses.
Everything else the state may do or seem to do is accidental
tain by force the oppression and exploitation of the ruled.
to defend by force the position of the ruling class and to main-
tain by the existing relations of production. Its function is
justify those forms, its character is determined by the superstruc-
its forms, and the moral, political and juridical ideas which
The state is part of the superstructure. However complex
cance."

of the facts is necessary to arrive at their "true inner signifi-
then something is wrong with first sight. A further examination
of militant imperatives," as the *Daily Worker* once called him,
a ruthless concentrated capitalist class, "the head of a band
that, for example, Harry Trumau was the picked representative of
theory transforms the facts. It at first sight it does not seem
structure. Rather than the facts confuting the theory, the
militant is its congruence with the rest of the theoretical
the state is patently untenable. But its truth for the Com-
over the best half-century -- the Marxist-Revolutist theory of

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4 - 25

society except the Socialist society. Only the proletarian state, though itself a dictatorship as all states must be, will in the end "wither away." It will not have to be violently overthrown because the proletariat can, by doctrine, never stand in the way of the developing forces of production. Oppressing no one but the exploiters of the past, when it has destroyed them, it will no longer need a state apparatus.

There are times, of course, when a current Party line, such as the Peoples Front position of the Thirties, seems to be based upon an analysis which would contradict the dogmatic certainty of the theory of the state. Where such a line is sufficiently long-lasting and thoroughly carried out so that the explanation of "tactical maneuver" is not fully satisfactory, the basic purity of the doctrine is protected by adroit gymnastics based on some casual remark of Marx or Lenin about temporary situations when the state machine can be neutralized to a degree because of a momentary balance of class forces. But then it is emphasized even more categorically that this in no way changes the essential character and function of the state.

The living result of Marxist-Leninist political theory is this: the existing capitalist state is force and the existing capitalist state is the enemy. Against it all measures are justifiable, and the Communist must expect it to take all measures

Justifiable, and the Communist must expect it to take all measures
capitalist state is the enemy. Against it all measures are
this: the existing capitalist state is force and the existing
The living result of Marxist-Communist political theory is
character and function of the state.

even more categorically that this in no way changes the essential
a momentary balance of class forces. But then it is emphasized
when the state machine can be neutralized to a degree because of
on some causal remark of Marx or Lenin about temporary situations
burden of the doctrine is protected by adroit Gymnastics based
of "tactical maneuver," is not fully satisfactory, the base
long-lasting and thoroughly carried out so that the explanation
of the theory of the state. Where such a line is sufficiently
upon an analysis which would contradict the dogmatic certainty
as the Peoples Front position of the Twentieth seems to be based
There are times, of course, when a current party line, such
it will no longer need a state apparatus.

one put the exploiters of the past, when it has destroyed them,
in the way of the developing forces of production. Obstructing no
overthrow because the proletariat can, by doctrine, never stand
will in the end "wither away." It will not have to be violently
state, though itself a dictatorship as all states must be,
society except the Socialist society. Only the proletarian

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4 - 26

against him. Its Bill of Rights, its legal protections, are but shams, hiding the naked reality of power. Insofar as the need for camouflage creates contradictions which can be utilized for tactical purposes in the struggle, well and good. The Communist laughs cynically and works them for all that is in them.

He prides himself that, unlike the "confused" liberals and Social Democrats with their "illusions" about democracy and constitutional safeguards, he knows how things really are. This viewpoint not only enables him to adopt an absolutely free, immoral and treasonable attitude toward his own country; it also provides him with the ability to accept, even to glorify, those horrors of the Soviet dictatorship which are pressed upon his attention so strongly that he is unable to deny them point-blank as lies and distortions. Force is the nature of states, and therefore the dictatorship of the proletariat must also be the rule of force. It is "the rule -- unrestricted by law and based on force -- of the proletariat over the bourgeoisie."¹⁸ But this dictatorship is the agent of History, of the future, of the good. Force is force, violence is violence; but proletarian force is as good as the force of the capitalist state is bad.¹⁹ Force, power, is the law of history. The only important question is the end for which it is exerted; on which side do you stand?

Other theories of the state besides the Leninist stress

Other theories of the state besides the premier stress
the end for which it is exerted: on which side do you stand?
Power, is the law of history. The only important question is
as good as the force of the capitalist state is bad.¹⁹ Force,
Force is force, violence is violence; put proletariat force is
dictatorship is the agent of History, of the future, of the good.
on force -- of the proletariat over the poor geocite.¹⁸ But this
rule of force. It is "the rule -- unrestricted by law and based
therefore the dictatorship of the proletariat must also be the
as life and distortions. Force is the nature of states, and
attention so strongly that he is unable to deny them point-plain
horrors of the Soviet dictatorship which are bressed upon his
provides him with the ability to accept, even to glorify, those
moral and reasonable attitude toward his own country: it also
viewpoint not only enables him to adopt an absolutely free,
institutional safeguards, he knows how things really are. The
Social Democrats with their "illusions" spout democracy and con-
He brides himself that, unlike the "confused"iberals and
unmitigated laughs canically and works them for all that is in them.
for tactical burpooes in the struggle, well and good. The Com-
need for camouflage creates contradictions which can be utilized
put shame, hiding the naked reality of power. Insofar as the
against him. Its Bill of Rights, its legal protections, are

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[n]

4 - 27

[LC]

the importance of the criterion of power; but for the Communist
it is not an idea held abstractly or as an ultimate explanation;
it is direct and personal in application. "Get out in a demon-
stration and get cracked on the head by a police club; you'll
learn more about the state in thirty seconds than in a year of
reading."

The whole complex of politics is reduced to the operational
simplicity of a battle plan. Communist political activity be-
comes simply and directly a war for the destruction of the
enemy state -- a war ~~do battle~~ waged on a hundred levels with
indirect, subsidiary and flanking operations that on the surface
look far removed in substance or in form from the final aim, but
all of which have meaning only in terms of that final aim.

## Strategy and Tactics

In this war all the ramifications of Communist theory --
its philosophy, its moral theory, its historical and sociological
doctrine -- have their outcome. Here the unity of theory and
practice is attained; Marxist-Leninist theory "realizes" itself
in the material world from which it arose. Communist strategy
and tactics, in which the edifice of theory culminates, is at
the same time the operational doctrine of action -- the war
doctrine of Marxism-Leninism. Its precepts are stated in terms
of military science and cover the whole range of Communist activi-

of military science and cover the whole range of Communist activi-
docicine of Markiat-Reniniat. Its brevities are stated in terms
the same time the operational doctrine of action -- the war
and tactics, in which the edition of theory culminates, is at
in the material world from which it arises. Communist strategy
practice is attained; Markiat-Reniniat theory "realizes" itself
docicine -- have their outcome. Here the unity of theory and
its philosophy, its moral theory, its historical and sociological
In this war all the ramifications of Communist theory --

Strategy and Tactics

all of which have meaning only in terms of that final aim.
took far removed in substance or in form from the final aim, put
indirect, supradinary and flanking operations that on the surface
ennemy state -- a war, as it were, waged on a hundred levels with
comes simply and directly a war for the destruction of the
simplicity of a battle plan. Communist political activity pe-
reading."

team more spont the state in thirty seconds than in a year of
stration and get cracked on the head by a police club; you'll
it is direct and personal in application. "Get out in a demon-
it is not an idea held abstractly or as an ultimate explanation;
the importance of the criterion of power; but for the Communist

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4 - 28

ties. It gives the tone, it is the form in which the Communist attitude of control is made manifest in life.

Communist strategical doctrine deals with the analysis by the general staff, the Party, of the elements of action: of the main force (the proletariat and, in particular, the state power of "the dictatorship of the proletariat"); of the reserves of the proletariat (the colonial peoples, the peasantry, the middle classes); of the situation of the enemy and the direction of the next blow against him at any stage. The field of action is international; the duration of the struggle indefinite; and the modes of struggle as infinitely complex as society itself.

The choice of these modes, of forms of struggle and forms of organization, is the task of tactics; and the decisive criterion of tactical leadership is the ability to "locate at any given moment that particular link in the chain of processes which, if grasped, will enable us to hold the whole chain and to prepare the conditions for achieving strategic success."²⁰ Yester-day, the exploitation of anti-Fascism; today, of the nationalism of Nasser, Sukarno, Nehru, Castro.

Tactics must always be subordinated to strategy, strategy to the theoretical presuppositions of Marxism-Leninism.²¹ But no other limitations, of habit or custom, lethargy or fear, no criteria external to the system, are allowed to enter into

criteria external to the system, are allowed to enter into
no other limitations, of habit or custom, lethargy or fear, no
to the theoretical prepositions of Marxian-remittent.⁵¹ But
Tactics must always be subordinated to strategy, strategy
of Hissar, Sukarno, Nehru, Castro.

day, the exploitation of anti-Biasian; today, of the national民
bare the conditions for achieving strategic success."⁵⁰ Yester-
it Grabbed, will enable us to hold the whole chain and to pre-
moment that particular link in the chain of processes which,
of tactical leadership, is the ability to locate at any given
organization, is the task of tactics; and the decisive criterion
The choice of these modes, of forms of struggle and forms of
modes of struggle as infinitely complex as society itself.

ternational; the duration of the struggle indefinite; and the
next blow against him at any stage. The field of action is im-
classes); of the situation of the enemy and the direction of the
the proletariat (the colonial peoples, the beasamry, the middle
of "the dictatorship of the proletariat"); of the reserves of
main force (the proletariat and, in particular, the state power
the general staff, the party, of the elements of action: of the
Communist strategical doctrine deals with the analysis by
attitude of control is made manifest in life.

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4 - 29

strategical and tactical thinking. The Communist attitude on
the peasantry, the middle classes, national minorities, women,
Negroes, Jews, is determined solely by strategical and tactical
considerations. Of course, most of those who enter the Commun-
ist movement do so with already existing attitudes on some of
these questions, developed originally from personal thought
based on many considerations. Insofar as they become real Com-
munists, however, every attitude they hold on such issues is
strictly derived from strategical and tactical considerations.

This strategical and tactical approach to problems is not
limited to major questions. It permeates every attitude at
every level of the Party -- whether it be the decision of a
leading committee or the personal act of an individual Communist.
Within the general line, there is a strategy and tactics for
every level. The subordinate leader, as well as the individual
himself in many circumstances, is expected to work out his own
tactics, and sometimes even to develop a limited strategy.

Strategy and tactics is a matter for every Communist to master,
not simply a question for the top leadership. In every situation
he must ask himself: "What is the objective situation, what
forces do we have, what allies can be won, what is the first
thing to be done, what mechanisms are available or can be
created?"

created?"

This strategy and tactical approach to problems is not strictly derived from strategical and tactical considerations. Dictators, however, every attitude they hold on such issues is based on many considerations. Insofar as they become real Com- these questions, developed originally from personal thought, that movement do so with already existing attitudes on some of considerations. Of course, most of those who enter the Commun- Negros, Tens, is determined solely by strategical and tactical the beasamry, the middle classes, national minorities, women, strategical and tactical thinking. The Communist attitude on

4 - 29

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4 - 30

[lc]

Whether it is actually thought out as formally as this or becomes an acquired habit of mind, this is the kind of approach which in the Communist takes the place of the moral judgment of the best moments of other men, as it takes the place of the rationalized selfishness of their worst moments. From the course to be pursued in a trade union or a P.-T.A., to the position of the Party in a Presidential election, from fraternization with Negroes to justification of the Soviet slave camps, no matter how different the problem, the criterion is always the same: what is strategically and tactically desirable?

"What is to be done?" is a continuing question, the only important question for the Communist. To do, to act, to control, is his being. His only "live option" is what to do in the specific situation. All the rest History determines. What History has determined, Marxist-Leninist theory both passively reflects and actively brings about -- brings it about through Marxist-Leninist men, through conscious Communists.²²

It is in men, Communist men, that theory and practice fuse. Thus they become History: "We are the future." Arrogating to themselves a quality, the unity of thought and action, which is manifestly absurd in men -- which Western thought has always attributed as a distinguishing quality to God -- they acquire a strength and confidence which, like the fearful evil they bring into being, can only be described as Luciferian.

into being, can only be described as pacifistic.

manifestly apparent in men -- which Western thought has always

Time they become History: "We are the future." Arrogating to

Marxist-Feminist men, through conscious Communists.²²

History has determined, Marxist-Feminist theory both basically

it is being. Its only "five option" is what to do in the

it always the same: what is strategically and tactically desirable?

slave camps, no matter how different the problem, the criterion
fraternisation with Negroes to justification of the Soviet
to the position of the Party in a Presidential election, from

place of the rationalized selflessness of their worst moments.

Judgment of the best moments of other men, as it takes the

[2] 4 - 30

NOTES - Chapter 4 - Philosophical Pressure

1

[LC]

1. Cf. Raymond A. Bauer, *The New Man in Soviet Psychology* (Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1952): "The basic principle of modern Soviet didactics is the principle of conscious understanding." (p. 163). "The Bolshevik controls man by training his motives and shaping his ideology; he then expects an individual consciously, and unfailingly, to carry out the task assigned to him.... The Bolshevik insists on man's responsibility for his behavior and on his ability to make his own destiny. He follows the Party line because the Party is 'right' and because he presumably understands why it is right..." (pp. 177-178).

2. "...basically, the ideology of the Soviet rulers, however altered and shaped, remains the framework within which decisions are made. While national interests are strong, their implementation is predicated upon Marxist methodology. In fact it is difficult to imagine any other philosophical concept commanding the allegiance of the men in the Kremlin. Nurtured on Marxism, they have, since Lenin, been exposed to no other system or idea." —Robert Paul Browder, "The Two Faces of Soviet Foreign Policy," *Colorado Quarterly*, Winter, 1955, p. 260; my emphasis.

"The tremendous militancy of the Soviet government --

"The tremendous militancy of the Soviet Government --

Winter, 1922, b. 260; my emphasis.

Two faces of Soviet foreign policy," *Colorado Quarterly*, to no other system or ideas," Robert Paul Browder, "The Mutured on Marxism, they have, since Lenin, been exposed cept commanding the allegiance of the men in the Kremlin. fact it is difficult to imagine any other philosophical con- implementation is predicated upon Marxist methodology. In *in- tions are made*. While national interests are strong, their *siltered and snared*, remains the framework within which *decis- sions are made*.

3. "...basically, the ideology (of the Soviet rulers), however understands why it is right..." (bb. 117-118).

Time because the party is 'right,' and because he presumably
has apity to make his own destiny. He follows the party
iniate on man's responsibility for his behavior and on
to carry out the task assigned to him.... The Bolshavik
he then expects an individual consecutively, and un failingly,
trope man by training his motives and shaping his ideology;
consecutive understanding." (b. 193). "The Bolshavik con-
principle of modern Soviet didactics is the principle of
(Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1922): "The Basic
1. Ct. Raymond V. Bauer, *The New Man in Soviet Psychology*

NOTES - Chapter 4 - Philosophical Presses

I

[c]

[lc]

2

'dynamism' is the polite new term -- *stems* not from any inherent qualities of the Russian nation but *from the* warlike and messianic *ideology of its Communist rulers.*" David J. Dallin, *The New Soviet Empire*, London, Hollis & Carter, 1951, p. 72; my emphasis.

"Cette même constation [as for members of the Communist Party of France] vaut pour les membres du parti bolchevik, et celui qui la néglige est condamné à ne rien comprendre de la situation actuelle de l'U.R.S.S." A. Rossi, *Physiologie du Parti Communiste Francais*, Paris, Éditions Self, 1948, p. 320, ftn. 2.

3. "The party could not exist without the ideology providing its doctrinal legitimacy. Ideology may be manipulated to suit policy, but it is still there, not merely reflecting the needs of the rulers but shaping their mentalities as well. Doctrinal rationalization has not ended with Lenin, nor has falsification ended with Stalin... The history of Soviet thought can be regarded as a struggle of doctrine with reality, or as a process of adjustment to intractable reality. When the latter is finally accepted, the doctrinal formula of acceptance is referred to as 'the creative development of Marxism.'" Leopold Labedz, "Ideology: The Fourth Stage," *Problems of Communism*, Nov.-Dec., 1959, p. 3.

The Fourth Stage," *Programs of Communism*, Nov.-Dec., 1930, p. 3.

development of Marxism," Reeborg Raposa, "Ideology: formula of acceptance is referred to as 'the creative reality.' When the latter is finally accepted, the doctrinal with reality, or as a process of adjustment to intractable Soviet thought can be regarded as a struggle of doctrine pass falsification ambed with Stalin... The history of Doctrinal rationalization has not engaged with Lenin, nor needs of the party put shaping their mentalities as well. policy, put it as still there, not merely reflecting the doctrinal legitimacy. Ideology may be manipulated to suit p. 350, ttw. 3.

du Parti Communiste Francophone, Paris, Editions Sept. 1948,
situation actuelle de l'U.R.S.S.," V. Rose, *Médiathèque
dut is négatif est consummé a ne rien comprendre de la
of France) auront besoin les mempres du parti pochette', et cefut
"Cette même constatation [as for members of the Communist Party

Carter, 1921, p. 12; my emphaSES.

David J. Dallin, *The New Soviet Empire*, London, Harle &
Marxlike and messianic ideology of its Communist rulers*,
inherent dualities of the Russian nation put from the
'dynamism' is the bitters new term -- *afams* not from any

NOTES - Chapter 4 - Philosophical Prejudice

3

[LC]

3

4. "Communism in action is today a very intricate religion of power. The ideology of Communism has been neither abandoned nor pushed aside in the expansionist drive of Soviet Russia. It has become an integral part of the interpretation of political power by the masters of world Communism. Collectivization, political terror, industrial planning, and mass education and indoctrination are not separate items of a political program, either as relics of earlier idealism or as results of today's corruption, but they all fit together into the composite picture of the Communist understanding of political power." Adam B. Ulam, *Titoism and the Cominform*, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1952, p. 260.

5. "Communism is thus a Weltanschauung based upon a closely articulated body of doctrine -- philosophic, economic, political and social -- which claims alone to provide the scientific explanation of the world. It has to be studied as a whole, and it is impermissible to abstract from it certain elements which may happen to interest us and to ignore the others. It is impossible to understand communist activity without a knowledge of the system upon which it rests. Every Communist who holds any important position has been well instructed in it so that he knows just where he stands, and has an answer to everything, which is far

he stands, and has an answer to everything, which is far
has been well instructed in it so that he knows that where
rests. Every Communist who holds any important position
activity without a knowledge of the system upon which it
ignore the others. It is impossible to understand communi-
certain elements which may happen to interest us and to
as a whole, and it is impossible to abstract from it
scientific explanation of the world. It has to be studied
political and social -- which claims alone to provide the
articulated body of doctrine --andrope, economic,

3. "Communism is thus a Weltanschauung based upon a closely
Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 1922, p. 200.

political power." Adam B. Ulam, Titotam and the Comintern,

into the composite picture of the Communist understanding of
as results of today's corruption, put they all fit together
political programs, either as联系 of earlier ideas or
education and indoctrination are not separate items of a
DIVISION, political terror, industrial暴rule, and was
political power by the masters of world Communism. Collect-
ing power is an integral part of the interpretation of
the pushed aside in the expansionist drive of Soviet Russia.

power. The ideology of Communism has been neither espoused
4. "Communism in action is today a very utopian religion of

NOTES - Chapter 4 - Political Philosophy

3

[cc]

4

[Lc]

from being the case with the majority of his opponents; and to discuss any problem with an intelligent and politically developed Communist is to become aware that he is living in a different climate of opinion from our own and that his values are not ours." R. N. Carew Hunt, *The Theory and Practice of Communism*, New York, The Macmillan Company, 1954, p. 7.

6. Cf.: "For the communist believer thinks his doctrine, as a system of dogmas, is rational; and the rational, in his opinion, is an anticipation of the real. Therefore the irrational element in the world must be progressively reduced until the rational and the real are completely and finally equated.

Monnerot, *Sociology and Psychology of Communism*, p. 185, emphasis in original.

7. Lenin, Materialism and Empirio-Criticism, *Selected Works*, Vol. XI, p. 205 (New York: International Publishers, 1943).

8. Karl Marx, Second Thesis on Feurebach, *The German Ideology*, p. 197. (New York: International Publishers, 1939)

9. Cf. Mao Tse-Tung: "All key Party workers on the various levels throughout the land should all understand that the close union of theory and practice is one of the salient features by which our Communists are distinguished from all other political parties." "On Coalition Government, April

other political parties." "On Coalition Government," April features by which our Commentators are distinguished from all close union of theory and practice is one of the salient reveals throughout the land should all understand that the

9. Cf. Mao Tse-Tung: "All key party workers on the various parties should understand that the reveals throughout the land should all understand that the

8. Karl Marx, *Second Theory on Marxism*, The German Ideology, 1901, XI, p. 302 (New York: International Publishers, 1943).
7. Lenin, *Materialism and Empirio-Criticism*, Selected Works, Emphasizes in original.

Monnerot, *Sociology and Psychology of Communism*, b. 182, *Rational and the real* are completely and finitely opposed. Element in the world must be progressively reduced *until the ion*, is an anticipation of the real. Therefore the irrational system of degrees, is rational; and the rational, in its obin- g. Cf.: "For the communist believer thinks his doctrine, as a 1924, b. 7.

*and Practice of Communism*, New York, The Macmillan Company, that his values are not ours." R. N. Cazem Hunt, *The Theory living in a different climate of opinion from our own and ically developed Communist to become aware that he is and to discuss any problem with an intelligent and intelligent opponent*

4

5

[LC]

24, 1945," in *A Documentary History of Chinese Communism*,
p. 316.

Also: "As the study of theory is normally uncongenial to
our national temperament, it is commonly argued that the
present Russian rulers are hard-headed realists who believe
in nothing, that they are simply engaged upon 'power politics'
and that the Communist Parties which they direct act likewise.
In this event we need only be concerned with their practice,
and may regard their theories as no more than *ex post facto*
rationalisations. Yet there is no doubt that Communists do
believe that they are applying to political situations a
theory which they fervently accept and which they hold to
be scientific.... Communists never forget their own theo-
retical principles.... [*this*] reflects ... the belief
that Marxism is a science, and that communist strategy and
tactics derive from it by strictly logical deduction."
R. N. Carew Hunt, *The Theory and Practice of Communism*, 1954,
p. v.

10. Lenin, The Tasks of the Youth Leagues, *Selected Works*, Vol. IX, pp. 475-78. (New York: International Publishers, 1943)

1943)

Vol. IX, pp. 412-78. (New York: International Publishers, 1943).
10. Ralin, The Tasks of the Youth Leagues, Selected Works,

b. v.

R. N. Carew Hunt, *The Theory and Practice of Communism*, 1924,
cacics derive from it by strictly logical deduction."

that Marxism is a science, and that communist strategy and
radical principles.... [This] reflects ... the perfect
pe scientific.... Communists never forget their own theo-
tical which they fundamentally accept and which they hold to
believe that they are applying to political situations a
rationalistations. Yet there is no doubt that Communists do
and may regard their theories as no more than ex post facto
in this event we need only be concerned with their practice,
and that the Communist Parties which they direct act likewise.
in nothing, that they are implicitly engaged upon 'power politics,
present Soviet rulers are hard-headed realists who believe
our national temperament', it is commonly argued that the
Video: "As the study of theory is normally unconfidential to
b. 3rd.

34. 1942," in *A Documentary History of Chinese Communism*,

NOTES - Chapter 4 - Philosophical Pressme

3

[fc]

66

[LC]

11. "What vileness would you not commit to exterminate vileness?

Could you change the world, for what would you be too good?

Who are you?

Sink into the mud, embrace the butcher, but change the world: it needs it."

Song of the Controlchorus from Bertolt Brecht's *Die Massnahme*, translation from Ruth Fischer's *Stalin and German Communism*, p. 622.

"The question, Comrade, shows that you are thinking in mechanistic, not in dialectical, terms. What is the difference between a gun in the hands of a policeman and a gun in the hands of a member of the revolutionary working class? The difference between a gun in the hands of a policeman and in the hands of a member of the revolutionary working class is that the policemen is a lackey of the ruling class and his gun an instrument of oppression, whereas the same gun in the hands of a member of the revolutionary working class is an instrument of the liberation of the oppressed masses." Arthur Koestler in *The God That Failed*, p. 47

"The choice of weapons is governed exclusively by their effectiveness." Monnerot, *Sociology and Psychology of Communism*, p. 256.

The God That Walks, p. 44

of the liberation of the oppressed masses." Arthur Koestler in
range of a member of the revolutionary working class in an instrument
and his gun an instrument of oppression, whereas the same gun in the
working class is that the policeman is a jockey of the ruling class
of a policeman and in the range of a member of the revolutionary
revolutionary working class? The difference between a gun in the range
range of a policeman and a gun in the range of a member of the
not in dialectical terms. What is the difference between a gun in the
"The question, comma," shows that you are thinking in dialectical.

6-A

[lc]

12. Engels, *Anti-Dühring* (New York: International Publishers, n.d.), p. 130-31.

13. Karl Marx, *The Critique of Political Economy* (Chicago: Charles H. Kerr & Co., 1904), p. 11.

14. Marx, *Critique of Political Economy*, p. 12.

15. Kautsky, quoted by Lenin as a central and integral part of his argument in *What Is To Be Done*, *Selected Works*, Vol. II, pp. 61-62.

16. Lenin, *What Is To Be Done*, *Selected Works*, Vol. II, p. 47.

[Lc]

7

17. History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolsheviks), p. 353 (New York: International Publishers, 1939).

18. Stalin, *Foundation of Leninism* (New York: International Publishers, 1939), p. 53.

19. The Communist criticism of Stalin after his death was directed not against the use of force as force, but against capricious acts of force -- acts harmful to the Party not because they were terroristic, but because they were wrongly directed.

20. Stalin, *Foundations of Leninism*, p. 101.

21. "The Soviet system by its very nature attempts to secure the universality of its absolutes, as stipulated by Soviet ideology. Any given policy expresses to some degree this underlying motivation. The larger the obstacle, apparent or real, facing such universalization, the less emphasis is put on universalization itself and the more [on the] flexible components of policy designed to cope with and eventually disintegrate the obstacles. Once this objective is accomplished, the true goal of policy resumes its full role. The aim of Soviet ideology -- domination of the world -- does not change; strategy, operational direction, tactics, and propaganda do." Jan F. Triska, "A Model for Study of Soviet Foreign Policy," *American Political Science Review*, March, 1958, pp. 70-71.

March, 1928, pp. 70-71.
Soviet Foreign Policy," *American Political Science Review*, and brochures do." Jan F. Tříše, "A Model for Study of does not change: strategy, operational direction, tactics, role." The aim of Soviet ideology -- domination of the world -- is accomplished, the true goal of policy resumes its full eventually disintegrate the obstacles. Once this objective flexible components of policy designed to cope with and is put on universalization itself and the more [on the] or less facing such universalization, the less ambivalent underlying motivation. The larger the obstacle, the apparent ideology. And given policy expresses to some degree this universality of its absolutes, as stipulated by Soviet

31. "The Soviet system by its very nature attempts to secure the
20. Stalin, *Foundations of Communism*, p. 101.

were terroristic, but because they were wrongly directed,
acts of force -- acts harmful to the party not because they
not against the use of force as force, but against cabarettes
19. The Communist criticism of Stalin after his death was directed
 to publishers, 1939), p. 23.

18. Stalin, *Foundation of Communism* (New York: International
1939).

19. History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union
(Dobrevitskii), b. 323 (New York: International Publishers,

NOTES - Chapter 4 - Philosophical Problems

7

[il]

8

[10]

22. Cf.: "It is the vision of man's liberated mind, by the sole force of its rational intelligence, redirecting man's destiny and reorganizing man's life and the world."
Whittaker Chambers, *Witness*, New York, Random House, 1952, p. 9.

8

Wittaker Chambers, *Witness*, New York, Random House, 1955, p. 9.

desire and reorganizing man's life and the world."

23. Cf.: "It is the vision of man's liberated mind," by the
sole force of its rational intelligence, redirecting man's
world.