# 'Kissinger's White House Years:'

SEP 24 1979

## Nixon hated to give direct orders

NEW YORK (AP) — Henry Kissinger, who served Richard Nixon as national security adviser and secretary of state, says "nothing is more askew than the popular image of Nixon as an imperial President barking orders at cowed subordinates."

That view is contained in the first ex-
cerpts of Kissinger's memoirs, "Kiss-
singer: White House Years," published
today in Time magazine. Time owns the
North American rights to excerpts from
the book.

The 1,521-page book, to be published
in October by Boston's Little Brown
And Co. for sale at a price of $22.50,
covers the period from Nixon's election
as president in 1968 through his first
term.

The available sections include few
revelations, but they provide candid
sketches of Nixon and other world lead-
ers.

Of his former boss, Kissinger wrote:
"Nixon hated to give direct orders,
especially to those who might disagree
with him ..."

Elsewhere, the shuttle diplomat con-
centrates on his specialty — U.S. for-
eign policy.

Of U.S.-Soviet relations, Kissinger
wrote: "The superpowers behave like
two heavily armed blind men feeling

their way around a room, each believ-
ing himself in mortal peril from the
other, whom he assumes to have perfect
vision ... Of course, over time even two
armed blind men in a room can do enor-
mous damage to each other, not to
speak of the room."

He also detailed the diplomatic crisis
of 1970 involving Soviet moves toward
establishing a nuclear attack submarine
base in Cuba — a rough parallel to the
Carter administration's current dispute
with Moscow over reports of a Soviet
brigade on the Caribbean island.

Declaring that "in foreign policy,
crude tricks are almost always self-de-
feating," Kissinger emphasized that
"quiet diplomacy" and the offer of a
clear but dignified way out for the So-
viets were the keys to resolving the cri-
sis.

Two years later, visiting Moscow on a
secret mission to prepare for a U.S.-So-
viet summit, Kissinger found Soviet
President Leonid Brezhnev a compli-
cated man, according to the Time ex-
cerpts.

By contrast, Kissinger described the
Chinese diplomats he met as "meticu-
lously reliable." Of Premier Chou En-lai,
Kissinger said he was "one of the two or
three most impressive men I have ever
met."

F-8—THE PENINSULA TIMES TRIBUNE, Monday, September 24, 1979 ★ ★

Husband
sentenced
for rape

SALEM, Mass. (AP) — A man convicted of raping his estranged wife in a landmark case was sentenced to three to five years today in the state's maximum security prison.

James Chretien, 32, of Lawrence fought back tears and wiped his eyes as Judge Thomas R. Morse Jr. imposed the sentence in Essex Superior Court.

Morse said Chretien will remain in sheriff's custody until Friday to give his lawyer time to appeal the conviction.

The verdict last Friday is believed to be the first time a man has been convicted in Massachusetts of raping his wife.

Besides the sentence in Walpole State Prison, Chretien also was given three years probation on a separate conviction for burglary with intent to commit assault.

Chretien and his wife, Carmelina, were living apart when the attack occurred. She testified that he entered her apartment twice in one night in February.

At the time, the couple had been granted a divorce, but the final decree had not been issued.

A t

48

AMERICAN SURVEY

THE ECONOMIST SEPTEMBER 23, 1978

THE

advisers seem painfully aware of. Camp David, all the same, has given the country a rare glimpse of Mr Carter in control of things. Mr Carter's problem has been less that his broadly conservative political instincts were out of tune with a majority of voters' wishes, but rather more that he has tolerated an unacceptable degree of muddle within his administration. At Camp David, for once, it seemed, the Carter administration behaved as it is not supposed to. There were no leaks, no kites flown, and one result was that different advisers did not keep saying different things.

The sudden switch in Mr Carter's fortunes underlines how premature it is to speculate about a one-term presidency. Senator Edward Kennedy, despite his frequent denials, is widely thought of as a possible challenger. After Camp David, it was, jokingly, suggested that the senator might have to cancel plans to speak to Democrats this month in New Hampshire, the state which, traditionally, holds the first presidential primary election. One of the few dissenting voices was Senator James Abourezk's. A lonely pro-Arab in the senate, and of Lebanese descent, Mr Abourezk criticised the Camp David accords for sweeping aside the true needs of the Palestinians.

The reaction of American Jews to the agreements has been, on the whole, enthusiastic, too. This may go some way to healing the open breach between them and the Carter administration. Their suspicions of him have grown ever since, shortly after taking office, Mr Carter spoke of the need for a Palestinian homeland. Their discomfort with the views of Mr Begin did little to rebuild trust in the president.

Before the summit, Mr Carter was in serious trouble with the Jewish community, a usually loyal source of votes and funds for Democrats. The fear, of course, is that Mr Carter is ready to "lean on" Israel to make unwise negotiating concessions. Camp David, if anything, bore out the counterpart Arab fear that Mr Carter might not be ready to lean hard enough. The Americans, for example, will build two airfields in the Negev as compensation for those Israeli bases in Sinai that would pass, under a treaty, to Egyptian civilian control.

Mr Carter has plenty of opportunities to show whether September will prove the month, as his advisers hope, in which his presidency was "turned around". He is in a much stronger position now to pursue the two-edged strategic arms limitation talks, with the Russians, first, and with his congressional critics, second. Although they passed with little notice while the Camp David talks dragged on, a number of victories are being notched

up for the administration in congress. The house recently upheld Mr Carter's veto of an appropriations bill containing money for a nuclear aircraft carrier he did not want. This week the senate defeated a motion to recommit, and therefore kill, the natural gas bill. Passage is predicted by senate leaders next week. The natural gas bill, it will be remembered, is the battered remnant of the president's energy programme, which, almost a year ago, he cancelled a long foreign trip for, in order to save. This time, it may be foreign policy that has come to the rescue.

## Kissinger

### The guru stirs

Washington, DC

The stars of America's political fundraising circuit usually have their eye on the presidency. But the surprise attraction at Republican gatherings this year is Mr Henry Kissinger, the former secretary of state, whose foreign birth (to his regret) disqualifies him from seeking the office. Mr Kissinger has raised nearly $1m for Republican candidates for congress by speaking at $50-a-head breakfasts and $500-a-plate dinners. Thus he has raised almost as much as those serious, though undecared, contenders for the White House—Messrs Gerald Ford, Ronald Reagan and John Connally. And Mr Kissinger has done it all at only nine political appearances in the past year.

Mr Kissinger's stated purpose is to help incumbent members of congress who supported him and his policies when he was in office. "I do not speak against incumbents", he says, "even those who tormented me." One exception will be an appearance next month at a rally for Mr Perry Duryea, the Republican candidate for governor of New York. That is Mr Kissinger's home state, and he often is tempted into (though also recoils from) running for a senate seat there in 1980 if the incumbent, 74-year-old Senator Jacob Javits, retires.

Since his return to private life in January, 1977, Mr Kissinger has been successful not only in filling Republican party coffers, but in replenishing his own. He engaged Mr Marvin Josephson, a theatrical agent whose firm, International Creative Management, represents such other stars as Woody Allen, Steve McQueen, Tom Jones, Peter Sellers and Barbra Streisand. Mr Josephson has negotiated book and television contracts for Mr Kissinger said to total $5m. The Boston publishers, Little, Brown, have bought the hard-cover rights for Mr Kissinger's memoirs for about $1.5m; the German-

language rights have reportedly been sold for $1m. Over five years, the NBC television network will pay Mr Kissinger something between $1m-2m to provide periodic news commentaries, to appear on an annual 60-minute "special" on foreign policy and to prepare a series of broadcasts based on his memoirs. The first Kissinger "special", a virtual monologue on the dangers of Eurocommism, gained miserably low ratings.

Other lucrative enterprises of what has come to be known as "Henry Kissinger Inc" include lecturing to business groups for fees as high as $10,000, offering foreign policy advice (but never negotiating or door-opening help) to the New York investment brokerage company, Goldman Sachs, one day a month and to the Chase Manhattan Bank six times a year. After considering offers from Yale University, Columbia and the University of Pennsylvania, Mr Kissinger accepted a professorship at Georgetown University in Washington, which pays him $35,000 a year to teach a seminar and serve as a senior staff member at its Center for Strategic and International Studies, where he is provided with a staff and a suite of offices (unmarked, for security reasons) in downtown Washington.

Besides these activities, Mr Kissinger serves in non-remunerative posts with such organisations as the Foreign Policy Association, the Alliance to Save Energy, the Council on Foreign Relations, the Rockefeller Brothers Fund, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, the Hubert Humphrey Institute of Public Affairs and the Trilateral Commission. He also remains a lion on the New York and Washington dinner party circuit, a frequent foreign traveller and probably the

Henry Kissinger Inc

50

most sought-out private citizen in
America. Both Mr Begin and President
Sadat had meetings with Mr Kissinger
after the Camp David summit.

In political speeches and private con-
versation; Mr Kissinger is just critical
enough of the Carter administration to let
the world know he is displeased, but not
enough to classify himself as an enemy.
“I have not come here to contradict the
policies of the president”, he often tells
audiences. “I will not compete with Andy
Young.”

When he is serious, he levels special
criticism at the administration's southern
Africa policy, which he thinks has en-
couraged Mr Joshua Nkomo, the Rhode-
sian guerrilla leader, to adopt a radical
stance rather than a conciliatory one. Mr
Kissinger also thinks the administration
erred in its decisions not to build the B-1
bomber and in making the West Bank
and the Palestinian Arab questions cen-
trepieces of Middle East diplomacy.
However, his reaction to the Camp David
agreement was enthusiastic. He has yet to
render a full scale public critique of the
new administration. He does not intend
to do so, he says, until the administration
has negotiated a strategic arms limitation
treaty with the Soviet Union.

For the present, the major preoccupa-
tion of Mr Kissinger's life is his memoirs.
Composing in longhand and re-working
manuscripts typed by a battery of secre-
taries, Mr Kissinger has written some
2,800 pages, covering his service as Mr
Richard Nixon's national security adviser
up to 1971. These memoirs will appear in
two volumes, the first of which, 1,000
pages long, will be published in 1979.

Mr Kissinger says that his purpose is to
write a major historical work, weaving
together the philosophical, strategic and
immediate policy considerations that
shaped American diplomacy under his
leadership. The first volume will open
with brief chapters on how he was ap-
pointed by President-elect Nixon and on
his background, followed by a reflective
chapter on the state of the world as he
found it in 1969. If Mr Kissinger can fulfil
his intentions, his memoirs will stand
alone among the numerous books written
so far by Nixon-era figures (including Mr
Nixon's own blow-by-blow memoirs) as a
deeply reflective historical treatment of
the period. Mr Kissinger claims to be
eager to be done with his memoirs, so as
not to spend too much of his future
reliving his past. What he will do next, he
does not know. He is not ruling out a
campaign for the senate or serving again
as secretary of state. As to the constitu-
tional prescription that only natural-born
Americans may become president, he
says, "I regret it. I do. It's probably an
unhumble thing to say, but I do."