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# Kissinger Warns U.S. On Communist Threat

N.Y. Times News Service

Washington — The growing political strength of Communist parties in western Europe poses a grave threat to the future of the western world, and the United states should make a concerted effort to prevent Communist election victories in Italy, France and Spain, former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger said last night.

While Kissinger did not take direct issue with the more relaxed approach of the Carter Administration toward the phenomenon called Eurocommunism, he seemed to press President Carter to broaden his concern over possible Communist victories at the polls.

"Human rights is not an abstraction concerned only with judicial procedures and unrelated to basic questions of political and geopolitical structure," he said. "We cannot fail to reckon the setback to European freedom that will result if Communist minorities gain decisive influence in European politics — we must not close our eyes to the effect on freedom throughout the world if the global balance tips against the West,"

Kissinger spoke at a conference on Italy and Eurocommunism, sponsored by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research and the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace.

During the election campaign, the Democrats tended to criticize Kissinger's tough stand on Communist

elections.

Carter, as President, said last month that the United States does not favor the election of Communists in Europe. But, he said, "It's not up to us to tell other people how to vote or how to choose their leaders or who those leaders should be."

The net effect of Carter's policy has been to imply that the administration is not overly concerned by the situation in western Europe, some diplomats have said.

The Carter Administration also has eased up on visa policies and has a lowed, on a case-by-case basis, western European Communists to visit this country when invited by American groups. But Communist trade unionists still are barred out of defence to policies of the AFL-CIO.

In the Ford Administration, only western European Communists office parliamentary delegations were allowed to visit the United States.

Kissinger said there must be economic and social reforms in Europe to deprive the Communists of much of their appeal. But in addition, he said the United States must encourage "a attitude of resolve and conviction."

"We must frankly recognize the problem that we will face if the Communists come to power," he said. "We must avoid giving the impression that we consider Communist success foregone conclusion by ostentatious association of consultation with Communist leaders or by ambiguous declarations.

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# Kissinger Warns of Communist Gains in Europe

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, June 9—Henry A. Kissinger warned tonight that the growing political strength of Communist parties in Western Europe posed a grave threat to the future of the Western world and he urged concerted efforts to prevent Communist election victories in Italy, France and Spain.

The former Secretary of State did not take direct issue with the more relaxed approach of the Carter Administration toward the Communist parties of Western Europe, which have been gaining in strength as they have increased their independence from the Soviet Union, but

he seemed to press President Carter to broaden his concern over human rights to include concern over possible Communist victories at the polls.

"Human rights is not an abstraction concerned only with judicial procedures and unrelated to basic questions of political and geopolitical structure," he said. "We cannot fail to reckon the setback to European freedom that will result if Communist minorities gain decisive influence in European politics; we must not close our eyes to the effect on freedom throughout the world if the global balance tips against the West."

The text of Mr. Kissinger's speech to a conference on Italy and Western European Communism here was made avail-

able this afternoon. The conference was sponsored by the American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research and the Hoover Institution on War, Revolution and Peace.

In essence, Mr. Kissinger repeated at length the point he had often made as Secretary of State—that if Communists were allowed to play significant roles in Western European governments, particularly in Italy, France or Spain, this could have long-term eroding effects on the entire Atlantic alliance.

During the election campaign, many Democrats criticized Mr. Kissinger's position on this question.

Mr. Carter said last month that the United States favored the election of

Communists in Europe but "it's not up to us to tell other people how to vote or how to choose their leaders or who those leaders should be."

The effect of Mr. Carter's policy has been to leave the impression that the Administration was not overly concerned by the situation in Western Europe, some diplomats have said.

The Carter Administration has also eased visa policies, allowing, on a case-by-case basis, Western European Communists to visit this country when invited by American groups.

Mr. Kissinger, in his speech, said that there must be economic and social reforms in Europe to deprive the Communists of much of their appeal.

But in addition, he said, the United States must encourage "an attitude of resolve and conviction."

"We must frankly recognize the prob-

lem that we will face if the Communists come to power," he said. "We must avoid giving the impression that we consider Communist success a foregone conclusion by ostentatious association or consultation with communist leaders or by ambiguous declarations.

"We do our friends in Europe no favor if we encourage the notion that the advent of Communists and their allies into power will make little or no difference to our own attitudes and policies," Mr. Kissinger said.

"If the United States has a responsibility to encourage political freedom throughout the world, we surely have a duty to leave no doubt about our convictions on an issue that is so central to the future of the Western alliance and therefore to the future of democracy," he said.

Also:

New York Times, NY, NY June 10, 1977

NEW YORK,

The New Life of
Henry Kissinger

By Tad Szulc

...He is twenty pounds slimmer, more serene, no longer stays up half the night arguing foreign policy. But he is hardly in exile ..."

Precisely at 9:30 A.M., Henry A. Kissinger, a hulking briefcase in his hand, strides briskly into a suite of unmarked offices tucked away in a corner of the tenth floor of a building in downtown Washington. He is followed by two youngish Secret Service agents, who accompanied him on the fifteen-minute drive from his house in Georgetown and now take seats in the outer office. Kissinger says good morning to two secretaries already at work, stops briefly to check with his personal assistant, a young blond woman named Chris Vick, and enters his private office. It is a large L-shaped room with a desk by the window, a conference table against a book-lined wall. A coffee table, a small orange sofa, and easy chairs are arranged against the other wall. Family pictures hang behind the desk. There is an autographed photograph of Gerald R. Ford on a small table next to it. There are no photographs visible of Richard Nixon.

Kissinger drops his briefcase on the floor and sits behind the desk to look over his schedule for the day. Miss Vick comes in for a moment. Kissinger then chats with James P. "Jock" Covey, his executive assistant, and Peter Rodman, senior research assistant. Covey (who once was a teacher in Uganda) was Kissinger's special assistant when he was secretary of state; Miss Vick also came from the State Department. Rodman is a former National Security

Tad Szulc will deal with Nixon's foreign policy in his next book, An Illusion of Peace.

Council staffer who traveled on most of Kissinger's secret missions around the world. At 9:35 A.M., the day's first visitor is ushered by Miss Vick into her boss's private office. Henry waves the visitor to the sofa and sits in an easy chair. He orders tea for both.

This is the beginning of a fairly typical weekday in the new life of Henry Kissinger. It is a semipublic existence he started in early March on his return from a three-week vacation in Acapulco. If Kissinger misses the power and the glory of his past eight years in the government, he certainly does not show it. On the contrary, the new schedule, busy and varied as it is, seems to agree with him. He is more relaxed than he has been in years, he is serene and philosophical in conversation (he tells a visitor that he is at peace with himself), and he looks better and younger. The former secretary has shed twenty pounds in three months, practicing a rigid diet; as one of his friends remarked recently, "On the scale of three extra chins, he is down to one."

Kissinger's new serenity stems to an important degree from the fact that, even out of power, he continues to be a highly influential personage on the Washington scene. He has quickly carved out for himself a role as the most eminent critic of the conduct of the new administration's foreign policy. His views are avidly sought by the president himself, who found it desirable to consult him not long ago at a private White House dinner, and

by senators and foreign diplomats.

Kissinger has publicly stated that he supports Carter's foreign policy. But he has made it plain—also in public but in a deliberately discreet manner—that he disagrees with some of the current diplomacy, particularly on Africa, where he fears racial wars and radicalization. It is generally recognized in Washington that, should he judge it justified, Kissinger could become a formidable foe of the Carter administration and could seriously damage its prestige in foreign policy. For the time being, however, Kissinger chooses to be relatively silent—he has made only one public speech on international relations—and statesmanlike, emphasizing his conviction that American foreign policy should be managed on a responsible bipartisan basis. His watchtower is his well-guarded downtown office, where he spends much time in private discussions of the issues of the day. He has not granted a single interview on the record since January 19, when he left government. But he has chatted privately on a very selective basis with a journalist or two.

Usually, Kissinger spends the morning receiving visitors, reading his mail, and meeting with his associates at Georgetown University's Center for Strategic and International Studies, where he serves as counselor (until next August). The center, a somewhat right-of-center think tank run by Kissinger's friend David Abshire, provides him with his suite of offices, as well as a salary. This is part of an arrange-

MAY 2, 1977/NEW YORK 35

WORLD

Dinner at eight: Diplomats, journalists—even the new Democratic president and his foreign-policy staff—are still an audience.

tures,” but he is not sure how much of those he wants to disclose.

Kissinger's next move was to sign a five-year agreement with the National Broadcasting Company, for a reported $1.5 million, to act as a foreign-policy consultant to the television network. He is obliged to produce at least one "special" a year for NBC and to be available for on-the-air analysis of major foreign-policy questions as they arise. However, Kissinger has refused to become a commentator like, say, Eric Sevareid, or an "instant analyst," preferring, rather, to be interviewed by John Chancellor or David Brinkley.

That is not all. Late in March, Kissinger became the vice-chairman of the Chase Manhattan Bank's international advisory committee. The bank's board chairman is David Rockefeller. Kissinger has long been a close friend of the Rockefeller family; he was foreign-policy adviser to then presidential hopeful Nelson Rockefeller long before joining Richard Nixon as national-security adviser. The Chase committee, which meets twice annually, advises the bank on foreign economic policies, and Kissinger will take on the chairmanship early in 1978. He will be presiding over a panel of 21 top executives from multinational corporations. Naturally, neither Chase nor Kissinger will say how much he will be paid in this post. It is a minimal fee, but the position becomes another interesting future option. Finally, Kissinger

is also the chairman of the board of advisers of a citizens' committee for energy conservation, and he has already testified in this capacity before a congressional committee.

Henry Kissinger is all over the place, but he is still very much a Washington presence. This moody town, which first idolized him and then began to malign him, remains under his spell. Every day, invitations pour into his office. Kissinger, loving the limelight but being selective as ever, accepts the most interesting ones, particularly where his old friends are involved. And when he goes out, he is still the center of attention, with diplomats, journalists, and society figures crowding around him to catch a Kissingerian quip or a pearl of wisdom. In his present circumspect political role, he is much more subdued than in the past. At one reception Kissinger gently taunted the beleaguered secretary of defense, Harold Brown: "Harold, why do you have that harassed look about you?" Elsewhere on the diplomatic circuit, Henry spotted a receiving line for an arriving dignitary and said, with mock indignation, "What's this? A receiving line? When I was important, I never stood in one." He then slipped meekly into line with the other guests.

A random look at his social calendar for the last month or so gives an idea of Kissinger's continued exposure. Early in April, he went to a reception

given at a Massachusetts Avenue mansion by Egypt's visiting President Sadat, attracting as much interest as Vice-President Mondale and Secretary of State Cyrus R. Vance. Kissinger and Sadat embraced warmly.

On another evening, Henry was the guest of honor at the Spanish Embassy, where he was awarded the Order of Isabel-the-Catholic. He has dined at the residence of the Japanese ambassador with a small group of friends. When the French Embassy threw a farewell reception for a departing French newspaper correspondent, Adalbert de Segonzac, Kissinger, who had known him well, made a point of attending, mixing at length with the town's journalistic community, teasing reporters, and reminiscing over foreign trips. He found time to go to the White House for the swearing-in ceremony of former Senator Gale McGee as United States ambassador to the Organization of American States. The day Gerald Ford made his first postpresidential visit to Washington, late in March, Kissinger joined him at a reception at the American Enterprise Institute, a right-wing proindustry think tank. He later went with the former president to the Kennedy Center for a performance of the musical *Annie*. One day, he took his son, David, to lunch with actress Liv Ullmann.

Nancy Kissinger rarely accompanies her husband on his social rounds, because of her delicate health, but the

ALFRED RIESENSTEGG

Memoirs: Henry signs over to Little, Brown & Company hardcover rights for an advance rumored to be nearly $2 million.

Office hours: Washington is home base now, but he may reconnect with Columbia (and his wife prefers New York).

MAY 2, 1977/NEW YORK 37

Henry's Brave New Whirl

Security: Secret Service men (above) now dog his every step, but as of May 1
Kissinger must pick up the tab for his own limousine and armed protectors.

Break of day: Just after nine each weekday morning, Henry Kissinger leaves his house (left) on P Street for his secluded downtown office.

> "...Over the next five years, he'll earn millions. Always a shrewd negotiator, Kissinger kept all subsidiary rights for himself..."

ment with Georgetown University, where Henry is also visiting professor of diplomacy at the School of Foreign Service.

The center is Kissinger's operational base in Washington. But after lunch, taken either at the office or a nearby restaurant, he moves for the afternoon to the Library of Congress (where he spends most of his Saturdays too) to do research for the book he is to write under a multi-million-dollar contract. The library, which holds most of his personal records, has provided Kissinger with a small office so that he can work there in privacy. In the evening, Kissinger may go to a diplomatic reception or dinner—he remains in extraordinary social demand—or dine quietly at home with his wife, Nancy, and a few friends.

Henry and Nancy finally gave up their rented house on Dumbarton last October, when the lease expired. The Kissingers now rent a great big brick Federal house a few blocks to the south, on P Street east of Wisconsin Avenue, the spine of Georgetown. On those evenings at home, Henry reads books on history (currently he is going through the memoirs of former British Prime Minister Harold MacMillan,

which he enjoys very much) or an occasional detective story. As he told a recent visitor, all he had time to read in the last eight years were "classified cables," and now he is making up for it.

Kissinger's other activities are so extensive—and most of them so immensely lucrative—that some friends refer to him as "Henry Inc." Besides his university connection, which serves as both a temporary personal convenience and a vehicle for the dissemination of his ideas, Kissinger has amassed contracts from which he stands to earn quite a few million dollars over the next five years.

On February 7, just before he left for Acapulco, he signed his book contract with Boston's Little, Brown & Company, with advance royalties for hardcover rights reputed to be close to $2 million. Ever faithful to his habit of secrecy, Kissinger has refused to disclose the precise figure. But, as news stories noted at the time, it was the most coveted unwritten book ever—publishers were falling all over each other to sign him up even before he left the State Department—and there may be additional millions of dollars coming from book clubs, paperbacks, foreign-language editions, and maga-

zine and newspaper serializations and syndications.

Always the shrewd negotiator, Kissinger has kept all the subsidiary rights for himself, to be negotiated separately. That Time Inc. owns Little, Brown & Company does not, for example, give Time magazine the inside track in acquiring excerpts from the book, should it so desire. Time will have to compete with other publications.

Kissinger has not explained why he chose the Boston publisher over the score of big publishing houses that were breathlessly bidding on the book. One of his associates confined himself to the mysterious remark that Little, Brown & Company was picked because it demonstrated that it can do the job in the most "honorable" manner. It is not even clear that it was the highest bidder.

He expects to complete the book early in 1979, with publication late that year. But Kissinger has not yet decided on the format: It may be the "Adventures of Henry Kissinger," as he whimsically remarked to an acquaintance, or a straight discussion of the policy issues in which he was involved, or a combination of both. He realizes that the public would prefer the "adven-

36

NEW YORK/MAY 2, 1977

Photographed by Diana Walker/I Am a Camera

(10)

> "...After a March 18 dinner at the White House, the men retired to the library. Carter began to pepper Kissinger with questions..."

two spend quiet evenings with very close friends. They often dine in the big yellow house of columnist Tom Braden and his wife, Joan. The circle of the Kissingers' closest friends includes former ambassador David Bruce and his wife; Kissinger's former aide Lawrence Eagleburger (expected to be named ambassador to Yugoslavia); and Joseph Alsop, the retired columnist.

But Super-K has changed his former habits. In the old days, he often stayed up until 2 A.M. or later at friends' homes, perorating on foreign policy, even though he had to be up before 7 A.M. to go to the White House and his State Department offices. As a friend said, "Henry is a compulsive talker, and he hates to be alone. He was always so charged up he didn't want to go to sleep." He would often wake up in the middle of the night to raid the icebox, one reason for his former plumpness. But now Kissinger is in bed by 11:30 P.M. ("It's not all that early," he remarked the other day), reading himself to sleep.

The Kissingers are undecided about their permanent residence after the summer, when his arrangement with Georgetown University ends. Nancy Kissinger would prefer to live in New York, but Henry is of two minds about it. They may buy an apartment in New York and keep the new P Street house in Washington, with Kissinger dividing his time between the two cities. He needs the easy access to Washington's research facilities for his book and wants to maintain the political contacts there.

Meanwhile, they often spend their weekends with the Rockefellers at that family's Tarrytown, New York, estate, and Kissinger continues to do a certain amount of traveling. In March he went to Princeton for the conference of a German-American group. In mid-April the Kissingers spent a weekend in Bermuda, as guests of IBM, where Henry addressed a conference of that company's executives. Last Friday he began his first trip to Europe as a private citizen (traveling on a private jet). He was to attend a conference at Torquay in Britain, visit London and Paris, receive an award from the Variety Clubs in Monte Carlo, and spend a few days with friends in Normandy. (Henry may also return with Nancy to Acapulco occasionally, but the two have not—despite contrary rumors—purchased a home in that city.)

A serious problem now facing Kissinger is physical security.

His Secret Service protection expires on May 1, the day he returns from Europe, and he has been persuaded by friends that he needs to be looked after for an indefinite period. There are many people in the world who resent Kissinger's policies in Indochina, the Mideast, and elsewhere, and there is always the danger, his friends think, of attempts on his life by a terrorist or of a kidnapping. Kissinger, therefore, has hired his own protective force—three men—headed by Walter Bothe, a twelve-year Secret Service veteran who has been assigned to him in the past. The two new bodyguards are former Columbus, Ohio, policemen Dennis Matko and William Fairweather. The new men will undergo special training for their posts.

The cost to Kissinger of maintaining a private security team may be upwards of $100,000 annually (the chief agent will earn at least $30,000), and it remains to be seen whether he can deduct it from his taxes as a necessary business expense. The tax people in Washington say there is no real precedent for such a deduction, although Kissinger may consider the agents as business employees. He also plans to buy a car after the Secret Service limousine is withdrawn. He would like to establish a new academic connection, and it may well be Columbia University if Nancy persuades him to live in New York.

A measure of Kissinger's continuing importance in Washington was, of course, the White House dinner with Carter on March 18. The president arranged it as an intimate affair in a dining room in the executive mansion's living quarters. It was easy chitchat at the dinner table with President and Mrs. Carter, the Kissingers, the Vances, and the new national-security adviser, Zbigniew Brzezinski. After the meal, the men retired to the library, and Carter began to pepper Kissinger with questions.

Kissinger, according to his friends, thought that the president's questions were excellent and that Carter was extremely well informed on foreign policy. In fact, Kissinger left with the impression that Carter personally is the principal source of conceptual thinking in the new administration. The conversation, however, was not an exchange of views, but more a questioning of Kissinger by Carter, with Vance and Brzezinski confining themselves to occasional remarks.

On April 5, Kissinger cautiously went public with some of his foreign-policy views in a lecture delivered at Georgetown University before an audience that included a dozen foreign ambassadors. It was one of the most careful speeches Kissinger had ever made, as he sought to balance his statesman-like approach to the new administration's policies with the criticism he thought should be voiced on some points. As one of his associates said, Kissinger had "agonized" over the speech, wondering until the last moment whether he was speaking out prematurely. The speech went through at least seven drafts ("It was as finely crafted as you can imagine," a Kissinger associate said later); final revisions were made just before delivery.

The thrust of the address was Kissinger's expression of support for the Carter administration—"They have my best wishes," he said—but he also offered veiled criticism of the way in which the president is conducting his human-rights policy. He said: "The most serious errors of American foreign policy in this century—of isolation and of overinvolvement—occurred when America's moral zeal grew out of balance with its pragmatic tradition. . . . Our challenge is to steer a course between rhetorical prescription and a callous acceptance of inhumanity."

He avoided direct criticism of the administration on the handling of the invasion of Zaire from Angola—U.S. policy there is one of noninvolvement—but he made the point that the Soviet Union should not be allowed to expand its influence in Africa. He underlined the importance of Zaire's continued integrity. He was harsh with the Soviet Union, perhaps more so than in the past, when he spoke as secretary of state, insisting that the United States must maintain a strong military posture.

It was Henry Kissinger as something of a statesman of the republic, but not taking kindly to the notion of being an "elder statesman." Not yet 54 years old, Kissinger still has every intention of making his weight felt and his voice heard for a long time. For now, he does not even rule out the possibility of returning actively to politics (however, this does not include running for the Senate from New York, as some have suggested). Now only time will tell whether and how Kissinger will reemerge fully on the national stage. In the meantime, he is building the foundation for a very active future.

38 NEW YORK/MAY 2, 1977

BOOKSELLING & MARKETING

Editor: Daisy Maryles

PUBLISHER'S WEEKLY
NEW YORK, N. Y.
W. 23,000 -

6/23/77

JUN 6 1977

# *Washingtonian's Book Fair—First Edition*

by Doris Grumbach

Photographs by Rhoda Baer

Washington's first annual Book Fair, held in the lower depths of the Shenton-Park Hotel in mid-May, was a success in the eyes of some, somewhat of a disappointment to others, especially to its sponsors who, optimistically, expected 25,000 visitors. About 5000 materialized, a falloff explained variously by Washington's superb weekend weather, by the benign neglect of the town's leading newspaper the *Post*, which is said to regard the regional monthly sponsor of the Fair as "competition," and by the fact that it was "a first" for Washington. A visitor from Los Angeles pointed out that its Book Fair had attracted a mere 1000 to its opening event, two years later seven times that number. But the *Washingtonian* people were thinking about the enormous attendance at Boston's event, and were not easily consoled.

Those who paid the $3 admission fee (thought by some to be a bit steep, but there were discount tickets around town, and children were admitted free) seemed to like what they found. Drawn to the Fair by saturation ads on radio and by the 24-page insert on books in the May issue of the magazine, they were buying books at the rate of one per admission on the first evening. Scattered among the displays by bookstores, distributors and publishers (each of whom paid a healthy $300 a booth, extra for chairs and equipment) were lively (free) booths housing entertaining features: a calligrapher, bookbinders, comic book displays, books for the blind, and a constantly active sextet of chess players (with books) under the auspices of the Maryland Chess Association.

## Inspired by the Boston Fair

Larry Adler, the *Washingtonian's* enterprising young publisher, who says he was inspired by Boston's success to try a Fair in the District of Columbia, came to publishing in Washington from Western Publishing Company (Golden Books). He aimed at interest and variety for his Fair, and in most ways,

At the New Republic Books booth (top), Mike Roberts, author of "Fans! How We Go Crazy over Sports," and editor Joan Tapper share an anecdote with passerby; (below) Allan Stypeck owner of Second Story Books, the only rare and out-of-print dealer to exhibit, shows off one of his titles

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Colleen McCullough (top), the most popular author at the Fair, autographing her book, "The Thorn Birds," in the Harper & Row booth; (below) all ages were represented including seven-week-old Timothy, seen here with her mother Caroline M. Staples, author of "The Yarn Animal Book" (distributed by Simon & Schuster)

shops on all aspects of bookselling about 75 members talked about advertising budgets, co-op advertising, the best ways to handle the multitudinous problems of inventory, returns, stock control and invoicing.

Youth and computers starred at the morning and afternoon meetings. Bill Kramer contributed to the discussion at a number of sessions, clearly interested in the technological possibilities of his growing stores. And Ingram's Stephen Cogil spoke at a lively meeting on "Does a Computer Belong in Your Bookstore?" He described his company's use of available technology, including microfiche, for itself and its customers. He gave a projection of what the bookstore of the future will look like: "[It] will have a computer terminal rather than the more familiar

cash register. When purchases are made, the ISBN will be entered into the computer terminal in one of two ways. It will either be keyed in by the salesperson or read electronically from a special machine-readable code on the back of the book. The computer terminal will then charge the proper price for the book and record the sale for later analysis."

Like the gardens that are now flowering in Washington and its environs, the publishing and bookselling industries here are, if the Fair and the Conference that followed are evidence, well rooted and expanding. There is a lot of youthful energy here, much enterprise, increasing interest in and awareness of books, and a growing audience for them among Washington's fluid but literate population.

achieved them. Only a few big trade houses displayed: Doubleday, McGraw-Hill, Basic Books, Harper & Row. The others were absent because, said Adler, "We didn't realize we were scheduling the Fair too close to the ABA and right smack in the middle of sales conferences." Harper's booth was staffed by a nonstriking salesman who seemed delighted that Harper's current star, Colleen McCullough, was starting her national tour in Washington. She attracted the largest crowd for her speech, charmed them with her ebullient, outspoken humor and then sold more than 150 books, which she agreeably inscribed as well as autographed.

A number of the university presses displayed in a single booth, as did the area's large number of small presses. Many of the exhibitors were local publishers and booksellers, some relatively new to the area. Inscape's youthful head Roger Brown was proudly advertising Czech writer (and Washington resident) Arnost Lustig's two new novels and, fraternally, "Academia Nuts" by Charles R. Larson, published by Bobbs-Merrill. "But I do publish other of his works," said Brown. Acropolis of Washington had four of its authors present, both to speak and to autograph their books.

## Among the exhibitors

There was a healthy representation of government and government-associated presses exhibiting (private as well as public)—Smithsonian, Folger Shakespeare Library, Naval Institute Press, American Enterprise Institute, National Trust for Historical Preservation, National Archives, Congressional Quarterly—healthy because these active and productive publishers do not often appear at other fairs, and they are a serious part of the publishing picture distinctive to Washington.

One rare and out-of-print bookseller decided to try his luck amid all the new, projected and remaindered books: Alan Typeck, the town's youngest and most ubiquitous entrepreneur, who owns Second Story Books, and a huge warehouse in Alexandria. Yes! Bookshop, said to be fourth largest store of its kind in the country ("books on inner development") showed a large sample of its wares, among them owner Cris Popenoe's 383-page bibliography of her store's books, which Random House was published. Kramer Books, owned

free books to questioners they could not provide answers to, and an improved cafeteria called "The First Edition" served quiche and crepes, hot dogs, wine and cokes throughout the entire three days of the Fair.

## Authors hold court

More than 40 authors spoke, some to only a few listeners, others to larger audiences. Well attended was the panel called "The Washington Writer." Richard Reeves ("Convention") thought fiction from D.C. tends to be pseudojournalism. If a true Washington novel is ever written, he said, "it will probably be by some black kid in Alexandria who has no connection with official Washington at all." Patrick Anderson ("The President's Mistress") said he thought William Safire's new "Washington" novel was extremely readable and confessed he himself was not at all reluctant, after his latest Washington novel, "to write another enjoyable and successful book." Abigail McCarthy ("Circles") lamented the tendency of readers to identify fictional persons in her novel, even though she had hoped to discourage this by peppering her pages with real people.

On the last evening of the Fair, exhibitors met briefly with members of the Mid-Atlantic Booksellers Conference, who were meeting in business sessions the next day. In serious work-

Larry Adler, publisher of the Washingtonian and one of the prime organizers of Washington's first Book Fair

by young, energetic Bill Kramer (whose father Sidney was one of Washington's most respected rarebooks dealers) had the largest amount of space—four booths—and did a brisk business. "I made my expenses," he said. "I intend to come back." Two-year-old Stemmer House showed its list of quality books. Owned by Barbara Holdridge (a cofounder of Caedmon Books) the company is in Owings Mills, Md.

At the corners of the display area points read their poetry to small clutches of listeners, children watched puppet shows and live theater and voted for their favorite books, the Public Libraries of Metropolitan D.C. offered to "Stump the Librarian" and awarded

Patrick Anderson, Richard Reeves and Abigail McCarthy talking to a well-attended evening gathering at the Fair on "The Washington Writer"

JUNE 6, 1977