-7a-

to be true to ourselves, our children, and
A foreign policy cannot besteenance effective
mankind, we must build from firm domestic
myself on
foundations.

What does a strong America require?

A strong America requires a solid national defense.

We must maintain the bedrock of our security. While
foreign policy must reach beyond military concerns,
there can be no substitute for our own defenses and
the objective conditions of security. A world in peace
the moral of nations is at the center of all efforts
of power is essential to any stable international order.
A world of freedom, justice and equality.
America's military strength provides not only an
anchor for stability but a platform for progress in
reducing tensions in the world. Our policy of detente,

-10-

a whole
cooperation on the range of political and security
issues. Our governments cannot act with assurance
if a static economy leads to increasing domestic and
international pressures over the distribution of economic
democratic
benefit. Unless our country generates the economic growth
elsewhere
to
which enables our citizens to perceive the possibility of
a better future, indolence will sap morale and productivity
will deteriorate. Faith in leaders and institutions will
fade. And if growth is achieved, the distribution of
economic benefit must be broadly accepted as just --
otherwise the political and social consensus on which
our democracy depends will be eroded.
This has been true
in many of the difficulties faced by some
Western democracies - but especially
Thus the global recession and the resulting
demoralization of many societies must be ended. As the
President said in his State of the Union address in
Thisاقifies above all to grow an
American economy of sustained,
non-inflationary growth.

-13-

Today's Agenda

If we can maintain and deepen the sources of our strength
then we can address the agenda before us with confidence and
the sense of excitement which ushers in great achievement.

Let me now discuss the work we are undertaking and the
prospects for success.

Our allies and friends are our first priority.

America and her allies are not united simply by treaties

signed a generation ago but by the inescapable necessity
of the present world,
to address our common problems of today and tomorrow.

In
recent weeks we have set out in detail the urgent agenda before
us. As the President stated, in addressing the members of our
Atlantic Alliance during his trip to Europe a month ago, we face
six primary tasks:

-14-

-- we must maintain a strong and credible defense; society or an alliance that does not have the vigor and dedication to defend itself cannot survive; still fails in its primary purpose.

-- we must maintain the quality and integrity of our alliance; participation and responsibility must be unqualified if they are to be credible;

-- we must improve our political consultation to develop common policies to deal with common problems;

-- we must cooperate in setting a productive and realistic agenda for detente, one that serves our interests and precludes others from exploiting opportunities to our disadvantage; the raising of temperatures.

-- we must strengthen our democratic institutions and

encourage the growth of truly democratic processes

everywhere, and

-- we must understand that the industrialized societies

hold the key to the world's new problems of population, food, energy development, raw materials. The wealth and technological skills we possess as the product of our free systems can bring a better life to all peoples.

Cooperative and urgent action is needed on all these issues.

Progress has been made but much work remains. On the central problem of our economic health, an issue of immediate concern — to every American — we and our allies have begun to coordinate our anti-recession policies so that the restoration of non-inflationary growth in one country will reinforce that in all the others.

-16-

On the vital subject of energy, we have in the last year and a
half created the International Energy Agency, an organization
for collective efforts. We agreed on safeguards against a new
oil embargo; we established a $25 billion solidarity fund to
ensure against monetary dislocations due to the massive
payments imbalances caused by energy costs; we launched
new programs of conservation and developing alternative
sources. And we are building the foundation for construc-
tive dialogue with the energy producers to achieve a fair
and reliable long-term economic relationship.

We are far from the end of our efforts. As the economies
of all the industrialized nations recover their progress, this only
makes more urgent the necessity for energy conservation and
development of new energy sources. Without determined
efforts now, the expansion of demand will give free rein to
the producers' desire to maintain or raise the price of oil.

-17-

The President believes the national interest demands a determined energy program. He will work with the Congress to the fullest extent possible to obtain it; but if that effort is not successful he is prepared to exercise the authority he already has in order to do what is necessary to relieve our dependence on foreign sources of energy.

While our trans-Atlantic partnership is basically strong, the internal situations in some allied countries are a cause for great concern. The roots of turbulence and drift and fragility are fundamentally domestic and beyond our control or province. Insofar as the United States possesses an ability to affect these events, it rests in how others perceive us. Do we maintain our commitments; are we a confident nation; do we have a

-18-

sense of purpose and a willingness to persevere on a difficult course? These are the questions that, if answered in the affirmative, can affect the pattern of internal developments in other countries.

Last week I discussed in detail the crucial U.S.-Japan relationship in a changing world. In the wake of recent events, the world must know that the United States regards the stability and equilibrium in Asia as of vital importance to the peace of the world.

The security interests of all the great world powers intersect in Asia. China comprises the heartland of Asia; the Soviet Far East spreads across the top of Asia; the Japanese islands span 2,000 miles off the mainland; Western

-20-

In all our alliances the sense of common interest must
be reciprocal. Whether in Europe or Asia or elsewhere we
will not be pressured by threats of withdrawal from alliances.

Our alliances must serve a mutual interest or they serve no
purpose. Just as our commitments serve our interests and
are not a favor to others, so too no ally should imagine that
it is doing us a favor by permitting us to defend it. We will
defend our vital interests whenever and wherever they are
challenged. We assume that our friends regard their ties

to us as serving their own national purposes, and not as
privileges granted to us. Where this is not the mutual per-
ception, then clearly it is time for change. Where it is the common
view, the U.S. will remain a steady friend.

-22-

This relationship proceeds on several levels. We have negotiated balanced and effective agreements with the Soviet Union in our pursuit of a world-free of the danger of nuclear war or an unrestrained arms race. In our bilateral relations, we have reached a number of practical arrangements for economic and technical cooperation; they are a two-way street, providing mutual benefits and giving both sides a stake in continuing positive relations. In resolving political conflicts in vital areas where we are both engaged directly, such as Europe, we have made significant progress. We reached an agreement in 1971 to make Berlin more secure; and we are now engaged in comprehensive negotiations on mutual and balanced force reductions and on the broader questions of security and cooperation in Europe.

-23-

In other areas of the world -- the Middle East, South and Southeast Asia, for example -- the course of U.S.-Soviet relations has been uneven.

We will not permit detente to be used as a device for selective exploitation of opportunities by the Soviet Union; should they seek to do so we will respond, and the entire fabric of our evolving relationship will come into question.

The principle item on the U.S.-Soviet agenda today is SALT -- the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks. We are actively engaged in working out a new agreement based on the principles already agreed by the President and General Secretary Brezhnev in Vladivostok last November. We will ensure that this agreement contains adequate

-24-

provisions for verification. We expect that the remaining
obstacles will be overcome. If we succeed in reaching this
agreement, we will, for the first time in history, have
succeeded in putting a cap on the arms race.

Our new relationship with the People's Republic of China
is now a durable feature of the world scene. It serves our
respective interests and the broader interests of peace and
stability in Asia and around the world. No stable inter-
national order is conceivable without the participation of this
one-quarter of the human race. As you know, President Ford
will visit China later this year, thereby confirming the
durability of this relationship and further advancing the ties
between our two countries.

-25-

Our present agenda necessarily includes those areas of
<u>crisis</u> which pose a danger of wider conflagration. To help
<u> mediate </u> disputes where our good offices are desired is an
<u> American tradition</u>; it is a role of particular importance
today, especially in those areas where we are uniquely
<u> and due </u> placed to help the parties involved reach a durable solution <u> as well as </u> <u> dry </u>.

The Middle East still poses the gravest danger of war and
world-wide economic dislocation. Our national interests
require continued movement toward a lasting settlement of
a conflict that has for too long plagued Arab and Israeli alike
and more than once brought the world to the brink of war.

America's involvement is imperative:

-- Because of our historical moral commitment to the
survival and well-being of Israel;

-26-

-- Because of our important interests in the Arab world -- an area of vast human, political and economic importance to us and to the world;

-- Because the continuation of crisis in the Middle East strains our relations with our allies in Europe, and Japan;

-- Because continuing crisis risks new embargoes, economic depression and dislocation, not only in the industrial world, but in many nations of the globe; and

-- Because the seeds of possible confrontation between ourselves and the Soviets are present so long as the Middle East crisis persists.

There is therefore no rational alternative to the full and active diplomatic engagement of the United States. Since October 1973 we have pursued a strategy which has permitted us to protect all of our interests in the Middle East.

We have made some progress. The October war of 1973 changed the objective realities in the area and made possible the negotiation of disengagement agreements between Israel and Egypt and Israel and Syria. These practical tests of peace on the ground have been carried out impeccably by all both sides. While deep suspicions between the two sides remain, the disengagement agreements have at least demonstrated to the parties that there is an alternative to war.

We welcome the opening of the Suez Canal as a constructive

-28-

step; we believe the Syrian decision to extend the United
Nations mandate for six months was wise; and the recent
decision of the Israeli Government to thin out and withdraw
certain of its forces and equipment is a positive response
consistent with the spirit of the steps taken by Egypt and
Syria.

But we must not be lulled into inaction by the relative
quiet of recent weeks; the fundamental issues remain unsolved.
It would be imprudent to view recent steps -- valuable as they
are -- as an indication that diplomacy is no longer urgent.

We have not, therefore, allowed the suspension of
negotiations between Egypt and Israel last March -- as
disappointing as this was -- to stifle or dampen our efforts.

-29-

The issue we face is whether we can regain the momentum of
peace negotiations, or whether we will face a new cycle of
violence and counterviolence which history proves solves
nothing.

We are keenly aware that both the step-by-step process
of negotiation and the alternative of dealing with all issues
comprehensively at a new Geneva Conference contain
drawbacks and risks. The President has held important
consultations in recent days with King Hussein, President
Sadat, Prime Minister Rabin and Deputy Prime Minister
Khaddam of Syria, and we expect to come to an early judg-
ment on how best to proceed.

-31-

From the beginning of the crisis last year,

we have sought to reconcile the deep-seated differences
between the parties concerned within the framework of our
support for the territorial integrity and political independence
of Cyprus.

The problems between the two communities on Cyprus
have a long history, and the separation of these communities
in fact predates the crisis of last summer. Today in the talks
chaired by the UN Secretary General, representatives of the
communities are discussing the powers of a federal govern-
ment. The question of the extent of territorial concessions
will be crucial to a final settlement as will a humane solution
to the tragic plight of the refugees.

-32-

President Ford met with the leaders of Greece and Turkey at the NATO Summit meeting and was encouraged by the attitudes expressed. Unfortunately, through the imposition of our arms embargo on Turkey, we have impaired our own efforts to promote movement in the negotiations, and we are jeopardizing an alliance relationship of crucial importance to the defense of the West. The President is working with the Congress to find a solution to this problem, and it is essential that differences and interests between domestic American groups do not paralyze our national ability to act on this issue of global importance. As in the Arab-Israeli dispute we will make a major effort to assist the parties find a lasting solution.

-33-

As we achieve further progress in addressing the security concerns of the major powers, and as these tensions ease, in recent years, other issues come to the fore in international relations. The problems of the new nations of the developing world press more urgently on the international agenda.

The health of the dollar, the expansion of our trade, the free flow in investment, the supply and price of energy, food, and other vital raw materials are all dependent on the health of the international economic system. But no economic system can be stable if scores of new nations consider themselves outside and hostile to it. The global economy is large enough to encompass the well-being of consumers and producers, rich and poor. Indeed, it thrives on the widest participation. But if it is not

-34-

mutually beneficial, we face a generation of economic warfare.

Decisions we make now will determine whether our children
inherit a world of tranquility or a world of conflict.

The United States will protect its own interests, without
apology. We will not submit to blackmail or bloc pressures
or ideological rhetoric. But we are prepared to discuss,
with understanding and imagination, the issues of concern
to the developing countries.

The United States has already taken the lead with new
proposals on a range of these issues:

-- To fight the scourge of hunger, this Government called
for the World Food Conference which met last November in Rome.

America's food aid cannot provide a long-term solution to the

-35-

global food problem. We therefore engaged other nations in a multilateral commitment to raise food production in developing countries, to improve agricultural financing and distribution, and to an international system of nationally-held grain reserves.

This effort can be a model of how nations should cooperate on the issues of vital resources.

-- One hundred and forty nations are now engaged in an unprecedented negotiation on a comprehensive new law of the sea. At stake are the reach of territorial sovereignty, the safety of the shipping lanes, access to vast resources. If this

negotiation fails, the prospects of international conflict are

greatly magnified over the rest of this century. The United

States will make a major effort to bring it to a successful conclusion, we are basically hopeful

-36-

-- On the broader question of raw materials, the developing stable countries seek a reliable and fair income from commodities which often are the core of their economies. We in turn seek reliability of supply for our industries. The U.S. has therefore proposed new international rules and procedures on access to supplies and markets; discussions on new arrangements for commodity trade on a case-by-case basis; and new ways of financing commodity development in producing countries.

All these issues will be raised at a Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly this September. Working closely with Congress, we are new and me <u>preparing concrete detailed proposals for that session.</u> We intend to fully protect our nation's interests, but we are ready to deal with these controversial issues with realism, imagination, and understanding.

We hope that others will meet us on the same规格.

-37-

## Challenge at Home

source of pride not resentment; a challenge to be met rather than a burden to be put down. For, whether we like it or not, we and our forefathers have, in two short centuries built the freest, the mightiest, the wealthiest nation in the history of the world. And in the process of that building we have given hope to the poor, the downtrodden, and the exploited around the globe. P The choice is

ours, and ours alone: either we use our strength + opportunity or for good or others will surely use theirs for evil.

The problems we face are of such magnitude, their answers so complex -- and the opportunities so

-40-

destruction? We will surely follow the former
course, and in so doing leave to our children the
prospect of a world at peace.

Throughout our history America has proved
capable of renewal and greatness. The colonists
who came to the shores of a wilderness; the founding
fathers, who created the world's only permanent
revolution -- a revolution that never declined into
tyranny; the pioneers whose eyes never left the
horizon; the men of enterprise who made American
productivity and efficiency the world's standard; the
soldiers and statesmen of our century who built a
world power both great and good; and the creative
minds of a democratic society who have given the
breath and inspiration of freedom to men and women
everywhere -- these are the foundations on which we

alliance with us. Any ally whose
perception of its national interest changes
will find us prepared to change our treaty
relationships. No ally should use the fact
of mutual security arrangements as pressure
or blackmail against us.

We assume that our friends regard their ties to
us as serving their own national purposes, ~~and~~ not as
~~the, and~~ *not withdrawn* means of preservation,
privileges granted to us. Where this is not the mutual
perception, then clearly it is time for change. Where
it is the common view, the US will remain a steady
friend.

-23-

However fundamental our alliances, we recognize as well that a peace that rests solely on a balance of forces and off-setting blocs is fragile and sterile. We are committed, therefore, to continue the effort to improve relations with the Communist powers. In the thermonuclear age, there is no alternative to a serious effort to ease tensions on the basis of a reciprocal basis of reciprocity.

In the past few years we have taken a number of practical steps to regularize our relations with the Soviet Union. We have proceeded without illusion. The objective has been to serve common interests, in reducing the danger of war and encouraging new patterns of rational conduct.

-31-

unprecedented

Some progress has been made. Disengagement agreements have
been negotiated between Israel and Egypt and Israel and Syria.

which have been carried out ~~scrupulously~~ by all sides. While
deep suspicions between the two sides remain, these agreements
~~to the parties~~ may have at least demonstrated that there is an alternative to war.

We welcome the opening of the Suez Canal as a constructive step; we believe the Syrian decision to extend the United Nations mandate for six months was helpful; and the recent decision of the Israeli Government to thin out and withdraw

~~some~~ *in this sense* certain of its forces and equipment is a positive move.

But we must not be lulled into inaction by the relative
quiet of recent weeks; the fundamental issues remain *unresolved*.

It would be imprudent to view recent steps -- valuable as they
are -- as an indication that diplomacy is no longer urgent. *Events*

-34-

The health of the dollar, the expansion of our trade, the free flow in investment, the supply and price of energy, food, and other vital raw materials are all dependent on the vitality of the international economic system. But no economic system can be stable if scores of new nations consider themselves outside and hostile to it. The present system is large enough to encompass the well-being of consumers and producers, rich and poor. Indeed, it thrives on the widest participation. But if it is not

-36-

global food problem. We therefore engaged other nations in a
multilateral commitment to raise food production,
to improve agricultural financing and distribution,
and to an international system of nationally-held grain reserves.
This effort can be a model of how nations should cooperate on
the issues of vital resources.

-- One hundred and forty nations are now engaged in an
unprecedented negotiation on a comprehensive new law of the
sea. At stake are the reach of territorial sovereignty, the
safety of the shipping lanes, access to vast resources.
Success in these negotiations would represent an unprecedented
achievement in international cooperation affecting three
quarters of the surface of our planet and vast resources. The
United States will make a major effort to bring it to a successful
conclusion, we are basically hopeful.

-- On the broader question of raw materials, the developing countries seek a stable and fair income from commodities which often are the core of their economies. We in turn seek reliability of supply for our industries. The U.S. has therefore proposed new international rules and procedures on access to supplies and markets; discussions on new arrangements for commodity trade on a case-by-case basis; and new ways of financing commodity development in producing countries.

All these issues will be raised at a Special Session of the United Nations General Assembly this September. Working now closely with Congress, we are/preparing concrete detailed and we hope creative /proposals for that session. We intend to fully protect our nation's interests, but we are ready to deal with these controversial issues with realism, imagination, and understanding.

We hope that others will meet us in the same spirit.

-38-

## Challenge at Home

We have before us a vast agenda. The peace and
deliberations we make about
prosperity of future generations depend on our efforts.

Our central role should be a source of pride, not resentment,
a challenge to be met rather than a burden to be put down.

For, whether we like it or not, we and our forefathers
have, in two short centuries, built the freest, the mightiest,
the wealthiest nation in the history of the world. And in the
process we have given hope to the poor, the downtrodden,
and the exploited around the globe.

relatively speaking, the choice is ours, and ours alone: either we use our
strength and opportunity for good or others will surely use their
strength for evil. The problems we face are of such magnitude, their answers so complex -- and the opportunities so

-39-

far-reaching -- that the last quarter of the 20th  
either another period  
Century will be remembered as a time of American  
leadership and creativity, or as a time of growing  
and therefore  
chaos, despair, and destruction. It is  
time to put an end to the self-doubt and cynicism  
which have marked, and marred, American life for 20  
most of the past decade. It is time to remind ourselves  
in the past  
that America has accomplished great things, and  
that there are still great things to be accomplished.

In our pluralistic society, national action
depends on the support of citizens everywhere -- not
only in government but in the professions, in business
and labor, in the universities, in the cities and on
the farms all over America. These people, in their

-41-

Throughout our history America has proved
capable of renewal and greatness. The colonists
who came to the shores of a wilderness; the founding
fathers, who created the world's only <u>permanent</u>
revolution <u>that never</u> declined into
tyranny; the pioneers whose eyes never left the
horizon; the men of enterprise who made American
productivity and efficiency the world's standard; the
soldiers and statesmen of our century who built a
world power both great and constructive; and the creative
minds of a democratic society who have given the
breath and inspiration of freedom to men and women
everywhere -- these are the foundations on which we

-42-

build and the tradition we seek to emulate.

"Equal and exact justice to all men" -- this
was how Thomas Jefferson defined the goal of our
national destiny, at home and abroad. And then he
added, "Should we ever wander in moments of error
or alarm, let us hasten to retrace our steps and to
regain the road which alone leads to peace, liberty
and safety."

one of those moments,
We are at one of those moments in our national history
We will not miss our road
of which Jefferson spoke. And I am confident that the
American people will be worthy of his advice. Together
we will find peace, liberty and safety.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE

Washington, D.C. 20520

June 20, 1975

TO: The Secretary

THROUGH: Winston Lord, S/P

FROM: Charles Hill, S/P

SUBJECT: Atlanta Speech/Youth For Understanding

An Ann Arbor-based organization called Youth For Understanding (a program which exchanges U.S. and foreign high school students for 6 months or a year) has just opened an Atlanta branch. The President is interested in the organization and William Seidman is its national chairman.

YFU had planned to hold its first big Atlanta fund-raising event on Monday, but decided to postpone it because of the conflict with your visit, as the same leading citizens would have been invited to both functions.

YFU is an example of local leaders' constructive concern for improved international understanding. In your speech on Monday you might wish to favorably mention YFU -- either in your opening remarks, or at the point where you refer to the importance of America's private sector leadership in developing an awareness of, and consensus for, our foreign policy.

DRAFT III

June 20, 1975

# ATLANTA SPEECH
## CONSTANCY AND CHANGE IN AMERICAN FOREIGN POLICY

We live in a world of momentous change -- change which touches the foundations of our security, our prosperity, our political and moral values.

America has a foreign policy to meet these challenges. Our design is sound. Our assets are enduring. We remain the best hope of mankind for a more tranquil, progressive and humane planet.

Today I want to discuss the forces for change in the world and what is required of America to shape them to the service of human progress.

Americans have been blessed by opportunity throughout our history -- vast resources, room to grow, a gifted people and an inspired heritage. We have turned our opportunities into achievements; we have found strength in our challenges. Our military power, the vitality of our economy, our

- 2 -

technological advance, our moral and cultural influence
are unmatched on this planet.

But Americans have always felt deeply that our
country had to have a meaning larger than itself. Since
our Revolution, we have been conscious that we represented
and defended universal human values. The inspiration
for our own achievements was in the vision of progress
and human dignity that we represented to all.

Therefore for thirty years the United States has
undertaken a role of leadership in the world which has
sustained global stability and prosperity. This has
not been a burden to us or a favor to others; it has
brought success to America and the world. Indeed, the
achievements of our policy for over a generation have
helped create the new conditions -- and problems --
which we must now face.

- 3 -

-- America's assistance to the postwar recovery of Western Europe and Japan, and our shield of defense, promoted the resurgence of these allies as strong independent pillars of the free world.

-- The international economic system -- the structure of trading and monetary relations created at Bretton Woods in 1944 -- has fostered economic progress not only in the industrial democracies but in every quarter of the globe.

-- The inexorable process of decolonization which we encouraged from the first, and our pioneering in technical and economic assistance for development, helped scores of new nations begin their search for identity in the world.

-- And for a generation the United States has provided the indispensable buttress of defense and

- 4 -

security in the crucial areas of the globe.

The postwar era of American predominance and bipolar confrontation came to an end with the passing of the 1960's. Now the paradoxically comforting certainties of the Cold War are gone. Our world is marked by many centers of power, by ideological competition both fresh and familiar; by the continuing threat of nuclear devastation; and by the new imperatives of interdependence.

To meet this era of change, American foreign policy since the close of the 1960's has endeavored to lay the foundations for a new international structure of cooperation -- one based on equilibrium rather than domination negotiation rather than confrontation; and the fulfillment of human needs rather than the pursuit of nationalistic ambitions.

- 5 -

Our policy has these major elements:

- To strengthen our bonds with our allies, with whom we share history, values, and economic ties. It is with the great industrial democracies we must begin -- in our maintenance of security, our search for reconciliation, our striving for prosperity.

- To fashion more stable relations with our adversaries. While the moral antagonism between our systems and ideals cannot be ignored, a stable and peaceful world requires us to reduce tensions and seek a more cooperative future;

- To seek to resolve conflicts without war
  It is America's long and great tradition to promote peaceful settlements and to separate local disputes from great power rivalry; and

- 6 -

To seek a new era of international economic cooperation and mutual benefit. For only a system which is fair to all nations and benefits all peoples can spur progress on the problems of interdependence.

In all these areas, we have made significant advances. Our momentum must not be deflected by individual reverses nor our purpose stymied by growing complexity. A world of pluralism, of spreading ideas, of independent states free to choose their destiny, is a world of hope and opportunity for fresh creations.

And though the United States is no longer preponderant, our role remains crucial. We are the largest single concentration of economic and military power; we are the nation with the most experience at organizing international cooperation; we are the major influence

- 7 -

in global communication; we are a deep cultural and moral force. If we do not lead, there is no other to take our place -- for what we stand for.

If we are to be true to our heritage and fulfill this responsibility -- for ourselves, our children, and mankind, we must have firm domestic foundations.

**A strong America requires a solid national defense.**

We must maintain the bedrock of our security. While foreign policy must reach beyond military concerns, there can be no substitute for our own defenses and the objective conditions of security. An equilibrium of power is essential to any stable international order.

- 8 -

which is aimed at achieving ways in which the great
powers can accommodate and reconcile their differences,
depends upon an America whose power is second to none.

For we cannot expect potential adversaries to abandon
their ambitions or moderate their demands unless they
see clearly that it is in their interest to do so.

This requires us to offer conciliation and incentives
for cooperation. But equally it means that our country's
strength and resolve must make alternative courses
dangerously unacceptable.

A strong America requires a vibrant domestic economy.

All our objectives depend on a general trend of
prosperity. Our economic vitality is not only an
immediate concern of every American; it is the engine
of economic growth worldwide. It is therefore an
international responsibility. The global recession

- 9 -

and the resulting demoralization of many societies
must be ended. As the President said in his State of
the Union address in January: "A resurgent American
economy would do more to restore the confidence of
the world in its own future than anything else we
can do."

But the stakes go beyond economic well-being.
There are vital social and political consequences as
well. Economic stagnation magnifies all our difficulties
while stable growth enhances all our possibilities.
Unless our country generates the economic growth which
enables our citizens to perceive the possibility of
a better future, indolence will sap morale and productivity
will deteriorate. Faith in leaders and institutions
will fade. And if growth is achieved, the distribution
of economic benefit must be broadly accepted as just --

- 10 -

A strong America requires a united and purposeful people.

The international agenda places a great responsibility
upon America. The urgency of the challenge, the magni-
tude of the effort needed, and the impact of our nation's
action -- or inaction -- demand an exceptional degree
of public understanding and coherence. America's true
strength lies in her creative diversity. But our foreign
policy cannot be steady and effective unless it reflects
broad public support. Diversity must not mean division
nor the pursuit of parochial concerns. For if it does
our foreign policy will lose constancy and coherence and
the entire country -- not one group or one party or one
faction -- will suffer. Domestic debate is vital; our
dynamic society demands it. But other nations must