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hinged. It was merely Sague's indifference and unsympathetic tone over the telephone that caused me to believe he was not the right man for the place. I told Polk we wanted someone with more enthusiasm. I also repeated my conversation with the President yesterday when he said he would stand pat upon his, Polk's appointment.

April 20, 1913.

John Purroy Mitchel came this morning to discuss his Mayoralty progress, and also the Washington municipal model government plan. We talked mainly about his political fortunes, and how best to obtain for him the nomination for Mayor. He had just seen President Roosevelt, and Roosevelt told him that unless conditions changed, he would get the Progressive Party to support him. Mitchel says that Hearst will support him, and we concluded that if we could get the Roosevelt and Hearst forces actively behind him, we could crowd Whitman out of the race and compel the republicans to give him their support. He is counting upon me to swing the Administration forces in line for him, which I shall do if the coalition works out in proper shape.

the

Mitchel said that McAneney was being supported by Wall Street traction crowd. I thought he must steer clear of the Wall Street, and I also intimated that he would have to steer clear of Tammany if he wanted our support. He was anxious for me to meet with Roosevelt and Shearn, representing the Progressive and Hearst factions, but I declined. It is my purpose to keep entirely in the background and merely to direct.

The Attorney General came to lunch with us. I told him it was being charged that he and McAdoo were in touch with Wall Street, and I urged him to be careful. He thought they could not justly bring such an accusation, and he had no fear of their endeavors in that direction. I explained that because he and McAdoo were from New York this charge would be made by the enemies of the administration, and it was not from anything they had actually done or would do.

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I cautioned him not to see Stetson or any of the Steel Trust people here, but
have them come to Washington and transact all their business at the department
of Justice. I also urged him to be careful in his solution of the Union and
Southern Pacific matter. I want him to be fair, and to lean neither towards the
people nor the corporations.

I urged him again not to scatter, but to concentrate his energies upon the
most important suits and obtain results. I told him this was also the Presi-
dent's wish.

Going back to John Purroy Mitchel, I asked the President when I was in Wash-
ington whether he wished me to take a hand in this New York Mayoralty contest, to
the extent of trying to have the fusion concentrate upon a progressive democrat,
rather than have them concentrate upon a republican, a Hearstite or Roosevelt man.
He said he would be glad if I would. I thought it would be awkward if a repub-
lican was put up, and we had to take the choice of supporting him or a Tammany
machine man. I explained that it was not my purpose to involve him in any way
further than my actions would necessarily involve him. That is, what I did was
to be upon my own initiative, but that of course the conclusion would be reached
that I was acting with his approval.

Justice Gerard came to see me about his chances for ambassadorial honors.
I thought they were slight but they were better now than they had been. He Baugh-
ed and said "I do not believe that until right recently I had any chances at all".
That, I replied, was true. I told him furthermore if McCombs and Morganthau were
given foreign appointments that five out of the nineteen major places would have
gone to New York, which was out of all proportion to her share. He saw the point.
He did not believe McCombs would accept. He evidently does not know McCombs; he is
as likely to do one thing as another.

April 21, 1913.

Paul Warburg telephoned this morning and asked to come at half past five
this afternoon.

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Norman Hapgood came to lunch. I told him that the President would not defin-
itely say he would keep the Russian Ambassadorship open for Chas. R. Crane, but that
he authorized me to say he thought some arrangement might be made by which Crane
could be given a place. By the time he is able to serve the Bulgarian States will
probably be formed and an ambassador or minister will have to be sent there, and per-
haps Crane could have that.

Hapgood talked to me largely about his proposed purchase of Harper's Weekly.
George Harvey had informed him the paper was losing only $25,000, a year, but after
he looked into it he found they were losing about $75,000, a year. They ask $100,000
for the paper, and he offered them $100,000, in 7% preferred stock of the company
which he is to form. He is dealing with Harvey through Mr. Lamont of Morgan & Co.
He said if he went into it he would have a reserve of $250,000, to fill up any holes
that might occur in the first year or two.

We discussed municipal matters, particularly the coming election. He again
broached the subject of my taking the chairmanship of the Citizens Committee. I de-
clined to do so. I am a citizen of Texas and even if I were not I would not want
such a position. We then spoke of Cleveland Dodge as being a suitable man for the
place.

I urged upon him the importance of selecting a progressive democrat for the
fusion candidate for Mayor, so that the administration could give its moral support
to him.

Hapgood laughingly spoke of his memory. He said it was like a six-month sieve.
I thought it spoke well for his mind for the reason that so many people knew only
that which their memory held of the thoughts of others and that such minds were sel-
dom or never constructive. He replied: "even so, the best minds are not only re-
tentive, but also constructive." I had to assent to this.

Mr. Frick called me up today and asked to see me tomorrow. I am trying to
avoid Wall Street crowd but it is hard work.

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Mr. Warburg came in the afternoon and we discussed currency reform.

Strangely enough, his mind caught the same points in the Glass Bill, that the President and I caught when we went over it with McAdoo, and his objections were the same as ours. It confirms my belief that the President and I are right and McAdoo and Glass and Owen are wrong.

Warburg thought the currency bill should not be pressed at this session, for the reason that he and I were both to be absent. I feel very much complimented at this view of his, at the same time I disagree with the proposition that either of us is essential to a good currency measure. We will have the bill threshed out upon all the essential points before I drop the matter.

Frank Andrews was with me for the afternoon and evening. We talked of the possibility of appointing Colonel Ball, Governor of the Philippine Islands.

April 22, 1913.

Lamar Hardy came to have me look him over for one of the Judges of the Appraisers Court. He seems fairly able and intelligent, and if his character comes up to the mark I shall recommend his appointment. He wished to know if he should get endorsements. I advised him to do nothing, for if he was the best man for the place he would get it, otherwise he would not, even though every man in New York should request it. I would like to see one man appointed on that Court for his fit ness alone, and not for his influence or political activity.

Mr. Frick called. He seemed to be nervous. He asked if I knew anything further about the Steel matter. I told him I did not. It is not my intention to know anything further about it, as far as he is concerned. From now it is my purpose to advise the President alone in the matter, and I practically told him so.

Prof. Irving Fisher called by appointment at six. We talked for an hour. He spoke concisely and well of the two subjects he had in mind, and when he finished, he left promptly. He wished me to present to the President the desirability of taking those portions of the Agriculture and Treasury Departments relating to the

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public health and form them under one bureau, and under the direction of an indepen-
dent head, very much as the Printing Office and the Congressional Library now are.
Later, he thought it would be well to make a health department but, for the moment,
a bill permitting the President to segregate the different sections from the several
departments would answer.

We went into it in some detail and I asked him to write me a short letter
setting forth the proposition in its simplest form.

for

The next matter he had on his mind was: how could we see the President
about the desirability of using the Department of Commerce for the purpose of ascer-
taining the reason for the high cost of living. We had a very interesting discus-
sion in regard to this matter, which involved what might be termed the standardiza-
tion of the dollar. I pointed out the objections to this and he met them very cle-
verly. Altogether it was as interesting talk as I have had for some time.

April 23, 1913.

Ear Harding telephoned to tell of the scandal which has developed in the
Treasury Department involving Secretary McVeigh and Second Assistant Curtis. He
was going to Washington to investigate it. Unfortunately
enough, as soon as he was
off the telephone McAdoo called me from Washington and I told him about it. He was
much interested and asked me to have Harding come directly to him when he reached
Washington. McAdoo and I talked of many matters, but none of particular mo-
ment. He said the President was standing firm on Frank Polk, and would send in his
name to the Senate in a few days.

Mr. Duval of the American Beet Sugar Co. called. I did not encourage him to
stay more than a moment. I know the sugar situation as well as he does, and it is
perfectly futile to discuss it at this stage. I admitted that if we are to have
free sugar it would probably ruin the Louisiana cane industry, and perhaps the beet
sugar growers as well, at the same time I explained that the President had gone just
as far as he was able to go in the matter, and that he went this far in opposition
to the Members of the House.

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Hugh Wallace came with a varied budget from Washington. Frank Polk called over the telephone to make some suggestions regarding the Assistant Treasurer.

Mr. Untermeyer telephoned and asked me to extend an invitation to Walter Page to come to the luncheon he is giving at Graystone to Mr. Bryan next Monday.

Page was unable to go. It seems now as if Mr. Bryan would have to go to California on account of the Japanese embroglio which would, of course, make the lunch for him impossible.

I have a letter from James Speyer asking me to meet at lunch down town Count von Bernstorff, the German Ambassador, who has expressed a desire to know me. I never go down town and declined.

April 24, 1913.

Norman G. Mack arrived this morning bright and early. He is very full of his importance, and of the harm it would do if the administration if he is not suitably recognized. He admits that he has been too modest. Nearly all of them admit this; it seems to be a failing of all politicians.

A representative of the Tribune called to get up data to write about me for some future Sunday edition.

McAdoo called from Washington and asked me to sound Edward Filene of Boston as to whether he would accept the Collectorship of the Port there. He also wanted me to find a good man for Second Assistant Secretary of the Treasury. He is urging me to come to Washington Sunday night in order to go over the currency bill with him. We talked of Polk's appointment and he said the President was still firm in his determination to send his name in for confirmation in a few days.

I telephoned Randolph to see Mr. Filene and ascertain whether he would accelt the Collectorship of the Port of Boston.

April 25, 1913.

Mr. E. R. Bacon called to tell of what advantage it would be to the administration to open in a proper way trade relations with Brazil. He asked to bring some great coffee merchant, whose name I have forgotten, to call upon me.

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Assistant
Edward S. Martin came with a suggestion of Julian Codman of Boston for Second Secretary of the Treasury.

James Speyer telephoned and again asked if I would lunch with the German Ambassador up town instead of down town and I promised to do so.

John Purroy Mitchel made an engagement for tomorrow morning.

Randolph Tucker called from Boston to say that he had talked with Mr. Filene and that he would not accept the Collectorship. Randolph spoke to Filene of Mr. Fahey, and Filene gave him a fine recommendation provided we could get him to accept. I also asked Ran to find out something of Julian Codman.

I called McAdoo over the telephone and told him about Filene and Fahey and Codman. I also talked to him in regard to the currency bill, and gave him some suggestions so that he could present them to Senator Owens and Carter Glass when they met.

Gregory came and remained until eleven o'clock. He is to have charge of the New York, New Haven & Hartford Ry. suit. Gregory has an exaggerated idea as to my activities, and says he has come to the conclusion that I am the most potent individual this country has ever seen outside the Presidents themselves.

April 26, 1913.

My friend Garland Miller of Texas called while I was at breakfast. He is a delegate to the Agricultural Congress which is to meet in Rome in May. I am giving him letters to our Ambassadors in England and France.

John Purroy Mitchel called at 9.30. We discussed the District of Columbia affairs, and also his candidacy for Mayor.

Norman Hapgood telephoned urging me to get Cleveland Dodge to accept the place of Chairman of the Citizens Committee. He thought the drift was now in favor of Mitchel.

Martin called and then Senator Core and Henry Morganthau came. Morganthau still regards himself as a very modest man. He did his best to break into

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the Administration, but failing in that he has been quiet for the better part of a month.

Senator Gore wished me to help him in some of his appointments in Oklahoma.
I advised them both to be patient, and the President would get around to them in
time. Wallace came in and I used him to get the other two out. Gregory came to
lunch and Whitney Newton in the afternoon.

I wired Thad Thomson asking whether he could accept the appointment of Minister to Columbia. Bogota the capital of Colombia has an altitude of 8500 feet. The mean temperature is 57 degrees, the annual rainfall 44 inches and the population is 120,000. Just how Thad is going to get there I do not know, but this is something for him to figure out. The last time I wrote him I had him located at Montreal, and now he is on the Equator. Such are the vicissitudes of politics.

I received a letter from the President this morning reading as follows:

My dear Friend:

The White House
Washington,

April 25, 1913.

Alas, my evenings in New Jersey will be spent in making speeches, but
I hope sincerely that I may come over and spend the night at your lodgings or, at
least, one of them. The second night I must start for Washington again on the
midnight train. The hot weather will be very detrimental to the Government that it
takes you away.

In haste,

Appreciation

A great many thanks for your kind assistance but not enough time to write all your kind wishes for my future

Sincerely yours, A. M. B.

April 27, 1913.

I saw several Texans today. Mr. Frank Trumbull called in the afternoon
but there was nothing of interest said or done.

April 28, 1913.

A number of people came or telephoned but nothing of importance developed.

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Congressman Ayers called in the afternoon with Mr. McKinney of Brooklyn whom he wished to recommend for Appraiser of the Port. He was Deputy Appraiser during Cleveland's Administration.

Mr. Edward G. Lowry of the Evening Post called. He wished to know something about the Currency Bill. I went into the subject with him in some detail so as to place him in a position to handle the news from Washington correctly. I urged, however, that the New York papers and people in general should forget the currency measure *fxxixhxxiximxxix*, and let us work it out without bringing New York too prominently feeling into it. There is so much *xxiximxxixi* against Wall Street in the country at large that any expression of opinion from New York prejudices our chances of getting a sound measure through Congress.

April 29, 1913.

I received the President's itiniary for Thursday and Friday. He is to arrive here at our apartment at eleven o'clock Thursday night, and is to remain with me until ten o'clock Friday morning.

April 30, 1913.

I was busy with Doctor Abbe most of the morning having some moles removed both by acid and radium.

Mr. James Speyer telephoned to say that the German Ambassador would be here Friday to meet me at lunch. He suggested Sherry's but I thought Delmonico's would be a quieter place.

John Purroy Mitchel called in the afternoon to talk over the political situation and advise with me.

Norman B. Ream came in the afternoon and remained until nearly seven. I had to a excuse myself in order to dress for dinner engagement I had with Mr. King of the Knickerbocker Trust Co. at the Vanderbilt Hotel. We went to see the Argyle Case at the Garrick Theater. We discussed many things during the evening including the currency bill, the standardization of the dollar and the tariff. He is a very alert, well-informed man.

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I found Mr. Ream a rather forceful man of the old fashioned, western type. In talking with Dr. Abbe today in regard to Prof. Irving Fisher's plan to establish a health bureau, he advised me to consult first with Dr. Welsh of Johns Hopkins. He thought it would be best to let Dr. Welsh look over any plan Fisher might suggest.

During the day Mr. Warburg telephoned and wanted to know if there was any chance for Mr. Sherrell to be appointed Minister to Russia. He is the man that Mr. Shiff and other Jews desire appointed. I also had a telephone call from McAdoo concerning the Collectorship.

Senator O'Gorman is urging the President to appoint L. Purdy, President of the Board of Tax Commissioners in New York. McAdoo seemed much disturbed over it, but I soothed him and told him the appointment would probably not be made, and if it was he would not be responsible. I advised him to stand out for Polk and to let the President go over his head if he so desired.

May 1, 1913.

McCombs came this morning and talked about himself for an hour. He seemed hurt at the way the President was treating him. He says he has never invited him to Washington to any social function; that he has never been to a meal at the White House, and he has never been invited to a conference except at his own urgent request. He talks about what good he could do the President if he would permit him, and he also makes covert threats as to what might happen to the President if he should turn against him.

He asked my advice again about the post of Ambassador to France, and he took every side of the question before he finished discussing it. He wanted to know whether I thought it would be humiliating to him to make it. I advised him to accept even if he held it only a short time. He said he thought he would, and then he thought he would not. He was anxious for the President to send "bon voyage" to the steamer in the event he should sail on Saturday for England. He

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suggested that the President might express his deep appreciation in a telegram
for all he had done for him.

He got on the subject of McAdoo again and expatiated on the evil things
McAdoo was doing to him in the way of newspaper criticism. I tried to persuade
him to meet McAdoo and settle all these matters in person. He said that McAdoo
was such a liar that he would not believe him if he agreed to desist.

I have ceased to try to persuade McCombs that McAdoo never thinks of
him, and has never tried to do him harm. He made dire threats of what he
would do if McAdoo did not let him alone. He said the City wanted to make
him Corporation Counsel here, and later they wanted him to run for Mayor and he
asked my opinion. I discouraged him about taking either.

Going back to McAdoo, he said that he and his agents had filled the Pres-
ident full of the idea that he, McCombs, was either drunk or full of "dope" all
the time. It was doing him harm and he would not stand it.

McAdoo rang me up from Washington to say he would take the four o'clock to
New York and asked me to meet him.

Walker Vick called concerning his own affairs. Charles Ferguson also called. He is one of the editorial writers for the American. He discussed his future.

Mr. Wheeler of the Secret Service brought me the President's itinerary at
half past three. He went into detail as to his movements, what time he would
reach here tonight and what time he would leave in the morning. He said there
would be fifteen or twenty men on the work here in New York tonight and tomorrow,
and that the apartment would be closely watched during the night by Secret Ser-
vice men in plain clothes.

I have arranged for the President to come back here tomorrow afternoon at
three and rest until half past six, take an early dinner and leave at half past
seven for his New Jersey appointments.

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I met the Congressional Limited at nine o'clock and took McAdoo to our apart-
ment. We discussed the collectorship at great length. He feels that the Pres-
ident has not been firm, and while he is willing to accede to his wishes, at the
same time he is not pleased with the situation. We both think the President is
making a mistake in not making an issue with Senator O'Gorman. McAdoo said the
President would wish to talk with me about the matter when he came tonight.

I had to ask McAdoo to leave at 10.15 in order to have the car back in time
to meet the President.

I went to the Pennsylvania Station at 10.45 and had about one minute to get
to the lower level when the President's special train came in. He was alone with
the exception of Tumulty, Secret Service men and newspaper reporters. Two auto-
mobiles were waiting besides ours, but he got into ours with one Secret Service
man in front with our chauffeur, and about ten others on motor cycles in front
and as many more behind. There was a great tooting of horns, stoppage of traf-
fic and a staring public as we motored swiftly through the streets.

When we came upstairs we had some sandwiches and while we ate them we
talked for more than an hour about the collectorship and Senator O'Gorman's at-
titude. The President was afraid it he antagonizes him at this particular time
he may imperil his legislative program in the Senate. He said the situation
was not good at best; that he had talked this morning to O'Gorman and some Wes-
tern Senators, I think from the States of Colorado, Kansas, Montana, Oregon and
Nevada.

We talked continuously about the O'Gorman matter until 12.15. He was
much disturbed. I did not force any particular view upon him, although he
could see that I was clearly of the opinion that he should make a stand against
O'Gorman's contention that a Senator has practically the appointing power rather
than the Executive. O'Gorman holds that it is necessary for the President to
advise with the Senators before an appointment is made, and he believes that a

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Senator should suggest names. He believethat a President cannot go outside the list as suggested. It virtually makes the President abrogate his right of appointing.

May 2, 1913.

We had breakfast at 8.30. A number of despatches had come during the night from Mr. Bryan, who is in sacramento, trying to get the Government officials there to disentangle the Japanese embroglio. We fell to talking of Mexico and the President wanted to know whether I thought intervention and war would be as bad as his Cabinet thought. I told him I did not. I believe that 50,000 men could do the work, but there would be considerable guerrilla warfare afterwards. He inclines to my opinion.

We then discussed whether it would be wise to recognize the Huerta Govern-
ment. He said England had done so, which was significant. I told him that Eng-
land had done so before Huerta had broken his promise in regard to Felix Diaz. I
suggested that he try that situation out with Huerta before he recognized him. That
is, that he ascertain whether Huerta intended to perform his obligations to Diaz
and would call an election supporting Diaz for the Presidency as he had promised
to do in writing. I thought if Huerta was recognized he would be able to borrow
a large sum of money with which to maintain the fight against Diaz, and it was a
question whether this was a good thing.

I again urged upon him the selection of a strong man for Ambassador to
Mexico. He replied that he did not know where to find one. I suggested ex-Gov-
ernor Adams of Colorado, but he did not consider him big enough.

I called his attention again to the necessity of keeping on good terms
with England. He said there again O'Gorman was opposing him, and would oppose
him in the Senate. I answered, "the more reason for a fight now".

I asked if he had given Ambassador Page special instructions along that
line. He had not, but took it for granted that he would be diplomatic and con-
ciliatory. I told him I had gone over the matter myself with Page, and had

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given him the reasons for having the good will of the British Government constantly on our side. We both deplored the short sightedness and ignorane of our public men. They talk and bluster and then are unwilling to maintain an army or navy in any way adequate to meet their pretensions.

The President started to go to New Jersey without answering Mr. Bryan's telegrams. I urged him to outline something, and then wire him more fully when he returned this afternoon. He suggested that I write it but I preferred to have him do so, and gave him a pad upon which he imparted our joint views. I afterward transcribed the telegram and sent it to Mr. Bryan. Its tenor and effect was that with some eliminations the resolution which the California Legislature was said to be prepared to adopt, would be satisfactory. I suggested to the President that he congratulate Mr. Bryan upon the good work he had done. He added such a clause.

McCombs rang up while the President was here and I talked to him for a moment, and then the President said a few words. McCombs is to accept the post of Ambassador to France unless he changes his mind in transit. He sails on Saturday on the Olympic, but his name will not go to the Senate until the other foreign appointments have been threshed out. McCombs wanted to arrange a meeting with McAdoo. I asked the President if he would like to have them here with us for dinner. He did not want them. He said it wearied him. I also told him that McCombs wished him to send a message to the steamer bidding him farewell, and wanted it couched in complimentary terms. The President laughed and said he would do it if I would remind him of it.

We left the apartment at 9.45 to start him on his Jersey tour. The streets were lined with people, the police and Secret Service men in plain clothes. It is arranged for the President to return between three and four o'clock, and remain until eight, when he is to go to Jersey City to speak.

I went to McAdoo's apartment and told him of my conversation with the President about the Collector of the Port and he was greatly disappointed. He

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acts finely about these matters. I spoke of McCombs' desire to have a meeting with him. He said he hated to do it, but would. He was working on the currency bill with Mr. Willis who is acting as Secretary for the Glass Committee. They wanted me to sit with them, but I was unable to do so as my day is very full.

I rang up McCombs and told him that McAdoo would meet him. McCombs said he was so busy that he did not think he could go to the theater and suggested that they meet at my apartment at six o'clock. I explained that the President would be here then and that he would be resting, therefore it would not be a good place. I suggested the Vanderbilt Hotel and he agreed to be there at six o'clock.

The President returned from his New Jersey around 4.30. We talked awhile and he prepared another despatch to send Mr. Bryan. McAdoo came a 5.30 and talked with us a few minutes, and then he and I went to the Vanderbilt to meet McCombs.

It was a very interesting affair. McAdoo and I went waiting in the center of the Hotel lobby when McCombs came in. I started the conversation along general lines talking first to one and then to the other. A little later I left them to buy an afternoon paper in order that they might get together in more personal conversation. When I returned they were "criminating and recriminating" one another. Things looked squally for a moment but in the course of twenty-five or thirty minutes they talked along more amicably. It was then time for me to return to the President so I arose, put my hands on the shoulders of each and told them that I had been with them both perhaps more than had any other person, and that they should forget the past and be friends as formerly. McCombs replied, "let's take a drink", so I left them on the way to the bar.

McAdoo telephoned later in the evening that they had buried the hatchet after the President left, under six drinks. McCombs also telephoned me, but as usual he talked more about his own affairs than about the reconciliation with McAdoo. He was afraid the President would send his name to the Senate before he was ready, and he urged me to wire the President at Washington not to do so. I did this for him because the

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President had told me he intended to send in his name and let him decline it if he
wished to do so.

When I returned to the apartment I aroused the President for dinner. His
stenographer also came to fix me ask whether he should send the California despatch
straight or in cypher. The President thought it might as well go straight, but
after reading it I thought best to send it in cypher which Schwem did.

We talked of a multitude of matters at dinner. Among other things we discussed the City mayoralty situation, and he again expressed his willingness for his friends to support an independent democrat against Tammany. He thought it inadvisable for McAdoo to take any part because he was in the Cabinet. I told him that something should be done for Morganthau or Ekkus or perhaps both. He said he would offer Morganthau the Turkish mission. I had heard that Morganthau did not want it and would not be complimented by the offer. He replied that nevertheless he would offer it.

We spoke of the Philippines and Mexico, but he could not decide upon a
proper person for Governor General of the one or an Ambassador for the other.

n
I urged him to make Walker Vick, Receiver General of Customs in the Dominican Republic, and he promised to do so. I also urged de Saulles for a small mission in South America. I thought he would be content with Uruguay or Paraguay although he wanted Chile. I told him that McCombs complained that he had not as yet made a single appointment for him, and he was insistent upon de Saulles. He said the reason was that McCombs presented such bad material, which I think is only partially the reason. As a matter of fact, he is prejudiced against McCombs, and I cannot blame him.

I suggested that McAdoo and McCombs dine with us, but he resolutely declined the pleasure.

When I came back from the Vanderbilt and told him of the reconciliation he
explained, "what children! "

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I tried to hearten the President concerning the enormous responsibilities
that are upon his slender shoulders, for he is anything but a strong man.

We did not go over the foreign appointments to any extent as we did not have
time. We only touched on the Collector of the Port, but when we did I urged him
to read the riot act to O'Gorman and to tell him he must get together with McAdoo
and bring to him a suitable person satisfactory to them both. That if he did not,
he, himself, would make the appointment without regard to his wishes.

We went over an infinite number of small matters which had to be taken up
and disposed of. I told him, finally, that perhaps I was seeing him for the
last time until Autumn unless we got together later during the summer when we
were both in New England.

Tumulty came just as we were finishing dinner, and the conversation then
fell upon Jersey matters concerning which I felt but little interest, further than
as they related to the national welfare and to the President's prestige.

I told Tumulty that it was agreed between McCombs, McAdoo and myself that
meeting
some mention should be made of their XXXXXXXXXXXX but without calling attention
to the fact that there had been any difference between them. I asked him to give
it to the papers.

When we went down stairs several hundred people had gathered to witness the
President's departure. He left amid the cheers of the crowd and the tooting of
the motor cycle horns of the Secret Service men.

He pressed my hand and said "I hope this is not goodbye, and that a north
wind will blow you into Washington soon". This referred to my well known inabil-
ity to stand excessive heat.

May 3, 1913.

McAdoo telephoned and wanted me to help him with the currency bill, but the
weather was too hot and I was too overwhelmed with accumulated correspondence. I
cut off the telephone except to McAdoo and McReynolds who is in town and who is
to take supper with me tomorrow evening.

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A great many people called over the telephone but their names were merely recorded down stairs.

I had an interesting talk on Mexico with Mr. Bennett, Vice President of the National Railways of Mexico. He came with a letter from Mr. Brown, President of the Railways, who had promised to advise me concerning the situation there. The outlook is not promising.

We motored to Judge Lovett's country place at Locust Valley. We were not able to get there until eight o'clock and found the Judge sick in bed.

May 4, 1913.

I left Locust Valley early in the motor for New York. McReynolds came to lunch and we discussed a number of matters. He is to take up the Steel Corporation matter tomorrow with Stetson. He says they must have a real dissolution if he, McReynolds, agreed to anything. I encouraged him in this determination. We also spoke of the Union-Southern Pacific difficulties, and he was again inflexible as to what should be done, and I think his attitude is the correct one.

I told him that Judge Lovett had said he was entirely satisfied with his treatment of him, for the reason that he treated everyone alike and played no favorites. The Judge remarked that if he knew he was getting just what everybody else was getting, he never complained. He said that during the last two administrations no one was ever sure that he was getting as good treatment as someone else; that they had favorites whom they discriminated in favor of.

McReynolds I believe will be fair to the corporations, but inflexible in his determination to carry out the laws of the land regardless of influence or threats.

McAdoo came at 3.30, and before McReynolds left. The two of them had quite a discussion regarding Tumulty. They believe that Tumulty is giving out information concerning appointments and that it is doing a good deal of mischief. Tumulty, however, denies this to me, and the President does not believe he is doing it. They also dislike Tumulty's general attitude towards the Cabinet. They

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accuse him of having an ever growing head.

McAdoo and I went over all phases of the Collectorship. I agreed to write
the President a letter, and later, after McAdoo had gone, I wrote the following:
( See copy of letter in copying book under this date. )

McAdoo said he was inclined to leave the Cabinet in the event the President
sustained O'Gorman instead of him, because he believed his influence would be nul-
lified and he might as well get out. I urged him not to do anything hasty, or to
say anything of this kind to the President. I promised to help him all I could
to bring about a proper recognition of his views.

I had a conference with Thos. B. Love of Texas. He said Senator Shepard of Texas was becoming "peaved" because no one could get an appointment in Texas excepting through me. Love made several recommendations which I promised to take under consideration and take up with the President.

May 5, 1913.

There were a great number of telephone calls today. One from Mr. Speyer
whom I have agreed to see at six o'clock, and one from Mr. Knowles, President of
the British American University Club of London, who is to come at five. There
was also one from the National Bankers Committee asking me to use my good offices
to get either the President or McAdoo to make an address at their annual conference
in October.

Mr. William H. Hazard called to ask me to extend an invitation to the
President and his Cabinet to attend the International Polo Games which are to be
played at Cedarhurst in June. He was followed by Mr. Knowles, and came James
Speyer who wished to talk with me about the Mexican situation. I suggested to
Mr. Speyer to put his recommendations in writing and that I would forward them
to the President.

May 6, 1913.

McAdoo telephoned from Washington that he had a satisfactory talk with

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the President in regard to the Collector of the Post here. Purdy's name will not be sent in. This in itself is a defeat for O'Gorman. The President thinks it inadvisable to send Polk's name in because it would be particularly irritating to O'Gorman, but another man who is agreeable to McAdoo will probably be agreed upon.

Jesse Grant called to ask my influence in behalf of a friend of his who desires some small foreign appointment.

Col. Feigl called and asked for my photograph to use in the general press of the country. I declined.

Otto Carmichael came and as usual was full of suggestions and gossips.

May 7, 1913.

McAdoo telephoned he had had another long conference with the President, and that they had agreed upon a man for Collector who would be entirely satisfactory to me. He did not dare mention his name over the telephone, but I gathered it was John Purroy Mitchel. McAdoo was in a happy mood, and said he was glad the matter was settled.

He told me the President had read Peter Clark Macfarlane's article about me in Collier's of May 3rd, and that he liked it. McAdoo told him I was sorry the article appeared, but the President thought it all right. The President expressed himself as being sorry that I was leaving for Europe, but said if my health required it, he thought it proper for me to go.

I had a quiet morning with my correspondence, but the afternoon was full of interest.

McAdoo telephoned from Washington again to say that the President had decided to appoint Mitchel Collector of the Post, and to ask me to congratulate Mitchel for him. He also asked me to notify Frank Polk that he would not be appointed.

He said O'Gorman had found out that Mitchel would be appointed and he went immediately to the President and suggested Mitchel's name himself. The President smiled and promised to appoint him at once. As a matter of fact, O'Gorman has but lit-

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tle fight in him, and if the President had appointed Polk, he would have yielded.
I think the President must realize this now, for of all the men suggested, Mitchel
is least acceptable to Tammany.

I telephoned Mitchel and he came to see me at once. We discussed the effect
of the appointment upon the contest for Mayor and agreed that it would have a bene-
ficial effect as far as he was concerned, and we also agreed that he should not ac-
cept the appointment of Collector if the President should decide that it barred him
from running for Mayor. Mitchel was amused when I told him about O'Gorman. I
did not go into details with him, but promised to do so at a later period when
everything had blown over.

He said that a former Deputy Police Commissioner told him he thought my apart-
ment was being watched, and that information was being given someone as to who was
coming and going from the house, and also that it was probable they were listening
in when I talked over the telephone. We spoke of the advisability of having some-
one find this out definitely. He thought the objection was that detectives were
of such a low order that it was not well to employ them, or to have anything to do
with them. He suggested, however, that there was a man in the employ of the Bu-
reau of Municipal Research, a very trustworthy man, and he would ask them to put
him on the job for a few days. XdaxmstxkswxwxxwauKxbxdiareputakkaaxaswghxkx
xakxh.

I called up Frank Polk and told him of his defeat. He took it philosophi-
cally and well

May 8, 1913.

Royal Ferris and Judge Dunlap of Dallas called to urge upon me the nec-
essity of continuing the agitation for currency reform. They were pleased to know
of my activities in that direction, and of my confidence that a proper measure
would be brought out either at the extra session, or at the regular session of Con-
gress.

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McAdoo telephoned from Washington during the day to say that perhaps it could be arranged to have Polk appointed Assistant Treasurer in New York. I hoped it would be done. He is not particularly well fitted for the post, but I think he could fill it, and something is due him for the way in which he has been treated.

Mr. Bliss called to ask something about the Ambassador in France. His son is First Secretary in Paris, and it is a matter of interest to him not only as to who is appointed, but when the appointment will be made.

Otto Carmichael and Mr. Bush of the Bush Terminal Co. called. Bush was one of the organizers of the league which has done so much to educate the country towards the desirability of currency reform. He wanted to know whether we thought it was time now to bring pressure upon Congress and in what way. I thought it would be unwise to agitate it at present, and that it would also be unwise to do it in the usual way at any time. That is, it was footless to have telegrams and delegations sent to Washington. I told him of one instance when 250 000 telegrams had been sent to Washington by a certain organization to impress Congress with the necessity of enacting certain legislation. I thought such things were so patent that no one paid any attention to them. He asked whether it would be well to have different men from the large states send delegations from time to time. I also advised against this. I suggested that the most effective way was to have letters sent fairly regularly and from widely distributed points in each congressional district, from the best citizens and to include merchants, manufacturers and farmers. I told him we did not want the limelight taken off the tariff for the present, but by the middle of June we thought he could begin having the letters sent in as I suggested, and let the number increase as the bill was more actively agitated in Congress.

May 9, 1913.

Nothing of importance happened today further than that I lunchèd with the
German Ambassador, Count von Bernstorff, and Mr. Speyer, xixxx.

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The Count talked rather more freely than I anticipated a diplomat of his training would. He spoke of Mr. Bryan and of the different Assistants in the State Department with a good deal of freedom. He also criticized ex-Secretary Knox and Huntington Wilson, his First Assistant.

The most interesting part of his conversation was after lunch when Mr. Speyer left us, and he and I walked down the Avenue alone. I suggested that it would be a great thing if there was a sympathetic understanding between England, Germany and Japan and the United States. Together I thought they would be able to wield an influence for good throughout the world. They could insure peace, and insure the proper development of the waste places, besides maintaining an open door and equal opportunity to everyone everywhere.

Much to my surprise he agreed with me. He said the understanding between Germany and England was much better of late, and if they had some mutual field of endeavor, he thought a good understanding could finally be brought about between them. He suggested that perhaps China was the most promising field at present for concerted action, for the United States could work there with Germany and England.

He seemed entirely unsympathetic with Japan in her contention regarding the California alien land law, in fact, the trend of his sympathy was for the white man against the yellow races.

Mr. Yoakum and ex-Governor Stanchfield have asked to call this afternoon. Mr. Yoakum came and was very pessimistic as to the business outlook. He said the railroads were being hit on every side; wages were being advanced by the labor unions, the Government was cutting rates and the bankers were charging them more for money. He figured out that altogether they were carrying about three billion or more expenses from these causes than they were a few years ago. He was also complaining of the President seeing so many office seekers, and not giving more time to the serious business of the country, especially to the passage of the currency bill, which he said would do more to lighten the burdens of commerce in the

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United States than anything else.

I told him the reason the President was seeing the office seekers was because he was trying to do the things the people wanted; that it was necessary to see Senators and Representatives at practically any time they desire, for if he did not, it would be impossible to get his legislative program through. I said at last we had a man for President who was bending every endeavor to serve the people in a wise and helpful way, and that instead of complaining he ought to uphold his hands. I think Yoakum went away somewhat abashed.

Ex-Governor Stanchfield followed. His trouble was that some of his clients, the United Fruit Company officials, were about to be put in jail. He thought the Attorney General should take up the matter personally, and not leave the case to assistants. He also thought that criminal proceedings should not be brought until after a civil suit had determined they were guilty. All I promised to do was to speak to McReynolds if I should happen to see him within the next day or two, and ask him to look into the case personally and not leave it to his assistants. I was no lawyer, and even if I were, I had no time to go into such matters.

May 10, 1913.

Henry Morganthau came at 9.30. He talked of the primary election in this State and of himself. He asked my advice as to what he should do about going to Washington to see the President.

George Foster Peabody came before he left. When he walked in he laughed upon seeing Morganthau, and asked him whether he had read Macfarlane's article in Collier's. Morganthau said he had not. Peabody replied "well, we all have to meet here". Peabody has been exceedingly complimentary in commending me for my public activities. He came today to recommend Frederic R. Coudert for Ambassador to France. He promised to send me Coudert's last book, which he did later in the day. He considers Coudert the best equipped man in A,erica for that post.

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Frank Polk came to talk over his defeat. He was very pleasant, and I tried to make him feel as if his defeat was almost a victory.

Washington, May 11, 1913.

Secretary Lane called while I was at breakfast and remained for an hour, our conversation covering a wide range. He told me about his plans in regard to the conduct of his office, and we discussed the Mexican and Japanese question, particularly the Mexican. We concluded it would be a good idea for the President to appoint a commission to go to Mexico and demand that the different faction unite sufficiently long to have an election and agree to abide by it.

After Lane left, I went to the White House, shook hands with the President remaining a few moments, and had a talk with Tumulty and different people as they came in. I told Tumulty that I had looked into the advisability of the President vetoing the Appropriations Bill, and had concluded that it would be unwise for him to do so for the reason that the House Committees had not been appointed, and there was no organization ready to take up and pass another bill without much delay. (This was because of the clause exempting labor organizations, farmers etc. from the Sherman Act by making no appropriation available for such purposes)

I thought it would absolutely destroy the present legislative program to inject an appropriation measure into Congress at the Special Session. He was dis-appointed at my attitude, and still adhered to his belief that the President should veto it.

I went from the White House to the Treasury to see McAdoo for a moment and to get the use of his carriage. We agreed to meet at lunch at the University Club.

I then went to the Agricultural Department to see Houston. He put before me the question as to whether Willis Moore of the Water Bureau should be criminally prosecuted for his misdeeds, or whether it would be well to merely accept his con-

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fession of guilt and let it go at that. I advised the latter course. Houston expressed regret at my departure for the summer, and said he thought it was a mistake that I did not come to Washington to live.

I returned to the White House, picked up Tumulty, and he and I and McAdoo went to the University Club for lunch. We had a general discussion there until nearly three o'clock, taking up various matters. McAdoo and I then went over to the Treasury and met Carter Glass and Willis of the House Currency Committee and threshed out the currency bill until five o'clock.

The Attorney General called for me in his carriage and we drove until half past six. We used this means of being in the open air and at the same time going over matters in his department. We spoke of the Mexican and Japanese questions. Japan has sent a very angry message to Mr. Bryan, and McReynolds did not know until I told him that Mr. Bryan and the President had insisted upon the terms being modified and that the Japanese Government had expugned the objectionable features. McReynolds thought if they had not done this, the best thing would have been for the President to give Baron Chinda his passports. We agreed that the American people would never stand for such impertinence.

When I was talking with Burleson yesterday, he too was very much exercised over the matter. The President and Mr. Bryan seem undisturbed and did not feel that the situation was critical.

I told McReynolds that I did not believe I could continue to stay in New York, that everyone wanting to get in touch with the administration came to me, laborites, Wall Street, magnates, social betterment workers, and even socialistic leaders, until it was becoming unendurable. He advised my going to Washington to live.

He was much concerned regarding the President's health. He felt sure his burden could be lessened by not seeing so many people, and by not bothering with so many unimportant matters. It is not as easy as he believes, for I have gone

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into the matter exhaustively, and the President is willing to do anything reasonable.

After leaving the Attorney General I went to the University Club with McAdoo and John Skelton Williams. We discussed current happenings in the Treasury Department, particularly the necessity of looking into some of the big financial concerns in New York. It developed during the conversation that of the two bank examiners in New York, one was doing his work properly while the other one reported that everything was in splendid condition and there was nothing to be criticized. After crossquestioning the latter it developed that outside of his regular work he had taken employment to examine other institutions and had been paid $2000. in one instance, and $1500. in the other for his services. These institutions are allied with the national banks on which it is his duty to report to the Government, and the fact that they give him these large fees for examining institutions outside his province, is singular to say the least of it.

Just before dinner I received a telephone message from the White House after dinner saying the President would like to see me at my convenience. McAdoo and Williams went to the theater and dropped me at the White House. The President met me upstairs in his library, and we had our last interview before my sailing for Europe.

I talked to him particularly about the currency bill and advised what should be done. I told him that Mr. Bryan was waking up to the fact that the proposed bill was not to his liking and that it did not provide for direct Government issue. We discussed at some length how this situation should be met. Mr. Bryan wants Carter Glass to go over the bill with him, but I asked Glass not to do so until after the President had talked to Mr. Bryan. It was my opinion the President was the only one who could influence Mr. Bryan or whose conclusions he would accept. I advised talking with him alone, rather than bringing the matter up in the Cabinet meeting because if it was brought up there Bryan would argue with his

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fellow members and would become set while if he, the President, would talk to him
alone and in an earnest and direct way, I felt certain he could bring him around.

The President was greatly interested in this new phase of the situation. He
admitted that if Mr. Bryan insisted upon his point of view that it might kill cur-
rency legislation at this session, and that when it was taken up at the regular
session, Bryan might leave the Cabinet if the President was insistent upon putting
the bill through. I also told him that Mr. Bryan wanted to know what had become
of his suggestion of employing Governor Folk in the Steel Trust suit, and that I
had answered that McReynolds had thought that instead of employing other counsel
it would be better to form a committee of which the President, Mr. Bryan and him-
self were the members. When I told Mr. Bryan this he turned to Mrs. Bryan and
laughingly said: "Well Mamma they have got us there".

I also told the President that I had said to Mr. Bryan that I did not
believe the suit would ever come to a point of serious discussion with the pro-
posed committee, for the reason that I believed McReynolds would insist upon such
terms as the Steel people would refuse, believing they would fare better if they
took a decree from the Supreme Court.

I spoke to the President about conserving his strength, and suggested
various means by which it could be done. I thought it was essential. He
said it looked as if the people were trying to kill him, and he spoke of the lon-
liness of his position in a way that was saddening. He expressed again and again
his regret at my departure. I said I felt like a deserter and that I would not
go excepting that it had come to the point where I could no longer serve him, for
I was broken down and it was absolutely necessary for me to get away for a few
weeks.

He thanked me warmly for all I had done, and said he would feel unhappy un-
til I returned. I expressed my gratitude for his kindness and said it had been
the greatest pleasure of my life to be associated with him. I spoke of his

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probable renomination and re-election. He replied "do not let us talk about that
now. My dear friend if I can finish up my legislative program I do not desire re-
election". I urged him to keep up his courage for if he ever faltered in the
slightest, he would lose his leadership and influence. He realized this and de-
clared he would maintain his courage to the end.

I related that Captain Bill McDonald once told me that he attributed his
still being alive to the fact that he had never hesitated the fraction of a se-
cond, but had always gone straight towards the point of danger, and the courage
of the other fellow had always failed. I urged this attitude upon the President
as strongly as I knew how, and told him it was the *most essential thing of all.*
I am sure he realizes it, and I am also sure he will carry himself like a brave
and gallant gentleman.

New York, May 13, 1913.

As usual I have had an exceedingly busy day. Accumulated mails and an in-
finite number of telephone calls and requests for personal interviews.

Mr. Frick telephoned and wished to know if I had any information concern-
ing the Steel Suit. I told him I had none. I was abrupt with him, for I want to
cut out further discussion of that subject.

Mr. Warburg wished to know whether I thought it advisable for him to talk
with Senator Owen on the currency question, since Owen had sent him word he would
like to discuss it with him. I advised him to do so. He said he did not want
to do anything contrary to my advice, or anything that would interfere with my
plans.

a

Mr. Trumbull, Chairman of the Chesapeake & Ohio and the M. K. & T. Rys.
called. His trouble was the income tax. He gave me a memorandum embodying
the railroads objections. Trumbull is a man of a good deal of humor. To illus-
trate his various points of view he told me the following anecdote concerning Mc
Adoo. He said a friend told him the other day that McAdoo's most conspicuous

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service was the building of the Hudson Tunnel and then carrying it into inconspicuous bankruptcy.

James Speyer wished to know about the Mexican situation. I told him I believed the Administration would now begin to take it up actively and try to bring about a solution.

An New York American reporter called in the evening concerning my trip to Europe. He seemed to think that a great mystery was somewhere in it. I tried to disabuse his mind.

May 14, 1913.

Gordon Abbott, Chairman of the Board of Directors of the Old Colony Trust Company of Boston came to unburden himself in regard to the income tax, and to give me a draft of a tentative bill to offset the one which the House of Representatives passed. I wonder how they think I have time to do the things that are brought to me.

McAdoo called from Washington apropos of nothing so far as I could discover, though he held me at the telephone for some twelve or fifteen minutes. I am afraid "he will jump the bars" while I am gone, and that there will be a new Secretary of the Treasury when I get back, for he seems to need someone to whom he can tell his grievances.

Wallace called from Washington to tell of a sensational story Josiah Quincy had given him, which was to the general effect that Hearst in his general plan of attack on the President was going to attack me. The basis of it was my alleged large holdings in Mexico, and my active interest in the settlement of Mexico. Sometime I shall take a searchlight and try to find my holdings in Mexico. I not only have not a dollar invested there, but never had further than a few hundred dollars of worthless silver mining stock which I bought many years ago before I was as wise as I hope I am now.

Commissioner Waldo called this afternoon this and informed me if he could not

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get the appointment as Governor General of the Philippines, he would be willing to accept one of the Philippine Commissionerships. I thanked him for his consideration and advised him to make known his conclusions to the Secretary of War. He said he would go down on Monday and do so, having taken my suggestion seriously.

Norman Hapgood telephoned to ask if I had room in our motor to take Louis Brandeis as well as himself up to the Bryan lunch which Untermyer is giving at Graystones.

We went to dinner at the Ritz with Mr. and Mrs. Borden Harriman. Mr. and Mrs. John Purroy Mitchel being their other guests. Before dinner Judge Gerard joined us. He is still on the anxious seat concerning his ambassadorial ambition.

During and after dinner Mitchel and I had considerable conversation in regard to political affairs. He was just back from Washington and told of his interview with the President. After dinner he brought up Clarence Sgearn and I talked with him a few minutes. Mitchel is still anxious to secure the nomination for Mayor, and I think, myself, it would be the best solution of the problem here.

May 15, 1913.

James Creelman telephoned this morning and I invited him to go with us to the theater Saturday evening.

James Speyer tried to get me over the telephone but I excused myself. Jesse Grant called to say goodbye before leaving for the West.

I went to the Harvard Club and picked up Louis Brandeis and Norman Hapgood and we drove to Graystone. On the way Hapgood and I discussed the City situation. He said there was considerable distrust of Mitchel because it was doubted he could stand the pressure which would be brought against him by Irish Catholics in Tammany Hall. He personally liked Mitchel, but wanted my opinion. I thought him thoroughly trustworthy and hoped he would be the nominee. He wished to know, in the event Mitchel was could not be nominated, whether I thought Frank Polk would

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fill the bill. I thought he would, and urged him as second choice.

I told Brandeis that the Attorney General was preparing to move in the New York, New Haven & Hartford Railway matter and he had employed a friend of mine, T. W. Gregory of Texas, to investigate it. I asked if he would not give Gregory what assistance he could. He promised to cooperate with him. He spoke of the extraordinary financing of the New Haven.

When we reached Graystone there was no one there excepting Mr. Bryan, Mr. Untermyer, Brandeis, Hapgood and myself, Mr. Untermyer immediately stepped aside and began to discuss the currency question. He does not seem to have an orthodox view of it.

Mr. Bryan also drew me aside on the terrace and we discussed the currency question at some length. As far as I can gather from his views are not different from the old time greenbackers. He said he had not talked with the President. He would like to do so, but did not wish to inject himself into the affairs of a department other than his own. I promised to write the President and ask him to discuss it with him.

He said he had telegraphed the Columbian Government asking whether Thad. A. Thomson of Austin would be a person of character to them, if so, the President would appoint him immediately. I am afraid the Texas people will grumble because so many appointments of Austin people are being made, but it cannot be helped for I know them and can therefore better recommend them.

While Mr. Bryan and I were talking on the terrace, all the guests had assembled waiting to meet him. Among them were, George W. Perkins, Governor John Stanchfield, George Harvey, George Foster Peabody, Clarence J. Shearn, Judge Gary, Morgan O'Brien, James Creelman, etc. etc.

I shook hands with some of them and hurried away with Brandeis and Hapgood who, like me, had engagements and were unable to remain for lunch.

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May 16, 1913.

Mr. Warburg telephoned to say he had an engagement to meet Senator Owen at Untermyer's tomorrow at eleven. I explained that Untermyer did not like Carter Glass, and I thought he was doing all he could to make trouble between Owen and Glass, and to get a bill as different from Glass' as was possible.

Speyer called to find if there was anything new in the Mexican situation. I changed the conversation rather abruptly by saying that I did not have time to do anything further in that matter, but I thought the administration was doing all that was necessary.

Colonel--------- was with me for an hour. The Colonel's trouble was that he would like to make some money, and wished me to be the medium. His proposal was for me to furnish advance information in regard to governmental affairs and let him act upon it and divide the profits. He was perfectly frank in his desires, and I was equally so in answering that I never made money in that way, for when I was in politics I was never in business, either directly or indirectly. I shocked him by saying that I spent twice as much last year as my income, because when my time was taken up with public affairs, I refused to do anything in a business way. I also informed him that I did not buy securities or holdings which were affected in any way by governmental legislation.

He is a good hearted fellow and had no idea that his proposal was in any way reprehensible, and he left wondering what I was in politics for. It is the first time in all my political experience that an improper suggestion has been made to me.

Linden Wallace Bates was with me this afternoon. He commends himself as one of the great engineers of the world. He thinks both Roosevelt and Taft made serious errors in the construction of the Panama Canal. He believes untold millions might have been saved, and a better canal made by having more locks with less water in them. He said if they had gone down 7000 feet further along the Chargres River they might have had a rock foundation all the way across instead of a drifting bottom which they now have for the Gatun Dam. He also thought they

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a great mistake was being made at Panama. That it could be made one of the most beautiful cities in the world by some engineering construction. One interesting thing he told me was that he believed, and, the British Admiralty also believed, that the Canal could be easily destroyed by explosives dropped from aeroplanes. He said a gunboat or steamer could stop fifty or a hundred miles off the coast and a patriotic aviator could do the work provided he was willing to sacrifice his life in doing it.

May 17, 1913.

McAdoo came in this morning to tell about the Cabinet meeting of yesterday. He is much concerned over the Japanese situation. Of course we are wholly unprepared for war, and yet the sentiment of the people of California and of the people generally in the country is so unfriendly to Japanese immigration that it is impossible for the President to take any firm stand.

McAdoo said in the Cabinet meeting Redfield and he, himself, did most of the talking; that they advocated some sort of immediate preparation, such as the moving of three gunboats from Chinese waters over to Manila. Bryan strongly opposed any act which might seem overt. The President finally sided with Bryan.

We talked of the currency bill and of Bryan's stand for the Government issue of currency in contradiction to the issuing of it by banks as in other civilized countries.

The Attorney General and James Creelman are to take dinner with us to-night and go to the theater.

Dr. Cox, Major Dickinson and H. H. Childers came at six and remained until our guests arrived for dinner. Dickinson is on the American. Dr. Cox is of antikannia fame, and is a great friend of Mr. Bryan's.

Creelman came first, and I had some talk with him before McReynolds arrived. He is always interesting and has a vast fund of information. We took them to see "The Master Mind" at the Harris Theater.

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May 18, 1913.

McAdoo telephoned this morning and McReynolds took lunch with me. We went over various matters of appointment, and also discussed some general policies in his department. Upon parting he said I "deserved the thanks of the country for the service I had performed in advising the President throughout the troublous months gone by".

McAdoo came by and we took him to the station. I urged him not to minimize the power of his enemies to give trouble for a lot of people were "on his back" and were getting on mine, because of the friendship existing between us.

He was concerned over the Japanese embroglio and thought the President and Mr. Bryan gave it too casual attention. He thought it would be a good move on Japan's part to make a dash for the Philippines, Hawaii and the Pacific Coast for a quick indemnity. In the event of war he thought he would enlist, and he asked me to promise to take his place in the Treasury. He is an enthusiastic, imminative, impulsive fellow.

May 19, 1913.

I have been all morning with telephone calls and personal interviews. William Garrott Brown's brother tells me that Garrott is distressed because Harper's Weekly has changed hands and is afraid it means his severance from the paper. He said his brother was proud and would not accept financial aid from him and it meant that he could not have the change this summer that his health demands. I promised to do what I could. I called up Hapgood and told him the circumstances. He said he would inquire into it and see what could be done, although he had not intended taking over any of the Harper's staff. Later in the day he told me he would keep Garrott Brown, and had so written him. I telephoned Brown's brother and told him of it, and he said: "You have saved my brother's life, and if you ever need me I will come to you at night bare-footed to do your bidding". I

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I wonder how much of it he meant.

Norman Angell Lane called this morning to give me a copy of his book "The Great Illusion". He also gave me copies for the President and Mr. Bryan. I believe I would find him interesting if I had more time to see something of him.

Morganthau came at three o'clock to tell of his activity in State politics, and to discuss political affairs generally. I urged him not to go to Europe but to stay in the game and become a potent factor in this State. I thought if he could do that, it would follow that he would become a power nationally. He promised to secure a scholarship at Cornell for my young friend the elevator boy, James Paris, a Greek.

Mr. and Mrs. Borden Harriman followed Morganthau. Then came Untermyer and we discussed the currency for an hour. He wished to see whether there was any chance to convince me that a currency bill could be constructed permitting the Government to issue currency instead of having it done by the banks. He is fairly sound in his financial views, and what he proposes is merely a guarantee by the Government of the currency to be issued upon bank assets. It is the same principle as the Aldrich and Glass bills, plus the guarantee of the Government. I think a plan could be worked out along these lines. I may call the President up tonight and ask him to get in touch with Untermyer. Untermyer has much influence with the House Committee on Currency, other than Glass, and it is exceedingly desirable that all the elements get together and agree on such a bill as the President can approve.

I called the President up at Washington around half past eight o'clock and gave him the substance of my interview with Untermyer. I suggested that he send for Untermyer and talk with him. He asked if McAdoo could not do it. I thought not, because the question of vanity entered so largely into these matters and the Jews were already more or less disgruntled because they had not been officially recognized.

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The President told me of his interview with Mr. Bryan, whom he referred to as "Primus". It was far from satisfactory and Bryan was absolutely set in his ideas as to the Government issuing the currency.

I promised to write him more fully regarding Untermyer's views, and to speak with McAdoo and arrange for him to get in touch with Untermyer. The President said not to worry about anything but to get on the boat and leave trouble behind. I expressed a willingness to return at a moment's notice, but hoped no occasion would arise demanding it.

McAdoo telephoned after the President had finished talking, and we discussed the currency in detail. I advised him what to do in regard to Untermyer and Bryan, and urged him to get everybody in line and put the currency bill through just as we have drawn it, or as nearly so as possible.

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London,

May 21-27, 1913.

We sailed on the morning of the 21st at one o'clock on the Mauretania.
We went down to the boat at ten o'clock the night before and found our cabin fill-
ed with flowers, books and baskets of fruit from our friends. McAdoo, McReynolds
Justice Gerard and Frank Trumbull were particularly generous. I had a great many
telegrams and letters. The President sent a telegram saying:

"My affectionate thoughts go with you, and my prayers for your strength, re-
freshment and happiness."

I was very tired and slept a large part of the time during the voyage. I
did but little and thought not at all. I sent my mind on a vacation and rested
thoroughly. The voyage was smooth and uneventful. There were a few interesting
passengers on board, some of whom introduced themselves to me, notably Sir George
Reid, High Commissioner for Australia.

He told some interesting stories. Sir George is very fat, weighing perhaps
three hundred pounds or more and with no height with which to carry it. He is a
very fluent talker, and in speaking not long ago he remarked that he was getting
old and would soon go to that bourne from which no man returned. Someone spoke up
in the audience and said, "that will be too bad George, for the fat will then be
in the fire."

He also told as applicable to himself a joke which I have since seen widely
published. While speaking in Australia a woman who was exceedingly homely kept
checkling him in regard to women's suffrage. He finally had to be very rude to her.
In her anger she called out, "if you were my husband sir I would poison you. Madam,
Sir George replied, "if I were your husband I would poison myself."

He told me a great deal of Australia and the manner in which they kept the
Asiatics out of that country. It is by a simple device which permits the Emigra-
tion officers to demand any would be citizen to undergo an examination in some for-
eign language. All that is necessary is to choose a language with which the un-
desirable is not familiar.

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The Cunard people were exceedingly courteous to us. I was asked to preside at the usual concert for the Seamen's Home but I declined the honor, and they then asked me to suggest someone which I did not care to do. A member of Parliament by the name of Binns was chosen.

Senator Jacob Cantor was among those who introduced themselves. He was full of New York politics, both State and City, and we discussed them at some length He gave me a new light upon Gaynor and upon some of the lesser figures.

F. S. Witherbee, who was formerly National Committeeman from New York introduced himself. He had much to say for himself. He told me in an hour's interview pretty much all he knew, which was interesting if true.

We landed at Fishguard on the evening of the 26th and we reached London after two o'clock in the morning, and it was broad daylight before we got to bed.

Ambassador Page had heard of our arrival and came at once to call. He was good enough to say that if he had known we were getting in, he would have come to meet us. We are dining with them Tuesday evening.

On Wednesday Page took lunch with us and on Thursday he called again. He asked Loulie to allow him to present her at Court on June sixth, and he also asked me to permit him to present me to the King. We both declined. I told him that all I wanted was to be left alone, and it would be a real kindness not to consider me in this connection.

Reporters from the New York Tribune and Times came to see me on Wednesday and I gave them a short talk. The New York American correspondent came on Friday and I gave him a longer one.

I was asked by James Marwick to meet Walter Long and some other Conservative leaders, but I declined. I was asked by Chalmers Roberts to meet the Duchess of Marlborough and some other ladies of title, the purpose of which was to discuss their proposal to erect in the City of Washington a bust or statue of some distinguished Englishman in commemoration of the 100 years of peace between the United States and Great Britain. I promised to consider it when I returned from

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Paris.

We left for Paris at ten o'clock on Saturday the 31st. The trip was uneventful.

Paris, France. June 12, 1913.

has

Ambassador Herrick invited us to dinner soon after our arrival and he called several times Wednesday since we have been in Paris. We discussed his successor and particularly as to when he would probably be named and would qualify. I told him McCombs had the matter under consideration, but his health was in such a precarious condition that it was doubtful whether he would be able to take the place before the beginning of Autumn, even if he accepted at all. Herrick clearly indicated that McCombs could not fill the place of Ambassador unless he was robust. He said that he, himself, had no idea what he was getting into when he accepted the place, otherwise he would not have done so.

Another consideration, he said, was that he had been asked by Mr. Taft to manage his campaign, and it was largely to avoid that, that he accepted the Paris post. He states that it costs him $100,000. a year to maintain the position and that he has not been extravagant. He pays $12,000. for his house alone, and says there are innumerable calls upon his purse in the way of charity and other things besides the entertaining.

The evening we were at the Embassy for dinner he had entertained that day at lunch forty people, and he said that every day it was a continual round of entertaining, or being entertained.

The most entertaining person I met at his dinner was Bunau Varilla who took such a prominent part in the building of the Panama Canal under the French. He was General Engineer while the French were prosecuting the work. He afterwards incited the revolution in Columbia by which Panama became a separate republic. He did this in order to give the United States the rights which the Republic of Panama afterward conceded. Varilla's idea was that if this were not done, the Nicarau-

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gua route would have been selected. This, he thought, would have discredited France who had sunk so many millions in projecting the enterprise at Panama.

Varilla also claims to be the man who unearthed the Dreyfus conspiracy and making himself very unpopular in France in consequence. He said he owned a half interest in Le Matin, and that it had a circulation of 990 000 a day. I wondered why he did not add the other 10 000 to make it a million.

After dinner Herrick spoke of the different peculiarities of the French and American Nations. He said the French became excited before an event occurred, and the Americans afterward. All of France was stirred over the election of the new President, but after he was elected there was not even a cheer or sign of emotion at Versailles when the thing happened. In the United States after the election the people went mad with enthusiasm.

In philosophizing one day to me he spoke of the fact that as a rule all the criticism of a man in public life came from his home town. It had been so with him, and Mark Hanna had been a resident of the town all his life, and he had fought in its battles. He had been a member of the town council for fifteen years, and he had been elected to it for the first time two years ago. He had been chosen to the council by the party that had first elected him, and he had been chosen again by the same party because he had been a member of it before. He had been chosen a member of the council before it was formed, and he had been a member of it before it was called a state council. He had been a member of the council before it was called a state government, and he had been a member of the government before it was called a state government.

Another subject we talked of was the making of ambassadorships political rewards. He said that a man did not begin to have any influence until he had been in a post for several years.

American

Mr. Dunning, General Consular Agent for Europe called, and I had an interesting hour with him. He gave me a new insight into the Consular Service and its needs. We discussed the propriety of placing the Civil Service blanket over all the consuls as they now stand, or of leaving them uncovered for the moment and having those who have never passed a civil service examination stand one. He said there were thirty or forty consuls in Europe who for one reason or another

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should be removed. Some because of political activity, and some because of unfitness. It was unfair to hold them under the Civil Service when they had been appointed without regard to fitness in the first instance, and merely to reward them for political favors.

He thought the Consulate in Paris was badly managed because the Consul was 73 years old and was unable to perform his duties properly. The one in London was excellently conducted, but its incumbent foolishly went home f__k__x__y__k__a__m__e__x__a__g__e__ and made political speeches for President Taft. This of course places him properly upon the list for execution. If the service is to be taken out of politics, no man should be retained who so far forgets himself as to do this.

Before I left home I thought such posts as London or Paris should be changed and given to those of the same political faith as the Administration in power, particularly where fitness was conceded. After talking with Dunning I changed my mind. He said it would take away the ambition of every consul if these two places were not held out to them as a reward of merit. This seems clear to me.

I have written the President expressing the hope that he will not formulate any consular policy until after I have talked with him.

I have seen some of McCombs in Paris. He has been ill a large part of the time since he left New York, and the doctors here talk of latent appendicitis. With his usual indecision he cannot make up his mind to have an operation, although they urgently advise it. One day he decides to have it and the next he decides he will not. It is the same with the appointment as Ambassador here. He is as uncertain now as he was before he left the United States, though he thinks he will accept provided his health improves sufficiently. Poor fellow, I am sorry for him. He is now entirely normal, as far as his mind goes, for he is taking excellent care of himself and looks better than for more than a year.

We have had many long talks in regard to politics, and the late campaign, and the more recent activities of the new administration. He says the President has changed his views in regard to governmental affairs; that when he, McCombs, was

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a student at Princeton the President often spoke with admiration of the checks and balances of our Government. McCombs thinks he has drifted into the Hamiltonian thought, and the President's desire now is for the Executive to become practically the Government. He also spoke of the manner in which the President dominates his Cabinet. He thinks that every member of the Cabinet including Bryan is more or less afraid of him, with the possible exception of Burleson. He admitted the President had a strange influence over himself, which he regarded as almost hypnotic, which goes to say that he, McCombs, is also afraid of him. I have never had any such feeling in regard to the President. The President has been so generous and kind to me in all my relations with him, that I cannot feel anything excepting the closest comradeship for him, and I express myself to him in a way that I seldom do to any other friend in the world.

We leave fxr Paris at noon, June 13th for London.

London, June 14, 1913.

Charles Ferguson was on the train and came to the Stafford Hotel in St James Place with us. He is full of his economic philosophy, and no matter what subject is under discussion he twists it towards that thought which seems to obsess him. He is an able man, but I can see why so few people understand him. He smothers his thoughts under such a volume of eloquent verbiage.

He tells me he has written two thirds of the editorials in the New York American during the last few months, but ordinarily John Temple Graves writes half of them. He has a socialist friend here by the name of Wilkes, and he was wondering whether I would not want Wilkes to get Bernard Shaw, Chesterton and H. G. Wells together. I expressed no keen desire to meet anyone.

Ferguson wishes me to talk to the President and urge that the three of us promulgate his propaganda. He complimented me by saying that by long training and habit of thought I was more particularly fitted to direct such work than anyone. Ambassador Page has called and offered to do everything in his power for us. He

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gave us tickets to the Royal Inclosure at Ascot, and sent his car to take us.
Loulie went but I did not care to go.

June 18, 1913.

The Mr. and Mrs. Hugh Wallace came from Paris to spend a few days be-
fore sailing for home. He tells me that McCombs is still undecided as to the Am-
bassadorship although he talked to him about it every day. Wallace thinks his idea
is to accept and then delay taking over the office until Autumn upon the plea of
ill health, and afterward decline it on the further plea of ill health, and to still
hold on to the Chairmanship of the National Committee.

McCombs told me in Paris that he greatly desired to give up the Chairmanship,
and to have nothing further to do with the management of a campaign. It shows that
he moves by indirection, and one can only guess at what is passing through his mind
He seems to think this attitude shows great astuteness.

Page asked me to dinner. It is the one evening he has free.

June 19, 1913.

I dined with Page last night and remained with him until half past twelve.
He simply refused to allow me to leave, and he finally walked home with me to our
hotel.

He had many curious and interesting experiences to relate, and he was much
disturbed at some of his social blunders. The one which distressed him most was
at the Duke of Norfork's the other evening. He took Princess Louise of Batten-
burg into dinner, and afterward, when they were in the drawing room, he left her
without being dismissed. The reason he did this was that he had been reminded
that he was the one to leave first, and for the moment he forgot that with a mem-
ber of the Royal Family, the reverse course was proper.

He considered taking a duchess or royalty out to dinner was hard sledding.
They refused to exert themselves in the slightest to keep up the conversation, and
he said it was the hardest work he had yet encountered in his ambassadorial duties.

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He spoke particularly of the Duchess of Norfork, whose husband is the premier duke of the Realm. She was a woman of good sense, he understood, but she kept it quietly to herself when he was with her. He had gotten quite "chummy" with the Duke of Connaught, and was doing all he could to make himself agreeable to the important people in England.

his

He told of several interviews with Sir Edward Grey, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, and the questions Grey put to him concerning the President's attitude in regard to the Panama Tolls controversy. Page gave me in detail some of his experiences with the Diplomatic Corps, and of his conversation with the King when he was first presented by Sir Edward Grey. The King expressed regret that our government had not seen fit to purchase an establishment for the Embassy here, and thought it must be a cause of embarrassment to him, Page. Page replied that the thing that embarrassed him was not the lack of the necessary and proper quarters, but the seeming discourtesy of his country which was not at all intended.

democratic

Page said that a country like ours always did things in a zig zag way, and that we had not yet gotten to this permanent embassy question, but the President was earnestly desirous of having it properly settled during his administration. The King asked after the President's health, and Page told him that while he was not a robust man yet his health was good and he had all the tenacity of his Scotch ancestry.

Page and the Minister from Portugal are the only ones of the Diplomatic Corps who attend Court in ordinary evening dress, the balance are arrayed like Soloman in all his glory. I asked him if this was true of the French Ambassador, who also represents a republic. He replied that the French Ambassador was the most dressed of them all, with the exception of the German Ambassador who got himself up in a gorgeous uniform, with top boots, spurs and gold lace.

Page is worried about his house and his living expenses. He sees clearly that he cannot make both ends meet even by adding his personal income with that of his salary. It is inevitable that he must dip into his small capital. However,

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June 20, 1913.

This afternoon Sir Horace Plunkett came to call and remained for an hour. We discussed the betterment of the farming class along the lines of more effective farming, farm credits, cooperative marketing, and the making of country life more pleasant and desirable. He wishes me to come to Ireland and visit him for three days before we sail, and I have promised to go. I am much interested in this phase of governmental work. I want to see what has been done in Ireland under his direction, so that I may take some practical knowledge of it to the President and to Secretary Houston for their information.

McAdoo cables me that the Glass Currency Bill has been agreed upon, and that the President will send in a message in regard to it sometime next week. This is exceedingly gratifying, for while it may not be all we desire, nevertheless it will meet the most pressing requirements and that is something to be happy over.

Sir Horace Plunkett telephoned twice today. He wanted me to motor with him to Holyhead on Monday, a pleasure which I declined.

June 22, 1913.

Walter Page and Chalmers Roberts lunched with us today. We discussed many affairs of interest including the making and selling of books.

Page said that "Queed" had been offered to his firm, but they turned it down considering it uninteresting and that it would not sell. He is still of that opinion as far as its interest is concerned, although the public has thought otherwise, since more than a million copies have been sold.

He talked long and earnestly concerning the Panama tolls matter. He said the British Government was very much in earnest in regard to it and he asked me to take it up with the President upon my return, and let him know for his private information what his attitude will be.

In the afternoon we motored out to General Sir Arthur Paget's country home, Coombe Warren. We met a few people there who were more or less interesting. It

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is a beautiful place and I am told that King Edward was a frequent visitor there
during his lifetime. Lady Paget is still a charming woman in spite of her years.
She is interested in the gift of a bust or statue of Lord Chatham to the City of
Washington to commemorate the One Hundred Years of Peace. Her purpose is to have
American women who have married Englishmen make the gift. These include among
others: the Duchess of Marlborough, Cora, Countess of Stafford and the Duchess of
Roxborough. I advised them to call a meeting and make a formal tender of it to
the President.

June 23, 1913.

I called on Sir Horace Plunkett this afternoon. He was not in, but I wait-
ed a few minutes until he came. Arthur Balfour and Sidney Brooks had walked to
his door with him. Balfour left, but Brooks came in to chat with me. I also
met Lady Fingall, Sir Horace's cousin, and who promised to look out for Loulie in
the event I took her to Ireland with me.

Sidney Brooks walked home with me and asked me to tea at Brooks, which I
declined because of an important engagement.

Page's secretary informs me that a luncheon has been arranged for Sir Ed-
ward Grey and me to meet on July 3rd.

June 25, 1913.

I received a note from Page this morning telling of the luncheon engagement
with Sir Edward Grey, and also asking us to lunch with them on Sunday. Mrs. Page
arrives from the United States on Friday.

We lunched at Lady Paget's today. There were several interesting people
present, one of whom was an Indian Prince; another, Madame Grenier, the French ac-
tress. Then there was Lady Florence Grosvenor. I was the guest of honor and a
Mrs. Bachellor sat on the other side of me.

Lady Paget asked me to write to the President regarding the bust and I promised
to do so.

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We are dining tonight to meet Sir Alexander and Lady Cross. Sir Alexander is a
Scotch Liberal and formerly represented Glasgow. He is a man of considerable parts.
I remember him very pleasantly from last year when we dined at his house.

Strassburger came over from Paris yesterday and tells me that McCombs is
still dallying with the ambassadorship and his appensix. Some days he is well and
some days he is ill, but he is always in a state of vacillation.

June 26, 1913.

I had a long and delightful talk with Sir Alexander Cross at dinner last night.
I thought he was still in Parliament, but he tells me he has been out for two years.
However, he is one of the best posted men in the Liberal Party regarding the person
of its leaders and regarding their intentions as to legislation. He gave what
seemed to me an accurate analysis of the character and abilities of Asquith, Lloyd
George, Sir Edward Grey and others, all of whom he has known for a long while. He
also knows Balfour and the elder Chamberlain very well. We discussed at some
length the Irish Home Rule Bill, which he thought would be passed at this session.

June 27, 1913.

We dined last night at the Brooman-White's. A son of the Duke of Cambridge
was there. There was also a gouty old Englishman of title whose name has escaped
me, for the reason that the introduction was inarticulate. The conversation after
dinner was along the lines of British mediocrity,— the prevalence of grouse this
or that county being the main topic, although salmon fishing came in for its due
share of interest. The Duke of Cambridge's son, who, by the way, was a man well
up in the fifties, had to leave shortly after dinner in order to attend the Court
Ball given in honor of President Poincaré.

Joseph Raskka Fels, the well known single tax advocate, called this after-
noon. He asked us to dine with them at the earliest date possible.

June 29, 1913.

Loulie and I took lunch with the Page's today. Mrs. Page and her daughter

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having arrived on the Adriatic Friday. The good woman is full of trouble. She sees financial disaster staring them in the face. She said if she had known before coming over what she knows now, nothing could have tempted her to give her consent for Mr. Page to accept the place. Page also discussed the matter of expense, and said it would be utterly impossible for them to live here in any dignity without encroaching upon their slender capital.

The social feature is also bothering him, particularly the manner in which it is proper to address different people. For instance, a Mrs. Colgate came here some fifteen years ago as a widow. She married the Earl of Stafford who died shortly afterward. She has no right to the title, but by courtesy she is permitted to call herself, Cora, Countess of Stafford. There are several other Lady Staffords, and it is difficult in the general mix-up to distinguish them by their proper appellations. My opinion is that the staff at the Embassy is at fault, otherwise Page's way would be made easier.

He complained again at the total lack of information received from home concerning official matters. I promised to supply this myself after my return, and I have already given some inside information regarding what is being done in administration circles.

We discussed the speech he is to make at the Fourth of July Banquet. I made some suggestions. I explained to him more fully the President's attitude towards corporate wealth, and gave him a better insight into the idealistic note struck by the President in his public utterances. I think Page will embody this in his coming speech.

He was unable to get the Duke of Manchester's house as he asked $10,000, a year for it, while Page was only willing to pay $8000, or, at a pinch, $9000, for thirteen months.

We are to lunch with Sir Edward Grey, July 3rd, Grey asked us to come to him because his home is more convenient to the House of Commons, and at this stage he must necessarily be within easy reach.

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June 30, 1913.

We dined with Mr. and Mrs. Joseph Fels at No. 10 Cromwell Road, Regent Park. I enjoyed the lack of formality, and the food was homelike and good. Fels informed me he had spent $250,000, a year during the past three years to advance the single tax. He said he begrudged every dollar spent on himself. He believes if the single tax is adopted throughout the world, poverty will disappear. The Fels live modestly, have no motor, and I saw but one servant around the house.

Alma Gluck has been their guest for the past three weeks, and for the greater part of the past four years Efrem Zimbalast has made his home with them in London. They also have living with them a young English actor by the name of Burroughs who desires to become a singer. It is splendid to see people devoting their lives to such purposes, even through they may be mistaken as to the ultimate good to be accomplished.

We lunched today with the Bachelors. I am glad she succeeded in meeting Queen Alexandra. When she meets Queen Mary I suppose her life's ambition will have been fulfiled. I could not help contrasting her life with that of the Fels.

We met several people of title whose names I did not distinguish, or have forgotten. We lunch tomorrow with Mr. and Irwin Laughlin of our Embassy here.

July 2, 1913.

I took dinner again last night with the Fels. They had George Lansbury there, the ex-Member of Parliament and an extreme Laborite. We had an interesting discussion on labor conditions and their betterment. He said in his district with a population of 160 000 there are perhaps 15,000 or 20,000 indigent persons, that is people not having enough to eat and not sufficiently clothed and housed in winter. I was surprised to hear him say that conditions were not so good now as they were some years ago. He said they seemed to have struck high water mark and then to recede during the past four or five years. He thought the bills Lloyd

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George and the present administration had fathered had perhaps done harm rather than good. He had reference to the Old Age Pension Act, The Insurance Bill and the bills concerning child labor. He curiously accounted for this state of affairs in several ways. He thought the Child Labor Act took away from the support of some families the few shillings such labor had heretofore brought in. He also thought the other measures had a tendency to make people satisfied with state support rather than maintaining within themselves a measure of independence.

He did not seem to see much outcome for the future, and had no plans or remedies to suggest. He thought the School Act also limited the production per family, and while he did not donධm it, he wondered whether it was worth while. I believe I talked him clearly out of this view.

I went to the House of Commons and was given the privilege of a seat upon the floor. I met several Members, all of them being of the Liberal persuasion. I only remained a short while since nothing of interest was going on.

Felsbwas insistent that his single tax plan would abolish poverty and meet all needs. Lansbury and I combatted this idea. We were willing to go a certain distance with him, but we did not agree with his conclusions.

There was one interesting thing which Lansbury said would perhaps happen at the next general strike among coal miners, and that was a demand would probably be made for either state ownership or ownership by the miners themselves. The miners want the mines to vest in themselves, but he was trying to show them the futility of that and to get them to advocate state ownership. The next strike, therefore, may be a matter of stupendous importance, for it may strike at the fundamental, and bring about a readjustment of economic and social conditions.

July 3, 1913.

This afternoon I went to Claridge's to a tea given by James Marwick. There were about twenty-five people present. Among them were Mr. John Burnett the architect who has just finished the new wing of the British Museum. There were sev-

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surprised that they exhibited so much feeling. I thought they were making a mistake
because our people did not have an unkindly feeling for Japan as a nation, and
were no more irrevocably opposed to Japanese immigration than Canada or Australia. I
asked why Japan did not take offense at the Australian law, which permitted the au-
thorities to deny admission to *any alien* who could not read such language as the
examining official was pleased to select as a test. #

He said that as a matter of fact the Japanese Government did not desire their citizens to immigrate excepting to Korea, and the feeling in the American situation was brought about because of the public way in which California had taken action. The citizens of Japan were sensitive to any imputation of inferiority to the white races, and the Japanese Government had been much embarrassed at home by the feeling engendered by the California agitation.

While Lord Crewe and Page were discussing the eradication of the hook worm in India and other countries, Sir Edward and I fell to talking of the Mexican situation I told him the President did not want to intervene, and was giving the different factions every possible opportunity to get together. He wished to know whether the President was opposed to any particular faction. I thought it was immaterial as far as our Government was concerned which faction was in power. In such an order was maintained. I thought our Government would have recognized Huerta's Provisional Government if they had carried out their written promise to call an election at an early date and abide by its decisions.

Sir Edward said his Government had not recognized the Huerta Government excepting as a provisional one, and that if Huerta undertook to run for President in spite of his promise not to do so, then recognition of him would come up again as an entirely new proposition. He intimated that in those circumstances he would not recognize him.

He wished to know what would happen if we intervened, and suggested that perhaps the same condition would prevail as in Cuba. I replied that this was a question of this kind. #This did not mention Asiatic races by name, therefore their sensibilities were not hurt.

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for the future, but personally I did not believe intervention would be as serious
as most people thought.

We then drifted to the Panama Canal Tolls question. He said his Government
intended to put two propositions squarely up to our Government; i.e. whether we
desired to take up the discussion of the Treaty as it stood, or whether we would
prefer arbitration. His Government have no objection to our Government giving free
passage to coastwise vessels, so long as it did not interfere with British shipping
or was not unfavorable to it, but just what plan could be devised to bring this
about, he did not know. However, he was willing to take up the discussion with our
Government in the event the free tolls were not abolished by the bill now before
our Senate.

I suggested that the matter should not be pressed for the moment, but be
left open for the long Session of Congress beginning in December. I explained that
the President was exceedingly anxious to get through his legislative program at
the Extra Session; that a reduction of the tariffs and the reform of our currency
system were almost vital to the success of his administration, and that in the Sen-
ate he had only a narrow margin on the tariff, and he did not wish to press anything
else until these measures were through.

Sir Edward said he quite understood his position and sympathized with it,
and his Government were perfectly willing to allow the matter to rest as suggested.

I incidentally told him that the President was not altogether en rapport with
Mr. Bryan's peace plans, but he was perfectly willing to let Mr. Bryan have a free
hand to go as far as he could in the direction in which he has started. I also
told him that it was a matter of some embarrassment to Mr. Bryan that the Senate
seemed disinclined to submit the tolls matter to arbitration. Sir Edward smiled
and replied that Mr. Bryan's peace plan was something different from arbitration.
I admitted the truth of this, and yet his plan embraced both arbitration and the
larger one of postponement of the settlement of international difficulties.

Our luncheon consisted of a course of lobster and afterward mutton cutlets,

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green peas and potatoes. Then ice cream with raspberry sauce, cheese, fruit and
coffee. We were waited upon by two maids, no butler being present. The house
is a simple one, but exceedingly comfortable and well arranged. He rents it from
Winston Churchill.

When we went to the library Sir Edward and I sat on a lounge and began talking of the industrial problems confronting the civilized nations. He thought we all had practically the same problems to solve, but in different forms. He said while people were talking of the Balkan situation and international policies, the industrial problems were the pressing ones, and the ones which had to be finally settled, and he wondered which nation would find a way. I believed that sharing profits with labor would solve some of their difficulties. I recalled that they had some notable examples of profit sharing in England which had been successful. He believed along certain lines it might work out, but he wondered if it would in railroads and things of that sort.

I saw no reason why it should not. He seemed rather to acquiesce in the opinion that this would be the final solution. I told him I thought that in the United States the stability of our Government was maintained by the enormous number of small land owners, and that in the event of conflict between labor and capital which would amount to revolution, the farmers with almost entire unanimity would uphold the Government. I expressed the belief that we were much better off than the British Government where the land and property was held in such few hands.

In going back to the coal strike situation, he said that such a condition would amount to revolution, and he wondered what would be the outcome. I thought it would be a revolution in every way, and that our social and economic life would necessarily have to be readjusted in the event they won their contention. That if coal mines were to be owned and operated by the State, then railroads and other things must necessarily follow.

Sir Edward has it from a confidential source that the State owned and operated
mines of Germany have not been a success. I asked from what viewpoint? He

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thought the people in general were dissatisfied because it had not reduced the price of coal and they believed it would. I asked to see the report, but he said it was not obtainable.

When we parted he asked me to please let him know when I was next in England so that we might meet again.

Page and I walked to Trafalgar Square together. Among other things Page wanted to know whether I thought it would do for the President sometime during his administration to make a visit to England for a week. He asked me to mention it to the President and not to let him think that he, Page, was entirely crazy. I was not very responsive to the idea for it seemed to me wildly impracticable, but I did not comment upon it.

Page again went into the question of our Government owning our Embassies. The German Ambassador told him last night at dinner that his Government furnished him a house, gave him $37,000. a year, and that he himself had enough to supply the balance necessary, which was a large sum.

Page also talked to Mr. Harcourt, Secretary for Home Affairs, who said that $50,000. was about the minimum he, Page, could live on. Speaking of Harcourt, Page tells me he made a suggestion a few days ago that our Government should send a white man to Liberia instead of a negro as our representative. He said the negroes were falling back into a state of barbarism, and they were but little better than the natives of Darkest Africa. Page wishes me to also make this suggestion to the President.## Harcourt believes if a white man were sent there from the United States as Minister he would practically become ruler of the country. The Liberians are a docile and ignorant people and could be easily led.

July 4, 1913.

We went to dinner with the Kock's last night. They have a beautiful home in Belgrave Square. The dinner was without incident further than we fell to dis-

# When I reached home the President had already named a negro.

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cussing conditions in the United States and the power of the Administration to
bring about corporate reforms. I spoke very strongly and feelingly, but I am
afraid my audience was not very sympathetic.

I lunched at the Ritz with Samuel Untermeyer. I always enjoy him because
he has such a fine mind, although it is in a measure restricted since he does not
think upon a wide range of subjects. We talked largely of the Currency Bill.
One of the interesting things he told me was the fight being made upon McReynolds.
He said they were trying to bring about his undoing because he was fearless and
independent, and he could not be reached in an improper way.

He spoke of the influence the newspapers exercised upon our public life,
and considered it the most pernicious power that now menaced us. It was an at-
tempt to govern through the newspapers. He thought it would be well if we
could get the English libel law enacted.

Mrs. Untermeyer told Loulie that they were made miserable by the
constant threats which were made against his life.

July 7, 1913.

Mr. and Mrs. Page lunched with us yesterday. We had an interesting talk. I
told Page that Johns Hopkins would make him an offer of the Presidency within
the next year or two, and I asked what he thought of it. I was recently approach-
ed by one of the Trustees concerning this matter. He said it was so sudden that
he was not able to formulate his thoughts. In some ways it might be exceedingly
agreeable, but he was afraid they wished to raise a large sum of money and that
his principal duty would be that of a beggar.

I invited Sir Malcolm Morris to drop in after lunch. He is not only a
great physician but, strangely enough, is the Managing Literary Director of Cas-
sell's Publishing Co. He and Page talked along publishing lines, to which I lis-
ened with considerable interest.

Page is still disturbed about a house. He cannot find one large enough

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that comes within the limits of his purse.

Later Frank Page came in to advise with me concerning the kind of house that would be suitable for the Page family. He feared if they decided on the Duke of Manchester's house that the people in America would think they were overdoing it. I thought the amount his father would spend over here would be so small in comparison with what our recent Ambassadors have expended that it would not be criticized.

Dr. and Mrs. John Cox gave us a dinner at the Savoy last night. Among the guests to meet us were, May Sinclair, author of "The Divine Fire", Austen Harrison, Editor of the English Review of Reviews, Col. George Harvey, Mr. and Mrs. Samuel Untermeyer, Charles Ferguson and several others. It was a beautifully arranged dinner.

Harvey sat at my left and talked to me during the entire meal, which made it somewhat embarrassing. He told me several interesting things. One was that at a dinner several years ago given at some great lady's house in London, an expatriated American abused the United States and its institutions and its men during the entire dinner. Besides J. P. Morgan, the Duchess of Marlborough and other Americans, there were the Duke and Duchess of Albany and many other distinguished English people. The abusive American got on the nerves of everyone present, particularly Mr. Morgan. Among those he criticized was Mr. Bryan, and when the ladies left the table he continued the subject. Finally Mr. Morgan said, "Harvey, fan't you say something?". Harvey then turned himself loose and literally flayed his disloyal countryman in his most characteristic and vigorous style. Morgan thanked him for it afterward, and when the hostess wished to place the abusive American at his table to play bridge with him, he refused and added that if he did not leave the house he would. The hostess was compelled to go to her guest and say "I shall have to bid you goodnight, and I cannot give you my reasons for doing so."

This story, if true, gives a side light upon Morgan's character which is interest-

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ing.

We are sailing tomorrow on the Laconia for Boston.

On Board, S. S. Laconia,
July 8th to 16th inclusive.

Page sent his son Frank to Liverpool with us, and everything possible was
done for our comfort. The Cunard people gave me letters to the Captain, Purser
and Chief Steward, none of which I presented.

Frank Page introduced me to Lord who had come aboard to bid his son goodbye
who was a fellow passenger. The boy, the Honorable Spring-Rice, a cousin of the
British Ambassador, was coming over to join the British Embassy at Washington.
Randolph Coolidge of Boston introduced himself, and we had several talks. A good
many other people introduced themselves during the voyage. The trip was without
noteworthy incident.

Before landing six or more reporters came aboard from a revenue cutter and
immediately proceeded to interview me. A circular letter (anonymous) had been
sent out from New York to all the Boston newspapers, saying I would arrive on the
Laconia July 16th, and that it was thought I had been abroad for the purpose of
influencing European bankers not to make loans to the Huerta Government. It
also stated that the President's present policy towards Mexico was thought to have
been suggested by me, and that I had large oil and railroads interests in Mexico.

All the interview they obtained from me was that the circular was false from
beginning to end, and that I had no interest in Mexico of any character and that I
had not been abroad for the purpose stated.

McAdoo had written to the Custom people to facilitate the inspection of our
baggage, which was very politely carried out. I had made a careful memorandum of
everything we had bought abroad, (as I always do,) with prices attached. The slip
was taken and the trunks barely opened, but a good round sum was assessed against
me based upon the values given by me.

I received a delightful telegram from the President upon arrival in which he

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said: ?

Beverly Cove, Beverly, Massachusetts.

July 17, 1913.

Tumulty has sent a telegram asking me to see Mayor Fitzgerald of Boston, and to interest myself in the Massachusetts political situation. I do not care to do this, but I suppose it must be done.

July 18, 1913.

McAdoo telegraphs saying he will be here tomorrow to remain over Sunday. I also received a telephone message from Mayor Fitzgerald, who is trying to make some date with me.

July 19, 1913.

McAdoo arrived this afternoon on the one o'clock from New York. We have talked of the general situation and tomorrow we plan to particularize on the currency and other matters of pending importance.

July 20, 1913.

Mayor Fitzgerald telephoned again and instead of having him come out, I told him that McAdoo would meet him in Boston tomorrow.

I telephoned Louis Brandeis at Dedham, and he came down on one of the early afternoon trains. He, McAdoo and I talked over the Massachusetts situation. Brandeis seems to have an open mind about the unfilled Federal offices, other than he is opposed to Burnett for Collector of the Port, whose appointment Col. Gaston is urging. We also discussed the New York, New Haven & Hartford Railway situation with him. He left on the 6.30 train, and McAdoo and I reviewed events since I had been gone. I told him of my conversation with Sir Edward Grey, and I asked him to impart it to the President.

Walter Page wrote me a delightful letter which I received yesterday, and which McAdoo insisted upon taking to the President. Page had just seen Sir Ed-

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ward Grey, and when they had finished their particular business he says Grey fol-
lowed him to the door and thanked him for having given him the pleasure of meeting
me. He asked him to say that he hoped I would not fail to let him know the next
time I was in England, and he told Page furthermore he had gotten a great deal of
pleasure and information from our talk together.

McAdoo has come to the conclusion that the Catholic influence is too
strong around the President. He thinks Tumulty is either consciously, or uncon-
sciously their instrument. He says he has been receiving many letters about this
and they have given him some concern. One of them he showed to the President.

McAdoo commented on each Member of the Cabinet. He said McReynolds was
not taking his punishment philosophically. He thought as a matter of fact he had
not been treated fairly by some members of the Cabinet and Administration regarding
the California affair, and his suggestion regarding a tax on the Tobacco Trust.
He also spoke of the lack of fight in many of the Cabinet. There were only two or
three he regarded as good fighters, Burleson being the most conspicuous one of
them.

He urged me to come to Washington next winter to live, but I have determined
not to do so.

July 21, 1913.

McAdoo left this morning, and Childers arrived and remained over night.

July 22, 1913.

Fitzgerald of F. Hubbard & Co. came out this afternoon to discuss the po-
litical situation. Josiah Quincy is coming tomorrow. Harry Walker arrived yes-
terday with an autograph letter from Mr. Bryan.

July 23, 1913.

I went over the currency bill and the data left with me by McAdoo. He
wished me to be up to date upon the measure and advise with him. I was glad to
do so, because tomorrow night Mr. Beal, President of the Boston Clearing House
Association, has asked the members of that institution, together with Piatt

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Andrews, to meet me at dinner at his house. I have a feeling that they are not coming for the purpose of discussing the measure with open minds, but are antagonistic to it. I shall be alone to defend the measure.

Josiah Quincy took lunch with me today and we talked of the currency measure and Massachusetts politics for a couple of hours. I tried to show him the folly of the Eastern bankers taking an antagonistic towards the currency bill, The Administration is endeavoring to serve the country as a whole, and it is the better part of wisdom for the Eastern bankers to join hands in working out a measure for the general good.

Quincy wanted to know what I thought of the result would be of their threat to withdraw their national bank charters and take out state charters. I thought the threat was puerile, and not to be discussed and that the bill would be passed no matter what action they took in that direction.

Quincy wants me to meet Lieut. Governor Walsh who will probably be nominated for Governor of Massachusetts by the Democrats. He asked to bring him out the first of the week.

July 24, 1913.

It rained all day and I only had a few visitors and they were of no importance.

July 25, 1913.

Among those present at Mr. Beal's dinner last night were Piatt Andrew, who is considered by some an authority on the currency question, Colonel Gaston, of the Shawmut National Bank, and Mr. Wing of the First National. I found the bankers singularly barren of suggestions. They seem to stand upon the general proposition of being against the Administration bill, but without any constructive suggestions looking to its betterment.

Andrew and I did nearly all the talking, he against the bill and I for it. McAdoo had warned me that Andrew is thought to be in the employ of the National City Bank of New York, therefore I did not expect him to be convinced.

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the afternoon. We went over the Massachusetts political situation thoroughly, and Walsh read us his proposed platform or principles. Some of it I agreed with and some of it I did not.

Edward S. Martin sails on Thursday for Europe and I sent him Tagore's "Gitanjali" and wrote this in it:

"To him whose philosophy and splendid optimism has made life seem better worth while to his devoted friend, E. M. House""

Our new Minister to Columbia also sails on Thursday, and I sent him a
night despatch to the steamer saying:

"Our thoughts and love will follow you south to the Equator and to
the crest of the Andes, where we believe you will be able to solve those com-
plex problems which have baffled your predecessors."

July 29, 1913.

Mr. B. Howell Griswold, Jr. one of the Trustees of Johns Hopkins University lunched with me today. Mr. Grasty of the Baltimore Sun had cabled advising him to consult with me as to the selection of a suitable President of that University. We discussed the matter at some length. He said the decision must be made by October first, therefore I thought they might as well eliminate Walter Page, since it would be impossible for him to consider it at present, but I thought he might possibly consider it a year from now after he had tried out the Embassy in London.

We discussed various men, and I advised him to consult with Secretary
Houston.

Colonel Nelson came over in the afternoon and we had a pleasant chat
for an hour. I am trying to get the Colonel into the Wilson camp, and I be-
lieve I may succeed provided Roosevelt is not again a candidate.

Mayor Fitzgerald talked with me over the telephone for twenty minutes or

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August 1, 1913.

Josiah Quincy and Judge Corbett, Corporation Counsel for the City of Boston, have been here the greater part of the afternoon. We have gone over the Massachusetts situation, the State campaign, and Federal appointments.

John Purroy Mitchel was nominated by the Fusionists yesterday in New York. I have been uncertain all day as to whether to send him a telegram of congratulation, for fear it might connect the Administration up too closely with his candidacy. My understanding with the President last spring was that I should help forward the nomination of an independent democrat. However, I have not seen the President since my return from Europe, therefore I am somewhat cautious about doing anything to commit him in any way. My feeling is that he should allow his friends to come out actively for Mitchel and against Tammany. It is the right thing to do, and it would have a fine effect upon the country.

August 2, 1913.

John Mitchell, President of the Federation of Miners, and Timothy Healy, President of the International Brotherhood of Stationery Firemen, lunched with me today. I talked to them earnestly concerning the future of labor. I urged upon them the necessity of taking a broad view, and not letting the unimportant things of today interfere with the larger ones which are to come. I thought it essential to impress upon the people of this generation the fact that in the Stone Age and up to a few centuries ago it was considered right for the strong to despoil the weak. The world has recognized the error of this view, and laws are made to protect the physically weak from the physically strong. The world, however, has not grasped the greater thought that it was wrong for the mentally strong to oppress the mentally weak, and this is one of the battles which has yet to be fought. I spoke of the necessity of educating this generation to believe that capital had no right to assert its su-

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Maxi priority over everyone and everything, and to have it recognize that the human equation entered into every labor contract, and that labor should not be bought and sold like inanimate commodities. In my opinion, the solution of our industrial and social problems would come about largely from the sharing of profits between labor, capital and the State. I impressed upon them a further view, and that was the enormous advantage which would accrue if everyone should be made efficient. In the past only a few were able to think of anything other than the feeding and clothing of their bodies. Now a large number have secured some leisure to think, and the great inventions and progress were due to that fact.

I pointed out how much more splendid progress would be if everyone had opportunity to bring out the best that was in them. I urged them not to allow the radical members of their organizations strive for the impossible, but to do the sensible thing for the moment, and put a peg here and there and move on again to the attack. Demagogues and those unfriendly to labor use the foolish and radical members of their organizations to the disadvantage of labor by making proposals which cannot be carried through. The things I had mentioned could be brought about largely through education, byxxxgixakxxan and through proselytising the people than by legislation, but they would take time and could come only after years and perhaps centuries of constant effort.

Mr. and Mrs. John Hays Hammond called at half past four and took Mitchell to spend the night with them. Realy returned to Boston.

AUG-09-88

Gregory and the Attorney General came out from Boston at five o'clock. John Hays Hammond and John Mitchell were with me at the time. Hammond told us of his experiences in South Africa, and gave us his estimate of Cecil Rhodes, Barnaby Barnato, Beit, Doctor Jameson and Kruger, which was very interest. He said that Rhodes was one of the big men of the world, and easily the biggest man

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South Africa had produced. Barnato has been a circus clown, but had educated himself and was one of the shrewdest and most interesting Jews he had ever known. He committed suicide on his way from Cape Town to London, having jumped off the boat just before it arrived at Madeira. Hammond said he did this because when he left Cape Town his mining stocks had gone down to nothing, and he was depressed beyond control. If he had waited until they arrived in Madeira next day, he would have found that his stocks had largely recovered, and by the time the boat reached England, they had fully done so. His estate amounted to between twenty and thirty millions.

Hammond said Kruger was a very ignorant, dictatorial, old Boer.

John Mitchell went with Hammond to his place, Lookout Hill, Gloucester, to spend the night. Healy returned to Boston.

August 3, 1913.

I took McReynolds and Gregory to see Colonel Nelson and we had an interesting visit with the old man.

Today I have had several long talks with McReynolds concerning the President and current affairs. We talked of Mexico particularly.

McReynolds thinks the President is living too isolated a life. He said that practically no one excepting Dr. Grayson and Tumulty see him. Most of the people who have come to me from Washington have expressed regret that it was not possible for me to go there, and try to bring about a change.

Before I left for Europe McReynolds told me the President was seeing too many people and was breaking himself down. So there you are.

McReynolds and Gregory left in the afternoon for Washington.

August 4, 1913.

Josiah Quincy and Charles R. Strecker, Editor and owner of the Boston Financial News, came this afternoon. Strecker was an original Wilson man. He wants to be Collector of the Port, and he desired to tell me what a fine, worthy

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Jew he is. As a matter of fact, he seems to have done good work for the Wilson cause and he should have some recognition.

August 5, 1913.

Governor Felker of New Hampshire came to lunch. He is a quiet, level headed New England countryman. He talked very little, and said nothing foolish. I notice that the New England men of his type are very like our Texas people in the same walk of life.

Josiah Quincy came after lunch, and Dudley Field Melone, Third Assistant Secretary of State, followed. I persuaded Dudley to stay around Boston for the next few days in order to take some of the office seeking brigade from my shoul- ders. He is to go to Provincetown to consult Grozier of the Boston Post, and then return and spend the night with us Friday.

August 6, 1913.

We dined last night with the John Haps Hammonds. The only notable guest was the Italian Ambassador. Mrs. Hammond and I passed each other compliments in profusion. She said that I was considered "the main tent pole of Democracy", and in a few minutes I too occasion to tell her that her husband had distinguished himself on three continents.

Hammond went into his South African escapade very fully. It seems a redic- ulous adventure as the facts are told by one of the participants. Cecil Rhodes put up the money and Hammond, Dr. Jameson and Rhodes' brother were his chief lieu- tenants. It sounds like opera bouffe. If they had used more intelligence and care, there is no doubt the coup would have been successful, and if it had, the South African War would probably never have occurred. It shows how great trage- dies sometimes hinge upon trifling incidents.

Hammond showed me a poem Kipling wrote for him, and which has never been published. He has the largest collection of photographs of distinguished men I have ever seen together.

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I have a letter from Paul Warburg in which he regrets some features of the present Currency Bill, and in which he congratulates the country upon my being back again so as to advise regarding this measure. He sends me a printed argument against some features of the bill and asks me to cable him my opinion as to whether he should publish it.

August 9, 1913.

Another cable came from Charles Ferguson asking if he might sail on Tuesday. I replied by the one word "yes". I am wondering why he thinks I have the last word in regard to his movements.

I have a letter from the White House saying the President has asked the Secretary of Labor for a place for Ferguson.

Dudley Field Malone came yesterday and remained the night. We talked until midnight. He has charge of the Consular Service and I advised him to cable Consul General-at-large, James E. Dunnings, to come home. Dunning knows more about the European consuls than anyone in the Service, and can give Malone better advice than can be obtained elsewhere. The President has put Malone in charge of the Consular Service, I think, to more fully carry out his ideas in regard to the Civil Service feature. Mr. Bryan is not in sympathy with the President's views and Malone is, and he will probably see to it that nothing is done by Mr. Bryan to break through the rules.

It is evident that Malone does not think the State Department is efficiently organized, although he speaks of Mr. Bryan warmly from a personal standpoint. Malone has a high idea of what the Consular Service can be made, and he wishes to do his share towards making it a credit to our country and to this administration.

He talked frankly concerning his father-in-law, Senator O'Gorman, and of O'Gorman's feeling toward the President and McAdoo, which are not cordial. The Senator thought the President had a desire to dominate everybody, himself included,

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August 8, 1913.

I have a letter from Albert Bigelow Paine in which he tells me he will send a set of his biography of Mark Twain to me to present to the President. He also desires me not to forget to use my influence towards getting the German Emperor to permit him to write his biography. Paine says he will dedicate the book to me.

I have a cablegram from Charles Ferguson regarding his affairs, and I hear from McAdoo that he will be with me tomorrow for the week-end.

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and that he, O'Gorman, was determined it should not happen. He also thought
McAdoo politically ambitious, and that he was making appointments for his person-
al advancement.

Malone and I agreed that Senator O'Gorman was making a mistake in not coming
out strongly and enthusiastically for the President and for the progressive cause
in general. I also think he is making a mistake in not espousing John Purroy
for
Mitchel for Mayor of New York. He has nothing to hope from Tammany, even if
Tammany should stick to him, he could not hope to win any national distinction
by being spokesman for an organization of such repute.

Malone came in order to give me a report regarding the Massachusetts
situation. He has seen practically every man of prominence in the State, since
he was here several days ago. The situation is very much clarified, and I be-
lieve I shall be able to recommend a slate which will be satisfactory not only to
the politicians, but to the public as well. It is something I did not think pos-
sible a short while ago.

August 10, 1913.

Dudley Malone brought McAdoo from Boston, and we went over the Massachusetts
situation regarding Federal appointments. It was agreed that Malone should re-
turn to Boston and see Lieut. Gov. Walsh, and, perhaps, bring him out sometime to-
day.

McAdoo had all the happenings to tell me since he was last here. He said
the President is deeply concerned over the Mexican situation. The last words he
said to him as he was leaving were: "God grant that no war shall come to this
country during my administration". McAdoo said he spoke with deep feeling.
This is another evidence as to what responsibility of office does for a man. The
last time the President and I talked of Mexico, soon after he was inaugurated, he
was not in this frame of mind.

McAdoo complained that the President took no one into his confidence, that

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there were now no Cabinet meetings because so few of the Cabinet were in Washington and that he, McAdoo, did not know what instructions were given Governor John Lind before he left for Mexico.

He told the President that it was unfair to himself not to allow the Cabinet to bear a part of the responsibility, because if they people knew he was not discussing these questions with them and things turned out badly, he would be severely censured.

McAdoo thought the President did not realize the importance of having Massachusetts go democratic this Autumn. He, McAdoo, told him if Massachusetts elected a Progressive, Governor, it would indicate to the country that Wilson had not come up with the progressive standard. We shall leave no stone unturned to carry this election.

McAdoo considered that Tumulty was advising the President badly regarding New York. We both think the President should allow his friends to come out boldly for Mitchel for Mayor so as to indicate his preference. His action in this does not accord with his attitude before he became President. Malone tells me that if the President does not consent for him to take an active stand for Mitchel he, Malone, will resign.

Josiah Quincy was our first caller, then came Governor Walsh and Dudley Malone, followed by Mayor Fitzgerald and later in the evening, Gordon Abbott.

August 11, 1913.

McAdoo is exceedingly interested in having his friend Stuart Gibboney appointed Assist. Attorney General in the Customs Department at New York and McReynolds will not give it to him. He does not consider Gibboney fit either in ability or by reason of his habits. McAdoo has known him for fifteen years and says he has been maligned. McReynolds finally told McAdoo that if he would take the responsibility with the President, he would recommend him. McAdoo then

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ient for him to come up on Saturday morning for the week end. I asked him to
bring Mrs. Mitchel also.

August 13, 1913.

Professor Garrett Droppers of Williams College, and the Civil Service Com-
mission of Massachusetts, lunched with me and remained several hours. We dis-
cussed national and state politics. Droppers was an original Wilson man and
a
has been very active democrat in Massachusetts for many years. He is associated
largely with George Fred Williams and that faction. He tells me that George
Fred Williams visited Washington several weeks ago and called at the White House.
The President saw him for a moment only in the public reception room and gave
him a chilly interview.

I am wondering what George Fred expected after his violent opposition to
Wilson in his preliminary campaign. He and his friends seem to think that be
cause he has some influence in Massachusetts, it entitles him to every considera-
tion. I believe a President should be President of the entire people without
regard to faction or party, at the same time, I do not like him to go out of his
way to recognize an enemy at a time when it might be of political advantage to
him.

August 14, 1913.

Soon after Droppers left yesterday, Governor Walsh came and remained to
dinner. He was to stay but fifteen minutes, but as usual the time lengthened
into hours. He wanted to tell me of the completed State ticket. That is who is
to be his running mate. We discussed his platform and also Federal appointments.
I advised him to see both Brandeis and George Fred Williams regarding his plat-
form; more to secure their cooperation and active support than for any real ad-
vice.

I informed him we had the Surveyor of the Port and Internal Revenue
Collector agreed upon, and if he would get Brandeis and Grozier of the Post to

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agree with him upon a man for Collector, I would send in his name with my approval.

Storrow and Taylor of the Globe are the last of the high class men who would not accept, therefore it has left us with second rate material to deal with.

I urged Walsh to be very firm in the event he became Governor, and to try and weld the different party factions together.

Many people come to see me other than those I mention in my diary, but I do not mention them unless there is something of interest connected with their visits.

Dudley Malone called from Washington to say he had had a satisfactory interview with the President. Everything was just as we desired, He is to return here Friday or Saturday to convey word from the President. I take it the President is willing for me to help Mitchel in his campaign for Mayor.

Mr. Perkins of Albany, Chairman of the Currency Commission, ttee, appointed by the New York State Bankers Association lunched with me. While he is a Northern man he has a soft Southern accent, and has a very pleasing personality. He seemed to know what he wanted and I took pleasure in giving him advice as to the proper method of procedure. I promised to put him in touch with McAdoo, Owen, and Glass when his committee formulated their ideas.

August 15, 1913.

Burton J. Hendrick was with me in the afternoon and evening. He is writing a series of articles upon the Cabinet and desired me to tell him something of McAdoo and McReynolds. I had an interesting time with him, but I did almost all the talking, a thing I seldom do. Hendrick, however, is the kind to draw one out effectively.

The Austrian Ambassador telephoned and asked for an appointment at my convenience.

August 16, 1913.

Dudley Malone came today with his message to me from the President concerning the New York Mayoralty campaign. The President said: "Mr. House is my second

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personality. He is my independent self. His thoughts and mine are one. If I were in his place I would do just as he has suggested that he ought to do. If anyone thinks he is reflecting my opinion by whatever action he takes, they are welcome to that conclusion".

Malone told him that it was not my purpose to take an open or very active part but merely as an adviser and director of the campaign.

Mr. and Mrs. John Purroy Mitchel came at eleven o'clock, to be with us over Sunday. Mitchel wished to discussed with me some reforms he contemplates making in the New York Customs Service which he thinks will reduce National expenses a quarter of a million dollars. He wanted also to discuss his campaign for Mayor.

Mr. and Mrs. Dudley Field Malone came for lunch. In the evening we went to the John Hays Hammond's to hear Doctor Pierce of Harvard lecture upon the different wireless processes.

I met the Austrian Ambassador, Dumba, there. Maxxaid He very much wished to see me, but knowing how engaged I was, he humorously said he was willing to treat me as a sovereign and let me name the time and place and the length of his visit.

I took Dudley Malone down by the sea and we sat on the sea wall. It was a beautiful day and although the tide was low, the water and islands were glorious. in the distance. Malone told me how closely Mitchel applied himself to problems, how he literally fastened his eyes upon a given thing and worked it to a conclusion.

I asked if he had noticed the rubbish and sea weed the low tide had left at our feet. He replied he had not, that he had been looking at the beautiful sea beyond, and asked why and wanted to know why I asked. I replied that I was afraid if Mitchel had been sitting with me he would have seen only the unlovely things immediately beneath us. In other words I was afraid he looked

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too closely after details and lacked great vision. Malone while very fond of Mitchel was impressed by what I said, and thought perhaps I had made a just estimate of him.

August 17, 1913.

I have a wireless from McAdoo from the Revenue Cutter, Androscoggin, saying he and the Borden Harrimans will be here at half past three o'clock.

The Mitchels left at three to take the night boat to New York.

McAdoo and the Harrimans came on time. Dudley came a little later. McAdoo seemed so disappointed that I had decided not to go up the coast with him that I promised to go. We left at six o'clock.

On Board the Androscoggin.
August 18, 1913.

After dinner last night McAdoo, Mrs. Harriman and I talked of various phases of the administration. Mrs. Harriman is as deeply interested in politics as any man. She was particularly anxious to enlist my good offices in behalf of Governor General Forbes of the Philippines, and to have him retained there.

We dropped the Harrimans off at Ilseboro, and McAdoo and I cruised up the coast a little way before turning south and took dinner at Rockland. During the day we discussed every phase of the currency question and also everything of interest now before the administration.

He is as enthusiastic as a boy. He has fine imagination, indomitable courage, and a touch of genius. His enthusiasm may some day lead him into troublous waters, for he is apt to do something impulsive that will break his career. On the other hand it is to be remembered that when one makes a great success, pne must necessarily take great risks. I think the President sees this quality in McAdoo, and is sometimes fearful lest he do something to bring his administration into trouble.

Beverly, Massachusetts.
August 19, 1913.

We returned to Beverly this morning and McAdoo remained until four o'clock.

The Androscoggin was anchored in front of our place where the Mayflower used to

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would mean that the President should give up his prerogative of making appoint-
ments and turn them over to the Senate. I thought while no man should be ap-
pointed who was personally objectionate to a Senator, provided the objection was
valid, the President himself should make his own selections. In making them he
should consult the Senator from the State where the appointment was being made.

Malone thought it strange that the President did not confer with him regard-
ing his Cabinet, or about any of his important appointments. I told him, as far
as I knew, he had not conferred with anyone excepting me. Malone also said that
Senator O'Gorman and his family felt very bitterly against the President and Mc-
Adoo for the manner in which he had been treated, but he, himself, had no ill
feeling toward either.

August 22, 1913.

Houston came to lunch. He said the last time he saw the President he, Hous-
ton, gave him some information regarding the foreign bankers attitude towards
Mexico which he had picked up.

I called Houston's attention to the statement made by Albert Shaw in the
Review of Reviews in which he said the present Cabinet was the ablest in the his-
tory of the country. I asked what his own view was. He then analyzed the dif-
ferent members. He was particularly eulogistic of Burleson and Lane, but
thought well of McAdoo and Garrison. #

He thought McReynolds had a fine legal mind but that he fell down in the
political arts. I told him that it was my intention to suggestion to the Pres-
ident to appoint McReynolds to the Supreme Bench at some time in the future. He
thought well of this.

Houston's estimate of Burleson pleased me, as he has known him for twenty
years, and has not thought particularly well of his ability in the past. He
could not understand why I urged him for the Cabinet, and yet he now thinks he
# McAdoo has long since changed this opinion.

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has been the most conspicuous success of any member.

And this reminds me that Dudley Malone thinks Burleson ranks with Daniels as the least able member of the Cabinet. Malone cannot reconcile himself to Burleson's party regularity convictions. He says Burleson wishes to recognize, through Federal patronage, corrupt political bosses, and he cites Vermont and Michigan as instances. Malone believes party leaders should only recognize the best in the party, and that if the party machinery should happen to be headed by dishonest men, some other means should be used for the distribution of patronage.

It is interesting to get the different viewpoints from those who come in contact with the administration.

Norman Hapgood telegraphed today asking me to see a representative of Harper's Weekly whom he would send on Monday.

August 23, 1913.

Mr. and Mrs. Houston dined with us at the Tuckers last night. After dinner the conversation ran along the lines of the pernicious activities of the public press, and of the falsification of facts. Houston pointed out that it had grown to be a serious matter, and that at critical junctures in diplomatic discussions between countries it was quite conceivable that war might be caused purely by the "yellow press". He said that in such critical times it was nearly impossible for a government to take necessary precautions, fearing lest they be construed into actual hostilities. He thought the entire country was passing through a period of hysteria, largely aggravated by the newspapers. No man's reputation was safe, and no one's reputation motives were above suspicion. The Diggs-Camminetti case in California was used as an illustration of this phase of the hysteria in question.

McNab The District Attorney, is said to desire to become a United States Senator, and in order to make votes with the women he went beyond official propriety and spoke to the public instead of to his chief at Washington, merely for

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the purpose of bringing the administration into disrepute and to aid his own po-
litical fortunes. It is a very discreditable exhibition of personal ambition
and one which the people should condemn rather than applaud, as they now seem in-
clined to do. There are perhaps one thousand white slave cases now pending;
many of them more important than the Diggs-Caminetti affair, but that case is
exploited to the exclusion of all others.

Houston, Mr. and Mrs. Dudley Field Malone and Mr. Billings, President of the
Paul Revere Trust Co. of Boston, lunched with us. Billings was brought out for
the purpose of my looking him over for the Collectorship. He seems to be good
material, and a high class man. His appointment, however, will be a shock to
the Fitzgerald democrats of Boston.

August 24, 1913.

The Malones came to dinner. They go to Washington today. Before敲門 I
again went over with him the New York situation and advised him not to get into it
excepting under conditions favorable to himself. I believe he is capable of
making a notable speech, although perhaps I am alone in this estimate of him. I
advised that he insist upon having Carnegie Hall for his first speech in the cam-
paign, and that he should take several weeks in preparing for the speech. I
really want to see what there is in him, and to bring it out in a way to silence
those who look upon him merely as a jest.

He said he would urge the President to come here for a few days to be with
me. He thought it would be of great benefit to him, not only physically but
more particularly in getting a new viewpoint. He thinks his Cabinet is not able
to give him this, because they are bound down by their detail department work.

Malone tells me that everything is running smoothly in the State Department, news-
paper reports to the contrary notwithstanding. He also tells me that Mr. Bryan
is an assiduous Secretary of State.

In leaving he placed his services at my disposal, bidding me write or

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wire him at any time, and promising to go wherever I wished or do anything I desired.

Houston and Ellery Sedgwick of the Atlantic Monthly, took lunch with me. I was interested in Sedgwick's estimate of Cameron Forbes, Governor General of the Philippines. He knows him well, and is a brother-in-law of one of the Forbes. He does not consider Forbes is the sort of man for the place he has occupies, although he admits his honesty, ability and highmindedness. A lack of diplomacy is his weakness as Sedgwick sees it.

At luncheon we fell to talking of spelling, and of the impossibility of being able to spell correctly when ninety-nine hundredths of our correspondence is done by dictation. Houston remarked that it was the typist who had to spell correctly, and not the one who dictated. He said we were getting back to the old order before the days of printing, when spelling was more or less phonetic.

Sedgwick said he had received a letter from a professor in a near by college in which there were fifteen mispelled words. He also said that President Lowell of Harvard was one of the worst spellers he knew.

After Sedgwick left I asked Houston's advice in regard to writing the article for the Atlantic Monthly which Sedgwick has asked me to write. Houston thought I had best not do it for the reason I could not say just what I thought, and if I did not do this, there would be no satisfaction in the work. He said if he and I wrote what we thought about governmental matters, it would be disastrous to the administration, because our views were so far from the orthodox. I did not think so. What I did not think was that the Government, which

Later we fell to talking of Lane's ambition to be on the Supreme Bench. Houston thought if Lane was not a success as Secretary of the Interior it would be because he would be always thinking what effect each act of his might have upon his chances for the Supreme Court.

August 25, 1913.

Mrs. Honore' Willsie of Harper's Weekly, Everybody's Magazine and several other

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publications took lunch with us. Norman Hapgood desired her to come to Beverly to talk over with me the possibilities of writing about the administration for the Weekly. She had no fixed plan, and neither did Hapgood, but he told her that she and I could outline something together, which we have done. She is to write first upon the President and his purposes, and then take up each department and particularize. As she expressed it, "The Cabinet was the fingers of the President's hand". She also intends to bring out clearly that in the Government the people are partners, and she desires to show what the President and his advisers are doing for them. She is to outline the articles and bring them up next week for me to review.

I have a telegram from Ambassador Gerard in which he says:

"May I come to Beverly for a half hour, at your convenience, in order to express my thanks".

I find upon looking at Albert Bigelow Paine's Biography of Mark Twain he has written on the fly leaf this inscription:

"Dear President Wilson:

This is a story of a man who like yourself strove to make the world better and happier-- a place of loftier ideals. It is presented with the admiration and esteem of, Albert Bigelow Paine."

August 26, 1913.

Ear Harding of the New York World came for dinner and the night. He read me his article on the Columbia situation as it will appear in World's Work for October. He also gave a full history of the Roosevelt-Pulitzer-Panama-Columbia embroglio. He was designated by the World to work up their side of the case when the Government brought suit against Joseph Pulitzer. Harding said the most unusual means were used by the Government in pressing the case. The Secret Service was used to trail them, open their letters, tapping wires and other methods of that sort. It seems incredible.

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He said he was now working on an extraordinary case in connection with the Albert Patrick pardon issued by Governor Dix last year. He said a Physician communicated with the World stating that "for a price" he would give them some facts concerning the matter. The World designated Harding to investigate it. He states that he has seen letters that passed between the physician and Mrs. Patrick, which show conclusively that the Patricks were negotiating with him for a pardon upon this basis: The physician to receive $25,000. and to induce Governor Dix's brother to influence the Governor to make the pardon. The physician and brother were to divide the $25,000. between them.

It seems when the Patricks heard of the plan, they went direct to Governor Dix's brother and eliminated the physician, hence his desire for revenge and to secure some pecuniary reward in another direction. Harding told the story to illustrate the depravity of a man who stood well in his community but who was willing to sell his good name for money.

He told of the inner workings of the World, and of Joseph Pulitzer's reasons for leaving his fortune as he did, and the placing of the paper in the hands of his youngest son. It seemed the others were not subservient enough to please the irascible father.

August 27, 1913.

Today was without incident further than a telephone message from Major Henry L. Higginson from Boston asking if he might call this afternoon.

He came at five o'clock and remained until nearly seven. I can well understand why he is considered by many Boston's first citizen. We talked of the currency question and I found that he had a breadth of view unusual amongst those of his calling. He seemed to want what was best for the entire country, and not something for his particular locality and profession. I explained with what care the bill had been framed. Just before he arrived I had finished a review by Professor Sprague of Harvard of Paul Warburg's criticism of the Glass-Owen Bill, and will transmit to Washington tomorrow. Every banker like Warburg,

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who knows the subject practically,
and every political economist like Sprague who knows it throetically, has been
called upon in the making of the bill. Major Higginson seemed thoroughly satis
fied with the endeavors the administration have made to construct a sound and
beneficent measure.

He asked if I did not think it strange that during last year's campaign
there had been no mention of the fact that Woodrow Wilson was a Southerner. I
replied that I did not think it so strange, as I did that it was not until fif-
ty years after the war that a Southerner was considered elegible for the Pres-
idency. I called his attention to the fact that after the Boer War, General
Botha was elected Premier of South Africa within six or eight years after that
terrible conflict. In addition to that, I mentioned the further fact that
England had voted an enormous sum for the rehabilitation of the devastated ene-
mies' country. I thought this was real statesmanship. I do not believe the
Major had ever had this view presented before. He asked if there was much
feeling left in the South concerning the war. I thought there was none, and
that no sensible Southerner regretted that the South lost in its contest for se-
paration. The old gentleman was pleased at this and said, "that indeed set-
tles it".

August 28, 1913.

Governor Walsh telephoned from Boston that he would like to come out to
read me his platform. I told him Ambassador Gerard was to be with me most of
the afternoon, and it would not be convenient to have him until tomorrow.

The Ambassador and his Secretary, Lanier Winslow, came this afternoon.
Lanier said the trip on the train from Newport was hot and disagreeable but the
Judge remarked "The Colonel is worth all of it." He expressed his profound ap-
preciation for what I had done for him, and said I would find that ingratitude
was not one of his faults.

We called on the Austrian Ambassador, and katharina and her brother
also on Col. Nelson. I wanted Gerard to meet the old man in order that the

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Colonel might take a personal interest in his career. It pleases Col. Nelson to have me take members of the administration to meet him, and in turn he is influencing Progressive senators to support both the Tariff and Currency Bills. We then called on John Hays Hammond.

Gerard was troubled as to what to do in regard to a house in Berlin. The only house he could get which seemed at all satisfactory was one with a rental of $18,000, a year. He was afraid the President would consider this in the nature of "splurging". I advised him to take the house if it suited him. At one time when he was in Berlin, a close friend of the Kaiser' told him the Kaiser did not like parsimony in foreign ambassadors, and those we had sent over recently had not been altogether persona grata for that and other reasons.

He also wished advice regarding the wearing of diplomatic uniform, such as our recent ambassadors have worn. It consists of long trousers, a coat buttoned well up in front with some gold lace on it. I advised him to suit his own pleasure in the matter, and to wear what was least conspicuous. He thought the ordinary dress suit would be more conspicuous than the uniform.

I suggested to Gerard that he go by London and meet Ambassador Page whom he does not know. I am to give him a letter of introduction. I thought it would be desirable for him to keep in touch with our Ambassadors in both England and France, so if anything important occurred, they could confer together better than if they were strangers.

I let him know that he would get very meager information from the State Department concerning the happenings in administrative circles, therefore I promised to keep him measurably well posted in order that he might confer without embarrassment with the Kaiser or the Minister for Foreign Affairs. In turn he said he would write me every ten days.

I urged him to do something more than walk through the part. There is much an ambassador can do, particularly the one accredited to Germany. Their system of intensive farming, farm credits, the marketing of farm products, and the scientific fertilization of the soil would be valuable to our people if known

t

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to them.

August 29, 1913.

Governor Walsh and Secretary of State Donahue called tonight. They were much exercised over the report that Billings was to be made Collector. They advocated Strecker. I told Walsh that Dudley Malone had said that he spoke to Billings at his, Walsh's, suggestion, and I had endorsed Billings on account of it. Walsh claimed that Malone was mistaken, and had misunderstood him; that he had merely spoken of Billings as a high class man and one whom Malone should see.

He gave me the impression that Malone was advocating Billings because the Boston democrats would resent his nomination. They both talked long and earnestly on the subject and it was nearly midnight before they left.

August 30, 1913.

Before leaving last night Governor Walsh asked if he might come again today to discuss his platform measures.

He arrived at eleven o'clock. Much to my surprise, he told me that what he said last night about Billings was for its effect upon Donahue, and did not express his real attitude. He explained that Malone was right in saying that he had suggested Billings for Collector. I have never known in all my political experience a man of such supposedly high character make a statement of this kind. I knew that Walsh was not an able man, but I thought he was a more sincere one than he seems to be.

Drew Pruett of Los Angeles, California, came to ask my good offices in his behalf. He desires to be appointed Federal Judge for the Southern District of California. He comes highly endorsed, indicating to my mind how easy it is to be misled by endorsements. He is doubtless a man of high character, but with limited education and apparently has no qualifications for the place.

August 31, 1913.

Nothing of moment happened today. Our telephone is out of order and I am

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having a period of rest. The day has brought an office seeker or two who man-
aged to reach me through friends, but otherwise it has been without incident.

September 1, 1913.

Last night I had a telephone call from the Boston Post. They wished to send to Beverly one of their men and a political cartoonist in order to "write me up". I asked them to send their man but without the cartoonist. I shall deal with him when he comes and try and persuade him that everything has been written about me that can be said.

I went to the International Yacht Races on the Androscoggin, which had been placed at my disposal. I had for my guests, the Austrian Ambassador, Mr. Beal, Mr. Tucker, Randolph and Mona. When Dumba and I left the boat they fired a salute of nineteen guns.

I have had some interesting conversations with Dumba, particularly in regard to some phases of the political situation in Southeastern Europe. He was at one time Minister at Bucharest and of course knows the Balkan situation thoroughly.

September 2, 1913.

Samuel Kennard, the St Louis carpet merchant, called today to explain some inequalities which he had found in the tariff schedule and which I am trying to help him straighten out in the interest of the small consumer.

Robert L. Norton, political writer for the Boston Post, lunched with me. He remained until it was time for me to go and meet the Borden Harrimans who were to be our guests.

We had the Austrian Ambassador to dinner.

September 3, 1913.

A telegram came from Mr. Bryan regretting that he could not be with us this Sunday.

Mrs. Harriman and I have had many long and interesting talks. She has

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told me much of McAdoo, and has given an interesting sidelight of his character. Nearly two years ago, McCombs was at a house party of the Harrimans with some other guests, and McAdoo's daughter, who was there, inadvertently said to one of the guests that her father was going into politics, and if Governor Wilson won he would probably be appointed to some office. This remark was repeated to McCombs as a joke, and it perhaps sowed the first seed of dissention between them.

Mrs. Harriman also said that both Mrs. Wilson and the President had told her that he would have been glad to have had me take any place in the Cabinet I desired, for he thought I was fitted for any with the exception of the Attorney Generalship. She said the President told her he had more confidence in my political judgment than he had in any man in the world.

She also told anecdotes of Mr. Morgan, whom she knew well, which gave a better insight into his character than I have had before.

September 4, 1913.

Mrs. Honore Willsie came by appointment to discuss the articles she is writing concerning the President and his Cabinet for Harper's Weekly.

I thought she would have something written to present for my consideration, but it seems that she wanted me to outline the articles myself, which I did for her. She said "let us now discuss what we will term the Wilson Cabinet", and I gave her a short sketch of each one. She said that when the administration was drawing to a close, there was an article which she already had in the back of her head, that she wanted to write concerning me.

September 5, 1913.

Mr. and Mrs. Harriman left today. Before going she told me several amusing stories of President Roosevelt. Oliver Belmont, shortly before his death, bet her fifty dollars that if she ever went to the White House for luncheon or dinner and was taken out by the President she would have to cross the room to him rather than his coming to her in the usual way. Belmost said that as far as he knew this was the practice of only one sovereign in the world, the Czar of Russia, but

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that Roosevelt had adopted it. Mrs. Harriman was invited to luncheon, was made the guest of honor and, as a matter of fact, had to do just as Belmont had predicted.

While this may be true of Roosevelt, Belmont is mistaken in believing that the Czar is the only monarch who practices this custom.

She also said that Mrs. Cleveland told her when President Cleveland died Mr. Roosevelt attended the funeral, sitting in the carriage with her. He insisted upon having the top put down and that he lifted his hat repeatedly and bowed to the people along the route to the grave. It was an unusual performance and embarrassed Mrs. Cleveland greatly.

When Roosevelt's son was married, T. R. came into the church and of course was seated in one of the front pews. He arose, turned his face to the audience and gesticulated to different Rough Riders and people whom he knew in the church. These stories remind one of what Kermit said of his father, "that at a funeral he wanted to be the corpse, and at a wedding he wanted to be the bridge"

She said Nicholas Murray Butler told her that the German Emperor, in speaking of Roosevelt, said that when he was in Germany at an entertainment which he, the Emperor, was giving, he pointed out to Roosevelt some of the different royalties who were present, and asked if he would like to meet them. Roosevelt replied, "Yes, bring them to me", and the Emperor said the strange part of it was, he did it.

I have a telegram from James Creelman saying he will be here tomorrow, and one from the Attorney General saying he will also be here.

Congressman Murray lunched with me today. He related some interesting incidents regarding other members of Congress, and also some gossip. Underwood intends to run for the Senate to fill the vacancy left by the death of Senator Johnson of Alabama. Murray did not think anyone could fill Underwood's place in the House for the reason that no one had so much good sense and patience. He said Underwood was deeply disappointed because he did not succeed at Baltimore last

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year. I thought this did not speak well for his political sagacity, for he never
had a chance to win since the logic of the situation demanded a progressive, and
there were enough progressive votes in the Convention to make it impossible for a
conservative to be successful. However, I thought if Underwood would continue in
the Lower House and sustained the high opinion the country now has of him, he might
some day reach the Presidency.

September 6, 1913.

I had a delightful letter from the President this morning which reads:

The White House,
Washington, D. C.

My dear Friend:

If I had been able to spend any length of time away from my office,
you may be sure I would have found my way over to Beverly, for I am fairly longing
to see you yet dare not even wish that you would come down into this heat.

I cannot tell you how often I think of you, or how often I feel the need
as well as the desire for your advice upon many a complicated and difficult matter.

I am ampatient for the cool weather to come back chiefly because it will bring
us together again. I am very well and it rejoices me to hear that you are.

With warm regards for Mrs. House,

September 5, 1913.

September 5, 1913

McReynolds and Mr. and Mrs. James Creelman arrived this morning. McReynolds could only remain to lunch, therefore I devoted myself entirely to him while he was here. I had seen it stated in the press that he intended to resign. He said whenever he contemplated such a move, he would confer with me. He explained to me I confided my intention of sometime suggesting him to the President for a place on the Supreme Bench. He replied, "that is very sweet of you".

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He explained some of his proposed suits and the reasons for bringing them. I particularly urged him to break up both the anthracite and bituminous coal combines. He said Gregory was about ready with his bill against the New Haven and that suit would be filed before long. It will be the intention there to segregate the trolleys, the B & M. and the steamship lines from the parent road.

He asked me again to find him a suitable man in New England for one of his Assistants. This is a difficult undertaking, but I have asked Ellery Sedgwick to think of it and make suggestions.

McReynolds added his complaint to that of the other Cabinet officials about the President's reticence with them. As far as I can gather, he confers with none of them excepting in matters concerning their particular departments. Not one of them has been able to tell me a single thing regarding what the President has in mind for Mexico, or about anything else not connected his own departments. I can readily see how embarrassing this is to them, and how it hurts their self esteem. I shall speak to the President about it when I see him. His attitude is so entirely different with me, that I cannot understand his treatment of his Cabinet. When I first knew him he spoke to me so freely about everything that was in his mind, I became afraid that he was doing it with others and feared that sooner or later he might come to grief. I did not realize that I was practically the sole recipient of his confidence. I do not know what actuates him in regard to his Cabinet. It may be a natural reserve, and again it may be a lack of regard for their opinion. I admit it is a mistake for him not to consult more freely with his Cabinet concerning the nation wide problems which come up for solution.

Creelman is full of the Mexican question. He thinks the President's attitude is wrong, and that he should have recognized Huerta. He and I have had many interesting discussions concerning the Monroe Doctrine, and what modifications it should have today. He has been a close student of our political history, and his opinions have some value.

Ellery Sedgwick and Mrs. Sedgwick dined with us to meet the Creelmans. Sedg-

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wick urged me again to write the article for the Atlantic Monthly, and he is com-
ing to see me within the next few days to discuss it further.

September 7, 1913.

The Creelmans are still here. Lanier Winslow and some other people also called. Lanier sails with Gerard on Tuesday for their post in Germany. I outlined to Lanier the different ways in which he might be useful to the Ambassador, and I advised him to make himself necessary.

September 8, 1913.

I have a letter and telegram from Dudley Malone saying the President would give a buffet luncheon to the International Yacht contestants, although the White House is in a state of disorder. I wired Malone asking him to say to the President that I did not think this necessary, and that I would make the proper explanations.

September 9, 1913.

Dudley Malone telephoned from Washington to discuss the Massachusetts appointments, the New York mayorlaty contest and other matters. He is coming here at the end of the week.

Martin A. Brown and Harland Howe of Vermont came today by appointment. Howe ran for Governor on the democratic ticket last year. I am constantly impressed by the mediocre material of which the Democratic Party is composed in the New England States. It is seldom one finds a man of great intelligence or culture.

Mayor Fitzgerald telephoned in a state of agitation concerning the appointment of Edmund Billings as Collector for the Port of Boston. He had just heard it from Washington and protested vigorously against it. He thought anyone was better than Billings. I quite understand his position since Billings told me he never hesitated to say both in front and behind the Mayor's back that he was "a crook, and untrustworthy to the last degree".

September 10, 1913.

The entire Massachusetts crowd have been on my back this morning. First Gov-

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ernor Walsh, then Congressman Murray and afterward God knows who. The Irish Democracy are up in arms against Billings. McAdoo telephoned from Washington and I told him that Walsh wanted the nominations postponed until after the primaries.

McAdoo thought the currency measure would certainly pass before the extra session of Congress came to a close.

In answer to the President's letter the other day I am writing him as follows:

Beverly, Mass.
September 10, 1913.

My dear Friend:

I want to add my congratulations to the many that I know are coming to you today.

The passing of such a tariff is truly a great achievement, and no matter how generously you give credit to others, it is known to all men that the work is yours. You are so much more efficient than any public man with whom I have here-tofore been in touch that the others seem mere tyros. And then, too, you have a way of getting what is best out of those who are working for the same cause. Every one in your administration is on his mettle striving to emulate his Chief-ain's example in unselfish service to his country.

It is a splendid future I see before you and God grant you strength to carry all your noble undertakings to completion.

Your letter of a few days ago stimulates me anew and makes me eager to be again at your side. Your confidence in me and affection for me is the greatest reward that has ever been given me, and I pray that I may prove worthy of it.

The President,
The White House,
Washington, D. C.

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September 11, 1913.

Francis Carroll of Boston lunched with me. He is one of Mayor Fitzgerald's
friends. I wished to look him over for United States District Attorney, and if
he seemed suitable for that place I thought to recommend him and thereby soften
the blow we are preparing for Fitzgerald in the selection of Billings for Collec-
tor. Carroll is an amiable, well educated man of fair ability. I told him if
Fitzgerald would be contented with his, Carroll's appointment, I would recommend
him. He is to telephone me tonight after seeing Fitzgerald.

Ellery Sedgwick called. I showed him the article Norman Hapgood and Mrs.
Willsie prepared concerning the President and his Cabinet. It refers to me as
follows: "Mr. House knows the philosophy of his history, and he knows the limits
of the human mind, and his point of view is big and wide".

They wished the article to go to press tomorrow and desired my approval by
wire. My reply was that in no circumstances could they use my name either di-
rectly or indirectly.

Sedgwick talked of the series of articles for the Atlantic Monthly. I
promised to give a final answer after I had discussed it with the President. He
thought the articles might be of some service to the President in the way of feel-
ing out the public. He thinks there is a decided movement towards a Constitu-
tional Convention, and we both think that in the present temper of the people it
would not be wise to have the Constitution re-written at this time. We think
for the present we had better continue the policy of submitting separate amend-
ments to the States, and make gradual changes in that way.

I had asked Sedgwick to suggest some names of men who would be suitable for
Assistant Attorney General, and he gave me a very full list.

Mrs. Harriman telephoned from New York telling of the death of Mayor Gaynor
at sea. We both regret that Mitchel had been indiscreet enough to criticize him
before he left for Europe. It was a great mistake. Mrs. Harriman says the
Mitchel forces are anxious for me to come to New York to advise them, and if I

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do not come soon, some of them will come to Beverly. I have outlined the campaign
fully, telling in detail what I thought was necessary to do.

Mrs. Harriman is very pleased with her confirmation as a member of the Industrial Commission.

McAdoo telephoned from Washington saying the President is much disturbed
over the Boston Collectorship fight, but that he, McAdoo, was insisting upon Bil-
lings' appointment. McAdoo thinks Tumulty is advising the President to drop Bil-
lings. The President has asked McAdoo, Tumulty and Dudley Malone to come all the
way from Washington to Beverly to see me. I am sorry they should be put to this
trouble and it is not really necessary.

I wrote the President as follows:

The President,
Cornish,
New Hampshire.

Dear Mr. President:

Perhaps you do not know the reason for the Billings recommenda-
tion. Lieutenant Governor Walsh advised. When Dudley Malone told me of this
I insisted that he see both Mr. Brandeis and Mr. Grozier, and find whether they
concurred in the advisability of naming him. They both thought it an excellent
selection.

There is no substantial opposition to him outside of Mayor Fitzgerald himself.
The Congressmen are being told by him that if they permit Billings to go through
that he, Fitzgerald, will hold them responsible accountable. This is the reason
for their unusual activity.

I have had lunching with me today Francis Carroll, a man whom you have met,
and who is clean and fairly able, and whom Fitzgerald likes better than almost
anyone. I believe if you will make Carroll District Attorney, and Riley, who is
now State Chairman, United States Marshal, the tempest in the teapot will subside.
I will know definitely about this before McAdoo and Tumulty arrive.

The material that you have to appoint from, is not of the best, but I think

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with Billings for Collector of the Port, Maynard for Survey, Malley for Internal Revenue Collector, Francis Carroll for District Attorney, and Riley for United States Marshal, you will have done the very best that could be done.

This will give Fitzgerald and the Boston democracy which he represents, two of the best places, and if he is not satisfied with this consideration, I would let it go at that.

Please do not think of it while you are at Cornish, for as a matter of fact, it is not as serious as the Massachusetts Congressmen try to make it.

Your very faithful,

(Signed) E. M. House.

Beverly, Massachusetts.
September 11, 1913.

Some New York financiers have been wiring me to arrange for Prof. Bullock of Harvard, to meet the President, to discuss with him some features of the income tax measure. I have declined to do so.

September 12, 1913.

The day opened up briskly. Governor Walsh telephoned before breakfast. He reminded me that he had always been for Strecker for Collector. He forgets a little lapse of a few days when he recommended Billings as a proper man. He was telephoning from Worcester, and he said he was afraid to go into Boston. I told him McAdoo, Tumulty and Dudley Malone would be here today, and I thought if he would telephone me later I might give him some information.

Among the telegrams I received this morning, one is from Charles Ferguson saying the Secretary of Labor has offered him the Commissionership of Immigration at New York, but that Senator O'Gorman opposes him. He asked that I use my good offices with the Senator. I doubt whether I have any good offices with the Senator, but if I were the President I would stick to Ferguson even though he might not be the best selection in the world for that place.

The New York financial crowd are still sending telegrams about the income

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tax.

McAdoo, Tumulty and Dudley came a little after twelve and remained until two o'clock. McAdoo and Tumulty had to go back to New York on the three o'clock train. Dudley is still with me.

Our conference concerning the Massachusetts appointments did not take long. McAdoo, Malone and I were of one mind, and Tumulty came to it. There will be no change in the slate even though all Massachusetts should go wild about it.

Congressmen, officials, reporters and citizens of various degrees are trying to reach me by letter and telephone. It has become known that McAdoo and Tumulty are here and the purpose in coming. It is absurd how a Commonwealth can become stirred over the question of patronage. However, in a way, this has gotten beyond that, and has become a question of good citizenship or bad.

Among those who have communicated with me today are Richard Olney and Major Henry L. Higginson, one by telephone and the other by special delivery letter. Both of them commended Billings.

I am sorry McAdoo came, for it will not add to his prestige to come on such a mission.

I settled several matters of importance with McAdoo and Tumulty other than those of patronage. We discussed the currency question briefly, and I made some recommendations in regard to changes in the Glass-Owen Bill.

Dudley Malone evidently considers Tumulty's influence over the President not of the best. He thinks he is politically timid himself, and transfers his fears to the President. He considers his vision limited and that he is inclined to advise the President towards practical politics of a small order.

September 13, 1913.

Last night Governor Walsh came out and remained until half past twelve. He presented a pathetic figure. He is afraid of the Boston democrats discovering that he suggested Billings for Collector. Malone and I tried to stimulate him into some show of courage, but it was a hopeless undertaking. If

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we had sympathized with him I believe he would have wept. His intentions are good, and he wants to do the right thing, but he is too weak for extended efforts in that direction, particularly when a band of political pirates are on his trail. Dudley generously offered to shoulder all responsibility for Billings, and Walsh permitted him to do so.

The discussion be tween Walsh and Malone became at one time somewhat accreditious, and it looked as if my two Irish guests would be in each other's hair. Malone, of course, always took the high ground and tried to uplift Walsh to his level.

This afternoon, Dudley and I took a walk and he told me something more of Senator O'Gorman's differences with the President. When It began shortly after the election when Senator O'Gorman wrote a complimentary estimate of the President in the North American Review, and received no word of appreciation in return. Even before that, trouble was brewing, for Senator O'Gorman thought he was entitled to a note of thanks from the President for his work in the campaign. O'Gorman tells Dudley that the Senators are in an ugly mood, and critical of the President. One grievance is that they won't go to the White House for conferences, they are offered nothing to drink excepting water, and nothing to smoke. The President does not drink excepting occasionally at meals, and he never smokes, consequently he does not think to offer such things to his guests. My habits are about as his, and I find myself constantly neglecting my guests in this direction.

I feel certain that trouble is brewing for the President in the Senate, and that Senator O'Gorman will be one of the ring leaders.

The President told Malone that he was having no trouble with the "standpat" or conservative members in the Senate, that it was only the progressive element that was disturbing. He spoke of Senator Smith, of Maryland, stating he had given him nothing, and had treated him in anything but a friendly way, and yet he had voted constantly for all his progressive measures.

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Malone and I went to call on the Austrian Ambassador and, later, the Italian Ambassador. The latter was out. I also dropped in on Billy Coolidge.

I suggested to Malone that he see C. R. Macauley of the World, and have him draw a cartoon representing the shade of Gaynor handing a shovel to Mitchel. I also advised having Mitchel make a statement declining to hold any political conferences until after the late Mayor was buried. We wrote the statement we thought Mitchel should make, I doing the suggesting, and Malone the writing. The statement was as follows:

"I thank you for the honor of meeting you, but I am sure you will all agree that no citizen could be in a mood for politics today. Mayor Gaynor is dead. Men of all shades of partisanship stop in the busy rush of affairs to pay him reverence. As far as possible, all partisan meetings and conferences, all discussion of his successor should cease until Mayor Gaynor has been laid to rest with the affectionate sympathy of this community." #

September 15, 1913.

McAdoo telephoned from Washington telling of the progress of the currency bill. He expects it to pass the House this week and he thinks it can surely be put through the Senate. If the Senate refused to pass it, the President will go before the people advocating it, thereby building a fire back of the Senate.

McAdoo wished me to send what data I had about the Boston Collectorship matter.

He wishes to appoint John Burnett, Assistant Treasurer at Boston, if Louis Brandeis would approve. I talked to Brandeis, and he still clings to the opinion it would be a serious mistake to consider Burnett for anything. Brandeis told me, while we were talking, that Norman Hapgood was with him over Sunday, and the circulation he stated that Harper's Weekly was increasing beyond his expectations. They thought an order of 5000 extra copies a week would be sufficient, but they had
# Mitchel made this statement verbatim. See New York papers of Sept. 16, 1913.

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found it was entirely inadequate for the demand.

September 16, 1913.

We motored up to Chocorua today to spend the night at Graycroft with Mrs. Charles Greely Loring.

September 17, 1913.

We left Graycroft at ten o'clock this morning returning to Beverly.

September 18, 1913.

T. W. Gregory arrived this morning at nine. We have gone over his bill of indictment against the New York, New Haven & Hartford Railway, which he will bring within the next few weeks. He apparently has an exceptionally good case, and has worked it up with great skill, and has justified, I think, his appointment.

September 19, 1913.

We left Beverly today by automobile for New York. We spent the night at Springfield, Massachusetts.

September 20, 1913.

We went by Cromwell, Connecticut, this morning to call on Senator Culberson who is ill at the sanatorium. I talked to him concerning his future and the political matters in which he is most interested.

September 21, 1913.

We left Cromwell around noon and motored into New York, arriving about seven o'clock.

New York,
September 22, 1913.

A notice appeared in the New York papers yesterday saying that I was moving on New York for the purpose of opening headquarters in the Fifth Avenue Building in order to direct Mitchel's campaign. One of Judge McCall's friends telephoned to ask about it. Judge McCall wished to know whether it was true. Of course I denied it.

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September 23, 1913.

Dudley Field Malone spent most of the day with me, and we have gone over the
Mayoralty situation in all its phases. We both think Mitchel should resign from
as Collector of the Port.

Mitchel and Malone came together later in the afternoon and we discussed the
matter fully. Mitchel thinks the best thing that could happen would be for him
to offer his resignation and for the President to decline to accept it, giving as
his reason that Mitchel was doing important work and could not be spared for the
moment. Malone and I mildly disagreed with him. We decided to pass it directly
up to the President. Malone goes to Washington tonight and will return tomorrow
night with the President's decision. Mitchel is to keep in close touch with me
in order that I may advise concerning his campaign.

A. J. McQuatters who represents large American railroad and mining interests in Mexico, came to call by appointment. He asked that he and Huerta are on sufficiently intimate terms to call one another by their given names. He thought an arrangement could be made with Huerta by which concessions our Government desired would be given, provided Huerta was recognized. He mentioned specifically that the immigration laws would be arranged to our satisfaction in order that objectionable Oriental immigration might be restricted. He also spoke of concessions as to the boundary question.

I told him this country did not desire any concessions from Mexico; that all
the President wanted was for them to establish an orderly constitutional government,
and he was determined that revolution should no longer be encouraged in the Central
American Republics.

We passed compliments as between the President and Huerta, he as to the high
regard Huerta had for the President, and I as to the President's lack of personal
feeling against Huerta, and that it was merely a question of policy.

September 24, 1913.

Jack Hammond, the newspaper man, lunched with me. He is disturbed over what

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he terms McAdoo's continual attacks upon him. He claims to represent 137 daily and 5000 weekly newspapers throughout America. He believes if McAdoo desires war that he can maintain his end of it. He gave some inside information regarding the feeling between McCombs and McAdoo. Hammond was McCombs' private secretary after the campaign last year, and was one of his confidential advisers. He states that McCombs and Morganthau urged him to attack McAdoo, but afterward both of them made up with McAdoo and "left him on the limb" as he expressed it.

September 25, 1913

McAdoo telephoned from Washington. We talked of the currency bill and of the advisability of Mitchel resigning as Collector while he is running for Mayor of New York. McAdoo thought he might as well "stick". I was inclined to the contrary view. He is to see the President tomorrow and will perhaps telephone again.

Dudley Malone came in on the Congressional Limited, reaching here at nine o'clock. He gave a resume of his interview with the President concerning Mitchel's proposed resignation. The President was very fine about it and left it entirely in Mitchel. He thought Mitchel had not been well treated by some of his Fusion friends, and he would like to do what was best to further his cause.

Malone telephoned Mitchel from our apartment, and we are to meet here in the morning at 9.15.

It is seldom that an office holder has any outlook other than his own, and to find the President willing to forget possible disadvantages which might come to him from Mitchel's action, is very fine.

September 25, 1913.

Mitchel and Malone came this morning as arranged. Mitchel was of course pleased with the President's attitude. He is to see the Civil Service Organization today and discuss it with them. After that he is to see me again, laying all the facts before me in order that we may decide what is best for him to do.

He told me in great confidence that acting-Mayor Kline was thinking of re-

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moving Commissioner Waldo and appointing Allen Pinkerton in his place. He wished
my *advice* judgment in the matter. I advised the removal and appointment for the
reason that Waldo is in sympathy with Tammany, and it is essential that we have a
Police Commissioner in charge who will stand for an honest election, and whom the
people would fear. The very name of Pinkerton would inspire awe in them.

We discussed the statement the Mayor should make in taking this action.
Mitchel had written a long interview on the police question which he had promised
to give the Herald this morning at eleven to be used in the Sunday edition. I
looked over it casually, but I could see enough to cause me to advise its withdraw-
al, which he said he would do if possible, that is, if they had not already an-
nounced it.

I suggested to Mitchel and Malone the appointment of Mrs. Borden Harriman
as Commissioner of Immigration here, and they thought it would not only please
the women throughout the country, but would make T. R. envious that he was not in
a position to do it himself. It would be spectacular, and at the same time no
better appointment could be made, for she is efficient and entirely capable of
performing the duties of that office.

Mrs. Harriman came to lunch and was pleased when I told her I intended to
suggest her name to the President for Commissioner of Immigration. She was
afraid she could not do the work as well as it should be done, but I reassured
her.

Mrs. Harriman brought Frank P. Walsh, Chairman of the Commission on Indus-
trial Relations, in order that he might outline what he had in mind concerning
the Commission's work, and to get my judgment. We readily agreed as to pro-
cedure. I thought if they were careful and conservative they could possibly
make the Commission permanent instead of temporary as at present.

After Walsh left Mrs. Harriman continued her visit. She is concerned
lest the President is becoming less progressive.

Mitchel telephoned to ask me to see Robert Adamson and persuade him to