To: HAK

Fm: JC

Subject: Mobil Oil's proposed TV Special

Herbert Schmertz is now talking to Walter Laqueur about hosting Mobil's program on BETWEEN THE WARS. Walter has apparently told them very candidly that there are a lot of things wrong with the way this sort of program has been done by American TV in the past. He is waiting to hear back where, if anywhere, Mobil wants to go from there.

If Walter does host the program, it is conceivable he may ask you to participate in some way, even if only as an interviewee. For the moment, however, there is nothing for you to do.

Mobil Oil Corporation

150 EAST 42ND STREET
NEW YORK, NEW YORK 10017

HERBERT SCHMERTZ
VICE PRESIDENT

March 16, 1977

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Counselor
The Center for Strategic
and International Studies
Georgetown University
1800 K Street
Washington, D. C. 20006

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I understand that Dave Abshire has spoken to you about BETWEEN
THE WARS, the television series which will cover American diplo-
matic history from Versailles to Pearl Harbor. As I think Dave
indicated, we expect to devote approximately 16 episodes to this
show. This will enable us to cover the area in a comprehensive
fashion. The show will appear on commercial television.

At the present time, we have total flexibility as to where the
show is placed and how the show is produced. From my conversa-
tions with Dave, I got the impression that you had some interest
in this project but that you were concerned that the logistics,
time requirements and your obligations to NBC could possibly
preclude your involvement.

In my own mind, I have tried to go over all of these problems and
I am convinced that they can all be worked out. We would certainly
make a major effort to accomplish this.

I have asked Dave to suggest the possibility that we at least meet
once to see if all these problems can be dealt with. I have
suggested this on the assumption that the show itself, if these
problems can be worked out, is of interest to you. I can assure
you that from our standpoint, we are prepared to try to do this.

HS/abw

République du Zaïre

Le Président

Bruxelles, le 19 janvier 1977

A Monsieur Henry A. KISSINGER
Secrétaire d'Etat des Etats-Unis
d'Amérique

WASHINGTON
(U.S.A.)

Monsieur le Secrétaire d'Etat,

J'ai l'honneur d'accuser réception
du message que vous M'avez fait parvenir au moment
où votre brillant mandat touche à sa fin.

Je vous remercie de cette délicate
attention, et voudrais saisir cette occasion pour
vous réitérer les sentiments de grande amitié que
mon pays a toujours eus avec les Etats-Unis
d'Amérique.

La Coopération entre le Zaïre et
les Etats-Unis d'Amérique est une Coopération modèle.
Elle a été particulièrement renforcée ces trois
dernières années, grâce à l'impulsion que vous avez
donnée.

Je garde de vous le souvenir d'un
grand Homme d'Etat, brillant et excellent négociateur,
plein de courtoisie et de compréhension à l'égard
des problèmes africains en général, et ceux du
Zaïre en particulier.

Je suis convaincu que lors de la
passation des pouvoirs entre vous et votre
successeur, vous n'aurez pas manqué de lui faire
part des relations particulières existant entre les
Etats-Unis d'Amérique et le Zaïre, relations
caractérisées par plusieurs années de Coopération
féconde et d'estime réciproque.

Veuillez croire, Monsieur le
Secrétaire d'Etat, à l'assurance de ma considération
distinguée.

MOBUTU SESE SEKO KUKU NGBENDU WA ZA BANGA

Général de Corps d'Armée

Personnel Filey [LC]
CF- Molokwe

MAILGRAM SERVICE CENTER
MIDDLETOWN, VA. 22645

Mailgram®

2-044332E299002 10/26/77 ICS IPMMTZZ CSP WSHC
1 2028570050 MGM TDMT WASHINGTON DC 10-26 0334P EST

HENRY A KISSINGER MS WOMBLE
1800 "K" ST NORTHWEST SUITE 520
WASHINGTON DC 20006

THIS MAILGRAM IS A CONFIRMATION COPY OF THE FOLLOWING MESSAGE:

TDMT WASHINGTON DC 10-26 0334P EST
INT PRESIDENT S E MOBUTU SESE SEKO PRESIDENT DE LA REPUBLIKUE
DU ZAIRE

KINSHASE-NGALIFEMA (ZAIRE)

DEAR MR PRESIDENT I AM DEEPLY GRIEVED TO LEARN OF YOUR GREAT LOSS.

PLEASE ACCEPT MY HEARTFELT PERSONAL CONDOLENCES AND THOSE OF MRS

KISSINGER, SINCERELY

HENRY A KISSINGER

15:34 EST

MGMCOMP MGM

5241 (63-76)

TO REPLY BY MAILGRAM, SEE REVERSE SIDE FOR WESTERN UNION'S TOLL-FREE PHONE NUMBERS

Telephone (212) 532-9200

Cable Address LETOUT NEW YORK

Crown Publishers, INC.

ONE PARK AVENUE, NEW YORK, N.Y. 10016

May 6, 1977

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Center for Strategic and International Studies
Georgetown University
Washington, D.C.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I've read somewhere that you enjoy an occasional mystery now
that the cares of the world sit somewhat more lightly upon
your shoulders.

I send you the enclosed (DEWEY DECIMATED by Charles Goodrum)
because of its wit, erudition and sprightliness.

Despite its placement on the Mall between the National Gallery
and the Smithsonian's Museum of Natural History, the Werner-Bok
Library is fiction -- as you no doubt found numerous other
estimable Washington institutions also to be.

I'd welcome a blurb, needless to say, if you find the time and
are entertained.

SM/JG
encl.

JAN 12 1978

Dear Mr. Mohler:

You were so thoughtful to send Nancy and me the giant Hershey bar. As you probably know, Nancy is an addict and I am not far behind. In fact, had we realized that an honorary degree could have such immediate and tangible benefits we would have explored the possibility long before.

Nancy joins me in thanking you for so generously indulging our vice and in hoping we see you soon again.

Mr. H. S. Mohler
Chairman of the Board
Hershey Foods Corporation
Hershey Chocolate and
Confectionary Division
Hershey, Pennsylvania 17033

SSM:mbb

[LC]

Hershey Foods

Office of
Chairman of the Board

Hershey Foods Corporation

Hershey, Pennsylvania 17033

Phone (717) 534-4240

June 6, 1977

Dr. and Mrs. Henry A. Kissinger
1800 K Street
Suite 520
Washington, D. C. 20006

Dear Nancy and Henry:

It was indeed a thrill to spend the weekend with you at Lehigh. We, of course, are pleased that you were able to arrange to be the first husband wife team to receive honorary degrees from the university. Congratulations to both of you. All in all, it was a very pleasant weekend except that it did get rather warm during the exercises.

I was delighted to see the graduates be the first to rise in a standing ovation to you, Henry. It must be a great satisfaction to you to have your accomplishments recognized in a warm and dramatic manner.

Over the years, the Maginnes name has been well known to me because of your father's devotion to Lehigh. For the first time over the weekend, I had the opportunity to personally meet not only you, Nancy, but your mother and brother as well. Hopefully, the Maginnes association with Lehigh will continue to be close in the years ahead.

Warm personal regards.

g

## Possible Description of Kissinger Memoir for Yomiuri Shimbun

My book will be a memoir of my eight years of
office in Washington, as Assistant to the President
for National Security Affairs and as Secretary of State.

It will be a full, personal, and frank account of the
many events and negotiations in which I participated. It
will tell what I believe is an exciting story. At the
same time it will convey my reflections on the great
issues of that time, the personalities that were a part
of its history, and the nature of diplomacy in the
modern era.

WRC-TV4

NBC Television Stations Division
National Broadcasting Company, Inc.

4001 Nebraska Avenue, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20016 202-686-4000

April 26, 1977

The Honorable
Henry A. Kissinger
1800 K Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C.

Dear Mr. Secretary:

This is to ask whether, in
principle, you might be available to appear as a
guest on _Meet the Press_. We would very much like
to do a program with you at an appropriate and
convenient time and, if you're amenable, we would
like to keep in touch with you as to any thoughts
you might have about a suitable time period.

(We look on this invitation, by
the way, as completely unconnected with your contract
arrangements with NBC. We would not expect that
contract, in itself, necessarily to incline you
toward doing our program. But we also hope it would
not in any way deter you.)

Needless to say, there are just
not many voices available, whether in government,
academia or the business world, that carry the
authority of your rich baritone in foreign affairs.
So we earnestly hope to hear from you to the effect
that you are open to an appearance on _Meet the Press_,
as your schedule permits, and we hope that the
opportunity will not be too far off in the future.

BM:hhf

HOWARD MORGENS

P. O. Box 599
Cincinnati, Ohio 45201

October 7, 1977

The Honorable Henry A. Kissinger
1800 K Street, N.W.
Suite 520
Washington, D. C. 20006

Dear Henry,

I am very pleased that the November 3 date is now firm for another informal dinner of the kind we enjoyed so much during your Secretaryship.

Bryce Harlow has made the arrangements for the time and place and has told me those arrangements are agreeable to you. I have today sent out invitations to a select group of business leaders. A copy of my letter of invitation is enclosed so you can see what each has been told. It is essentially the same arrangement as before, except for the place of the meeting.

Bryce and I look forward to being with you the evening of Thursday, November 3. Until then, my best regards.

HOWARD MORGENS

CHAIRMAN EMERITUS

THE PROCTER & GAMBLE COMPANY

October 6, 1977

P. O. Box 599

CINCINNATI, OHIO 45201

COPY

It is my pleasure to invite you to another private dinner with Henry Kissinger, this one on Thursday, November 3.

It will be similar to our March 4 and June 17 evenings with him in 1976 -- about a dozen top business leaders informally discussing the state of world affairs. Dr. Kissinger said he would welcome another of those confidential, frank exchanges at this time.

I am inviting only those who attended one or both of our previous sessions. I have talked this with a number of you; all have indicated an active interest.

The dinner will be in the Anderson Room of the Metropolitan Club, 17th and H Streets, N.W., Washington, D.C. at 7:00 pm. The discussion will continue as long as anyone desires but, in order to permit anyone who wishes to return to his home that evening, it will formally end no later than 10:30 pm.

I would appreciate your letting my office know promptly whether or not you can attend. My office telephone number in Cincinnati is (513) 562-3701. A prompt response is needed so that, if some cannot attend, others can be invited to insure that approximately 12 of us will be present.

Best regards.

Sincerely,

[N]

HENRY A. KISSINGER

Dear Mr. Morita:

I very much appreciated hearing from you in response to
my invitation to become an International Councillor of
the Future of Business Program at the Georgetown Center
for Strategic and International Studies. In response to
the queries in your November 25th letter, let me first
say that, judging from your letter, your English should
pose no problem. Second, you can be assured that the
focus of this undertaking is practical business -- not
abstract philosophy.

On the Georgetown Center itself, I have asked Dr. Amos
A. Jordan, who is the Executive Director at the Center
responsible for the project, to write you directly re-
garding the Center's work and structure and the Future
of Business Program.

As of the date of this letter, we have acceptances from
18 Councillors, whose names are attached. We have set
aside September 7th and 8th or, alternatively, 8th and
9th as possible dates for our first meeting. As soon as
the Councillors inform me about their availability on
these dates, I will notify everyone about a final date
and provide agenda suggestions.

After receiving this letter, I do hope you will be able
to accept the invitation to become an International
Councillor.

Mr. Akio Morita
Chairman of the Board and Chief Executive Officer
Sony Corporation
7-35 Kitashinaga 6-chome
Sinagawa-ku
Tokyo 141
Japan

[Y]

FUTURE OF BUSINESS

International Councillors

ARMSTRONG, Anne
Former Ambassador
United Kingdom

MURPHY, Thomas A.
Chairman
General Motors Corporation

BARCLAY, Clifford
Chairman
Beau Brummel, Ltd.

OLAYAN, Suleiman
Chairman
General Contracting Company

CARTER, J.E.
Chairman and CEO
International Nickel Co.
of Canada, Ltd.

PFEIFFER, Ralph A., Jr.
Chairman
IBM World Trade Americas/Far
East Corporation

DE BENEDETTI, Carlo
President
Concerie Italiane Riunite
Societa per Azioni

PHILIPS, Frederik Jacques
Chairman
N.V. Philips' Gloeilampen-
fabrieken

GEORGE, W.H. Krome
Chairman
Aluminum Company of
America

SAMUELS, Nathaniel
Chairman
Louis Dreyfus Holding
Company Inc.

GISCARD d'ESTAING, Olivier
President
European Centre for Inter-
national Cooperation

SHAPIRO, Irving S.
Chairman
E.I. du Pont de Nemours

GREENBERG, Maurice R.
President
American International
Group, Inc.

SHEPHERD, Mark, Jr.
Chairman
Texas Instruments, Inc.

HANSEN, Kurt
Chairman
Bayer A.G.

SOHL, Hans-Gunther
President
August Thyssen-Hutte AG

KLABIN, Israel
Board Member
Klabin Irmaos and CIA

TUNG, C.Y.
Chief Executive Officer
C.Y. Tung Shipping Company

SONY

SONY CORPORATION

AKIO MORITA
CHAIRMAN
CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER

T-35 KITASHINAGAWA-6
SHINAGAWA-KU, TOKYO 141, JAPAN

TELEPHONE: (03) 446-2002

CABLE ADDRESS:
SONYCORP TOKYO
TELEX, J 23262

November 25, 1977

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger
Suite 520
1800 K Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C. 20006
U. S. A.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

Thank you very much for your letter of October 27th, which was
delivered to my office just recently by someone who did not leave
his or her name.

I am very happy to know that you have decided to embark on the
exploration of the role of business in international affairs, after your
eight years of distinguished official statemanship. The fact that you
have initiated the International Council on the Future of Business at
the Center for Strategic and International Studies, and that you have
assumed the Chairmanship, are developments that interest me very
much. My keen interest in the role of international business, and its
eventual subtle implications in the sound creation of a world economy,
has been increasing constantly, especially in the light of the current
global trade situation.

It is indeed a high honor you have accorded me in considering me as
a possible member of this Council. Before responding to your kind
invitation, there are some factors I must consider: One is that the
obvious limits in my knowledge of English lead me to wonder whether
I can contribute fully to the discussions. Also the membership of the
Council would influence my decision. If, for example, the discussions
are in the realm of highly sophisticated philosophical inquiries, then
a practical businessman like myself would probably not be appropriate.
Also, although I am aware of the famous Institute for Stragetic and
International Studies at Georgetown I must confess to ignorance about
the specific content of the Institute.

Columbia University in the City of New York

New York, N.Y. 10027

DEPARTMENT OF POLITICAL SCIENCE

420 West 118th Street

May 9, 1977

Dr. Henry L. Kissinger
Suite 520
1800 K Street, N.W.
Washington, D.C. 20006

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

I have not written you before because I knew that President
McGill has conveyed to you my own and the Department's invitation
that you join us here at Columbia. But in view of Professor Edinger's
letter to the New York Times and occasional references in the press
to opposition to your coming, I should like to add a personal word
lest these developments seem more important than they are.

A few dissidents have indeed expressed their criticism. This
is after all a lively university community within which agreement
on almost any subject is hardly to be expected. It seems wholly
natural, therefore, that there should be some dissent on this issue
as on others. But the overwhelming majority at Columbia are clearly
supportive of your coming.

I believe that you may already have received some evidence of this
from our graduate students. Sentiment in the faculty is similarly strong.
I have had numerous assurances of this, not only from within the Department,
but also from all across the campus. Political differences clearly exist,
but this is a community which fundamentally respects intellectual and public
attainments and values academic freedom. You will find stimulating students
and congenial colleagues.

If that is the kind of environment you want to work in as I very much
hope you do, you will find it here.

10

Nicholas H. Morley

December 12, 1977

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Suite 520
1800 K Street N. W.
Washington, D. C.

Formerly Corgi Kramers
Now Council, RNC
Morley is Finance
chairman, Fla.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

We would very much appreciate your honoring us with your presence at an event of special importance in our community.

The occasion is an Israel Bond Drive which will honor one of our prominent citizens and bankers, Mr. Joseph Stefan. A cross section of the business leadership of South Florida will be among the estimated 600 people in attendance.

We would very much value your making an informal presentation to our audience, and providing them the opportunity to place questions before you.

The dinner is being held in Miami, Florida at the newest and most prestigious hotel, the Omni International Plaza. Tentatively, reservations have been set aside for the following dates: January 14, January 15, February 12, February 14 and February 16, entirely depending on your kind consideration.

We will arrange for a Lear Jet to pick you up and return you to your next destination.

Your acceptance of this invitation will bestow upon our community a singular honor to treasure for a lifetime.

Post Office Box 249, Miami, Florida 33145

Dr. Albin R. Gilbert
25 College Avenue
Buckhannon, West Virginia 26201

25 July, 1977

Mr. Hugh Morrow
Assistant to
Nelson A. Rockefeller
30 Rockefeller Plaza, Room 5600
New York, N.Y. 10020

Dear Mr. Morrow:

By letter of March 28, 1977, you advised me that Mr. Rockefeller is "so heavily involved in catching up with private matters...that he is not presently undertaking new projects."

I was, of course, disappointed because I thought that after stepping down from the vice-presidency he might be intrigued by an innovative and much-needed plan for the nation.

After receiving your letter, it occurred to me that there could be established a productive division of labor between the publishing of nonpartisan briefings on domestic issues under Nelson Rockefeller, and on foreign policy problems under Dr. Henry Kissinger in one non-governmental institute, headed by these two pre-eminent former government executives.

The juxtaposition of their nonpartisan briefings alongside the traditional partisan publicity should render governmental and congressional decision-making more factual, and should sharpen the discernment of citizens in electing and monitoring their representatives.

I believe that bipartisan briefings by a "Rockefeller-Kissinger Institute" would remarkably benefit the nation. And I trust that these two brilliant men will find the proposal and its scale challenging and worthy of their serious consideration.

Regarding Mr. Rockefeller it seems to me that after giving up public service and apparently also party involvement, his shift to serving bipartisanship would be an auspicious logical step.

You have received my proposal for dissemination of non/bipartisan briefings under Mr. Rockefeller's management. I enclose a copy anyway for your convenience. Please find enclosed copy of my plan for non/bipartisan briefings on foreign policy issues under Dr. Kissinger.

Mr. Rockefeller and Dr. Kissinger have been in close cooperation before. Their joining hands in the present plan should assure accomplishment.

Thank you very much, Mr. Morrow, for taking trouble with this modified proposal.

West Virginia
Virginia
West Virginia
College

Dr. Albin R. Gilbert

November 17, 1976

The Vice President
The White House
Washington, D.C. 20500

Sir:

The undersigned is professor of West Virginia Wesleyan College, and became well acquainted with your nephew, John D. Rockfeller IV, past president of West Virginia Wesleyan College, and now governor-elect of West Virginia.

In pursuit of my study of what I consider a critical deficiency of our democratic system I have become increasingly aware that you, Mr. Vice President, are among the most agile and adept personalities to carry a program toward the correction of this deficiency to its fulfillment.

In November 1973 you inaugurated a non-governmental "Commission on Critical Choices for Americans," inquiring into "present trends and their impact on the future of our country and the world by a bipartisan elite of minds... the Commission elaborated options for the solution of critical problems facing the nation."

May I submit to you, sir, a proposal which seems to me a logical sequel of your "Commission"? The critical deficiency as I see it is that the people-at-large have been subjected overwhelmingly since the beginning of our republic to partisan interpretations of emerging problems, with no counter-vailing concurrent nonpartisan or bipartisan expositions of the same problems.

What I am proposing is that you found and direct an Institute which would juxtapose its bipartisan and/or nonpartisan briefings on the current problems with the partisan interpretations of the same problems brought by partisan media and by partisan spokesmen.

The Institute would supply periodically to the people-at-large by channels described in the enclosed Abstrat its non- and bipartisan briefings on the current problems, prepared by its staff of bipartisan experts.

By disseminating continually nonpartisan or bipartisan briefings side by side with the ongoing partisan indoctrination, your Institute would provoke the citizenry to elect their representatives more intelligently, to monitor their policy and law-making; and in the light of their higher political understanding to turn to them with critical suggestions more frequently than heretofore.

Buckhannon, West Virginia 26201
304/473-7011

- 2 -

[LC]

May I point out that your or anybody's party affiliation is compatible with working for the proposed Institute if in the latter role one seeks to secure non- and bipartisan thinking on problems of the time so that they are perceived by the citizenry side by side with partisan views on the same problems.

What I am saying, sir, is that pitting the nonpartisan against the partisan orientation of the citizenry regarding emerging problems gainsays by no means the benefit and desirability of our party system. Despite its rough and tumble functioning it has carried our democracy through its 200 years so far. Nor is implied by the proposed juxtaposition of partisan and nonpartisan interpretation the superiority of one or the other approach. The suggested thesis claims no more than the benefit of exposing the people's mind concurrently to both approaches.

May I take in conclusion the liberty, sir, to point out that your failing to attain the U.S. Presidency could be a blessing in disguise if you should become the leading man of the proposed Institute. For in this capacity you would help to move the people's mind from preponderant dependence on political propagandism to more intelligent thoughtfullness toward the elected government. You would lift the level of our representative democracy. Carried to its fulfillment, this role could range in the judgment of historians over and above the Presidency of the United States.

In this light I am bold to maintain, sir, that the present proposal should be worthy of your thorough consideration. An abstract of the proposal is attached.

Looking forward to your response I have the honor to remain

most respectfully yours,

Albin R. Gilbert, Ph.
Professor emeritus of psychology
West Virginia Wesleyan College

25 College Avenue, Buckhannon, W.Va.
26201

Abstract of Proposal

Abstract

Institute for Bipartisan Briefings of the People on Current Problems

Albin R. Gilbert

This book takes its departure from what the author regards as a flagrant
deficiency of our democratic system. The deficiency stems from the fact
that our citizenry is preponderantly exposed to partisan-indoctrination
with regard to the current problems facing the nation but is not subjected
concurrently to nonpartisan or bipartisan briefings on the same problems.

This neglect can be traced to the very beginnings of our republic. No sooner had the United States come into birth than national political parties emerged, supplying media and spokesmen with partisan information and interpretation.

The framers of our republic, as scions of the age of reason, had a bound-
less faith in the political intelligence of our liberated people to
govern itself and to maintain the unity of the Union despite the cross-
purposes of special interest groups. Safeguarding this faith by the Con-
stitution they accepted partisan-indoctrination of the people about problems,
considering nonpartisan instruction unnecessary.

This neglect has never been corrected throughout the two hundred years
of our independence. Never have nonpartisan teachings been methodic-
ally pitted against, or rather, merely juxtaposed with, partisan-indoctri-
nations. For this reason, the political mind of the people-at-large has
come to accept more or less passively party propagandism as a guidance to
voting.

In our democratic system, the people are offered a choice of alternative
party tenets, each set forming a miscellany of propagandistically chosen
informations and misinformations, as well as interpretations and misinter-
pretations. The "political education" of our citizenry consists at the
most in their being exposed to alternatives of opposing party propagandisms,
from which they choose at elections. The inclusion and exclusion of facts
in either alternative is determined by propaganda. Voting is, therefore,
not guided by all essential facts; and insidiously, most voters are unaware
of this circumstance.

In order to cope with this critical deficiency, the foundation of a non-
governmental institute is proposed. Its purpose would be to match the
traditional party orientation of the people with nonpartisan/bipartisan
briefings on the same problems. The Institute would provide a highly bene-
ficial juxtaposition of the ongoing partisan-indoctrination and the in-
stitute's nonpartisan/bipartisan briefings on the problems facing the nation.

The name of the institute could be "Institute for Nonpartisan and Bipartisan
Briefings of Americans on Current Problems." It should be headed by a
political executive of nationwide distinction and statesmanship. The name
of Nelson A. Rockefeller comes to mind because of his previous initiative
in founding the "Commission on Critical Choices for Americans," staffed
by bipartisan/nonpartisan experts.

- 2 -

Under his direction a bipartisan elite of experts would investigate specific problems facing the nation, and would set forth options of problem solutions. Two versions of releases of the Institute would be prepared, one for a lower, and one for a higher level of literacy of recipients, with both versions delivered to every recipient.

Releases on the diverse problems will be disseminated concurrently with the corresponding congressional debates. Recipients of the releases would include the citizenry-at-large, business and industrial leaders, key government officials of all three branches of the national and state governments, and other key persons, such as the President's consultants. High schools and continuity schools, colleges and universities, public and school libraries would also receive regularly releases of the Institute.

As to the mode of dissemination, this author thinks that the most effective and economic channel would be the postal delivery of the releases at cheapest bulk rate to occupants of every separate apartment in every house.

In addition to the direct delivery of issues to the citizenry, releases should also be put on sale in news stands and pertinent shops throughout the country. Leading newspapers would be permitted to publish the nonpartisan briefings of the Institute.

It is expected that in the long run the juxtaposition of partisan-indoctrination and nonpartisan/bipartisan instruction, achieved by the Institute, will activate the political mind of the people. "Government by politically propagated people" will turn increasingly into "government by politically more thoughtful people."

[L.C.]

Copy

# An Institute for Bipartisan or Nonpartisan Briefings on Foreign Policy Issues

Since the beginning of our republic, a critical deficiency of our political education has been the people's overwhelming subjection to partisan and special interest groups' briefings, with virtually no countervailing bipartisan or nonpartisan briefings.

I propose the setting-up of a non-governmental foreign policy institute (named hereafter "institute") which would prepare and disseminate to a selection of recipients outlined below non- or bipartisan briefings on the same foreign policy problems as dealt with in partisan-slanted media and by partisan spokesmen.

The briefings would be prepared by a staff of foreign policy experts, hopefully under the direction of Dr. Henry A. Kissinger. I maintain that in the long haul -- perhaps even sooner than would appear now -- the bi- or nonpartisan briefings should widen the recipients' perspective upon the problems, and render the receivers' understanding of foreign policy issues more coherent. Even the recipients' voting should be influenced by the juxtaposition of partisan indoctrination in the media, and bi- or nonpartisan briefings by the "Institute."

Its issues would have to suggest clearly their separateness as informative source of foreign policy matters. And the distribution of the briefings should be carried out while deliberations on the problems are still in process in the executive and legislative branches.

**Recipients.** Releases of briefings should be supplied to the White House, the State Department, to all senators and representatives, as well as to state governors; furthermore to non-governmental key organizations; to "ethnic groups," and church-related organizations; and to individuals holding key positions in commerce and industry. Institutes of higher education would also be regular recipients.

Journal and magazine publishers should be approached regarding the publication of "Institute" briefings. Foreign policy organizations, such as the Foreign Policies Association, and the Council of Foreign Relations will, it can be expected, publish the releases of the "Institute." Newspapers will be offered briefings for publication. Most radio and TV commentators will be eager to receive issues.

This leaves the mass public uncovered. In times of relative tranquility, the mass public is unconcerned about foreign policy. And even the interest groups, engaged in domestic business, will be inattentive to the "institute's" regular briefings. Nevertheless,

- 2 -

the mass supply of the public-at-large is feasible, and should be
undertaken. I refrain from indicating the technique of distribu-
tion to the mass public here. It is dealt with in my proposal to
Mr. Nelson Rockefeller.

In crisis situations, when the chief executive may make sudden
decisions and command sudden measures, nonpartisan or bipartisan
briefings should be supplied to the mass public immediately after
the event.

May I submit in conclusion some arguments that should induce you,
Dr. Kissinger, to give my proposal careful consideration.

Ever since the beginning of our political independence, the citizen-
ry became cleaved into two opposite political parties on the ground
of special interests within the constituency. The political education
of the people was taken over by the political parties, and became
partisan indoctrination, rather than nonpartisan or bipartisan
instruction.

Jefferson's political philosophy, like that of other educated
framers, was influenced by <u>John Locke's Treatise of Government</u> (1690).
According to this doctrine, the right of the citizenry to employ
their reason freely should be protected by the government from any
obstruction. Such an obstruction would have arisen by the government's
swaying the people into believing that they are well-off under the
government's regime. To Locke, such believing would have amounted
to a surrender of political instruction to political indoctrination.

Locke demanded therefore in the <u>Treatise of Government</u> frequent
objective briefings of the people as to whether the current policies
of the government are in keeping with the will of the people, laid
down in the "contract" with the government.

<u>Jefferson</u> and the other framers did not demand such nonpartisan
accounting for the political state of affairs. They left the political
briefing of the people to the political parties. As scions of the
age of reason the educated founders of the Union had an unbounded
faith in the political intelligence of free peoples, hence considered
nonpartisan education unnecessary.

<u>Alexandre de Tocqueville</u> regarded democracy as "unable to persevere
in a design (of foreign policy, for example)," because it is con-
tinually tossed about by the prevailing majority of public opinion,
which is fashioned by the tide floods of partisan propaganda.

But it escaped him that partisan propaganda can be countervailed by
nonpartisan briefing, and that party conflicts and confrontations
can be settled by inter-party accomodations.

This insufficiency of Tocqueville's inquiry would be rectified by
the proposed "Institute." Dissemination of bipartisan or nonpartisan
briefings on current foreign policy problems would render public
opinion more acute. In the long run, a shift would take place

- 3 -

from the disputes of partisan briefings to the juxtaposition of
partisan and nonpartisan briefings.

As a publisher of bipartisan foreign policy briefings to key
recipients, you would resume in a way Senator Arthur H. Vandenberg's
doctrine of bipartisanship. To be sure, President Roosevelt's
appointment of this republican leader to the Administration was
prompted by the motive of winning popular support in the Worldwar II
effort. By contrast, your leadership, Dr. Kissinger, of the
"Institute" would be induced by the purpose of bipartisan briefing
of the people on foreign policy problems facing the nation. Thus,
you would spread foreign policy as a common cause of the nation,
and even of the global grouping of nations, as over against party
and special group causes.

This proposal is not the pipedream of a college professor. Rather,
I have traced historically a critical, unheeded deficiency of our
democratic system back to the foundation of our republic.

The deficiency lies, to reiterate, in the lack of an established
institution disseminating to selected recipients -- later perhaps
to the public-at-large -- bi- or nonpartisan briefings on political
problems, on which the receivers are traditionally furnished merely
partisan accounts. As a result of the "Institute's" enterprise, the
citizenry would not only be exposed to the traditional partisan
accounts of foreign policy issues, but also to additional nonpartisan
or bipartisan reports of the same problems.

It is amazing that no formal, comprehensive attempt has ever been
undertaken to provide adult political education as a nonpartisan
counterweight to partisan information.

If you assumed the leadership, Dr. Kissinger, of the nongovern-
mental Institute for bipartisan and/or nonpartisan briefings on
foreign policy, you should become conducive to enhancing the political
prudence of the citizenry. I believe in the inevitability of
gradualness to bring about this meliorating effect.

May I conclude with an engaging question: What a splendid division
of labor could it be to furnish to Americans bipartisan or nonpartisan
briefings on foreign policy issues, directed by Henry Kissinger,
and on domestic problems, conducted by Nelson Rockefeller? Perhaps
a joint consideration of this scope by you, Dr. Kissinger, and
by Mr. Nelson Rockefeller suggests itself.

I am hopeful, Dr. Kissinger, of your serious consideration of my
proposal.

ss m action cy

ALVIN MOSCOW

January 3, 1977

Dr. Henry Kissinger
Secretary of State
The State Department
Washington, D. C.

Dear Dr. Kissinger:

As a full-time professional writer of non-fiction books since 1959 as an active long-time admirer of you and your work, I cannot resist offering you some suggestions as you embark upon at least a part-time new writing career.

First, as to my credentials for being so presumptuous, I have just completed a 1,100 page manuscript THE ROCKEFELLER INHERITANCE, written with the cooperation of the family, which will be published in October by Doubleday as "the definitive biography" of the five Rockefeller brothers. Before that, I helped Richard Nixon write SIX CRISES, and before that, I wrote, among other books, COLLISION COURSE: THE ANDREA DORIA AND THE STOCKHOLM.

Now my suggestions:

1. Before plunging directly into writing your memoirs, you should first write A FOREIGN POLICY PRIMER, a much needed book for which you are singularly best qualified to lay forth for the American people a modern treatise on the fundamental principles of U. S. foreign policy and diplomacy and the fundamental interests of this nation vis-a-vis those of the other geopolitical regions of the world.

The focus here would be an arm's length, objective view of your subject, illustrated and explained with incidents out of your personal experience in the field. This book would also effectively lay the ground work for your next one.

SUITE 317 • 3800 SO. TAMIAMI TRAIL • SARASOTA, FLA. 33579
TEL: 813/366-3224

moscow -2-

2. Your more intimate memoirs would follow, perhaps a year later, when you would have had the time and perspective to more effectively assess the outcomes of the various policies you initiated while in office as well as your own opinion on your policies and activities.

3. On the financial side, you could negotiate the sale of both books at the same time, soon after leaving office...

4. For negotiating contracts and representing you on the sale of book and subsidiary rights, you should consider the merits of hiring a literary attorney, who specializes in that area, for a flat fee rather than an agents who traditionally takes ten per cent off the top.

5. You should consider hiring an experience author, like myself or someone equally qualified, to help you write both books (not a ghostwriter) so that you can have the professional help in the special techniques and skills of presenting what you have to say in the most effective manner for the widest possible audience.

I write you the above suggestions because of my concern that what may seem so obvious to me may well have escaped your attention or your consideration.

Your own career is a reflection upon the greatness of this country. The nation has given you a unique opportunity to fulfill the potentials of your intellect, character and personality, and you, in turn, have responded magnificently, serving it as the greatest advisor on foreign policy in modern times. May your future years be equally filled with accomplishments and satisfaction.

Sincerely yours,

Dear Mr. Moyes:

Thank you for your letter telling me of
the motion put forward by the executive
board of the Australian-American
Association. I am honored indeed by
their generous words and good wishes
for the future.

My wife's visit to Australia last year
during the festival was one that she
will always remember with the very
greatest pleasure. She has spoken so
glowingly of the splendors of Australia
that I sincerely hope to be able to pay
a visit myself one day soon.

Mr. A. G. Moyes
President
Australian-American
Association
39-41 Lower Fort Street
Sydney, N.S.W. 2000
Australia

FOR THE BETTER UNDERSTANDING MUTUAL APPRECIATION AND

FRIENDLY CO-OPERATION OF TWO GREAT PACIFIC DEMOCRACIES

AUSTRALIAN-AMERICAN ASSOCIATION

Founded in 1936

LIFE GOVERNORS

Sir Ernest White, C.B.E., M.C.
Sir Keith Vorston, C.B.E.

Australian American Centre,
39-41 Lower Fort Street, Sydney,
N.S.W. 2000
Telephone: 27 1092

January 18, 1977

COUNCIL 1975-76

President:

A. G. Moyes, A.O.

Vice-Presidents:

R. J. Kruizenga
Brooks C. Wilson
Mrs. A. J. Anderson

MEMBERS:

Mrs. N. Aboud, O.B.E.
W. B. Annabel
G. H. Bennett
C. C. Brewster
F. Buckland
M. D. Campbell
P. C. E. Cox
R. L. Dean, C.B.E., K.ST.J.
A. J. Dixon
R. E. Fortescue
Mrs. M. Fyfe-Smith
Miss J. Haddock
R. F. Johnson
Mrs. H. Johnston
Mrs. J. Kondrat
K. Leech
Mrs. W. McMahon
Dr. N. Meaney
D. F. Melville, M.B.E.
R. E. Osborne
P. J. Riddington
Sir Norman Rydge, C.B.E.
Mrs. C. J. Watkins
Sir Keith Vorston, C.B.E.

Honorary Secretary:

M. D. Campbell

Honorary Treasurer:

G. H. Bennett, F.C.A.

Honorary Auditors

Holmes & Harrington,
Chartered Accountants

Executive Officer:

Fred A. Gardner

The Hon. Dr. Henry A. Kissinger, PhD.,
Secretary of State
Department of State
WASHINGTON DC 20520
U.S.A.

Dear Dr. Kissinger,

At the meeting of the Executive of the Australian-American Association held in Sydney on January 17, 1977 a motion was passed recognising your distinguished service to the U.S. and your important and imaginative contribution in the pursuit of World Peace. My colleagues and I hold you in high honour for your efforts.

We send our best wishes for continued success in the next phase of your career.

Should you be visiting Australia, this Association would be most interested in proposing a seminar with your goodself as "key-note" speaker.

Please give our kindest regards to your wife. We were delighted that she could visit with us during our Australian-American festival last year.

DANIEL F. MOYNIHAN
NEW YORK

United States Senate

WASHINGTON, D.C. 20510

April 7, 1977

Dear Henry:

Your letter, of course, settles the matter, and
a measure of apology is due from me.

The Playboy interview (I recall you once saying of
a not dissimiliar concatenation of indiscretion "Why I did it,
I will never know.") was taped in two parts. First, there
were several long sessions in March of last year at which
time I produced the passages to which you refer. I had just
left the United Nations. A follow-up session took place in
November. By then I had quite changed my view on the Richard
affair but the interviewer never brought it up, and I did not
think to do so.

I am writing a short book on the United Nations.
It will give me the opportunity to say I was wrong in this
matter, and I will certainly make the most of that opportunity.

I would indeed like sometime to talk about my sense
that you felt the country was slipping badly. It has always
been a matter of some importance to me that you seem to have
come to the same conclusions as I did, as I take your judgment
in these matters to be far superior to mine. Did you not see
Holbrook in Foreign Policy last summer in which he asks how it
could be that you, Schlesinger, and I fussed so when we all
had virtually the same view of the decline of the West.

It being Holbrook's further judgment that we be the
only three people to hold that view, and that we were/are quite
mad.

Could you send me your Georgetown speech, it sounds
splendid.

Best,

The Honorable Henry Kissinger
1800 K Street, N. W.
Washington, D. C.