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New York,

January 1, 1918.

Mr. Bedford, Chairman of the Standard Oil, and Mr. Lufkin of the Texas Company came to tell of their difficulties in Washington regarding the proper execution of their duties. They gave themselves an excellent reputations for patriotism and disinterested distributing public service. They believe they are furnishing and distributing oil and its products in the most efficient way, and they are afraid Garfield will foist upon them a man (Fuqua) he has in mind from California whom they believe will be a second Denman.

Henry White and his son followed. Young White has just returned from the Balkans where he is in the Diplomatic Service, and I got some ideas from him. I asked him to write a brief for me covering the subject which he promised to do.

We lunched with Col. and Mrs. Cornelius Vanderbilt. There were no other guests excepting Henry Frick. I was surprised that they even had Mr. Frick as it was understood it was to be a family affair in order to show us the house which has recently been remodeled.

Herman Bernstein called to let me know that he had decided to return to Russia for the New York Herald and a syndicate of papers. I gave him a letter which he thought would be of value in promoting good relations between the two countries. A copy of the letter is attached.

Georges Clemenceau wrote me a note which I received yesterday enclosing a memorandum concerning distribution of our forces in France. Both the note and memorandum are attached.

My letter to the President of today is of the record.

January 2, 1918.

Ex-Mayor Mitchel was my first caller. His trouble is still with the War Department.

I had for lunch, Cosgrove, Editor of the Sunday World, John Siddalls, Edi-

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tor of the American Magazine, Peter Clark Macfarlane, Albert Bigelow Paine, Edward S. Martin and John Mitchell of Life. I expected Mark Sullivan, but his train did not get in on time. The lunch was given primarily because Macfarlane had asked to bring Cosgrove and Siddalls, who had expressed a desire to meet me.

Roy Howard of the United Press was an interesting caller. The conversation had more to do with the news service to South America than anything else.

André Tardieu and Thomas Lamont also called. Tardieu has just returned from France and desired to get in touch with the situation on this side. Lamont came to tell of Russia and of Thompson's work there. He found I was in agreement with Thompson and therefore in disagreement with the English, French and American Governments regarding the policy that should be adopted toward Russia at this time. God only knows who is right, but, at least, I feel that I am on the safe side when I advise that literally nothing be done further than that an expression of sympathy be offered for Russia's efforts to weld herself into a virile democracy, and to proffer our financial, industrial and moral support in every way possible.

We dined with Mrs. Marshall Field Jr. The rest of the party went to the theater but I returned home to work.

January 3, 1918.

My first caller this morning was President Lawrence Lowell of Harvard. He stayed from ten o'clock until one. I gave him the data, which our Peace Inquiry Bureau had gotten together, and put him in a separate room to read it, leaving me free to do my usual work and receive other callers.

Among them was ex-Ambassador Morganthau and Gerard. Strangely enough, they both came about books which they are preparing for publication. Gerard is writing his second book and Morganthau his first.

Dr. Wallace Buttrick, of the Educational Board, came in the afternoon to tell of the difficulties he has gotten himself into because of his endeavor to

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meet the request of Page and the British Government as to propaganda work in England.
He conceived the idea that it would be well to take ex-President Taft over on his
next visit. He spoke to Taft, and had Balfour write him a letter of invitation
which Taft accepted. Taft, however, thought he had best speak to the President be-
fore going, and this led to complications.

The President objected, and Taft makes a statement giving the President's
reasons, which show a rare amount of indiscretion on the President's part for saying
what he did, and on Taft's part for repeating it. Taft declares the President said
he did not desire any closer relations with England than we now have; that there was
a great anti-British feeling in the United States; that Page was nothing more than
an Englishman; that there were too many Englishmen over here now doing propaganda
work, and that he had asked me to request the British Government to bring some of
them home. Buttrick thought that Taft must have inaccurately reported the con-
versation, but since it coincides with what the President has said to me, I take it
that Taft has correctly interpreted the conversation, although I did not admit it to
Buttrick.

Case Gibbert, Herbert Swope and Walter Lippmann were among the callers. Swope
is making a study of conditions in Washington for the purpose of criticizing the Ad-
ministration if necessary. My effort was to soften this in every way possible, and
I hope that I succeeded.

Cablegrams came today from Mr. Balfour, Lloyd George, Lord Robert Cecil
which are parts of the diary and also my answer to Balfour. I shall not fully re-
ply until I present these to the President tomorrow.

The President telegraphed me in code last night which is also attached.

I wish to again call attention to the selfishness which seems to lurk
in the minds of those in authority. The President is anxious to state his peace
terms before Lloyd George and Clemenceau have an opportunity to forestall him. It

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is not team-work. While it is almost impossible to formulate these things togeth-
er because of the widely divergent opinions, yet nothing should be done by one with-
out some knowledge of the move being known to the others. It is the thing I have
complained of so often in this diary, that is, that it is not so much general ac-
complishment that those in authority seem to desire as accomplishment which redound
to their own personal advantage.

The White House, Washington.

January 4, 1918.

I came to Washington today on the 12.08. The train was three hours late although I had been told that Washington would ask them to try and have it on time. I did not reach the White House until nine o'clock. They had saved dinner for me, but I touched it lightly and went into immediate conference with the President concerning the proposed message to Congress on our war aims which I have urged ever since my return, and upon which I advised by cable from Paris that nothing be said by the President until after he had seen me. I did not wish the President to state our case in piecemeal, and I was sure he would not cover the ground I thought necessary.

We were in conference until half past eleven discussing the General terms to be used, and looking over data and maps which I had brought with me, some of which the Peace Inquiry Bureau had prepared at my request. These maps and documents were so voluminous that it was necessary to bring with me to Washington Professor Knight, of the Wyoming University, now associated with Columbia and the American Geographical Institute.

Both Mrs. Wilson and I, before going to bed, insisted that we should not get to work until ten o'clock tomorrow in order that the President should have a good night's rest.

New York,

January 9, 1918.

Saturday was a remarkable day. I went over to the State Department just
after breakfast to see Polk and others, and returned to the White House at a

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me are jealous of any infringement of what they deem their prerogatives.

Paul Kellogg, of The Survey, came to discuss the labor situation in England and here, as far as its political aspects are concerned, and to suggest that the liberal groups in America form themselves into an organization for the support of the President.

Miss Doris Stevens of suffrage fame wished advice regarding the National Amendment now in the Senate. They are uncertain whether to bring it to a vote as the Senate is so evenly balanced that they are fearful of the results.

April 20, 1918.

I motored down to Locust Valley to take lunch with Clifford Carver in their new home. Captain Wells of the Navy was the only other guest.

When I returned, P. W. Wilson came in very much disturbed about the general situation and the sentiment in this country which he considered inimitable to Great Britain. I smoothed him down and gave him some facts, all of which he said he would incorporate in a cable to the London Daily News, and would send me a copy which I will attach.

I have a cable from Sir William Wiseman announcing his arrival in London.

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April 21, 1918.

The Mezes, Bill and Mrs. Nye and Will Hogg came for lunch. I find Will Hogg as original and amusing as his distinguished father. He tells me that he went to Washington for the purpose of informing the Government how to run the war, and that it took several weeks to find out how much better they were doing it than it would be done by his plan. He believes great work could be done in Washington by someone who would undertake to segregate the sane people who come there every now and then with good ideas, from the great mob of irrational, gossiping and unbalanced people who infest the place and retard the war by their actions. He says he met a man the other day just as he arrived who seemed to have some excellent ideas about war service. He met him again a few days later to find that he had gone quite mad, having gotten into the eddy of the irresponsibles.

I have had many conversations with Gordon over the telephone today, and he has been in constant touch with the British Ambassador. He read the memorandum of the Secretary of War addressed to the British Ambassador concerning the brigading of our troops with the English and French. It is a poorly worded and muddy sort of document, but I advised Reading to accept it cordially and to send a telegram to his Government commending it. I thought if he did not, his Government would send cables to him which he would have to take to the President, and they might upset the good relations now existing between himself, the President and Secretary Baker. The President and Baker are cordially endorsing the view which the British and French desire as against the view of Pershing and the Army, and I called Reading's attention to the importance of doing nothing to antagonize the President or Baker and throw them over on the other side.

We dined with Albert and Mrs. Roberts.

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April 22, 1918.

Summers and Hart of the Evening Telegram, Chars. Sherman Haight and Otto Kahn were interesting visitors. Summers and Hart wished to continue a discussion of their suggestion about war propaganda. Haight is just back from Switzerland where he had several conferences with Germans and Austrians. His firm represented The Hamburg-American S. S. Line in the past, and he went over for the purpose of inducing them to sell their tonnage in Argentine and Chile. He failed in this purpose, but he had some interesting talks with them. He found they did not understand our position and wondered why we did not understand theirs. It seems that men as high up as these are being systematically fooled by the German Government. Among other things they told him was that when I was over there I spent most of my time in London and Paris, and when I visited Germany, I saw none outside of those in the American Embassy. Haight was surprised when I informed him that I had seen everyone of consequence in Germany on each of my visits, and had done my level best to bring them to a sense of the actual situation.

Otto Kahn's visit was to bid me goodbye. He is sailing for England, France and Spain. He asked whether I thought his visit would be conducive of good. If not, he would abandon it. I thought what he had in mind to do was admirable and urged him to go.

We dined tonight on H. M. D. Leviathan with Commodore Gaunt. The other guests were, J. P. Morgan and Mrs. Bayard Cutting. Gaunt asked if I objected to the drinking of the health of the President while sitting. He belongs to a regiment that has the privilege of drinking the health of the King sitting-- a privilege which they always indulge themselves in. It indicates how tenaciously the people of monarchies hang to every shred of liberty they were able to extract in the past.

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April 23, 1918.

Mrs. Joseph Fels and Berbert Carpenter were callers. Mrs. Fels discussed "The Public" which she is backing financially. She asked me to read the numbers as they were issued and give an opinion as to the wisdom of the policy the paper is pursuing.

Carpenter discussed the Russian organization of which he is the active head, and in which Senators Borah, Owen and others are cooperating. I advised him as to the personnel of his executive committee and also that before taking active steps toward defining the purposes they have in mind, to submit it either directly or indirectly to the President.

April 24, 1918.

This has been the busiest day I have had since my recovery from my recent illness. Lord Reading called at 11.45. He was joined by General Bridges at 12.45, and at 1.15 Mr. J. P. Morgan, Commodore Gaunt, Governor Benj. Strong and David Miller arrived for lunch.

The Ambassador had an extensive budget to go through. The most pressing matter was Russia. His Government believe that it is possible now to get Trotzky and his associates to agree to an understanding by which the Allies could send a force into Russia and compel Germany to reform an army on the Eastern Front. He seemed gratified to learn that I thoroughly endorsed the plan which Mr. Balfour outlined in a very long cable. He instructed Reading to present the plan to me first before taking it to the President, because I was responsible for the President's refusal to consent to the Japanese going into Russia without an invitation from Russian sources.

We discussed the Irish situation and agreed upon the plan which was substantially outlined in Reading's despatch to his Government some ten days ago.

The brigading of our troops with the British and French was another question disposed of. By the time General Bridges came there was nothing for him to

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take up.

During lunch, nothing serious was discussed. A delegation of newspaper owners and editors from the Pacific Slope followed the luncheon party. They came for advice as to the best means of reaching a solution of the fuel problem which bids fair to be very serious in every section during the coming Autumn and winter. I advised them to go to Washington, place themselves in the hands of B. M. Baruch and get him to act as cicerone to the other departments involved. I made the engagement for them with Baruch.

The Greek Minister called to thank me for my sympathetic attitude toward Greece, not only in London and Paris, but since I have been home. He said Premier Venizelos had told him of my valuable assistance. He also called attention to the danger which the Bulgarian situations holds. He believes we should declare war against Bulgaria. He thinks the propaganda furthered by the Bulgarians in this country is a source of danger as well as irritation to our other Allies.

Dr. Crampton and a Mr. Sawyer came to present a plan for dock facilities at this port. I did not take kindly to mixing in this, because I am not altogether certain that it has not a commercial aspect.

The Italian Ambassador came next with a proposal from his Government that the United States should permit them to build in this country at our shipyards ten ships of 7200 tons each. They ships are said to be of a new design and practically unsinkable by submarines. I promised to look into the matter. Di Cellere also presented the Bulgarian menace as he saw it. I can see the ear-marks of a deliberate drive in this direction. The debate in the Senate yesterday, and the number of times the subject has been brought to my attention indicates this.

Mr. Ricker, of Pearson's Magazine, followed Di Cellere. He proposed that the Administration make a truce with the liberals and forgive their indiscretions of the past and get their united support for the future. I asked him to outline his proposal in writing, promising to submit it to the President.

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My earliest caller this morning was "Bill" Nye of the Secret Service who brought the latest despatches from the State Department.

April 25, 1918.

An interesting caller today was Rajput Rai. He brought me his books, "England's Debt to India" and "Young India". He said the liberals of the world were looking to me for help. I tried to encourage him in the hope that the world will be a better place for the weak peoples when this war is over. I am without race prejudice and have no sympathy with the arrogance which the West displays in its dealings with the East. We object to Germany's attempt to force her civilization upon us, and yet we try to force our civilization upon those whom we consider our inferiors. He told of the vast ignorance in India, claiming it to be 95%. He says that India can never be fit for self government until the people are educated, and that the British are making no adequate effort in that direction.

Olga Samaroff the pianist, whom I have known since her childhood, followed Rajput Rai. Her trouble was that there is a concerted attack upon musicians in this country, particularly those with foreign names, and without regard to their affiliations or loyalty to the Allied cause. She called my attention to one or two instances, one was Ossip Gabrilovitch, Mark Twain's son-in-law. She claims that the Boston Symphony was about to offer him Dr. Muck's place as leader, but the society busy-bodies had practically blocked his appointment.

I advised her to get together the prominent artists who were not under any taint of suspicion, and formulate plans to meet the attacks being made upon them. Her friendship for Edward Bok and other directors of the Curtis Publishing Co. would enable her to right such wrongs. She went away apparently happy.

Karl von Weigand followed to discuss the German-American situation. He talked freely and I got some information of value.

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We dined with Mrs. Charles Marshall and went to the play. The other guests were her daughter, Mrs. Marshall Field, Captain D'Annunzio (son of Gabriele) and Mr. Reick.

April 26, 1918.

R. M. Johnson and Roy Watson, of the Houston Post, lunched with me. They are attending the National Press Association and Johnson tells me there is a story going the round, repeated to him by Melville Stone, that I have a brother in Texas who is addicted to drink. Since I only have one brother, and since he does not drink at all and never has, Johnson, who has known him a lifetime, put in a denial. Johnson thinks the story arose from the fact that Senator Culberson has a brother who does drink, and which barred him from being appointed U. S. District Attorney and, perhaps, Federal Judge. I merely mention this to show what unreasonable and stupid gossip goes the round.

I wish to mention here too, as I have many times before, that this diary gives no conception of my daily activities. Cables come in and are answered; telegrams arrive in number and are given attention or placed in the waste basket, telephone calls are constant, reporters call and are turned away with a few words, and so the routine goes from hour to hour.

For instance, within the last few days, there has been excitement in The World office about my authorship of Philip Dru. The story is current that the Postoffice Department is examining the book with a view of seeing whether it should pass through the mails. I find that someone asked the Postoffice Department to investigate the book and, of course, The World wanted a sensation. However, I stopped it, for I have been before the public *ad nauseum* during the past few weeks.

Today, a reporter of the International News Company asked whether I had authorized Lincoln Steffens' Western speech-making tour. Some incidents come up

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each day.

Mrs. Bayard Cutting, Harry Marsh and Howden Smith were among my visitors.

April 27, 1918.

A very busy day. I caught up with my work, denying myself to all callers.
Every day or two cables from Wiseman come in and are attached. I send copies of
these to the President.

April 28, 1918.

Louis Wortham of the Fort Worth Star-Telegram was my first caller. I took
him for a motor ride in the Park rather than remain in as it was a beautiful day.
Mr. and Mrs. Norman Hapgood, Richard Washburn, Child and Mrs. Hurst, wife of our
Consul General at Barcelona, lunched with us. Hapgood, Child and I had an inter-
esting time. I like them both, a liking which seems to be reciprocated.

Miss Amy Hutton and Jesse Jones of Texas and connected with the Red Cross,
were among my afternoon callers. Jones and I arranged to get the President to speak
here on May 18th in behalf of the new Red Cross drive. My letter to Mrs. Wilson in-
dicates my thoughts upon the subject.

We dined last night with Mr. and Mrs. Jas. A. Burden and went to see a play.
The only other guests were Mrs. Willard Straight and George Moore.

April 29, 1918.

André Tardieu was my first caller. He remained for an hour. We went over cur-
rent matters of interest.

Lincoln Colcord walked with me. I usually walk for a half hour in the morn-
ing and a half hour in the afternoon, and it is seldom I walk alone. It is all the
exercise I get.

Victor Lawson, of the Chicago News, and Herman Kohlsaat lunched with me. Kohlsaat claims that Lawson is something of a hermit, particularly so since the death of

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his wife, and while he is perhaps the most prominent figure in the newspaper world
west of New York, he is utterly unknown even to his fellow townsmen.

We got along famously. Lawson is obsessed with the universal training idea
and was delighted when I told him that the President would not be opposed to it un-
der certain conditions. The President, I thought, did not want the matter agitated
now, for the reason that no one could tell what kind of peace would be made. If
there was a stale-mate and after war conditions were similar to those of pre-war con-
ditions, then the President would be in favor of universal training and a military
establishment as efficient as any in the world. On the other hand, if the right
kind of peace was made there would undoubtedly be an understanding among nations,
not only as to armaments, but also as to militarism in general. In view of this, I
thought the President desired a free hand. Lawson saw the point, but thought that
even if we had universal training now, it would give the President equal freedom at
the peace conference, for he could promise its curtailment if conditions warranted.

George Moore was an afternoon caller. He had maps made by a Canadian
engineer showing the Allied entrenchments and the German entrenchments as they were
abandoned during the famous retreat of last year when the Hindenburg line was formed.

It would seem that England and France had been criminally negligent in not prepar-
ing to resist the thrust which the Germans are now making. These mays, which Moore
tells me are accurate and taken on the ground, show that the Germans are five times
as well entrenched as the Allies.

Tardieu told me today that the French had been so certain that there would be
no drive that they began to reduce their forces at the front some three weeks before
the drive began. If the Germans are successful, it is not because of greater forces
or is it because that man for man they are better or even as good as the English or
French soldier, but it is because of their system which is thorough and that they are
pitted against the incompetence of the Allied Command.

A long cable has come tonight from Sir Horace Plunkett. I shall not send it

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to the President until tomorrow. My letter of today to the President is a part of
the record.

I am arranging to have the Italian Ambassador here on Saturday in order to
further better relations between Italy and America. Richard Washburn Child told
me Sunday that Justice Hughes and some others are interested in this movement and
they wish me to help. I agreed to do so and asked Gordon to invite the Italian
Ambassador over. I have also invited Secretary Lansing to meet with us.

April 30, 1918.

Norman Hapgood and John J. Carty were interesting visitors of the day.
Hapgood and I had a satisfactory talk about conditions in general. He said William
Bullitt of the State Department had told him that I was responsible for the liberal
tone of the President's speeches. I denied this by saying the President and I were
nearly always in complete agreement, but I indicated the time and tone of his speech-
es because I knew the situation in Europe better than he did.

John Carty came to tell of some interesting inventions which are about to be
consummated and to suggest that I give the matter sufficient attention to see that
they are pushed to a point where they will be a success or known to be a failure. The
aerial torpedo is one of the things in question.

We dined with Mr. and Mrs. Cleveland H. Dodge. The other guests were Dr. and
Mrs. Draper, George Sheldon and Miss Anne Wheeler.

May 1, 1918.

Mortimer Shiff, Mrs. Philip Lydig and others called, but there was nothing
of more than passing importance discussed.

May 2, 1918.

Secretary McAdoo spent the entire morning with me. The particular subject
of his conversation was the direction of the railroads. He claims the President is

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constantly hampering his management by permitting collateral branches of the Government to interfere. The President apologizes each time he goes to him, but, nevertheless, continues the practice. At one time he had his resignation written out to hand the President but his wife persuaded him out of it. His latest difficulty is with the coal situation. He believes the railroads should have a preferential rate as they have always had.

I will not go into his arguments but there is considerable merit in what he says. He declares that the money the railroads have to pay in addition to what they would have to pay if let alone does not go toward reducing the price of coal to the general consumer, but goes into the pockets of the coal operators. He thinks, as indeed I do, that the solution would be for the Government to take over the entire coal production and pay the owners a reasonable price per ton above the cost of production. McAdoo wanted my advice as how best to approach the matter with the President, and how far he should go toward pushing him to a conclusion. What he wished to say was that he would not sustain before the people such a decision as that which they are about to make and, therefore, he would be compelled to offer his resignation.

I suggested that he leave off the part about his resignation. That, I thought, went by inference, and it was better not to say it unless he was determined to do so. I argued with him from the President's viewpoint, telling him the President had no thought of interfering with his direction of the railroads, but he did not consider a solution of the coal question contrary to McAdoo's wishes, interference. I thought there was a feeling in Washington, which the President shared, that he, McAdoo, had an insatiable desire for power. He flushed at this and said if that was the feeling he had better resign. I soothed him by saying the feeling was natural, since the field of his activities was so large that it must necessarily cause antagonisms.

He spoke of the influence of Secretary Baker with the President, and he thought Baker antagonistic to him. The matter has come to this, the President

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will have to yield to McAdoo's insistent demands for more power or depose him. I have a feeling that he will yield because McAdoo has unquestionably done good work and there is no one else on the horizon at present who could command such confidence. I am undetermined whether to write the President and warn him of the coming storm, or let him weather it himself. I dislike interfering in every situation that arises, and in this instance it has to do with his personal, as well as his political, family.

Dudley Malone came about a spy case in which he is counsel. He believes the Government should look at it in a broader aspect than the actual facts seem to warrant, because the question of Ireland and the Irish in this country are involved. It seems clear from what he tells me that at last they have evidence that the Germans are supplying funds to certain Irish leaders here for the purpose of fomenting trouble against England.

One of the most interesting conversations I have had for a long time was with the Swiss Minister who followed Malone. It occurred to me sometime ago that we had neglected a great opportunity in not using the Swiss Minister for the purpose of "feeding" Getmany the things we desired them to know. The Minister is supposed to be pro-Ally, but I have not allowed that to influence me in the slightest in talking with him. I have cautioned Gordon, who knows him well, to say nothing that we do not want the Germans to know.

I went over the history of the war pretty thoroughly; its causes; its effects and its probable outcome. I could not imagine why Germany did not know we were one of the most belligerent nations in the world, and as tenacious, when once started, as the British themselves. I pointed out that even if the Germans were successful in France and made peace with both France and Italy, the war would be continued by Great Britain and the United States until such a peace as the President has in mind was brought about. Since we desired nothing except

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ing what we were willing to give, we were in an impregnable position. I tried to show that such a peace as we have in mind would be better for Germany than the peace her military leaders desire.

The Minister thanked me for my cordial reception and the freedom with which I had talked. He asked if he might sometime come again. I wish I could know just what he will send his Government as a result of this conference, for whatever he sends them, will probably go without delay to the Germans.

We dined with Mr. and Mrs. Adrian Iselin. The other guests were Mrs. Bayard Cutting and Mrs. James, who was formerly Mrs. Huntington Wilson. The others went to the play and I returned home to work. And this reminds me that Mrs. Iselin is directing one of the most needful and practical charities of the war. She is trying to teach the Army and Navy the porper method of preparing simple foods. Anyone who has eaten on a battleship or cruiser will appreciate how much her efforts are needed.

May 3, 1918.

Mrs. Sharp, who has just arrived from Paris, lunched with us. We had an intimate talk as to conditions, and of their personal affairs. They find the growing expenses burdensome and Mrs. Sharp has returned home in order that the expenses at the Embassy may be cut to a minimum. When she goes back she will not resume on the same scale as heretofore. I told her some of the pleasant things the President, Secretary Baker and others have had to say about her husband. I censored an interview which she was about to give to the Herald and the Sun.

Blessington Smith of the British High Commission was an interesting caller. We talked largely of after war conditions. He is to send me a report which he has made to his Government bearing on this subject.

Thomas Lamont, of Morgan & Company, and Col. W. B. Thompson came to

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discuss Russia. Arthur Woods called to discuss aviation problems and to make some suggestions as to their betterment. There have been an infinite number of cables and telephone calls. It has been a very busy day.

May 4, 1918.

Secretary Lansing, the Italian Ambassador, Charles E. Hughes, Elihu Root, Cleveland H. Dodge, Dr. Henry Pritchett and Richard Washburn Child lunch-ed with me. Lansing came in advance to talk of pending foreign matters. We settled a good many things in rather short order.

The purpose of the lunch was largely to meet the wishes of the Italian Ambassador and the Italians in this country. They desire that May 24th be named by the President as "Italian Day". This is the anniversary of the date of Italy's entry into the war.

I had an interesting talk with Hughes and invited him to dine with me alone sometime in the Autumn so that we might have a confidential conference. There are some matters I would like to talk over with him, matters relating to the last campaign in which we signally defeated him.

I brought Root, Dodge and Pritchett into the conference because it is hoped that the Carnegie Peace Organization may be willing to partially finance the Italy-American Society.

Amos Pinchot was an afternoon caller to discuss oppression which the radicals of his sect believe is waged against them by the Postoffice Department.

John D. Ryan, the newly appointed aircraft chief, was with me for an hour giving a summary of his conclusions of the situation as it now appears to him. He desired me to urge the President to give him a free hand in the production end of the work. If this is given, he promises a production by the end of the year that will satisfy all demands.

I wrote the President about this.

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May 5, 1918.

Snowdon Marshall, Chairman of the Board which the War Department appointed to investigate the aircraft production, came to give an outline of the report. They found no graft, only some favoritism in some directions. He believes the Borglum charges were wholly unfounded and that Borglum was actuated by hate of Colonel Deets and, more serious than that, he is afraid he is mixed up with some of the aircraft producers.

We dined tonight with Mrs. Emily Sloan. There were about sixteen at the table and all of the society group.

May 6, 1918.

just

André Tardieu and Oscar Crosby lunched with us. Crosby has arrived from Paris having left there a week ago last night. It was an extraordinarily quick voyage. He came on the Mount Vernon. His report as to conditions was interesting.

Tardieu and I discussed international exchange and the best way it might be maintained. Crosby has clear cut ideas which he was unable to explain fully by cable, therefore, he came home in order to place them before our Government and secure its cooperation.

May 7, 1918.

Letters from the President and Mrs. Wilson are parts of the diary.

Also my letter to the President.

Paderewski was an important caller. We discussed the Polish-Russian situation. I could not explain that the question had gotten beyond our depth at the moment, therefore, I had to listen and rather accept his impossible suggestions.

Keneth MacKenzie, who is just back from Stockholm, called. He is Minister Morris' secretary over here. I got no information of value whatever from him. Robert Ford, of the Irish World, was also a caller.

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May 8, 1918.

Lincoln Colcord, Peter Brady, André Cheradame and Dr. Riley, President of
the National Osteopath Society, were among my callers.

Brady's trouble was the proposed Postal Bill. Cheradame had just arrived from Paris and came to report. Dr. Riley desired my advice concerning the best method of procedure to have his cult represented in the Army and Navy Medical Corps.

May 9, 1918.

Governor Beekman called to inform me that if he did not run for Senator
from Rhode Island, he would like some war work.

P. W. Wilson, of the London Daily News, followed in order to get a basis
for further cables to his paper.

One of the most interesting men I have talked with for a long while was
Clarence F. Birdseye. He has a good historical background, and he has a theory which he believes will settle the socialist propaganda throughout the world.
Incidentally, he told me he was under indictment in Pennsylvania for some insurance charges.

Cyrus P. McCormick of Chicago followed. McCormick is always pessimistic.
Nothing is right anywhere. The saving quality is that he does all the talking
and gives one a chance to think of other things while he is painting his gloomy
pictures.

It has been an interesting day on the telephone. It seems that the French
Ambassador saw the President about the Foch statement at the Supreme War Council.
a copy of which Lord Reading sent me and is among my papers. Jusserand "got no-
where" with the President, so the matter stands just where it was before. I
had advised Reading to let Jusserand go to the front in this matter because I
thought he, Reading, had pushed the President almost to the point of annoyance.
However, when I found that Jusserand was not equal to the task, I advised Reading

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through Gordon, to see Secretary Baker and press it upon him. I gave the arguments to be used, and Reading greedily seized upon the suggestion. He is to see Baker at once.

I have had some interesting telephone communications about the Italy-Am
erican Society, advising its President, Charles E. Hughes, on the one hand, and
Washington on the other. My letter to the President today concerning the air-
craft investigation explains itself and is a part of the record.

The messenger from Washington comes and goes every day bringing cables
memoranda and important papers. Some of these I place in the record, but most
of them, of course, are destroyed, since they are duplicates of State Department
records.

I filed a letter in the diary today from a man by the name of M. T.
Jones who writes about the scandalous stories which are still being circulated
about the President. My answer to him is also in the record. Any influence
I may have I hope will assert itself in the direction of causing people to hes-
itate to tell or circulate stories about such others. No one has a right to
repeat such tales unless they themselves know them to be true and even then it
is dirty work. Nine hundred and ninty-nine of them out of a thousand are lies
and the world cannot be made a desirable place to live in until people learn to
be more charitable.

May 10, 1918.

Frank Doubleday, of Doubleday, Page & Co. and Henry Morganthau took lunch with me. The purpose of our getting together was to hear of Doubleday's report on conditions in Japan and China, from whence he has just returned. He gives an interesting picture, and he left a memorandum containing the substance of his conversation.

My first caller this morning was Governor Benjamin Strong. He sat
with me through breakfast. He came to discuss the advisability of retaining

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Paul Warburg on the Federal Reserve Board. He sees the objections and is fearful that he might not be confirmed, and yet he believes it would be a distinct loss to the country if Warburg's services were dispensed with at this time. He considers him as loyal as he is able.

Burns, of the Cleveland Branch of the Carnegie Foundation, came to discuss a report which General Glenn made to him and which he wished me to have. Burns left a memorandum which gives the substance of his recommendations. It has to do with the Jugo-Slav-Czech movement in Austria.

General Tom Bridges of the British Army called in order to take up several questions pending between our two Governments. He amused me by telling of his experience with Lord and Lady Aberdeen. On account of their indiscretions here, the British thought it well to bring them home. They had promised to leave the United States several times, and at one time got as far as the boat. In order to make their departure certain, Bridges placed an officer with them with instructions that they were not to leave the boat until it sailed. They are a simple-minded couple and I am sorry for the trouble they have gotten themselves into.

Isaac Marcosson called to bid me goodbye before sailing for France and England. He told of the suit which J. C. Hammond has brought against the Saturday Evening Post for $250,000. on account of an article which he, Marcosson, wrote. He left a copy of the article upon which the suit is based in which my name is mentioned. He claims that Hammond uses an indecent language which I wrote him some years ago as a means of furthering his fortunes.

Walter H. Rogers of the Bureau of Information came to discuss cable routes and rates between the Orient and the United States, and also between this country and Brazil. He believes a cable should be started immediately touching Japan and going to Vladivostock and the Philippines. I suggested a means by which agitation for this could be started at once. He thinks this

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country should have a direct cable to Brazil in order that we may not be dependent upon the British as now.

Some days ago, Paderewski telephoned from Washington asking permission to bring a Polish delegation from Chicago for the fifteen minute interview I was able to give them. I never felt more honored than by this testimonial of their appreciation for what I have tried to do for Poland. They were complimentary to the last degree. Several little speeches were made which I answered in as complimentary vein as they used. I said the interest I had always felt in Poland had been fanned to one of admiration by their distinguished countrymen, Paderewski. I had such confidence in his integrity and fairness of mind that I did not hesitate to take to the President any statement he gave me as a fact. I thought in helping Poland, I was helping civilization and was furthering democracy in Europe.

Ratcliffe of the London Daily News and Manchester Guardian followed the Polish delegation, and Thomas Thatcher, who has recently returned from Russia, followed him. An epitome of Thatcher's report is on file.

A long cable came from Wiseman which I shall send the President tomorrow.

May 12, 1918.

My letter to the President and the cable from Sir William Wiseman which came last night are attached. I have been busy at the telephone trying to arrange for the appointment of Judge Hughes to investigate the aircraft situation. Gregory say the President takes kindly to the thought and that he, Gregory, has prepared a letter for the President to sign and send Hughes asking him to undertake this work. In view of this I thought it wise to prepare Hughes, which I did through Richard Washburn Child. I did not want Hughes to turn it down without realizing its far-reaching importance. It means more than a mere investigation, and Child caught this point and made it clear to

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Hughes. He thinks Hughes will accept if the tender is made him. I got a better conception of Hughes from Child than I have had before. It does not increase my admiration for his ability, but it strengthens my feeling of his integrity and sincerity of purpose.

May 13, 1918.

The following cable has just arrived from Wiseman.

"The King told me to send you his kind regards and to say that he would like you to see Prine Arthur when he passes through the States".

Frederic Coudert was my first caller. He sails tomorrow for France and came for a final talk.

Hawkins of the United Press came to talk over South America affairs. I dictated two cables for Roy Howard, President of the United Press, who is now in Brazil. One was for publication in South America and the other for his private information. These are attached.

Justin Godert, late Under Secretary for War in France, came with Marcel Knecht to pay his respects and to ask advice as to the subject matter of the speeches he expects to make during his two months stay in America.

General Bridges came to discuss the canard which is in the papers today regarding the formation of an American Army in France to be retained as a reserve force. We are trying to trace the origin of this story. It was sent out from Ottawa and they claim it is official. Bridges was going to Washington tonight and was surprised to hear that the Ambassador was to be here tomorrow. He decided to remain over. The fact that he does not know the movements of the Ambassador shows a lack of team-work.

Rutger Jewett, of Appleton & Co. came apropos of nothing further than a renewal of our acquaintance.

I went to dinner tonight with Mr. and Mrs. Adrian Iselin. There was no one there excepting some society people.

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May 14, 1918.

Mrs. Marshall, mother-in-law of Marshall Field of Chicago, was my first caller this morning. She came for information concerning the departure of troops, especially of the artillery in which young Field is a first lieutenant.

George H. Doran, the publisher, and Howden Smith took lunch with us. Doran gave me proofs of "The Real Colonel House" which is set up and ready to be bound. my

Upon expressing some dissatisfaction, he generously offered to let me read it over and make some minor changes, provided I would do it at once and let him know tomorrow. I found later that I would not have time since Lord Reading spent the entire afternoon with me. I therefore summoned Sidney and Walter Lippmann to my aid and they have undertaken to go over the book and eliminate the most glaring faults, particularly in regard to what it said about foreign affairs, and his unduly laudatory tone toward me.

Reading was much disturbed by the cable from abroad via Ottawa, attributed to the British Cabinet, which stated that an entire change of plan had been made in regard to the American Army. We both know it is not true. Reading had denied it publicly, and I have done so privately, to all the newspaper people that have seen me about it. The Ambassador was so incensed that he sent a cable to his Government telling them if it was authentic he, Reading, wished to return home since his usefulness here would be at an end.

We went through all matters pending, such as the transportation of troops, the relation between Pershing and the other Allied commanders and the conduct of the war. Reading complained again that he could not get anywhere with Lansing. He seems thoroughly discouraged, and if it were not for reaching me through Gordon, things would be at a standstill. He called my attention to the difficulty of keeping Gordon as well informed as he would like because of the secrecy with which it has to be done. He wished most earnestly for the return

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of Sir William Wiseman, for with him here, I am kept in as perfect touch with
British affairs as I am with Americans.

I suggested that in the future when he wished matters brought promptly to
the attention of the President through Lansing that he should seek an interview
with Lansing on Tuesday or Friday morning, (Cabinet Days) and then arrange for an
interview on the following morning. In this way, Lansing would have no excuse
for not taking matters up with the President, and knowing that he was to see the
Ambassador the next day, Lansing would doubtless feel compelled to press for an
answer.

Herbert L. Carpenter followed to tell me of how his organization to keep
in touch with Russian affairs was progressing.

May 15, 1918.

I was shocked this morning to receive a telephone message from Molly Martin
saying that her mother, Mrs. Edward S. Martin, had died suddenly yesterday at
Old Point Comfort and that her father had brought her remains home last night.
Martin's deafness and delicate health make the blow more distressing than ordi-
nary.

Marcel Knecht, Will Irwin and Mrs. Amos Pinchot were among my callers.
visit
Knecht had to do with Franco-American affairs. Will Irwin's had to do with Amer-
ican propaganda abroad, a violent complaint against Ambassador Willard, and a
general review of the international situation as it bears upon the Department of
Public Information in which he is Creel's right hand man.

Mrs. Pinchot wished me to suggest some public work for Amos in which he
might be taken away from such close intimacy with the extreme socialist group. I
tried to show her how difficult this was, and she appreciated the situation after
it was presented to her. I made an alternative suggestion which she said she
would try to carry out. I promised to help wherever it was possible to do so.

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Richard Washburn Child telephoned about half past twelve today to read me Charles E. Hughes' letter of acceptance of the President's request that he investigate the aircraft charges. Child said Hughes was anxious for the matter to become known as soon as possible on account of his private affairs. It would save him the necessity of explaining why he had to cancel certain nearby engagements.

I telephoned the letter to the President through Gordon with the request that it be given out in the afternoon papers if possible. The President acted promptly, and the correspondence between them appeared in the last editions tonight. It was quick work, for the President will not receive Hughes' letter before tomorrow, or perhaps the next day, so slow are the mails these turbulent times.

The President also telephoned through Gordon that he and Mrs. Wilson would be over Friday, leaving Washington at ten o'clock, and they invited us to go to the theater with them. I, in turn, invited them to take dinner with us which they accepted.

May 16, 1918.

I have been pestered today with some photographers that have been put off for months. I have had also as callers, Frederick H. Allen, of Lee, Higginson & Co., Lincoln Colcord, Robert Arnold of Chicago, A. W. Ricker, George Foster Peabody and Lieutenant Bolloni of the Italian Army.

Allen presented an economic plan which he desires the President and McAdoo to further. It has to do with savings and investments in war securities. I asked for a memorandum in writing and promised to see what could be done.

Peabody's visit was apropos of nothing. Lieut. Bolloni wished advice as to how best to get the building plan of the Caproni airplane, which is Government is backing, before the Air Board. I advised him to do it direct, going

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to Ryan or Potter, and telling the story just as he had told it to me. He would
then get a decision at once.

Arnold of the First National Bank of Chicago desired the have the Govern-
ment's ruling on certain features of the income tax changed. For instance, he
lost both feet last year in an accident and collected a $100,000. accident policy.
A large part of this amount was taken away from him by the Federal Government.
This was really principal and not income as one can clearly see. He told of a
man who lost both hands who was in a similar predicament. I asked him to give
me a memorandum of it which he did.

A. W. Ricker discussed his plan of bringing the socialists in line with the
President's policy in the war. He promised he would not quote me again.

May 17, 1918.

We went to the funeral of Mrs. E. S. Martin this morning at ten o'clock
at St James Church, Madison Avenue & 71st Street. The service was beautiful
and dignified and only intimate friends were present. It almost changed my
thought as to the reformation of our burial services.

I have been busy all morning since my return with the President's
visit to New York. Loulie and I went to the station to meet him until the last minute that
train. While no one knew the President was to arrive, there was a large
crowd gathered at the entrance of the station, and they cheered him lustily as
we drove by. I had a half hour's conference with him at the Waldorf and then
he, Mrs. Wilson and I motored for two hours more along Riverside Drive and the
Park. We had a good opportunity to talk and we covered both domestic and for-
eign affairs.

I told the President that a friend of mine happened to be present when
the news of Hughes' appointment to investigate the aircraft charges was announced
and some of the Members were very angry. They declared that Hughes was nothing

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but a "damned piker" to accept, for he must have known that it would blanket the Senate Inquiry. The President said he had been complimented over Hughes' selection, but that he had told everyone that the suggestion was not his own. The newspapers this morning, without exceptions, praise him for the appointment.

The President expressed a lack of confidence in the present British Government. He said he did not trust them; that they did not "stand put". He told of a cable which had come from General Bliss in reference to an interview he had with Lord Milner in which Milner presented him a memorandum preparing to repudiate any understanding we had regarding military affairs, if it suited their convenience to do so. The President had Lansing send it to the British Ambassador for his edification and information.

Mrs. Wilson said that Tumulty had talked to her nearly all the way from Washington about Harry P. Davison and his evident intention of running for the Republican nomination for President. My reply was that instead of being incensed, Tumulty should do everything to encourage it. If a member of the firm of Morgan & Company can be elected President of the United States, my political sagacity has been tremendously over-rated.

I believe the New York crowds have cheered the President with more enthusiasm on this trip than at any time before. However, he evidently feels it is hostile territory. I tried to get him to differentiate between the great mass of people here and the selfish few.

In discussing the Senate he expressed his profound contempt for most of them, naming Reed, Hoke Smith, Chamberlain, Hitchcock, without going into the Republican ranks, most of whom he thoroughly despises. I nearly always ask him if he is still committed to Reed as the worst of the lot, and he invariably replies that he is.

I asked if Hitchcock knew that he, the President, had tried to depose

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him from the Chairmanship of the Foreign Relations Committee. He replied that Hitchcock not only knew it, but probably also knew what he had told Senator Martin and other Senators that is, that he, Hitchcock might be Chairman, but he, the President, would not consult with him about anything because he would not trust him with any information. Pinning the President down, I found that there was no one else on the democratic side, or even the republican side of the foreign Relations Committee, that he would have chosen for Chairman. He considers them all "a rum lot".

The President and Mrs. Wilson dined with us at seven. There was no one else present. After dinner we had a few minutes of intensified conversation. He wanted my advice about George Creel. He said Congress would not give him any money if Creel continued as head of the Bureau of Public Information. He liked Creel and thought, in the main, his work was being well done and in a spirit quite in harmony with his, the President's, views. Therefore, he did not wish to do him an injustice or injure his future. I suggested he might send him abroad in some capacity, and to this he agreed if it could be done. He wondered if Frank Cobb would undertake the work. I believed that he would.

We went from Creel to McAdoo. McAdoo has not yet presented his protest against the coal arrangement which Garfield and the others are contemplating. I told him that McAdoo intended to take it up with him next Monday and that I fore- saw a stormy interview. He asked if I meant by this that he would threaten to resign. I thought that he would. He replied "he may resign if he wants to but I am determined that he shall not have his way because he is wrong in this in- stance". He said, too, that McAdoo had gotten so arbitrary that he presumed that, sooner or later, it would have to come to a crisis between them. He complained that McAdoo drew up revenue bills and other important papers without even consulting him. He said "son-in-law or no son-in-law, if he wants to resign he can do so". "The country will probably blame me, but I am ready to

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stand it". On the contrary, I thought the country would blame McAdoo. I consider it perfectly intolerable position for McAdoo to place the President in. He might differ and he might argue, but it is the President after all upon whom the responsibility lies, and who must make the final decisions.

The President wondered what we would do in the event McAdoo should resign.
My first suggestion was to segregate McAdoo's activities under different heads.
I thought there was nobody else except McAdoo who would wish to be both Secretary
of the Treasury and Director General of the Railroads, besides directing the
Federal Reserve Bank System, to say nothing of War Insurance and a half dozen
other things. The President wondered whether Houston could do the Treasury end.
I thought he could, though he would not be my selection. It is in my mind to
get McAdoo over our private telephone tomorrow and try and talk him out of his
position.

It seems that McAdoo has been indiscreet enough to tell Grayson of his in-
tention to resign in the event the President did not yield. Grayson thinks
thinks the adulation which McAdoo has been getting throughout the country on his
Liberty Loan campaigns has turned his head. I gave Grayson a comprehensive lec-
ture on this subject and told him it was the most difficult matter in the world
for a man to keep his balance under such circumstances, and that no one ever
seemed to profit by the experience of others, no matter how recent the example
set. I called attention to Secretary Garrison, and how completely he went under,
disappearing not only from public view, but from public memory.

We went to see Fred Stone on "Kack-o-Lantern" at the Globe Theater.
There was a large audience and the President seemed to enjoy the performance
thoroughly. The audience was warm in its reception and between the acts ap-
plauded so vociferously that it was necessary for him to say a few words. He
merely told them they were mistaken in believing that they saw the President of

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of the United States; they merely saw a very tired man trying to enjoy himself.
The President insisted upon driving us home before going to his hotel.

May 18, 1918.

Herman Kohlsaat came this morning to talk about the interview I have
arranged for him and Victor Lawson with the President at six o'clock this after-
noon.

B. M. Baruch was with me two hours going over the different phases of his
activities, especially as to the Ordnance Department and its proposed reorganiza-
tion, and the controversy between McAdoo and Garfield as to coal. Baruch almost
wholly disagrees with McAdoo and believes he is making a mistake in creating so
much trouble over a matter about which he is largely wrong.

I went to the Waldorf a few minutes before six to take Kohlsaat and Law-
son up to the President's room. I left them without sitting down, because I had
much to do and because I preferred fax them to do their talking alone. I cau-
tioned Kohlsaat not to remain longer than fifteen minutes, but he telephoned me
later to say that the President did most of the talking and they stayed a half
hour. He was delighted with the interview.

The President, Mrs. Wilson, Admiral Grayson and Tumulty dined with us. After
dinner the President went to my study where he remained about ten minutes looking
over some hastily made notes for his speech tonight. He is determined to speak
extemporaneously. I am always fearful of such efforts and discourage them when
possible.

We drove to the Metropolitan Opera House, he going on the stage and Mrs.
Wilson, Loulie and I going with some invited guests to Boxes 33, 34 and 35 which
had been reserved for our party. The Opera House was beautifully decorated
with flags and was crowded to the roof with a great and enthusiastic audience.
The President's speech was cheered to the echo and he received a notable recep-
tion.

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Our guests were Mrs. Marshall Field of Chicago, Mrs. Charles Marshall, Mr. and Mrs. Adrian Iselin, Mrs. Jas. W. Gerard, Mr. and Mrs. Charles Dana Gibson, David Miller and Sidney and Nancy. After the meeting the President drove us to 115 East 53rd Street. The crowds cheered him repeatedly on his way out. I regard this as a great triumph for the President because the audience was composed almost wholly of those who, eighteen months ago, thoroughly detested him.

May 19, 1918.

The President and Mrs. Wilson called for us around noon and we motored to Cleveland Dodge's Riverdale home. The weather was exquisite, and we sat on the open veranda overlooking the Hudson enjoying the beauties of Spring. After lunch we drove through Bronx Park to the Pelham Bay Naval Training School. We did not return until around 5.30. On the drive the President and I sat together on the small front seats and discussed many pending questions of interest. I suggested, in the event McAdoo persisted in his determination to have his way about the coal order or resigned, that he, the President, reorganize the Cabinet in the following ways:

Let Lane become Director General of Railroads; put Houston in the Treasury; make Vance McCormick Secretary of Agriculture. I thought Lane's appointment would be applauded by the public because of his long experience on the Interstate Commerce Commission, and because of the belief that he had the ability to maintain himself in such a position. I suggested that his appointment would be a good one because he was not eligible for the Presidency and therefore could not play politics which was a great temptation to anyone in that position. I thought if Lane was made Director General of Railroads, he ought to relinquish the Interior. The President thought so too, but wondered

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if Lane would consider it a demotion. We thought McAdoo would not make the issue, but he was determined in the event he did make it to accept his resignation without argument. The President said he would never again try to persuade any man to remain in service when he wanted to retire. He thought McAdoo's retirement would make him, the President, unpopular for the moment. I felt otherwise for the people would applaud his standing up against his son-in-law in a matter of this kind, and accepting his resignation rather than yield where he considered the public service involved.

We both thought McAdoo's resignation would ruin his chances for the democratic nomination for President, but the President said this was the most comforting thought in the whole situation for he did not believe it was good public policy to take members of the same family in succession for President. He wondered whether people would not think he had forced McAdoo to resign merely to gratify his own ambition to become President for a third term. This I considered possible but of no particular moment.

We discussed the question of declaring war against Bulgaria and Turkey. He was more inclined to declare war against Bulgaria than Turkey, giving as his reason that the Turks would massacre the entire Christian population. I considered the best reason for not declaring war on Bulgaria was that there were no Bulgarian soldiers on the Western Front, and as long as they refused to help the Germans there, we might well refuse to declare war on them.

We took up the pending tax measures in Congress. He frankly confessed ignorance as to them, and very dryly remarked that McAdoo seemed to think that was his particular province. He wondered if McAdoo could make a living should he go out. I thought that he could and that he need not concern himself about that feature. He was somewhat sceptical himself. He also wondered whether it would not be disagreeable for Eleanor, his daughter, because of the strained

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relations between her father and husband. I did not consider strained relations a necessary corollary. I advised doing the whole disagreeable business pleasantly and without any trace of heat. I also advised talking to McAdoo as kindly as if he were giving him some new and great reward. He might thank him for all he had done, and express regret that his high sense of public duty would not permit him to go along further in the service.

We dined with the President and Mrs. Wilson at the Waldorf. There was no one else present excepting Admiral Grayson. After dinner and the President complained of rather acute indigestion. There were a few pending matters and a few papers which I placed in his hands for attention. He promised to come to Magnolia during the summer if it were at all feasible.

We left early and Dr. Grayson walked home with me. I told Grayson to see McAdoo the first thing tomorrow and to tell him that in my opinion he would make a grave mistake to go into any argument with the President regarding the coal controversy; that what he should do was to tell the President that he thoroughly disagreed with the whole business, but since the President had decided otherwise, he, as a good soldier, would go ahead and not give it another thought.

Grayson thinks McAdoo is in a highly nervous condition and doubts whether he will be able to make him see reason.

I was surprised at the indiscretion of the President and Mrs. Wilson talking before the waiters while we were at dinner about people and things which if repeated would cause no end of trouble.

Grayson is to report to Gordon tomorrow morning just as soon as he has had his interview with McAdoo, and Gordon is to telephone me.

May 20, 1918.

Lord Reading telephoned from Ottawa yesterday asking if he could see me this morning as early as eight o'clock. I invited him to breakfast and he

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arrived promptly at that hour. We had breakfast together and went over the
letters and cables which he had received from his Government. The main cables
he wished to discuss was one from the Prime Minister asking that he see the
President immediately and point out the necessity of my coming to the next meet-
ing of the Supreme War Council. This has been set for June 1st, but the
Prime Minister said if I would leave at once it would be deferred until I
could reach there. I told Reading it was impossible for me to go now and
to my surprise he agreed with me.

What Lloyd George wants is for me to supercede General Pershing and to
dominate our military action over there. He knows my views and intimated in
the cable that I was the only one who would be able to act with authority. He
said there was no use sending someone who would have to refer matters back to
Washington, and that I was the only one who would be able to make immediate deci-
sions.

Reading said the cable was of such a peremptory nature that it would be
necessary for him to ask for an immediate interview with the President so as to
present it to him. I asked him not to argue the matter with the President but
merely present it. It is my purpose to write the President and "beat Reading
to it" by a lap or two. Reading promised to send me a copy of the cable and
it will be attached to the diary.

We decided it would be best for me to go to Europe late in August or
early in September, and he wishes to go at the same time. He did not agree
to remain here longer than six months, and if he is to stay longer, he wishes
to have the agreement directly with the Government and not through cables.

I advised him again to give up the office of Lord Chief Justice and to do
the bigger work he was doing here as Ambassador, and later enter the political
arena and try to become Prime Minister. It is a pity he is not Prime Minister

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today. He is practically the only man in England competent to fill the place when everything is taken into consideration. It is not his ability that places him to the fore at this time, but it is the fact that he is on good terms with both the Liberals and Conservatives and he has a good level head for both business and politics.

Gordon has just telephoned that Grayson has been with McAdoo for three and a half hours. He found him in an excitable condition. McAdoo had written a long argument in favor of his position and Grayson persuaded him to eliminate such portions as indicated an intention to resign in the event his wishes were not met. Grayson said that McAdoo charges that Garfield will make an additional profit of $25,000 this year in his own coal properties, which he would not make if the President follows McAdoo's advice. This looks as if McAdoo was in an ugly mood, and he has considerably ability as a "scrap-per".

Dr. George E. Hale came for advice about getting the President to do something further than he has already done on the board of which he is the head. I advised leaving the matter alone until the late summer or early Autumn, because what is desired of the President now could not be effective until then and I thought it would make a bad impression upon the President to have it granted to me. Hale accepted another request so soon after having this advice and thanked me even more profusely than in his letter the other day.

Fuel Administrator Requa came with Mr. A. C. Bedford of the Standard Oil Co. to present the difficulties of the fuel oil situation of the Pacific Slope. I allowed them to do all the talking and promised them nothing either directly or indirectly. I shall not touch that problem.

Governor Glynn followed. He wishes to work for the Government in

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the event I can find something commensurate with his talents. His preference
is for the Cabinet or for the Peace Commission. In this he does not differ
from many others. However, Glynn is an able fellow and a good one and I
should like to see him get what he wants.

Countess Bryas, Mrs. Marshall Field, Mr. Frank Trumbull and many others called during the day. My letter to the President indicates how I feel regarding Lloyd George's request that I come abroad at once to attend the Supreme War Council.

May 21, 1918.

Dudley Malone, Mrs. August Belmont, Herman Kohlsaat and Victor Lawson
were among the callers.

Kphlsaat and Lawson came to tell of their interview with the President
Saturday. They were delighted with what he had to say about universal train-
ing. They, too, wished to press the President further even though there is
no chance of Congress taking action before the December Session. After calling
attention to this, they acquiesced. I suggested that they keep the National
Security League in the background, and retain the direction of affairs in their
own hands.

May 22, 1918.

Jos. Nye of the Secret Service came to make final arrangements for the
arrival of Prince Arthur of Connaught who is expected early Friday morning.
Bill was sent over by the State Department to arrange for the Prince's com-
fort, but he seemed to have but one idea in his mind and that was to arrange
it so that I should have the least discomfort in seeing the Prince. It is
to be remembered that the King and Mr. Balfour both cabled asking me to see
the Prince, and since I do not intend to go to Washington before leaving for
the summer, I have arranged to see him here, although he merely passes through
New York.

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Jesse Jones, George H. Doran, Samuel Blythe, Mrs. Cornelius Vanderbilt and Lady Murial Paget were callers.

With Jones it was the Red Cross. With Sam Blythe it was the giving of letters of introduction to people abroad where he hopes to go next week.

With Mrs. Vanderbilt and Lady Paget it was to tell of Russia, where Lady Paget has been during the past two years. She is an intelligent woman and gave what I considered a clear and interesting view of the situation there.

Doran was good enough to say that he entirely sympathized with my view regarding "The Real Col. House" and promised that he would do all he could to make it conform with my wishes. This cannot be done, but the features can be eliminated as indeed Mezes and Lippmann have undertaken to do. He says the preface leaves me free from any responsibility as to the contents of the book. He offered to delay publication as long as I liked, but since there is no particular object to be gained by this, I declined to accept that part of his offer. I urged him to modify the advertisements and he declared he would "soft pedal" it to almost no advertisement at all. My conference with him was entirely satisfactory, and I hope he will live up to the obligations which he so generously undertook.

May 23, 1918.

Gordon telephoned last night and again this morning concerning the British Ambassador's interview with the President regarding Lloyd George's request that I come abroad at once. Reading in making the request at first did not commit the diplomatic blunder of mentioning my name, because it is an unusual thing for one government to request that a particular person be sent. He asked permission of the President to be entirely candid and upon receiving it, he told the President that his Government and French desired me.

The President replied that if he sent anyone he would send me, for

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I was the only one who knew his mind and whom he would be willing to have speak for him. However, he agreed entirely with me as to the inadvisability of my going at this time, and asked Reading what he personally thought. Reading confessed that he was of the same opinion.

Reading told Gordon that it was the most satisfactory interview he had had with the President since he had been in America, and that it lasted for an hour and a quarter.

S. R. Bertron, Mrs. Borden Harriman, Sir John Harrington, George Moore, Mrs. Mary Fels and several others called during the day. There was nothing of importance to record.

May 24, 1918.

This has been one of my record days. I arose at 6.15 in order to go to the Battery to meet Prince Arthur of Connaught. When I reached there I found his landing was indefinite. I therefore returned home with the understanding that I would meet him at the Pennsylvania Station, which I did around eleven o'clock. They took him to Washington on a special train and held the train until we had finished talking. I did not meet any of his suite and we were quite alone for a quarter of an hour or more. I found it pretty "hard sledding" and was glad to say goodbye. He said he had been instructed to express the thanks of his Government to me for all my kindnesses. He gave me word from the King and Balfour. He wished to know how he should address the President. I told him that everything in Washington was "Mister". Mr. President, Mr. Secretary, Mr. Justice, etc. etc. He thought that simple enough to remember.

Allison Mayfield, Chairman of the Texas Railroad Commission, was a very early caller. He asked me to use my good offices with McAdoo in certain matters connected with the Texas Railroad Commission.

Frank Polk, who has been ill and is on an extended vacation, re-

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mained for an hour or more. He is always interesting.

Mrs. George Madden Martin, M. de Billy and Mrs. Marshall were other visitors.
Mrs. Martin set her watch by a clock at the National Arts Club that had ceased
to run and she was a half hour late and therefore lost her entire allotted time.
Fortunately, de Billy was ten minutes late so I had some minutes with her. I
invited her to lunch in the Autumn.

M. de Billy came to discuss international matters connected with France
and the United States. He is at present acting High Commissioner in Tardieu's
absence.

I took dinner with my old school friends, Mr. and Mrs. Whitney Newton of
Denver.

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May 25, 1918.

Sir William Wiseman returned from abroad on the Adriatic at noon. He tells an interesting story of his adventures. He saw Lord Grey in London. Grey told him the war had brought him few joys, but he counted the friendship he had formed with me the greatest of them all. He was looking well and his eyesight is better.

Wiseman gave an interesting account of the recent German offensive; the meeting of the Supreme War Council at Abbeville, which they invited him to attend; and the relations between Generals Pershing and Bliss and other of our American folk in France. He thinks Pershing is getting "the big head" and that it will continue to grow until something happens to reduce it. He considers him an able man but not a great one. He believes he has too much to do. Instead of Pershing having his army duties which are sufficient for any man, he has the Red Cross, Y. M. C. A. and army workers of all kinds to handle.

Sir William believes I should go to Europe and assume authority over everything excepting purely military work. This is the same idea put forth in Washington. I should not relish the undertaking, but if the President desired it I would respond. He says Lord Reading is in high favor in England, that Lloyd George is holding on because there is no one else to take his place. He insists that I am in high favor with Lloyd George, Clemenceau and their Cabinets. I hope he is not overstating this.

I have had repeated conversations with Wiseman during the day, he going into much detail which need not be repeated here.

J. K. Ohl of the New York Herald came at my request to tell what chance there was to purchase the Herald and at what price. I made the inquiries at the instance of B. M. Baruch who says he wishes to buy the paper.

My letter to the President concerning Sir William Wiseman is attached.

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May 26, 1918.

I am leaving this morning for Chestnut Hill and Magnolia, Massachusetts.
David Miller is taking me up in his Crane-Simplex and I hope to sleep the night
at Mona's even if we get as late a start as eleven or twelve o'clock.

General Wood has just been here. He had received orders to bring his
division to New York and to proceed to France. Upon his arrival he found a
telegram from the War Department countermanding the order, as far as he per-
sonally was concerned, and ordering him back to the West. The minute he re-
ceived this order he came to me. I advised him to go to Washington and see
Baker and the President if possible. It is clear to me that the Administra-
tion intended to send him over and gave orders accordingly. In the process,
Pershing was notified and upon receiving the notification, he objected. This
is evident, otherwise they would never have had Wood come East.

Chestnut Hill, Mass.

June 1, 1918.

I have had a restful week with Mona and Randolph. The only people of
consequence I have seen have been Nelson Perkins, Lawrence Lowell and Sir Wil-
liam Wiseman. Perkins called to give information concerning the Washington
situation, or that part of it coming under his observation. He had a talk
with Lowell regarding his indiscretion in repeating his conversation with the
President. The Red Cross desire Lowell to go to Switzerland and Lowell ex-
pressed a doubt to Perkins as to whether he would be persona grata because of
what he had said. I told Perkins I did not believe it would influence the
President at all. Nor do I believe it will, for the President dislikes Lowell
already as much as he could. However, among college presidents, he gives the
palm to Nicholas Murray Butler. What he has to say about him I will not re-
peat, for I am sure he does him an injustice.

Lowell did not touch upon his indiscretion when he called on me, but

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asked me to find out whether his appointment to Switzerland would be agreeable to the State Department. He incidentally remarked that he hoped his going would be agreeable to the President and to me since it was well known that Lansing did not count. If he goes, it is not to be before the end of this month, and his duties at Harvard will make it necessary for him to return by October 1st. He asked wished to know to whom he should report about matters of importance, mentioning me as the one he had in mind.

Sir William came down with me from Boston to Magnolia, took lunch and returned to New York on the five o'clock. He left some papers which the British Peace Inquiry Committee gave him, and he also gave me a cable from Lord Robert Cecil who is now acting Secretary for Foreign Affairs in Balfour's absence. This cable is a part of the diary, and was sent Sir William for my information. It relates to our declaring war on Bulgaria.

Magnolia, Mass.

June 5, 1918.

I have been busy since our arrival reading papers, telephoning and getting things in running order. Our private telephone is admirably done and is laid under ground all the way to Washington. I can talk with Washington with as much ease as I can with our next door neighbor. It is a great comfort and I thank David Miller every day for his generosity in providing it.

My letters to the President regarding General Pershing, and the rearrangement of American affairs overseas are important parts of the record.

I had an important conversation with Wiseman this morning. Lloyd George has sent Lord Reading a cable signed by the Prime Ministers of England, France and Italy, urging the President to send over a stated number of troops during June and July. 170,000 fighting men was the June estimate, and 140,000 the July estimate. The cable is an alarming one and indicates either panic or an endeavor to influence the President. It is stupid from my viewpoint. The

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President is willing to send troops without limit either as to number or as to
was
time. Lloyd George has cabled this before he entered the Supreme War
Council at Versailles, therefore there is no excuse for the despatch he and his
colleagues have sent the President. It is an indication that they now have
arrived at some understanding with Pershing.

I have asked Sir William to write out a cable to send Lloyd George
in which he is to state that it was prepared after consultation with me, and
that together we were trying to send them right if such a thing is possible.
Jusserand is to see the President at two o'clock today and present the cable.
Wiseman is to telephone me the result later.

Gordon tells me that General Wood saw both Baker and the President when
he went to Washington, and they intimated that Pershing objected to his coming
over. Wood insisted that if he went he would be loyal to Pershing, therefore
Baker, at the President's direction, sent a cable to Pershing suggesting that
General Wood be permitted to at least go to Italy and direct affairs there.
Pershing replied today that he would take the matter under consideration and
would let Washington know his decision in a few days.

If he was insubordinate, he should have
been courtmarshalled and sent home.

It has been an interesting day. Wiseman has just telephoned that
Jusserand saw the President and he promised to send one hundred divisions of
our troops over as soon as it was possible to do so. This means 2,700,000
men.

I have a cable from General Pershing saying he had appointed Lloyd Griscom,
Liaison
upon my recommendation, Officer between the British War Cabinet and

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himself, and was preparing to carry out the recommendations I made him when I
was last in France.

Gordon telephoned that the Swiss Minister is sailing for Europe on
Wednesday of next week, and wishes to spend Tuesday or at least a part of it
with me. This is significant for the reason that a month ago, as recorded in
the diary, I had the Swiss Minister come from Washington in order to give him
the kind of talk I wished Berlin to hear. Doubtless he communicated this di-
rectly to his Government, either by special messenger or otherwise, and they
have asked him to accelerate his home-coming. He was not to have sailed before
'mid-summer. His coming here just before sailing indicates the importance they
attached to my last conversation with him. I shall be prepared to tell him
other things which Berlin should know. I cordially accept his assertion that
he is pro-Ally, and I try to make him feel that I am talking to a friendly neu-
tral and I tell him nothing but the truth.

June 8, 1918.

I have had many interesting telephone calls since Wednesday. Sir
William has been on the 'phone every day reporting cables from his Government,
conversations with the Ambassador and others. Gordon has kept me constantly
informed as to important despatches in the State Department and he has also
sent a special messenger with the latest letters and cables. This messenger
also picked up a package from Wiseman in New York. It is only in this way
that I can keep thoroughly apprised of each day's developments. I doubt
whether there is anyone who reads so carefully the cables that come in; who
sees so many people coming directly from abroad, or who has a wider area of
our
information. It comes not only from governments, but also from the Allied
and neutral governments, official, unofficial and from private sources.

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Carl Ackerman who is just back from Switzerland takes lunch with me today.
So also does Captain Gherardi who has just landed from the other side.

Lawrence Lowell has definitely given up going to Switzerland. I am
sorry for some reasons and glad for others. The Red Cross people did not
think two months of his time would warrant his going as head of our mission.

I am paying more attention to the Peace Inquiry Organization and am
arranging for conferences here during the summer so as to be thoroughly <u>au courant</u> with that work.

I have letters from Ambassador Willard, Harvey Carroll our Consul at
Venice, Jas. H. Skinner, our Food Representative at London, Lady Robert Scott,
all of which I am answering today and which form a part of the record. Lady
Scott in writing from Paris says that Emile Hovelaque, French Minister of Edu-
cation, requested her to tell me: "It is most important that you should come
over here at once and stay for a good while. He says you are the one person
who is not tired. (I wonder if you will agree with him) and that therefore
you are a wonderful stimulant and should come over at once. I found it very
easy to agree with him".

Charles Upton Clark of the American Academy at Rome was a visitor Thurs-
day. He gave me information about Italy and the Italian statesmen I had not
gotten before. Kent Cooper, Traffic Manager of the Associated Press was an
early visitor. He came from New York to have a word before sailing for
South America. He says Melville Stone has been placed on the shelf, kindly
honorably and firmly. The men who are to be in active charge, outside of
Noyes the President, will be himself, Martin and Elliott. I understand they
are all forward looking men and have their faces toward the rising sun. I
gave him what advice I could regarding his Association and asked him to try
and get the people of South America to understand our point of view. They

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do not believe in our policy of disinterested idealism. I advised telling them that we considered this policy the one of greatest advantage to ourselves. They will not believe we are doing what we are doing without hope of reward, so I thought it would be best to let them think that our views as to reward were different from that of the balance of the world, and that we believed all nations would finally come to an understanding of the great principle that what is best for the least is best for the greatest. The world must live in the future as neighbors and friends, and no one can have a neighbor and keep him as a friend if he is constantly trying to over-reach or coerce him. By superimposing force.

Carl Ackerman and Captain and Mrs. Gherardi lunched with us. I had a talk with Ackerman before the others came. Strangely enough, I did not get much of value from him about conditions in Europe. He was impressed with the morale of the French people as he passed through on his way from Switzerland to Bordeaux. He made some recommendations regarding our Diplomatic Service in Switzerland which I, in turn, passed on to Billy Phillips in the afternoon when he called. Ackerman gave some information from President Calonder of Switzerland regarding a league of nations. The President gave him this in confidence for me. I shall write him a letter today thanking him for this courtesy, and I shall send it to him by the Swiss Minister tomorrow as he is going direct to Berne.

Ackerman surprised me by saying that the Swiss regarded me highly. When I expressed this feeling because of my limited acquaintance with the Swiss, he suggested that it was because of a few prominent Swiss people like Professor William Rappard of Geneva who has conveyed his own impression to his countrymen.

Ackerman amused me by saying that Dr. George Herron got most of his

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standing in Switzerland from the general belief that he was my right-hand man there. Ackerman himself thought this was true and was surprised when I told him I did not know Herron and had written to him but once and then in the most casual way.

Ackerman, Gherardi and I discussed the ever recurrent McNally controversy. They both believe in McNally and when they left I suggested to Phillips the wisdom of again sending McNally's name to the Senate for Consul General at Zurich, and also of giving him more latitude than he has heretofore enjoyed. It seems to me to be a fairly good gamble. His daughter is married to an officer belonging to the German Naval Staff, and she visits McNally constantly at Zurich. My suggestion was to give McNally nothing of value that he might convey to the Germans, but to receive everything he sends in. Gherardi was in constant touch with McNally when he was stationed in Berlin as our Naval Attaché, and he tells me that the most valuable information he got concerning the German Navy was received from him. In checking up McNally I have found that some of his reports were wide of the mark, while others have been fairly accurate.

Gherardi had some thrilling experiences to tell of his trips back and forth from France on the armored cruiser De Kalb. He is a man in whose judgment and efficiency I have confidence.

Billy Phillips called after Ackerman and Gherardi left, and we talked for more than an hour about foreign affairs. Spain, Denmark, Persia, Russia, Mexico and other trouble spots were touched upon. We tried to settle upon a suitable Minister for Denmark and I made some suggestions which he is to look into. I made some suggestions which I had gotten from Ackerman regarding the personnel of our Diplomatic Corps in Switzerland.

Phillips tells me that when the President received the letter from the

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the Secretary of State, which I had Gordon write for the Secretary to sign,
concerning Lawrence Lowell's proposed visit to Switzerland for the Red Cross;
he, the President, told Phillips of the Jerome Edwards letter to me which I
had sent him with Lowell's penciled comments on it. The President asked
Phillips to convey to Davison the information that Lowell was not in sympa-
thy with him. Phillips did this, and the telegram Lowell received from Wad-
worth was evidently instigated by Davisons. The excuse given Lowell was that
his services could not be used because he could not re main later than the mid-
dle of September.

The President should keep me better informed about these matters, al-
though the excuse in this instance might be that he had no idea the letter he
received from Lansing was suggested by me, or that I had any interest whatever
in Lowell's proposed visit to Switzerland.

This is another clear indication of how little the President himself
knows of the scope of my activities. He does not realize that there is but
little of importance that goes to him, either directly or indirectly, that I
have not either passed upon beforehand or at least know about. It may be well
that this should be so.

I have had long telephone talks with Gordon, Wiseman, Bill Nye and
others. Sir William and I arranged for a conference here next week.

June 9, 1918.

Mrs. Harrahan of New York and Memphis telephoned yesterday asking for an
appointment for today. I could not invite her to lunch because of an engage-
ment I had to lunch out, therefore I arranged for her to come in the morning.
She brought with her Colonel Maria Botchkarova, Commander of the Battalion of
Death, who wished to talk concerning Allied intervention in Russia. She is
opposed to the Bolsheviks, but claims to be thoroughly republican in her sym-

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pathies. She did not tell anything I did not know before. However, she is
an interesting personality and has a very loud voice that could be heard a
hundred yards away. I was surprised to see the feminine come out in her once
or twice during our interview. Her eyes were flooded with tears. Once when
I spoke to her complimenting her courage, her **patriotism** and her
high purpose, and at another time when she, herself, was telling of some ex-
perience she had had. She was planning to go to England Tuesday. I advised
that her trip would be useless for the question of intervention or non-inter-
vention by the Allies would probably be decided in Washington.

With her short hair and Russian uniform such as men wear, it was difficult
in looking at her to determine her sex.

Bill Nye of the State Department Secret Service was with me most of the
day. We dipped into many matters of common interest in that department and
arranged for closer cooperation while I am here at Magnolia. They are to
send messengers with despatches and papers twice or more a week as the occa-
sion requires. Our private telephone is to be inspected every other day, and
a watchman is to be placed on the premises at once. The papers I have here
are too important to run any chance of their falling into hostile hands,

June 10, 1918.

The morning opened with a night letter from Stephane Lausanne asking
if I would receive the French Ambassador to Japan, who has just landed and is
on his way to Tokyo. I arranged to see them tomorrow at eleven. I cannot
have them to lunch because of a previous engagement I have had for some days
with the Swiss Minister and Mrs. Sulser.

Judge William Wadhams who has also just landed from France wires asking
to come to Magnolia on Saturday.

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I have had long talks with Wiseman and Gordon over the telephone. With Gordon it was about Departmental affairs and with Wiseman exchanges of information between his Government and ours. I arranged for him to come on Thursday for a conference.

One of my letters is from Dr. Bard who tells me he came all the way from San Diego, California, only to miss me in both New York and Washington. He was considerate enough not to ask to come to Magnolia for which I am grateful. His letter to me and my answer are of interest.

June 11, 1918.

M. Marcel Delaney, the French Ambassador to Japan came this morning. Stephane Lausanne and Captain Martin accompanied him. We had a conference of about an hour and a half. He impressed me as being an able Frenchman. He has a sonorous voice and I imagine is something of an orator. He was instructed to see me upon landing and before he saw anyone else, therefore he came to Magnolia having found that I had left New York. We discussed Japanese and Allied intervention in Russia, and Siberia in its every phase. He is to see the President almost at once and I advised him not to go into discussion with the President concerning the merits of intervention but merely to deliver Clemenceau's message, which is to the effect that he considers intervention imperative not only because he believes it will be effective, but because he believes it will stimulate the morale of the French people more than anything else, and that they need stimulating in this hour of trial.

He

The Ambassador declared the situation to be critical. The Germans are within forty miles of Paris in two different directions along two valley routes. The nearer they get to Paris, the more air raids are possible and the harder it is to maintain the morale of the people.

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After delivering Clemenceau's message, I advised him to ask the President whether he approved the principle of Interallied intervention, provided a plan could be found which seemed to him, the President, workable. I thought the President would answer in the affirmative, and I advised leaving the matter there as far as he was concerned. After his interview with the President, I suggested that he see Lord Reading, Viscount Ishii, Ambassador Jusserand and have a general conference. Ishii should be asked whether the Japanese were willing for interallied intervention or whether they held to exclusive intervention by the Japanese. I thought Ishii's answer would be favorable. In that event, I advised working out a plan to be submitted to London, Paris and Tokyo for approval. When that approval was had, the plan should be taken to the President for his decision.

The Ambassador accepted this advice and declared he felt fully repaid for coming to Magnolia. He was extravagant in his compliments and said the French people understood what a staunch friend I had been to France from the beginning. I assured him of my deep appreciation of his country's good will and of my admiration and affection for France.

I asked Lausanne to go to Washington with the Ambassador and to keep in touch with me through Gordon as to developments, so that I might advise further if necessary.

The Swiss Minister and his wife Madame Sulser lunched with us. We had a long and intimate conference. I handed him a letter to the President of the Swiss Republic, a copy of which is attached to the record. I did not say in this letter all that I felt, and that is something I wish to mention here. I am seldom able to give all I have in mind, for the reason that I am so close to the President and am considered so nearly his mouthpiece that what I say is considered as his opinion.

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The Minister asked my views upon the League of Nations, the reduction of armaments and peace questions in general. In answer to this I told him that all this country desired for itself, we were willing to concede to the Germans and Central Powers. The war must bring a peace based upon right, reason and justice. Unless it did, we would inevitably搞k have another conflict. Treaties, leagues to enforce peace and what not, seemed to me not so important as the awakening of public sentiment in each country which would forbid its representatives acting in a way which would not be condoned in a private individual. Under the guise of patriotism, it has been thought permissible to lie, to steal and do things which if done by a private citizen would ostracize him from the society of his fellows.

I constantly hear prominent men in this country declare if treaties stand in the way of our success in this war, they would act as if they were not in existence. Unless this kind of view is changed, we can never hope for peace. A nation or state must be as honest as an individual of honor, and when that comes about we will have taken a long step toward a solution of our international difficulties.

I told the Minister that such a resolution should be placed before the Peace Conference, and I did not believe any nation would dare oppose it. If we could once get this resolution as a part of an international agreement it would not be difficult to educate the people to a sense of its importance and justice and they would not permit their representatives to violate it. They would not wish the name of their country smirched any more than an individual would desire the name of his family smirched.

This, to my mind, is the very foundation upon which the future amity of nations must be built. It is my purpose to ask the President to announce this doctrine to the world. I have talked with him about it, but I have not insisted upon his making a definite appeal concerning it.

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June 12, 1918.

General Tom Bridges, Charles R. Crane, Dr. Masaryk and Max Eastman were call-
ers today.

Bridges, Crane and Masaryk took lunch and most the entire discussion
was about intervention in Russia. Masaryk talked with more sense than most
people with whom I have discussed the subject, and he knows Russia better. I
wish him to see the President for he will be interested in Masaryk's view, not
only as to intervention but as to Russia in general. I was amused at the con-
versation between Crane and Bridges. Crane is a great world traveler, but as
the conversation developed, it appeared that Bridges had been everywhere that
Crane had been and everywhere he ever hoped to go. This included Thibet, all
parts of the Balkans, the wildest portions of Africa, etc. etc.

Max Eastman came to talk to me about the case which the Department of
Justice has against him as Editor of The Masses. I took occasion to tell him
what a lawless country this is and how careful one needs be during these tragic
days. He saw the point and I think will heed the advice I gave him.

June 13, 1918.

Wiseman is here and we have been in conference nearly all day and largely
upon the Russian situation.

Gordon telephoned last night suggesting that Hoover head a "Russian
Relief Commission" as part of an intervention plan. The idea appealed to me
strongly at once. This morning he called again and we decided that he should
go to Hoover and ask whether he would be willing to serve in that capacity. I
asked Gordon to say that I thought he had been so entirely associated with food
problems, that for his own sake, it would be a good thing to show the world that
he was capable of just as good work in other directions.

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Hoover told Gordon he was willing to serve wherever the President and I thought he could do so best. He was enthusiastic over the suggestion and thought it the best solution of the Russian problem. We then mentioned the plan to Lansing who greeted it with enthusiasm and asked Gordon to draft a letter to the President which he, Lansing, would sign. Gordon drew up the letter, read it to me, I made a suggestion or two which he incorporated, and Lansing signed it. The letter was then sent to the President. It was really an admirable letter and I do not wonder Lansing accepted it without change.

The next move was to let the President know that I approved. We did this by Gordon writing a note to Mrs. Wilson calling attention to the letter and to my approval of it. In addition, I wrote the President today expressing my views on the subject. This letter is attached.

Sir William is enthusiastically in favor of the plan and we agreed that he should intercept Reading at Princeton, where he goes tomorrow for a degree, tell him the story and get him to cooperate with us in putting it through. I cautioned Sir William that no one should be told of the plan except Reading, for it is necessary that it should come in the nature of a surprise. Wiseman intended remaining overnight, but because of the importance of the matter, he left at once for Boston and New York.

June 14, 1918.

Among the callers today were Herbert Swope of the New York World and Dr. Henri Bergson, who has just arrived from France. Someone said recently "Magnolia is the first port of call for foreigners coming over, and the last port before returning home".

Bergson was sent over by his Government about Siberian intervention. He started to argue the question, but I explained that I had had the matter before me, in one way or another, almost every day since last November, and that I knew every argument for and against so perfectly that I had no difficulty in repeat-

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ing them in my sleep. The main trouble was that no concrete plan of value had been formulated. He admitted this and said a mission should go in to help Russia. He was glad to know that I had reached this same conclusion, and that I had presented such a plan to the President.

Bergson asked if he might convey this information to his Government by a carefully worded cable. He wrote a cable which I did not approve. I then dictated one which was acceptable to him. Acting under instructions from his Government, he desires to meet the President. I advised him what to say to the President about the matter and what to leave unsaid. I asked him to assume that the President knew everything that a man in his position should know. I advised that he state that Russia could not compose herself without aid from either the Central Powers or the Entente, and if the Entente did not attempt it, Russia would turn to Germany. I asked him to suggest as a beginning, a relief commission, and then to talk of other subjects-- subjects which he and the President, of all men, have so much in common.

Bergson said he had noticed upon his last visit that Ambassador Jusserand resented Frenchmen coming to this country, or interfering in any way with diplomatic matters. He was wondering whether he had best try to reach the President without Jusserand or through him. I advised the latter. He asked how long I thought he should remain in Washington, and how long in this country. His stay in Washington, I thought, should be governed solely by his relations with Jusserand and conditions as he found them there. His stay in the United States HAXX remained. I hoped would be for a lengthy period.

He remained for an hour and a quarter, and apologized by saying he understood my time was as wholly occupied here as in New York. I asked him to come again and talk about international affairs in general. I advised him to keep in touch with Gordon while he was in Washington, so I might have an inti-view of what was going on in his immediate circle.

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June 15, 1918.

Dr. Barton, President of the American Board of Missions, Nelson Perkins and Frederick Dixon were my principal callers. Dixon came to get a review of the international situation as I saw it. He was particularly severe upon British diplomacy and British diplomats. He thought Lieut. General Bridges, whom he saw the other day in Boston, "talked like a child" about Russia, and about the war generally as far as the diplomatic end of it was concerned.

Dr. Barton wished my views on Bulgaria and Turkey, and whether anything further was necessary to keep this country from declaring war on them. He is very much opposed to it. Our views do not materially differ. I regard him highly.

Nelson Perkins gave a resume of the War Industries activities in Washington as relating to Stettinius and himself. He wished advice as to whether he had better accept Stettinius' invitation to go abroad with him or whether it was best to remain here and do the work Stettinius has been doing with his help. We concluded it was better for him to remain.

Judge Wadhams of New York whom I had expected in the morning turned up at ten o'clock at night. He was told I was in bed and that he would have to come out tomorrow. Through some mistake in his understanding of the appointment, he believed it was an evening hour I gave him instead of the morning.

June 16, 1918.

Judge Wadhams returned this morning and left a memorandum concerning his activities in France and England where he has been investigating different organizations looking toward a league of nations. The State Department sent a messenger with many despatches and letters.

My letters to Ambassador Willard, Harvey Carroll and James H. Skinner are parts of the report. I have two letters from Mrs. Wilson.

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June 17, 1918.

Herbert Hoover, Food Administrator, came from Washington to take lunch and talk over the prospect of his being sent to Russia as head of a Russian Relief Commission. We finally agreed on the best method of procedure, in the event the President asked him to go. I thought the President would be glad to have him take General Wood, but he was not certain he wanted him.

I thought if Hoover had entire control of the mission going to Russia, and of whatever military force sent there to protect it, he could hold Wood in subjection.

Hoover is enthusiastic over the food condition in the United States. He says the Allies and ourselves have plenty of food for the next twelve months. I suggested that this fact should be used as propaganda to stimulate the morale amongst the Allies, and to depress that of the Germans. He said he had planned just such a campaign. In outlining it I could see he needed no suggestions in this direction. He contemplates, if he does not go to Russia, to go to England, have a banquet given in his honor at the Mansion House, with the Prime Minister, the Food Commissioners of England, France and Italy and other dignitaries present, with himself as the center of interest. It is then that he expects to give out the news that the Allies need not restrain themselves any longer in their food conservation.

Hoover may think this plan is for the purpose of maintaining the morale of the Allies and depressing that of the Germans, and I do not like to hint that he is the greatest living advertiser.

I have never known a man with aless sympathetic personality. If I were running Hoover for President I would keep him at home, and let him talk to the people entirely through the press. He thought Colonel Roosevelt might do the Russian work better than himself, but he said this so mildly that I was not surprised when he later agreed with my dissent.

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June 19, 1918.

The day has been rather quiet. F. A. Pezet, ex-Minister of Peru, to the United States, took lunch with us. He came from New York at the instance of J. K. Ohl, of the New York Herald, to discuss South American affairs. He seems an intelligent man with a warm sympathy for the United States, and a desire to better our relations with South America. He brought out clearly some of the things I, myself, have observed, that is the lack of courtesy which the British and Americans show the Latins.

John Hays Hammond was another caller. We talked over affairs in general.

William H. Berry, of Chicago, came up from New York for a fifteen minute interview about conditions at Camp Grant, where he is doing some sort of army work. My telephone calls were less numerous and I have been less busy generally than for a long while.

June 20, 1918.

Edward Stettinius came from Washington to talk about his proposed activities in France for the War Department. After consultation with Secretary Baker, it was thought best to obtain my views as to the scope of the work he might properly do in France. I asked first what Baker had in mind. The Secretary seems to have a rather hazy idea as to procedure, and Stettinius apologized for him by telling of his multifarious duties which make it difficult for him to give the matter the consideration its importance deserves.

I outlined to him a plan, which to be brief, would make him, Stettinius our War Department in France. He asked where his jurisdiction would end and where Pershing's would begin. Pershing, I thought, should train and fight with the men, but back of the line, Stettinius should be as supreme as the Secretary of War would be were Pershing commanding and fighting an army in the United

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States. I thought if Stettinius would remember this, he could always define
his duties, and there would be no danger of encroachment upon Pershing's. I
advised him to have Baker write him a letter by order of the President, delega-
ting this work to him as Assistant Secretary of War. A copy of this letter, I
advised should be sent Pershing for his information and guidance.

I also advised Stettinius to use diplomacy and gentleness instead of the
"strong arm" so that Pershing's sensibilities might not be ruffled. I thought
he should take over the work only as rapidly as he was prepared to successfully
direct it. I was sure if he handled himself diplomatically and successfully,
there would be no friction. Pershing should be told what I have already told
him, that is, the Administration was as anxious for his success as he was him-
self, but that no matter what his judgment was, it was the judgment of the Pres-
ident and the Secretary of War, and mine as well, that he should be relieved of
every duty excepting that of training and fighting our men.

I outlined my idea of a General Staff, which should be created out of the
nucleus of the Supreme War Council. Stettinius agreed with this, and if he
goes over with as much power as I have suggested, he might be able to do some-
thing toward starting such an organization. If he cannot do it, then it is
my purpose to undertake it myself, should I go across this Autumn. It is ut-
terly impossible to compete with the Germans unless we have a large body of ex-
perienced officers planning for the future. We should know how many airplanes
are needed in 1919 and the different kinds. How many of these the French can
produce and maintain, how many the British, how many the Italians and how many
ourselves. The same should be true as to gas shells, artillery, small arms, etc.
We are now blundering along without method.

For instance, the British and French have each used during the year some-
thing less than one billion and a half rounds of ammunition. Pershing put in a
demand for the year for six billion rounds, showing someone is entirely at

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fault, and that someone is probably Pershing.

As far as the War Department knows, there has been no understanding with the French as to the railroads, docks and other works we are building in France. We have no agreement with them as to who is to pay for this, who is to pay for that and, as Stettinius remarkes, it will take a century after the war to adjust our differences, differences which might lead to hard feeling. If the President will do this thing whole-heartedly and give us the necessary authority, it can be made a success. If he does not, it will be of a piece of other things we have done and are doing which drag along until circumstances or necessity force us to action.

Stettinius is to report to Baker upon our conversation, and then let me know what is determined. Upon receipt of this, I promised to write Pershing, preparing him for the change.

Wiseman also came to lunch and out-stayed Stettinius so we might have one of our intimate talks. He says the British Ambassador's sensibilities are hurt because the President refused to see him the other day upon request of the State Department. Sir William characterized the refusal as bad manners and tending to upset the good relations between the two countries. He thought Reading should warn Lloyd George and Balfour of how impossible it is to see the President as often as they desire, but he also thought when an ambassador made a request of that kind at the instance of the head of his government, the President should see him. If an ambassador made too many requests, it would be within the province of the President to have the State Department inform his government that their ambassador was asking for too many interviews. This would enable his government to caution him to see the Secretary of State instead of the President, excepting matters of vital importance.

Reading claims, as an excuse for wanting to see the President so often,

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that he has found from experience it is utterly useless to see Lansing. He says they smoke a cigarette together, have a pleasant talk and that is the end of it. Nothing is ever done, and it is waste of time to undertake any sort of negotiation through the Secretary. I told Sir William that this was largely the President's fault, because he refused to see Lansing and other members of his Cabinet, just as he refused to see the Ambassador. I tried to excuse the President by telling how terribly engrossed he was, and of the demands upon him, and of his temperamental objection to seeing anyone when he could avoid it.

Sir William thought the President could never be on as confidential terms with Reading as he was, for instance, with himself, for the reason that he had observed that Reading always approached a matter with the air and caution of a lawyer. The President insensibly assumed a similar attitude, and close, confidential relations between the two could hardly be brought about.

We took up the question of a league of nations, which Lord Robert Cecil asked him to bring to my attention. He wished me to write a letter to Lord Robert, but I decided to write the letter myself. This letter is a part of the record and gives me views as to what I think is advisable in that direction.

That part of my plan which is wholly new is the one in which I suggest that an endeavor be made to raise the international standard to a parity with the individual standard of honor. Unless this is done, it does not seem to me to be much use to sign covenants only to be broken at will, and the breaking condoned. It is not difficult, I think, to work out orderly international law by which nations may be governed if we proceed in the same way as law and order has been brought about among individuals and intra-nationally. I have had this thought in mind for a long time and have stated it in the diary from time to time, notably, I think, when I advised the President two or more years ago

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when he made his speech in Washington before the League to Enforce Peace.

June 21, 1918.

Lord Reading and Sir William Wiseman spent the better part of the day with me. Besides them, I invited to lunch Mrs. T. Jefferson Coolidge, Jr. and Mrs. Francis L. Higginson Jr. to take Loulie's place since she had gone to town. After lunch I had to listen again to Reading's story of his ill treatment by the President in regard to the engagement he wished to make before he left Washington. I minimized it by calling his attention to some of the things that had happened which seemed inexplicable, but which turned out to be easily explained. For instance, when Lady Reading first came to Washington she wrote Mrs. Wilson asking when she might call. By some inadvertence, this note was put in the British pouch, sent to London and returned and was received by Mrs. Wilson some six weeks after it was written. If I had not happened to be in Washington at the time, and upon intimate terms with both parties, it would have resulted in strained relations.

I also called his attention to the time when the President wrote Lansing a note for his own (Lansing's) information, which Lansing sent to the French Ambassador without revising. The President had not intended him to do more than convey, in a diplomatic way, to the French Ambassador the substance of what he had said. Reading evidently felt better when I finished. Nevertheless, I knew, *dernier xin xin xin xin* and, down in his heart, he knows that the President treated him rudely.

One of the main subjects we had to discuss was his own personal affairs, in as much as they related to his continuing as Ambassador here. He was afraid if he remained any length of time he would lose the prestige which he now has, or should have, not only at home but also here because of his position

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as Lord Chief Justice, and further on account of his confidential relations with the Prime Minister, a relation which somewhat approaches mine with the President. I agreed that he should return to England at frequent intervals, and that it would be well for him to go again next month. I thought he should insist that his Government should place American affairs in his keeping, and that he should to all intents and purposes be a member of the Cabinet with the portfolio of "Minister of American Affairs." This seemed to appeal to him, and if they will consent to such an arrangement I think he will be glad to continue his work here.

The most important matter he wished to discuss was Russian intervention. I outlined my ideas, and told him what I had suggested regarding Hoover. I amplified this and asked him to make notes so he might tell the President when he sees him Monday just what my views are, and of his concurrence in them. Reading wrote the notes and read them to me, but he did it so badly and set them forth so much less clearly than what I had in mind, that I concluded to write the letter President myself which I have done and which is a part of the record.

June 22, 1918.

Joe Chapple of the National Magazine lunched with us. It was merely to tell me of his recent trip to France, Italy and England and to ask advice about the nature of some articles he is to publish.

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General Freycenat of the French Army called to enlist my good offices in creating a better staff organization for the American Army in France. I did not allow him to go into the argument for its necessity, for I was fully aware of its importance and had already called the attention of our people at Washington to the gravity of the situation. I asked for a suggestion as a remedy which he undertook to give, and which was good as far as it went. The difficulty with his plan was that it did not go as far as I would like.

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George Baker, Cable Censor in New York, telephoned that they were receiving despatches from France to the effect that M. Klotz, Minister of Finance, had stated in the Paris press that I told him when I was in France that I favored Japanese intervention in Russia. I told Baker my position and he thought, in the circumstances, it would be best to kill the story in America. He thought it well to kill everything else connected with Russian intervention that came over the wires within the next few days. This latter he did at my suggestion, when I told him the President had the matter under active consideration and would probably be embarrassed by too much talk.

I sent Baker a telegram, at his request, stating:

"When I was in France last December I opposed the suggestion of intervention in Russia as then proposed, and my position was well known to the British, French, Italian and Japanese Governments."

I did this for Baker's protection.

June 23, 1918.

Joseph Grew was my only caller today. There was nothing of much interest talked of except he told me that he wrote Lansing's reply to the German Government concerning von Rintelen and reprisals. Both Lansing and the President have been complimented upon this document.

June 24, 1918.

President Lowell of Harvard came for lunch. Our talk was largely concerning a league of nations. I read him the letter I wrote Lord Robert Cecil. He approved with some slight qualifications. He said the Executive Committee of the League to Enforce Peace will meet in a day or two and he wished to know what action I thought they should take. I advised them to do nothing for the moment, but to wait until I informed the President of what I had written Lord Robert Cecil and what he had to say in reply to my plan. If both the President

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and Lord Robert agreed with my views; we could crystalize sentiment around them in this country, in England and in France.

My letter to the President and the one to Lord Robert Cecil are parts of the diary.

June 25, 1918.

This is almost the first day since we have been at Magnolia that I have not had someone to lunch. I have spent the time reading and catching up with works.

June 26, 1918.

Today has made up for the quiet of yesterday. David Miller, William Bullitt of the State Department, Louis Edgar Brown of the Chicago News and Major Stedman Hanks of the Air Corps were callers. Also Lincoln Colcord. Bullitt came to talk over affairs relating to Germany. He sees evidence that the German Government are trying to again solidify German opinion against the Allies so they will be content to go through another winter and year of war. He believes that under the guise of fair promises and a liberal peace, they will undertake to offer France and Italy terms which will take them out of the war and enable Germany to do her will in the East and Southeast.

David Miller and I discussed at intervals, when I had the time, matters relating to the Peace Inquiry, he having charge of the international law end of it.

Mr. Brown was sent from Chicago by Victor Lawson. He has just returned from Petrograd with Ramond Robins. He takes an entirely different viewpoint of the Russian situation and of intervention from that of any of my recent visitors. He believes in both Lenin and Trotsky and thinks the Soviet Government will maintain itself. He considers the worst thing we can do is to intervene in any way, particularly in cooperation with Japanese troops. He thinks if we

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do this Russia will ask Germany to help her organize the Russian army to repel the invasion.

It is difficult to come to a satisfactory judgment when one hears such conflicting views from intelligent men, and those who have been on the ground for a long time. Brown has been in Russia for a year or more and comes hot-foot from there, having left Petrograd within the month.

Colcord came for advice about accepting the secretaryship of a new liberal movement which is being organized in New York. I counseled him to go cautiously, because the personel having it in charge do not appeal to me as being able to make a success of such an undertaking. He said Richard Washburn Child invited him to what he termed "a liberal gathering". It was something in the nature of a reception or supper. Colcord said that almost every reactionary in New York was present, and all were names known nationally, not one of whom had an original idea or a liberal inclination.

June 27, 1918.

The Russian Ambassador and Kornaloff came from Washington to see me. The latter was a Minister in the Cabinets of both Miliukoff and Kerensky. They came at the President's direction. The President evidently thought I had more time to waste than he had, for, after all, it was a waste of time. They both wanted military intervention and in a way that would immediately antagonize the Soviets and Bolsheviks. Their theory is that if this is not done, the Allies will not be able to rally around them as public opinion in Russia antagonistic to the Bolsheviks. I was non-committal on this point, but satisfied them as to my attitude on sending in a relief commission with sufficient force to maintain order.

A letter I am writing to J. P. Morgan today is a part of the diary, as is his letter to me. My reason for not wanting to subscribe to such a fund.

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is that it might be, and probably would be, offensive to the British Government.
The purpose is clearly to raise a pension fund for Lady Spring-Rice and her
children. Before replying to Morgan I discussed the matter over the telephone
with Sir William Wiseman who, in turn, took it up with the British Ambassador.
They agreed as to the inadvisability of my subscribing to such a fund, conse-
quently I wrote to Morgan as my letter indicates.

I also had a disagreeable letter to write to George H. Doran, the
publisher of "The Real Colonel House". He asked me to autograph a few copies
for him to give away. My reason for not doing so was that I did not wish to
seem even indirectly endorsing the book.

June 28, 1918.

Harold McCormick lunched with us. He is just back from Switzerland and
has an ambitious plan to become what he termed "liaison officer between some
representative of the German Government and the United States". As he expressed
it, he would be the "spark plug" connecting the two countries in conversations
looking toward an agreement for peace. He tells me that the German Foreign
Office sent a certain Baron to Zurich to talk with him. This Baron was connect
ed with the German Embassy at Washington under Bernstorff; and now has charge of
Pan-American affairs in the Foreign Office. He told McCormick that the German
Government was loath to make any definite overtures as to what they were willing
to do because it would leave them no leeway for trading at the peace conference.
He was certain, however, that the Government would agree to evacuate France and
Belgium and restore Belgium to her former political status.

McCormick, himself, thought that terms could be made by which they would
promise to negotiate regarding the Russian Border States in a way to meet our
wishes. I tried to let McCormick see as gently as I could how impossible
such a program as he outlined was. He thought it a pity, as he expressed it,
that the German Chancellor could not in some way like this talk directly with

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the President and with me. That is one of the difficulties of war. It is easy to get into, but most difficult to find a way out. In this instance it is largely a general lack of trust in the Germans. It is too bad that the German people cannot realize that the Entente will never negotiate with the present German Government if it can be avoided. I wish it were possible to have an entire change to a liberal Cabinet in Germany with absolute power over a defeated and repudiated military clique, and I would also like to see a really liberal Government in France and England.

I want to remark that this diary, good or bad, prophetic or unprophetic, stands as it is written from day to day. I do not go back and make changes after happenings have proved that either my judgments or prophecies have been at fault. When Miss Denton writes a certain number of pages I correct them, and they are then placed in a sealed package in the safe deposit box and are not disturbed afterward.

June 29, 1918.

Grenville McFarlane of Boston American and one of Hearst's right-hand men, and, indeed, one of the best, came to lunch. He merely wanted a review of the international and domestic situations for his guidance. He offered the pages of his paper whenever I thought they might be of service. He talked quite frankly, and incidentally, he confessed that before we got into the war, Hearst had strong pro-German leanings largely because of his intense dislike of the British.

June 30, 1918.

Ali Kuli Khan, former Minister, and now Counsellor of the Persian Lega-
tion at Washington came to spend an hour with me this morning. I could not
give him a long time. I met him at the station and we motored for an hour,
and I think I am within the bounds of truth when I say that of the sixty min-

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utes; he occupied, with a never ceasing flow of words, fifty-eight of them. He started off with the very flattering declaration that the future of the world lay in the hands of the President, Lloyd George and his friends, therefore he desired to place Persia's case before me. From that moment until I stopped him to say that his time was up within two minutes, there was never a break. What I had to say was, I would put him in touch with Sir William Wiseman, and I would ask him to work out a plan under which the British Government and ours could help solve some of the problems which confronted his country.

Breckenridge Long was to have motored from York Harbor to see me, but for some reason he has not appeared. Mona, Randolph, Peter and Hetty Higginson lunched with us.

July 1, 1918.

Gordon telephoned this morning that I had a personal letter from General Pershing. I had him open it and read it to me over our private line. This letter will come tomorrow or next day and will be a part of the record, as well as my answer.

I had no visitors and spent the day in writing foreign letters and reading up on the Peace Inquiry data. Wiseman telephoned from Washington giving the text of the Japanese reply to France, Great Britain and Italy regarding their request that the Japanese should go into Siberia and under promise that they would observe the political and territorial integrity of Russia. The Japanese agree to do this, but decline to go further than midway into Siberia. They insist upon supreme command of the military forces there.

Wiseman and I think they have purposely formed a note to the Allies which the President will not accept. There is no profit to them in going into Siberia under the conditions asked. Sir William read me the cable which Foch sent the President concerning Russian intervention. It looks as if Foch had weakened in his desire for this, because his cable is neither strong nor

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convincing. Sir William laughingly remarked that "such cables go to you first".

July 2, 1918.

Judge Jas. W. Gerard telephoned from New York that William Randolph Hearst had told him what he, Hearst, intended to run for the Democratic nomination for Governor of New York. This is a disappointment to the Judge. I cannot understand Hearst being willing to heap upon himself the abuse which will come to him as a candidate. Severe as the criticism is of Hearst from day to day, it is mild compared to what he will receive as a candidate for office.

B. W. Fleisher, Editor of the Toyko Advertiser, lunched with us. I extracted some information from him. It will be of value if what he told me is correct. I obtained an insight into Japanese political and economic conditions which is difficult to get except from one as well versed in their affairs as Fleisher is. He says Japan is drifting toward liberalism, and that when the last of the elder statesmen die that a change in their form of government will come, even though they do not change their constitution. He does not share the general opinion that the Japanese are less honest than the Chinese. The Chinese merchant of the higher class he thinks more honorable than the Japanese, of the same class, but he believes the lower classes in Japan are to be trusted more than their opposite members in China.

He declares that the Japanese are totally without humor, but that the Chinese have considerable. I took occasion to ask Fleisher to advocate in his paper and with the influential Japanese the necessity, from Japan's point of view, of becoming a forward-looking nation. I thought she was now at the parting of the ways; if she took German civilization rather than American she would come to grief sooner or later, even if Germany wins the war, which God forbid, in which event the United States would immediately become a military power of even greater proportions than Germany ever could be, and while under theauspices of such a neighbor as the United States, it would be to Japan's interest to

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go along with us. On the other hand, if Germany was defeated and the world became liberal I thought the Japanese were intelligent enough to know that if they became an idealistic nation, the United States would not object to their taking an active part in the development of the Far East. It was merely a question of how it was done. If they did it without selfish motives, and did it in a way which would be helpful to the Chinese and others, there would be no objections. It would give Japan a dominating influence in the Asiatic world, and it was the only way by which she could obtain it.

July 3, 1918.

I had no visitors of importance. Stephen Bonsal of the War Intelligence Department, Mr. and Mrs. Frederick Prince, and Mrs. Hutchinson, daughter of Edward Stotesbury of Philadelphia, were the only callers. Bonsal desires to go abroad to do intelligence work. Prince had various matters to talk over of no importance, and Mrs. Hutchinson wished me to recommend her for a place in the Secret Service in order that she might be privileged to wear a badge. Why a woman of her wealth and social standing should wish to do such work is a mystery.

July 4, 1918.

It has been a quiet day. Sidney and Nancy came in the afternoon in order and that he may be here tomorrow for the meeting with Miller, Lippmann.

Pershing's letter of June 19th came and I answered it. Both letters are in the record.

July 5, 1918.

Sidney, Lippmann, Miller and I were hard at it all day. It was the League to Enforce Peace, the Peace Inquiry, the Protocol, which must necessarily be signed before an armistice or peace conference can be called, and a general agenda for the peace conference.

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I did not receive much of value from the conference except to argue the ques-
tions before an intelligent audience, particularly some of the points upon which
I was doubtful. I have changed my mind recently concerning the feasibility of
having all nations represented at the peace conference. At one time I thought,
as the diary will show, that it would be necessary while the belligerents were
in conference regarding matters of settlement between themselves, that the neu-
trals should be called in when the discussion widened so as to embrace subjects
in which the entire world had an interest. For instance, the laws of the high
seas, the restrictions of commerce, serial navigation, etc. etc.

The British at one time had the notion that there should be two confer-
ences, one between the belligerents, and one to be called later to include belli-
gerents and neutrals to re-write international law. The difficulties and weak-
ness of this plan have always been apparent to me. I evidently made an impres-
sion upon the British, for in their memorandum which I have regarding the confer-
ence, they seem to have accepted my view, which view I am now beginning to dis-
card as impracticable.

My reason for discarding it is largely because of the difficulties in-
volved in the question of representation and voting. It would be an intermina-
ble task to come to an agreement as to the number of votes the Great Powers
should have, and the number of votes the smaller nations should have. The
smaller ones like Switzerland have already signified their purpose of demand-
ing an equal vote at the conference in the League of Nations. If they are not
to have this, President Callonder telbe me, Switzerland will not participate.
This brought the matter to a point where some decision in my own
mind was necessary, and it was to reach this decision that I spent most of the
morning arguing with Miller, Mezes and Lippmann.

It has always been my habit when I wish to definitely decide something of
importance to discuss it with someone. I generally do this with my secretary

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and before I am through, a conclusion and a plan is nearly always reached.

To have each nation equally represented at the peace conference would be to place the Great Powers at the mercy of the smaller ones. For instance, Mexico and Central America could out vote, under such a plan, the United States, the British Empire, France, Germany, Italy and Japan. This is manifestly absurd because the powers I have named must necessarily be responsible for the peace and order of the world if it is to have any. It is now necessary for me to undo the work I have done in the wrong direction. I feel, however, there will be little difficulty, for the reason the President's whole tendency is toward holding all the power he can possible obtain in his own hands. The British, French, Italian and Japanese will be equally glad as, indeed, will Germany and Austria to increase their own and limit the power of the smaller nations.

The Great Powers at the conference should put out a plan so just, that all the smaller nations will be glad to concur in it. It has been shown in this war that the smaller nations like Holland, Denmark, and Switzerland will not participate in a general war unless they are compelled to do so by the exigencies of the occasion. Therefore, why permit them to exercise a directing hand upon the nations having to furnish not only the financial but the physical force necessary to maintain order and peace. I am sorry to come to this conclusion because it does not seem toward the trend of liberalism. However, the idealist who is not practical oftentimes does a cause more harm than those frankly reactionary.

July 6, 1918.

Frank Doubleday came to lunch. I gave him a general idea of the purposes of the President and the administration, going back to the pre-war period and bringing it down to date. I think he was astonished at the showing made for the administration. I did this for the reason that Doubleday, Page and their

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entourage have through the World's Work been severe critics of the President and
his policies. Doubleday admitted that he could see the wisdom of the policy.
I called attention to the fact that if the President had listened to the advice
of his critics at home, and of the French and British, there would have been no
hope of winning the war. I illustrated it by saying that there was a general
demand that ships should be constructed as rapidly as possible. It was common
to hear that "one ship now is better than ten ships within the year." No atten-
tion was paid to this advice, and a comprehensive plan of ship-building was en-
tered into so that after an ample foundation had been laid, ships were being
built with a rapidity which startled the world. I illustrated again by tell-
ing of the insistent demand that raw troops should be sent over and trained for
a few weeks in France for trench work. It was said that all the training we
were giving them in our camps in America was being wasted, for there was no "open
warfare". Happily, these advisers and critics were shoved aside, and now when
our boys are going over to meet a crisis in the Allied forces, they are ready to
go immediately to the front, because they have been trained to open warfare and
not to trenchwork alone.

I gave many other illustrations-- enough, indeed, to satisfy him. They
included airplanes, the manufacture of rifles, machine guns, etc. etc. He
has promised to give this view to the newspaper fraternity, both foreign and
domestic, with which he is in close touch.

Viscount Ishii motored from Boston to see me in the afternoon. He was
here for about an hour, and we had a friendly and illuminating conference. My
letter to the President tells in part what we discussed, but only in part, for
we went into the Eastern question in all its ramifications. He seemed glad to
know that I was in sympathy with Japan's desire to be free to expand by emigra-
tion into nearby Asiatic countries that were still largely undeveloped. I

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promised to write the President of our conversation.

When I became enthused in trying to persuade Japan through him, to follow America rather than German civilization, telling him what I told Fleisher the other day, he accepted it all and declared that Japan wanted to walk hand in hand with America, and was as eager for the things the President advocated as I was myself. He said the keynote of the President's doctrine was "justice to all nations" and he asked if I thought it was just to exclude Japanese citizens from practically every undeveloped country under the sun. Of course I had to reply in the negative, and it was then I told him I would be glad to join him in an endeavor to see that the Japanese were not excluded from nearby Asiatic territory.

July 7, 1918.

John Hays Hammond and President Hadley of Yale were among my callers. Hadley promised to come to New York in the Autumn and discuss some international matters relating to the Peace Inquiry.

Dr. Edward Rumely of the New York Evening Mail came without invitation. I did not know he was here until he appeared at the door. His trouble is that the Mail was purchased by money obtained from the Kaiser's agent, Dr. Albert, and the paper is now about to be taken over by Mitchell Palmer, Alien Property Custodian. I disclaimed any influence with Palmer and told Rumely he would have to get Untermeyer, whom he mentioned as his friend, or someone like him to intercede for him. I did not understand clearly just what he wanted, because I had no intention of acting and there was no need for him to explain. He wanted to know if the matter came to the Attorney General if I would say a word in his behalf there. I promised to speak to Gregory and ask his personal consideration of Rumely's case in order that justice might be done him. Justice in this instance may be the last thing Rumely would care for.

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July 8th, 1918.

This has been a day of excitement for the local inhabitants. Major General William Brancker of the British Air Council flew from New York this morning to lunch with me. He landed on the golf links, a few hundred yards from our cottage. We had besides General Brancker, Sir William Wiseman, Mrs. T. Jefferson Coolidge Jr. and Mrs. Frank Gray Griswold. General Brancker and I had a conference for an hour after lunch, going over plans for a better national and international aerial organization. It is something I have had in mind for a long while, and whenever I have been able to push the program, I have done so. When the General left there was a large gathering of villagers and automobilists who had collected to see him start on his return trip. It was rather dramatic for a man to fly some 275 miles to keep an engagement for lunch. It had created much excitement as is indicated by the Associated Press and Boston papers. I suppose within a few years from now it will be the usual things to do.

July 9, 1918.

Norman Hapgood and Dr. Henri Bergson lunched with us. Hapgood came early and we had an hour or more of intimate talk before lunch, and Bergson and I taked for an hour or so after lunch. I like Hapgood and I trust him, and it is a pleasure to have him near. I am trying to arrange for him to go on the Philadelphia Public Ledger staff.

Hearst has offered Hapgood $20,000. a year to write five articles a week for his papers. Hapgood has been hesitating as to whether it would be worth while sacrificing himself for the good he might do in reaching the Hearst clientele.

He said he talked with Justice Brandeis about the matter, and Brandeis thought he ought not to accept Hearst's offer unless the President or I approved. I put the President entirely out of the question, telling him I was sure he would not wish to pass upon such a personal matter.

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I had long conversations today with Gordon and Wiseman, who is in Washington. It was almost entirely about Russia and intervention. I get every phase of that problem. The British, Italian and French are beginning to feel hurt because the President shows a tendency to treat secretly with the Japanese. I try to explain, but it is difficult because of the constant prodding they receive from their governments, and to which they are unable to make satisfactory replies. I know exactly what the President has in mind. He knows what the French and English want, therefore he thinks it essential to work out a plan with the Japanese. When he does this, he will undoubtedly advise the other powers, but until then, he considers it unnecessary. In this he is mistaken. The better way-- the diplomatic way, and the way to keep from offending sensibilities would be to have them all cognizant of everything that is going on. Lansing has used bad judgment in talking to the Ambassadors. He has given them the feeling that something important is pending of which they are ignorant.

I have a letter from the President, a copy of which is attached. He has evidently accepted my views as to the League of Nations and the urgency of some decision on that question. He puts the further solution up to me in the most casual way, without giving me the slightest hint of what is in his own mind further than that "your letter to Lord Robert Cecil can be used as a basis".

I am constantly criticising the President for being casual, and yet I know that this is also one of my own faults. I wrote the Cecil letter within twenty minutes, rather late at night and just before going to bed. However, I suppose it represented the crystalization of much thought on the subject. I shall set the coming Saturday and Sunday to work out something to send the President for his consideration. It is a big problem, and one which if solved will be of lasting benefit to the world.

I always connect it in my own mind with our Federal Reserve Banking Law. As it will be remembered, the United States was in constant peril and always

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terrified of panics-- panics so severe and so far-reaching that no man's fortune, who was in active business, was safe no matter how large it might be. It is an astonishing thing that such a great commercial country should have gone so long without providing an adequate remedy, and it is even more astonishing that men like the President, myself, Carter Class and McAdoo, none of whom were considered financiers, should have been able to create such a law.

I believe that while the League of Nations is a greater and more difficult problem, it can be solved, and largely because the world will be war weary and will try and make any reasonable law workable.

July 11, 1918.

My letter to the President is the important one of the day. My telephone conversations with Washington were, as they have been, mostly concerning Russian intervention. We took lunch informally with Mr. Henry C. Frick. Mr. and John Coolidge were callers in the afternoon. I like them both and I shall try to get him back into the Diplomatic Service. Mrs. Coolidge spoke quite frankly of the disloyalty to the Government and to the President by some of those in the Embassy circle in France. It grew so bad at one time that the Coolidge's declined to meet some of the Embassy staff socially.

July 12, 1918.

Mr. and Mrs. Breckenridge Long motored from York Harbor for luncheon. Long and I conferred concerning State Department matters of which he has charge. We discussed Eastern affairs, the Consular Service and the proposed fifty million dollar loan to China. He is to come again next week.

July 13, 1918.

David Miller came from Washington, bringing with him Gordon's secretary, Mr. Cross, and we began drafting the Covenant for a League of Nations. We began at eleven o'clock and finished for the day around five, hav-

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ing completed most of the articles. Miller brought voluminous notes with him and I wasted nearly an hour getting him away from them and having him accept, as the President has, my letter to Lord Robert Cecil as a basis for the Covenant.

When this was straightened out, we made rapid progress. Mr. and Mrs. We dined with the F. L. Higginson Jr.

July 14, 1918.

Miller and I got to work again around ten thirty and by lunch time we had finished the draft for the Covenant of a League of Nations. Cross took the train back to Washington and Miller left a little later.

Mr. and Mrs. Higginson, Mona and Randolph and Miller remained for lunch. This first draft of the Covenant is attached and my letter to the President is also a part of the record.

July 15, 1918.

I went over the draft again. I re-wrote the Preamble entirely, changed Articles 10 and 21 materially and dictated a letter to the President explaining my reasons for each article where the meaning was not obvious. This letter will not be sent until tomorrow.

Sir William Wiseman spent the day here. I showed him the draft I had made for a League of Nations. He seemed pleased with it but made some suggestions, one of which I adopted. It was that the International Court should be selected by the Delegates.

July 16, 1918.

Miss Denton finished copying the draft and also the letter to the President in regard to it. Both documents are attached to this record and are fully explanatory.

I wish to express here my sense of appreciation for the help David Miller has given me in this work.

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July 17, 1918.

Nothing of importance today to record excepting the getting off of letters to Lord Northcliffe, Major Lloyd Griscom, Ray Stannard Baker, Ambassador W. H. Page and President Lowell of Harvard.

July 18, 1918.

Breckenridge Long and Arthur Bullard took lunch with us and Mr. and Mrs. John Coolidge motored out in the afternoon. I wanted Long and Coolidge to meet as I had arranged with Long to make Coolidge his understudy at the State Department. Coolidge, while of republican antecedents, was almost the only member of the Paris Embassy Staff who was altogether loyal to the President or, in fact, to America during the trying days before we entered the war. Mrs. Coolidge admitted to me that some of the Embassy staff, and those high up, were so disloyal that she and Mr. Coolidge refused to go with them. She also stopped attending the American Church in Paris on account of the attitude of the Rector, Mr. Watson.

Bullard gave an interesting account of his year in Russia and of his return home from Archangel in a 1500 ton Hudson Bay ship. I would write a volume of the things he told me, but since Bullard is clever with his pen it will be chronicled in due time.

July 19, 1918.

Dr. Washburn and Richard Washburn Child were callers. Dr. Washburn came to offer his services in regard to Bulgaria. He is willing to go there if we think he may be of help. His father was the founder of Roberts College and in some way is considered the "patron saint" of Bulgaria.

Richard Washburn Child took lunch with us. He is always interesting. His immediate trouble was the Italy-America Society. They wish to send a commission or committee to Italy, but it has been so mismanaged in one way

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and another that the State Department refused to issue passports. He came for advice. I suggested that they leave the matter alone until the Autumn and then have some of their members go over quietly without flourish and without any high-sounding designations.

We gave a dinner tonight in honor of Mr. and Mrs. Frank Gray Griswold of New York. The guests were society folk along the Shore.

We have been all excitement during the past few days over the counter attack of the French and American troops in France. I have been in constant communication with Washington, getting the latest War Department news.

The President sent a communication this afternoon to the State Department concerning Russia which he suggested be given out in the form of an explanation of our Russian policy. Some of it was good and some of it was bad. Frank Polk turned the matter over to Gordon and he suggested an addenda which materially bettered it. I pointed out one serious objection which he is to call Polk's attention to and which he in turn will bring to the notice of the President.

Wiseman and I had a long telephone communication over the private wire largely on the Bulgarian question which we are trying to bring to a satisfactory head.

July 20, 1918.

War

Gordon Abbott, Harry Marsh and Bob Woolley of the Trade Board were interesting callers. Woolley motored from Boston to make the suggestion that the President appoint some liaison officer between himself and the different boards. He thought by doing this she would be able to coordinate things much better than now. I was able to tell him that I suggested this to the President in April of last year when we first entered the war, and that the President after considering it thought it inadvisable because of the opposition of the Cabinet and some of the heads of the boards. He thought their sensibilities were so tender that

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he did not dare attempt it. I disagreed with him then and I disagree with him now. If he had appointed a man like Vance McCormick as a super-Private Secretary, he could have done it without friction. Anyone who would resent the President's conducting the public business in this way is not worthy of consideration.

Marsh was disturbed about a proposed fire insurance bill which he thought the Germans were maneuvering in order to get back, after the war, the business they have lost. He left a memorandum but I shall do nothing with it for I am not altogether certain of Marsh's disinterestedness.

July 21, 1918.

My most interesting caller today was Major General Crozier, late of the Ordnance Department but now Commander of the Northeastern Department of the Army. He only arrived in Boston on his new post yesterday and I felt complimented that he should have so quickly paid me a call. I never had the pleasure of meeting him before. He feels that he has been demoted but I tried to comfort him. Some-one has been derelict in the Ordnance Department and whether it was Baker or Crozier I do not know. He gave a partial history of the Ordnance Department's activities from the beginning of the war and before, including my activities. I received a better knowledge of our rifle and machine gun situation than I have had since he is much more familiar with it than Secretary Baker from whom I have heretofore gotten whatever information I have had.

We dined with the Robert Treat Paines. Ellery Sedgwick was the only guest in whom I was interested. The others were society people from Boston and the North Shore.

July 22, 1918.

Hamilton Holt motored from his country place in Connecticut to tell of his recent trip abroad. He came to talk of the League of Nations but I anticipated him by telling him that Judge Wadhams had already been here and given both verbal and written statements of their visits to England, France and Italy.

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We fell to talking of the League of Nations. I complained of the impossibility of getting anyone to be concrete. Lord Grey had written a beautiful essay upon the subject, but it was impossible to get anything tangible from it. I mentioned my request to Mr. Root to write something which would give us a basis for discussion and of his failure to attempt it. No one having done this, and being pushed by Lord Robert Cecil for a definite opinion, I prepared something myself.

I showed my letter to Holt my letter to Cecil. He was pleased with it in its entirety, criticising merely the expression of "mutual guarantees of territorial integrity". I then read him Article which I formulated on this subject and which I sent to the President. He thought it covered the case admirably. I also read him the Preamble to which he agreed. He was eager to see the entire Covenant, but I did not think it fair to the President to show it to him, and I pledged him to secrecy concerning what I had shown him.

J. P. Morgan followed Holt. We sat under the trees and discussed international finances and the call loan which Morgan & Company hold against the British, two hundred and twenty millions of which has not yet been paid. We also discussed the time loan of some two hundred millions which soon falls due. He said if this time loan was not met in some way he did not believe it would be possible to extend it at less than 8½%.

Mr. Morgan talked of Stettinius and we were in agreement as to his limitations. He has much ability but has not sufficient initiative to altogether meet the requirements of the position he holds.

I had a long telephone conversation with Wiseman. Lord Reading will probably come to Magnolia on Saturday since his sailing has been postponed until later. I have some cables through Sir William which have come during the past few days. There is one from Northcliffe and one from the Prime Minister. They are both attached.

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July 23, 1918.

The news of the morning is that the President is coming to Magnolia to pay a visit of a few days. Mrs. Wilson telephoned Gordon asking him to communicate with me over the private wire. We have asked Mrs. T. Jefferson Coolidge Jr. for the use of her house which she has generously granted. There are several places I had in mind, but since her house is the most beautiful on the Shore, and it is within a stone's throw of this little farm cottage, I thought it the best. Sherman Whipple telephoned last week offering his place on the South Shore for any length of time the President would use it. John Saltonstal was also prepared to put his house in commission if we had not arranged with Mrs. Coolidge.

I am asking the State Department to send a Secret Service man to be here tomorrow so as to take a general survey of the situation before the main troop of them come. I have had a feeling that the President would be here soon for I thought he would desire to talk about the League of Nations. It is something we can do so much better in conference than through letters.

William Phillips came in the afternoon and we had a long conference about existing conditions in the State Department. Phillips thinks that Frank Polk and Gordon are building up too much of an organization within the Department, about which the other officials are not informed. I rather believe this is true.

Mr. Irving Winslow of the Anti-Imperial League was another visitor. He lost his way in motoring out, was late and I could give him only about ten minutes.

July 25, 1918.

The President telephoned Frank Polk this morning at 10.30 that he was leaving tonight for Magnolia. Polk evidently asked whether he had received a memorandum he had written last night. When the President read this he concluded it would be impossible for him to leave Washington at the moment because of

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July 24, 1918.

## EXPOSITION

It looks as if everyone wanted to come for this week-end. Lord Reading, Wiseman, Gregory, Victor Lawson, Kohlsaat and others. We are making preparations for the President's visit. David Miller will send his Crane-Simplex from New York and a Secret Service man from the State Department arrived at noon.

James Berry of the San Francisco Bulletin came for a few minutes in the late afternoon to beg my good offices in behalf of Burke Cochran and a Labor organization who desire to see the President on Monday about the Mooney case.

I had a number of telephone calls relating to the President's anticipated visit.

July 25, 1918.

The President telephoned Frank Polk this morning at 10.30 that he was leaving tonight for Magnolia. Polk evidently asked whether he had received a memorandum which he had written for him last night. When the President read this he concluded that it would be impossible for him to leave Washington at the moment because of the crisis in the Japanese-Siberian intervention situation. Personally, I think the very hot weather now prevailing had something to do with his decision. Mrs. Wilson is not a lover of heat like the President and she really suffers under it. The temperature in Washington today I am told is insufferable, and I think that had as much to do with the postponement as the Japanese Note.

The President is fretted with the Japanese attitude. They do not wish to limit the size of their forces to be sent in. As a matter of fact, they have never wanted to intervene on an altruistic basis such as the President has insisted upon. They have used all sorts of excuses of which this is one. The President sent rather a peremptory note to our Ambassador at Tokyo, telling him that unless they would agree to intervene upon our terms, there would be no

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intervention at all with our consent.

The difficulty I think is that there are two parties in Japan. The Civil Government wishes to cooperate with us and sees the necessity for it. The military clique see nothing in such intervention for Japan. They have not the vision to know that in the end it would be better for the Japanese to do the altruistic thing. It is the old story one meets everywhere and the one met since the beginning of the world; "what is there in it for me?" I hope before the war is over we can drive it into the consciousness of individuals as well as nations that from a purely selfish viewpoint, it is better to take the big, broad outlook that what is best for all is best for one.

July 26, 1918.

James T. Williams, Jr. Editor of the Boston Transcript took lunch with us. Pursuing my policy of seeing everybody, I see Williams on occasions and try to give him a different viewpoint from the one he seems to have.

Mrs. Borden Harriman also came to lunch. I had a private conference with Williams before lunch and with Mrs. Harriman afterward. She has sold her beautiful place "Uplands" for $200,000. It is all the money she has left and she wished me to advise as to its investment. She has a friend who wishes to take the money and make her rich over night-- a plan which I vetoed. I advised her to ask Jack Morgan, or some other friend of like business capacity, to make out a list of some twenty or thirty securities into each of which she could put from five to ten thousand dollars.

Wiseman is now back in New York and we had a long talk over the telephone. I arranged to see Lord Reading and Sir William on Sunday.

July 27, 1918.

Admiral Grout and Captain de Grassy of the French Navy were callers in the morning, and Frederick Dixon of the Christian Science Monitor came in the afternoon.

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Dixon told some interesting gossip about Spring-Rice. He declared that Sir Cecil had no secrets from him, and that just before he died he told him that he had burned all his private papers fearing lest they fall into hostile hands. He also said that when England was hesitating whether she would go into the war that he, Sir Cecil was at Lord Lansdowne's with Mr. Balfour and Lord Charles Berisford. Balfour was against going into the war and Berisford was so indignant that he got up and declared if that was the view of England he would resign from the Navy and discard his uniform.

It is to be remembered that Spring-Rice was not an admirer of Mr. Balfour so this statement should be taken with caution, particularly, as it comes second hand.

July 28, 1918.

Lord Reading and Sir William Wiseman motored from Boston, reaching here before eleven, giving us two hours conference before lunch. Reading is sailing on the Mauretania tomorrow at noon from New York and he came at considerable inconvenience to have this last word. The heat in New York and Boston is terrific and the weather is not pleasant even here. We sat under the trees and talked until luncheon was announced.

The other guests were, Mr. and Mrs. J. Pierpont Morgan, Mrs. Lercy Edgar and Mrs. Motley. Reading left immediately after lunch in order to catch the four o'clock train from Boston to New York.

The ground we covered embraced the Russian intervention problem, the League of Nations, after war economic problems, the British political situation etc. etc. The President had told Reading of my letter to Lord Robert Cecil and of his intention to formulate a plan in regard to a league of nations. I thereupon let Reading read my letter to Lord Robert and then read to him the great part of the suggested Covenant for a League of Nations which I had sent the President.

We discussed the matter at length. I desired to get Reading's legal

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mind to bear upon the different points. He expressed himself as pleased with the
document as a whole. His feeling, however, was that unless Germany changed her
form of government and its personel, it would be useless to include her in the
League. Reading thought the subject might be brought up before Parliament be-
fore it adjourned early in August and that the report of the Committee, of which
Lord Philkamore is the head, might be published. I advised him to send a cable
tonight, when he reached New York, asking that this should not be done. I do not
want them to anticipate the President.

We both foresee trouble between Great Britain and the United States if
our leaders of commerce do not cease being so aggressive. I promised to try to
curb this element here provided he would undertake the same thing in England. I
suggested that he get Parliament before it adjourned to pass the Five Year Emba-
go Act on raw materials and to send word to the French Government to do likewise.
I explained that I had hoped this would be done by the United States first, but
since the republicans were blocking it, it seemed necessary to go at it the other
way around. I asked him to give it wide publicity in the event it passed the
Commons so it would influence Congress, and the Germans would see the writing on
the wall.

Reading promised to keep me fully informed regarding every possible point of
interest while he was gone. He thinks there will be a General Election in
October, and we worked out a plan which he is to propose to Lloyd George by which
George will try to get Asquith, Henderson and other Liberals to work with him
in order that George will not be dependent as now upon the reactionaries. Read-
ing thought George would be willing to do this and that perhaps Henderson would
be, but he doubted Asquith who thoroughly distrusts Lloyd George. My purpose in
this proposal was to wean George away from the Conservatives and get a Liberal
Government in England that would be more in harmony with our views at the Peace
Conference.

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I had no opportunity to talk to Morgan nor did I care to. I invited him merely to give him an opportunity to say a word to Lord Reading before his departure concerning the loans which England has made in this country through his firm.

I am delighted to receive word from Texas this morning that ex-Governor Ferguson has been overwhelmingly defeated by Governor Hobby. Ferguson is the only public man within my memory who has held office in Texas against whom serious charges have been made and sustained. Texas has been singularly free from every species of scandal of this sort and her repudiation of Ferguson shows how thoroughly dishonest practices are condemned by our people.

General Knox of the British Army called at five. He was British Military Attaché in Russia prior to the war, and he has been in Russia in some capacity ever since. He knows the country well. I did not think anyone could tell me anything further about Russia in which I would be interested, but Knox did. He is on his way to Siberia in order to take charge of the British forces, if they go in. The British have kept his presence in this country quiet. He has not been permitted to go to Washington, and I am the only person connected with the Government that he has seen. He is leaving at once for Vancouver and Japan.

Victor Lawson and Herman Kohlsaat came after dinner and remained until bedtime. The main topic of conversation was universal military training. They sent me a bill the other day which had been drawn up to meet what they thought might be the President's requirements.

They seem to be in favor of the principle, but know little as to details. I have a feeling that they are over sanguine as to what the President will be willing to do. From what Lawson told me of his interview with the President in New York, nothing definite has been promised by him. The President took the same attitude he has taken with me, that is universal training might become necessary, but conditions may arise which would make it unnecessary and even inad-

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visible. I gave both Lawson and Kohlsaat a general Administration talk. I hope it will do good for they have such wide opportunities for publicity.

July 29, 1918.

This has been a busy day without much accomplishment. It has been the telephones, it has been correspondence, and it has been callers—largely of a social character. Senator Hitchcock was among them but I had little opportunity to talk with him, for the Longfellow were also here at the time he called.

Frank Polk telephoned that the President was very much annoyed with Maxxian General Brancher over the interview he gave the Associated Press on the question of aircraft production and management. Polk said the President would be gratified to learn from me that the British Ambassador was giving the General a good rating in New York today for his indiscretion. I got this over the telephone from Wiseman.

David Miller reports that there has been some friction in the Peace Inquiry. I talked to Miller for more than a half hour getting the straight of it and suggested how to bring about harmony. It is my purpose to give this organization closer attention when I return to New York.

July 30, 1918.

Governor Martin H. Glynn of New York and Carl Ackerman lunched with us. Ackerman wanted advice as to whether he should go to Siberia and Russia for the New York Times, or go to Europe again for the Saturday Evening Post and write about the League of Nations. My advice was not to go to Siberia and not to definitely make up his mind to go to Europe to write about the League of Nations. I gave him an insight into what was going on and of the probability of the President making an announcement in the near future which would make his visit to Europe on such an errand, useless. I advised him to write an article on the subject and we out-

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lined its scope. He is to submit it before it is published.

It is my desire to keep the President in the lead in this movement, and I want the American people to keep up their interest in it. It is a difficult problem for me to handle just now for the Europeans are pressing the subject vigorously and the President is lagging. I have a feeling that he will take it up just as soon as the Russian intervention question is off his mind which I hope will be now within a few days. He seems incapable of handling two great problems at the same time.

Glynn and I talked mostly of New York State politics. He said Alfred Smith would probably be nominated and elected Governor for the reason that the anti-Prohibitionists were backing him, and it was probable the republicans of that persuasion would vote for him rather than for Whitman who is favoring prohibition. He thinks well of Smith's intelligence, but believes he is more or less identified with the liquor interests.

Glynn thought if the President did not accept a third term that my nomination was nearly inevitable. He seemed disappointed when I told him that I would not accept it if tendered and would not serve if elected. So few can understand my feeling in regard to this. They know my keen interest in political matters and public affairs and they cannot understand why I should not wish my efforts crowned by so lofty an office.

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July 31, 1918.

Bill Nye, of the State Department Secret Service, lunched with us and I motored him into Boston so that he might catch the Federal Express for Washington. He was again insistent upon some reorganization of the Secret Service system in this country, and presented an almost unanswerable argument for a plan which could be realized if there was not so much departmental jealousy involved.

August 1, 1918.

Metcalf and Rathom, of the Providence Journal, lunched with us. Our talk was general and along the lines generally covered when journalists are here, the purpose being to give them an outline of the foreign and domestic situation from the Administration's viewpoint.

August 2, 1918.

Mark Requa, Administrator of the Fuel Oil Department, and Edward Filene, of Boston, were callers. Requa came to give his views as to the necessity of organizing to stabilize our domestic and foreign oil interests. He has plans for the stimulation of the production of oil and the reduction of its use by unnecessary industries.

Filene's problem covered a number of subjects. Russian intervention, the United States Chamber of Commerce and the newly organized Society for the Discussion of Foreign Affairs.

I have had a number of important telephone conversations. One with Wise-man, one with Sherman Whipple of Boston, and still another with John Barry of the Labor Party. Whipple asked for advice as to whether to accept the offer of the Shipping Board to become its Counsel at Washington. We agreed it would be best for him to go to Washington, look the situation over, and then confer again before coming to a decision.

Barry's conversation related largely to the Mooney Case. Mooney has been reprieved until December, therefore, I advised not pressing the President at the

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momento.

We had Mr. and Mrs. John Hays Hammond, Mr. and Mrs. Robert Treat Paine and Mr. and Mrs. Lyman for dinner.

August 3, 1918.

H. C. Frick asked us to go to Wenham where Helen Frick has a number of factory girls doing war work. It was interesting as far as such things can be. We dined with Mr. and Mrs. F. L. Higginson.

August 4, 1918.

Senator and Mrs. Hitchcock, Mrs. Sargent and Mrs. Hayden lunched with us. Senator Hitchcock and I took our chairs under the trees and had a long talk upon foreign affairs, principally upon Russian intervention and the bringing about of peace.

Ellery Sedgwick came before Hitchcock left and he in turn was succeeded by General and Mrs. Crozier. Sedgwick is about to go abroad and we discussed that and the New York Evening Post, which has been recently bought by Thomas Lamont. Lamont has made Sedgwick a Manager Trustee.

It has been a trying day, for I have talked incessantly, which I always try to avoid when possible. We dined with Mr. and Mrs. John Hays Hammond.

I am constantly struck with the cruelty and vindictiveness of so many of our people. I hear the hope expressed repeatedly that the German women and children may all perish in one way or another, some advocating killing them and others seem delighted when they hear they are anaemic and will probably not survive on that account. I heard a prominent Bostonian express the wish that the Allies would undertake wholesale assassination of prominent Germans. This was a proposal of the assassination of Ambassador von Mirbach in Moscow. Such people, in almost the same breath, dilate upon German cruelty.

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One of the things I am telling the captains of industry whom I occasionally meet out at dinner and elsewhere is that instead of deploring the coming of Socialism in this country they had better devote a small portion of the time they devote to the increasing of their wealth to the planning of some means by which the growth of Socialism may be met. I point to Russia as an example where a very small percentage of the people ruled and did not have the foresight, even if they lacked the humane impulse, to help their fellow man. If Russia had had a broad system of education and her statesmen and rulers had formulated a liberal policy for land distribution, the present day condition could never have happened.

I urge that the captains of industry must work out some equitable plan in this country. They must also work out an insurance plan for the workmen, which will give him a stake in the stability of the Government. There must also be devised a plan by which every man who desires to work shall have the opportunity. I have pointed this out before in Philip Dru and I drive it home at every chance, particularly in talking with the business element.

August 5, 1918.

Among my callers today were Mrs. August Belmont, Dr. Henri Bergson, Edward Hungerford and Prof. John Dewey. Mrs. Belmont came for advice as to whether she should accept a position which has been offered her on the Executive Committee of the Red Cross. I advised her to take it. She made a long hot trip for the short hour I was able to give her.

Dr. Bergson, too, came from Washington to bid me goodbye. It is difficult to arrange my engagements here with the same accuracy as in the city, particularly when a motor is used to bring them from Boston. In this instance, Dr. John Dewey was early and Dr. Bergson was late and they therefore collided. I gave Bergson some recent French publications which had come and asked him to wait. Dewey and Barnes of Columbia who came with him wished to protest that clause

in a bill which Senator Hitchcock has introduced in Congress, recognizing the Polish Council in Paris. Neither Barnes nor Dewey thought it represented Polish sentiment, taken by and large, in Poland or in this country. I suggested that they go to Swamscott and make a protest to Senator Hitchcock himself who is there for his vacation. I did not care to go into the interminable question as to who does or who does not represent a majority of the Poles.

As usual, I had a delightful conference with Bergson. He was only partially satisfied with the President's decision regarding Russian military and economic intervention, but before he left I persuaded him into expressing himself as content, and he promised that he would send cables to his Government telling them that, in his opinion, it would work satisfactorily. I asked him to see President Poincaré, Clemenceau and Pichon and caution them against German peace proposals which I was sure would be made France this Autumn.

France, I thought, was fighting this war not so much to get the return of Alsace and Lorraine as to get from under the shadow of Germany. If she made peace with Germany on a basis of the return of Alsace and Lorraine and the guarantee that Germany would see that their Russian loans were paid, it would leave Germany more powerful than she was before this war and she could break France in the future at her will. I asked him to call their attention to the fact that France had the entire world, outside the Central Powers, fighting with her and for her, and that she could never hope again to have such a powerful combination.

Bergson sees it clearly and thought the French people would have a proper understanding when such an offer came. I thought when the peace offer came it would not only come to the Government, which might promptly turn it down, but the Germans would probably take occasion to let the people know that the offer had been made. This they could do through the pacifists and socialists. It might then be up to France as a whole and not to the Government.

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Bergson thought the Russian question was the most far-reaching problem now before us, and he hoped I would think well to go there as a representative of this country. I showed him how impossible this was. He thanked me many times for what I had done for France and expressed the hope that I would come over again soon. I told him I would come whenever it was absolutely necessary, but that I would appreciate it if he would ask Clemenceau and Pichon not to ask for me unless the need was imperative.

August 6, 1918.

Professor Edgehill of Harvard came at President Lowell's suggestion to see me before his departure for Europe. He is going for the Committee on Public Information regarding the distribution of propaganda in European countries. I gave him some information gotten from Lord Northcliffe which he seemed to value.

Frank Doubleday followed and remained for an hour and a half. He is trying to put into concrete form the suggestions I made when he was here some two weeks ago. He has written a memorandum which he wished to submit. I made some corrections and he is to send it in finished form as soon as possible. The idea imx then is for the President to put it out in the form of a statement or reply to a letter which the foreign correspondents are to address him. It concerns the momentum we have worked up in the war, and the reasons for our apparent slowness at first. The idea is to stimulate the Allies and depress the Germans. After our talk, he thought it well to give the entire picture as I had shown it to him.

Two Lithuanians called to consult with me concerning the recognition of their claims for independence, but I could give them only a very few minutes.

I motored to Gloucester after dinner and had an hour's talk with Kim Lincoln Colcord.

August 7, 1918.

Lincoln Colcord came over this morning to show an article he had prepared

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on Russia and about which he desired an opinion. It has been an unusually quiet
day.

August 8, 1918.

The most interesting event of the day was a long telephone conversation with
I had with Sherman Whipple. He has returned from Washington and is still uncon-
vinced that he should take the General Counselship of the Shipping Board. He is
fearful lest Charles Schwab is making contracts with himself, that is, acting as
the Government's agent, he is contracting with the Fore River Shipbuilding Cor-
poration, and with other concerns having the building of ships. Whipple seem-
ed to fear a scandal. I asked why he did not make inquiries along these lines-
so as to determine whether his fears were grounded. His reply was that he did
not wish to seem suspicious. I have a feeling that no such condition exists as
he has conjured up.

~~Schwab~~

I do not be-
lieve he is trying to profit from the position he holds in the Shipping Board.
Whipple is to go to New York Sunday night and confer again with Bainbridge Colby
and then talk with me further.

Gordon came today for his vacation. He looks as if he needed it.

August 10, 1918.

The Attorney General telephoned from Boston, asking me to meet him at 1.45
I am putting him up at the Oceanside for the night and he will be here tomorrow.
We motored over to Ipswich this afternoon and called on Irving Winslow.

August 11, 1918.

Gregory and I have had many long conferences, but none worth recording. He
has told me of the aircraft investigation with which he and Judge Hughes have
been busy during the past two months. He says he is no closer to Hughes now
than he was when they started. His description of Hughes coincides with the
estimate I have always had of him. A narrow, upright, conservative, cold-blood-

kksk
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ed lawyer. Gregory does not believe that any scandal of proportions will be
developed.

I showed him the Covenant of the League of Nations which I had written and
submitted to the President. He thought well of it as a basis for discussion.
He read it carefully and agreed with that something really effective was necessa-
ry, and that the inocuous document the English prepared would never satisfy the
people.

Judge and Mrs. Wakely of Omaha lunched with us.

August 13,, 1918.

Yesterday was quiet and uneventful. Today was full of movement. Hollis
Godfrey of the Council of National Defence was my first caller. He and his as-
sociates want to take up after war construction problems and I an anxious to have
them do so. It is something I have been afraid the President would ask me to
undertake, and while I am willing to direct it indirectly through the Council of
National Defence, I would not want to be known as the head of it. The President
leans on me so heavily for this kind of work that it has created jealous comment.
The President does not seem to mind this in the least if he thinks he is getting
the best results, but I know he could get just as good results, and perhaps bet-
ter, by giving a wider range to such activities.

Godfrey and I planned just how it could and should be done. I have
promised to advise the President to let them go on, or at least that part of
them not connected with the Cabinet. This would include Godfrey, Willard, Dr.
Martin, Baruch and Gompers. Such a Committee would cover the field in pretty
nearly every direction that was absolutely necessary. Godfrey proposed that he
himself should undertake to work out some great engineering problem, such as an
inter-coastal canal. If it can be shown that such a canal would be a profita-

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ble undertaking for the United States, it would give the necessary employment to unoccupied labor, should there be any after the war. It was thought that Dr. Martin could take up the new and rather large problem of national wealth so that the financial condition of the people generally might be better. This is far more important than is generally realized even from an economic viewpoint.

S. R. Bertron took lunch with us but had nothing to say that I consider important enough to record, although he came all the way from New York for the hour he was here.

Wiseman was another visitor and we took up many matters of international importance.

August 14, 1918.

Panaretoff, the Bulgarian Minister, came by appointment this morning. We had an hour's conference. My purpose in seeing him was to let him know how sympathetic the American people felt toward Bulgaria, but how they were beginning to feel that Bulgaria was too closely allied to Prussian autocracy to make it much longer desirable that peace between our two countries should be maintained.

Panaretoff protested vigorously as to the charge that Bulgaria was anything but liberal and forward looking. My reply was that those of us who were informed might know this, but the ordinary person, from the reading of press dispatches from abroad, could only be aware that the Kaiser and King Ferdinand were in close touch and sympathy.

I obtained his views on a Balkan settlement. He seemed reasonable and, if he represents Bulgarian feeling, there should be no insuperable difficulty in defining Balkan frontiers.

Just before Panaretoff arrived the White House telephoned that the President and Mrs. Wilson and Admiral Grayson would be here in the morning. It was short notice and we at once notified Mrs. Coolidge and everything

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is in readiness for their arrival tomorrow morning. The Secret Service men have been out from Boston Associated Press and other newspaper people have been notified what to say and what not to say. The Presidential party will come by special train which will be placed on a siding at Magnolia station, and the entire crew will remain during the President's visit.

August 15, 1918.

The President and his party arrived this morning on schedule time around nine o'clock. We had four or five motors, including our own, at their disposal, some open and some closed, so all kinds of weather may be met. The President was at breakfast when we arrived. I sat with him until he had finished. Gordon, janet and Loulie were also at the station to meet them. The President and I led the way in our limousine and the balance followed to the Coolidge home.

Instead of going to his room to refresh himself, the President went with me to the beautiful loggie overlooking the sea and at once plunged into a discussion of the League of Nations. I knew intuitively that this was the purpose of his visit, although I had no intimation from him. He started off by saying that he had written the Platform for the Indiana Democratic Convention of the other day; that he had given it to Secretary Baker to take out and put through. Baker returned and reported "we put it through just as you wrote it except we cut your six pages down to three." "This," the President said, "is what I have done with your constitution of a league of nations. He then proceeded to read it as he had re-written it. As a matter of fact, he has cut but little except he has tried to reduce the number of articles to thirteen, has a lucky number. To bring this about he has been compelled to add an addenda."

He takes two or three of the first clauses and incorporates them into the "Preamble". He has cut out ~~the Court.~~ We were in absolute disagreement about this and I finally contented myself by the feeling of assurance that

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the Peace Conference would maintain my position. The balance of the document is about as I wrote it. The only change of note is that I provided only for two belligerent nations and he makes the machinery include two or more, which is as it should be.

We discussed the advisability of making a statement in regard to it, and we agreed that it would be best not to do so. He has delayed it so long that the British are pressing to put out the Phillemore Report, and it would not do to anticipate them since we have the British Government not to make the report public. The President gave even a better reason. He thought if it were published in advance of the Peace Conference it would cause so muchDEXA in this country, particularly by Senators of the Lodge type, that it would make it difficult to do what we both have in mind at the Peace Conference. He also thought not that some of the American group favorable to a LEAGUE would feel that we had not gone far enough and other would feel that we had gone too far. We concluded that if a governmental report was made by any of the Allied Nations at this time it would inevitably cause more or less friction and would increase the difficulties of getting a proper measure through at the Peace Conference. I am sure this is true just now. However, if the President had taken the lead earlier and had pushed the matter vigorously, he might have given out his own conception of what a league of nations should be, and have rallied the world around it.

The President thinks, and I agree with him, that a league of nations might be incorporated in the Peace Treaty. In our discussion I stated that, in my opinion, it seemed impracticable to think of the smaller nations as members of the league on equal terms with the larger ones. He dissented quite warmly and said to exclude them would be to go contrary to all our protestations concerning them. I agreed to this and said when I sat down to write the Covenant I had in mind the participation of every nation both great and small. However, the difficulties

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were so apparent that I was afraid it was an idealistic dream that could not be
made practical. There are fifty odd nations, and of these there are not more
than twelve at the outside that would do any serious fighting in the event of a
great war, or be of service in financing it, and yet the forty, under the plan we
have drawn up and to which we both agree, could over-rule and direct the twelve.

The President was deeply concerned at the attitude I took and yet he was
compelled to recognize my argument. He wondered if we could not include all the
nations that would be at the Peace Conference with a tentative understanding that
other nations might be taken in later. I did not push the discussion further,
but rather acquiesced in the suggestion, having in mind that at the Peace Confer-
ence all of the maxima great nations would probably take my view, and that we could
then form a league of nations which will give to those actually carrying the re-
sponsibility the main direction of it.

He has promised to give me a copy of the draft he has made. He says he will
have to make it himself but will do so when he returns to Washington.

He asked if I had thought of the personnel of the American representation
at the Peace Conference. He recalled, he said, that I thought there should be at
least five. I told him the number was immaterial; that if he went, he would prac-
tically be the commission. I thought he should place a republican upon it, and
the republicans of the country would expect him to choose either Roosevelt, Taft
or Root. He at once dismissed Taft and Roosevelt as impossible and argued against
Root. He said he had a lawyer's mind and since he was getting old his mind was
narrowing rather than broadening. Nevertheless, I thought Root, at the moment, was
the best in sight.

He wanted to know if I thought he could take Newton Baker. I thought not
because he would then have to take Daniels and perhaps Redfield. Lansing from
the Cabinet was all I thought should be taken. I am not certain that I would
like to be a delegate. Unless I change my mind I think I should prefer not be-

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Sharp told me he had resigned, the resignation to take place February 1st. He alleged financial difficulties. I think the fact that he was not appointed a Peace Commissioner had to do with it. He wished to discuss the protocol of the President's arrival and subsequent entertainment in France. The Foreign Office asked him to take it up with me and decided some matters which he did not feel competent to pass upon. For instance, it was a question whether the reception to be given at the Hotel de Ville was to be for the President alone or for the President and Mrs. Wilson. Knowing Mrs. Wilson as I do, I advised the latter.

Another question was how Mrs. Wilson should drive in the procession. It was arranged that she should go with Madame Poincaré and follow the President who would be with President Poincaré.

Still another question was when the President should arrive at Brest. It had been arranged that he should be here on Friday the 13th, but since that does not seem feasible, we arranged for him to reach Paris on Saturday the 14th. The day of his arrival will be proclaimed a holiday.

I have asked Sharp, Pershing, Bliss and Benson to go with me to Brest to meet the President.

Dmoski discussed Polish affairs and the formation of a Polish State. He looks with much concern upon Bolsheviki Russia on the one side, and Germany on the other which, as he expressed it, was passing through its Elizabethan period. He thinks Germany is three hundred years behind the balance of civilized Europe in its thought, and it is for that reason she came to grief. I have expressed many times in the diary this same thought. I urged Dmoski moderation and a coalition government so they might at least start with a fair prospect of harmony.

Caromilas came with letters of introduction from Thos. Nelson Page. He is to be here for the Peace Conference. He seems intelligent. I had to excuse myself in order to see Baron Sonnino and the Italian Ambassador, Sonnino.

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had just arrived from London and I arranged with the Ambassador to see him upon his arrival so he might proceed immediately to Italy tonight. This saved him an entire day.

He remained for nearly an hour telling of everything that happened at the London conference. He said the fact that I was not there limited the discussion of subjects and practically made the meeting of no consequence. He thought it was called largely because of the English elections. I was surprised to hear Sonnino say that he was in favor of women's suffrage. For a reactionery I thought this rather astonishing. He insists that the Jugoslavs are trying to incite a conflict with Italy. He left some maps and data giving the Italian point of view as to territorial adjustment. He says the King of Italy will be here on the 19th and we agreed to arrange a meeting between the President and the King. This is not without difficulties for it is a question who should call first. I think I shall suggest that the President of the French Republic invite the two to lunch and then let them have a private talk afterward. Even this has its difficulties for one or the other will have to be made the guest of honor.

Colonel Mott came to discuss the Pershing-Foch controversy. I promised to take it up with Clemenceau tomorrow when he calls. I think Pershing is in the wrong and that he is making much out of nothing. However, I shall push his viewpoint and see if it cannot be arranged as he desires. The memorandum Mott gave me upon the subject will explain what it is all about and I shall attach it to the record.

Frank Cobb is about to return to the United States and wished a last word as to my desires after he reaches home. I have asked him to explain to the New York editors and magazine people the condition of affairs in Europe so that can determine for themselves how well Roosevelt, Taft, Butler, Beck and their kind are serving the country.

Benson is violent upon the subject and says

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Roosevelt should be shot for the attitude he is taking in upholding England and France against the United States and in not upholding our army and navy. I cannot understand why the American people take it so complacently. They do not realize what scant credit we are being given for all our sacrifices. England is trying to charge us $150.00 per head for bringing our men across-- a larger price than would be charged during the mid-summer season in peace time, and with our men crowded together as in cattle cars.

I did not insist during the Armistice proceedings upon either Pershing, Bliss or Benson representing us at any of the negotiations with the enemy, although it was clearly our right. England today is angry, so I hear, even to the extent of its being taken up in the Cabinet, because the President felicitated our people upon the rapidity with which our troops were transported across the Atlantic. They are angry because he did not say it was largely due to British tonnage. I wish he had said this, and I also wish he had said they wanted to charge $150. per head to bring our boys over like cattle. I am so totally devoid of prejudice that I can look upon the foreign side of anything as impartially as I can upon the America, but my soul sometimes stifles at the ungenerous treatment which we receive at the hands of those we have saved. That which offends my sense of decency and justice most, however, is not what the Allies say, but the mischievous, un-American, partisan crowd at home who would wreck the United States and her name in order to injure their political opponents.

December 5, 1918.

I saw a delegation of Socialists, among them, Albert Thomas and four or five others. They desire to give the President a rousing reception in Paris and plan to send representatives to meet him at Brest.

Clemenceau called in the afternoon to tell of the London meeting. We talked of that part of the resolution relating to the trial of the Kaiser. He

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issin favor of it in a mild way. Sonnino, last night, expressed himself against it. He thought it would merely create sympathy and could do no good. He thought Holland would refuse to give him up and we would be impotent to make her.

I took up with Clemenceau the Foch-Pershing controversy over the troops of occupation. He declared it was the first he had heard of it and that Foch had not mentioned it to him. He said he would telephone him at once and hoped to adjust the matter. I thought they were both stubborn and I did not know which one was right, but it made no difference since it was a matter too trivial for our two Governments to have any feeling about. He agreed to this most cordially.

We spoke of the President's arrival, of the conferences and when we were to commence. He thought it would be impossible to begin the actual conferences of the Allies before the first of January; and wanted to know if I would consent to so late a date and explain why it was impossible to have them sooner. I consented, provided it was the first week in January and there would be no further postponement or delay after they once began. He thought it not improbable that it would be a year before the peace treaty was signed. He changes his mind about this almost every time I talk with him.

I told him of the enthusiastic reception which Lord Derby told me he received in London. And this reminds me that Derby called yesterday to give the proceedings of the London meeting of the Supreme War Council, and asked me to approve of such of the articles as I felt disposed to approve. I agreed to do this later. He discussed the question of feeding Europe and the proposal I had put to the Allied Governments regarding Hoover. Derby thought it would be impossible to leave it to the Supreme War Council because there were no food experts upon it. I suggested as an alternative to form an Economic Section of the Supreme War Council. He thought this might work.

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Going back to Clemenceau, he wondered again whether the President would sit with the other delegates. That, I told him, was a matter the President would determine after he reached France; the President was a man of sense and could be relied upon to do the sensible thing. Clemenceau said he would be willing to go to the President's house in the mornings; just as they came here to me during the Armistice proceedings, and then have more formal meetings of the delegates at the Quai d'Orsay to endorse what was done at the morning meetings. I thought the President might be willing to accept this compromise. He said it would not do for the President to offer resolutions suggesting that he, Clemenceau, should preside at the meetings for, it went without saying, that the head of the government where a conference was held should preside. He said this apropos of the President's suggestion which I transmitted to him through Frazier sometime ago.

Leon Bourgeois followed Clemenceau. He is President of the Society for the League of Nations. We discussed it at much length and found ourselves nearly in agreements. The greatest difference was that he does not wish Germany to have the right to join the League at present. I differed from him and thought unless we took her in at once there would be an incentive for her to form another league, thereby creating another balance of power. Not only that, if she were not in the League we would have no control over her and she might go on arming and doing things contrary to the purpose of the League.

Admiral Benson followed Bourgeois. It was again naval affairs.

Sisson and Byers of the Bureau of Public Information took lunch with us. They were exercised about getting quarters for their committee and for the 500 or more newspaper men who are to arrive from the United States next week. I had already talked to General Harts about this yesterday, but I sent for him again today so as to impress upon him the necessity for quick action.

Both Sisson and Byers told me they had learned in England that the English French and other Governments kept very close watch upon my movements and knew

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everything that was going on at 78 rue de l'Université. I told them they would
have little difficulty in doing this since I never said or did anything that I
was not perfectly willing for them all to know. It is the only way to win in
the long run and it is so much pleasanter.

General Harts, General Bliss, Dr. Henri Bergson, Baron d'Estournelles de
Constant, M. and Mme. LaRue and many others called. Paul Van Dyke came with
two Frenchmen from the Club which represents the artistic and literary element
of Paris. They desired the President to come to one of their meetings.

Bergson desired the President to come to the Academy of Science, and de
Constant spoke in behalf of the members of the Society of the League of Nations
and also for the Sorbonne. They wish to give him a great reception there. I
asked them all to put their invitations in writing and send them to me.

General Bliss and I had a talk concerning pending military matters in
Austria-Hungary and elsewhere. My cables, both outgoing and incoming, and my
letter to the British Ambassador are parts of the record.

December 7, 1918.

Admiral Benson and Captain Cherardi were morning callers. I sent for
Cherardi who was in the United States because of his knowledge of the Central
Empires. Benson and I agreed it was best for Cherardi to go immediately to
the Dalmatian Coast and confer with Admiral Bullard and come back and report con-
ditions as he found them. Cherardi is one of the most intelligent and trust-
worthy men I know. I asked Benson to name a commissioner in pursuance of the
resolution adopted at the London Conference of the Supreme War Council, and to
which I agreed.

Powell Glass, son of Carter Glass, took lunch with us. I merely wished
to felicitate with him over the selection of his father as Secretary of the
Treasury. I am pleased with that appointment. The President has had it in

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mind to appoint Houston, but it did not seem to me that he was qualified by tem-
perament for this office. He does not work well with people and he has not di-
plomacy whatever. He would not get along with Congress and would be unable to
do satisfactorily the political end of his work-- able as he is in many other di-
rections.

We left 78 Rue de l'Université today after lunch to take up residence in the Hotel de Crillon. Our stay in this house has been an interesting one for the reason that so many of our meetings of importance between the Prime Ministers and myself have been held here. In some respects it would have been better for me to have continued in a private residence, but since Lansing and the other Plenipotentiaries will be at the Crillon, I felt I should be there too.

The Italian Ambassador was my first caller at the Crillon. He came to tell of the difficulties they are having with the Jugoslavs, and to ask me to think how the King of Italy and the President might meet when the King comes on the 19th.

Ambassador Sharp followed. Our conversation was mainly about the desire of the Socialists and workmen to present an address and to have a parade on Saturday when the President arrives. The French Government are discouraging all efforts in that direction. I told Sharp we ought first to consider whether the President could refuse to accept the address and recognize the parade. We were both of the opinion that he could not, therefore, I thought it should be met with enthusiasm. I suggested that after the dêjeuner at the Elysee Palace the President should receive the address and review the parade. This was tentatively agreed upon, but conditioned upon a further talk which Sharp & I to have with Clemenceau.

Everyone has gone to Strassburg to witness the celebration and entry of the French troops into that historic town. Clemenceau asked me to go with him

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but I declined. I have no heart for parades, celebrations and entertainments of that nature.

Sisson and Byers of the Bureau of Public Information, came to discuss their affairs and to seek my influence and advice on some unsettled matters.

André Tardieu called to discuss the President's visit; the attempt of the Socialists to take him under their wing, and many other subjects. He told me in confidence that he had been named one of the French Plenipotentiaries to the Peace Conference.

RexxBarryxXXxPresidentXXfXMaximeXXmax

December 8, 1918.

De la Barra, ex-President of Mexico was my first caller, other than members of our organization whom I am seeing constantly. De la Barra wanted to talk to me of Mexico and he expressed the hope that the Peace Conference would bring about some world settlement which would be of advantage to Mexico, and settle her troubles along with the rest.

Emile Hovelaque was an interesting visitor. He complains bitterly that the Government is doing everything to keep the President from receiving the welcome the French people desire to give him. There has been no preparation made in the press to bring about the desired enthusiasm. On the contrary, day by day, articles appear derogatory to the President. Everything being said against him in America is repeated in a prominent place in French papers. Hovelaque declares the French people have the greatest regard for the President even though they do not know to what extent they should be grateful to him for his efforts in be-half of France and of civilization.

Keen of the United Press, Twohy of the New York World, and several other newspaper men were callers. I gave them a general outline of the situation not for publication, but for their guidance.

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Paul Meunier and Lang, French Socialists, were callers. I shall get Frazier to make a report of the conversation since he acted as interpreter.

December 9, 1918.

Beginning with today I feel that the second House Mission will have ended its duties and I shall take on from now the duties of a Peace Plenipotentiary. The President is in European waters and can be easily reached by wireless, therefore I shall make no further decisions myself. I believe I have reason for being satisfied with my efforts in France upon this second mission, for surely the bringing about the acceptance of the American terms is in itself an achievement of which I can feel a personal pride. It was a close race, but I got under the wire by a head.

I felt in my heart that Germany was on the eve of going to pieces, just as Austria, Turkey and Bulgaria had, and if the Armistice was not hurried the Allies would be left free to deal with Germany as they did with Austria, and without the United States taking the lead or having any of our aims for which we fought recognized. As it is, the Allies are within circumscribed circle. As I have said before, I do not believe they fully recognize it as evidenced by the two speeches which Lloyd George has recently made and which are wholly contrary to the letter and the spirit of the Armistice.

I had an interesting report from Lincoln Eyre who has just returned from Berlin where, through my good offices, he, Herbert Corey and some other correspondents had the privilege of going. Corey, too, sends a written report which I may or may not attach. He said that Solf sent me many messages; the main one being "For God's sake send American troops into Germany so as to keep order". Solf spoke of his regard for me and said if it was proper to please express it when he saw me. I will not go into the conditions as these correspondents found them, for it all will be written by them and others for publication.

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Robert Bliss, who has been acting as Chargé at the Hague during the absence of
John Garrett in Switzerland, gave a report of conditions in Holland. He told of
the Kaiser's sojourn there and its effect upon the people and Government.

Admiral Long and Captain Victor Blue came to pay their respects. Blue has
been with the Grand Fleet for about a year. I was glad to hear him say that
Jellicoe was believed in by most of the officers and men. I have seen many
other people today but nothing was said or done worth recording. The routine
is always strenuous. Crew, Miller and the entire staff came in from time to
time for information and advice.

December 10, 1918.

Ambassador Thos. Nelson Page has arrived from Rome. He gave a full ac-
count of conditions in Italy as he saw them. Ray Stannard Baker returned with
another
him. He sees things from a different angle and I get an entirely different
viewpoint. He has written a report which I shall read but which will probably
not be attached as it is of passing importance.

H. B. Brougham, who is now connected with the Department of Labor, was an-
other caller. I called on President Masaryk of the Czecho-Slovak Republic. I
asked Major Bonsal, who was present, to write a memorandum of our conversation.
However, it was unimportant and of no particular value.

My wireless messages to and from the President are attached.

December 11, 1918.

Charles Trelelyan, the English historian who has written of Garibaldi
and Italy, was my first caller this morning. We had a delightful talk con-
cerning the Adriatic Literal.

Lord Derby followed. He asked whether I thought it would be useful for
Mr. Balfour to come over on the 17th and 18th to have some private talks with the
President. I replied there would be no differences between Great Britain and

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the United States provided we had to deal with such men as Balfour, Grey, himself or any number of Englishmen I could name. In other words, I made it clear that Lloyd George was the stumbling block. Derby agreed to this most heartily because he dislikes Lloyd George as much as other Englishmen with whom I have talked.

Herbert Corey came next. I gave him an hour by taking him motoring and walking. He is one of the men who were in Berlin the other day and I wanted to check up Lincoln Eyre with him.

We dined at the Ritz with Ambassador and Mrs. Page. The other guests were Admiral Long, Captain train, Gordon and one or two others.

After lunch I took Page out to call on Marechal Joffre. We had a delightful fifteen minutes with him. I gave it as my opinion that the Germans were beaten and knew it after the First Battle of the Marne. Joffre is sympathetic to this idea and I was bourn out by the German Crown Prince's statement of the same tenor. Joffre is bitter against the present French Government. They treat him with scant courtesy. In talking with General Pershing, who was an afternoon caller, he places Joffre ahead of Foch in ability, and thought Petain was perhaps abler than either one. No two people agree in their estimate of these men.

Pershing and I had a talk of nearly an hour. I called his attention to Roosevelt's slur on the Army and Navy and advised him to take some opportunity to resent it, not by name but by inference. He said he would do it.

He told of his controversy with Foch about the occupation of Germany by American troops had happily been settled and he thanked me for the part I had taken. He desires the President to spend three days along the American Front. I promised to see what could be done.

Walter Rogers followed. The discussion was about international cables and

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the sending of despatches from Paris during the Peace Conference.

Hurley of the Shipping Board and his associate, Mr. Logan, also came in. They discussed the shipping situation as it relates to the Allies. Hurley thought that by building ships for France and England, we might be able to get some concessions from them in other directions.

Mr. and Mrs. Peter Clark Macfarland came to thank me for the courtesies I had shown them in getting them into France. They are returning home shortly. Roberts, of the Associated Press, followed, and then came General Harts and several others.

December 12, 1918.

Hoover and Davis came in first. We took up all the questions relating to international food control and the necessary financing of it. Hoover thinks, and so does Davis, that the English and French are trying to block us at every turn, believing that too much credit will accrue to the United States if this relief work is done promptly and efficiently by Hoover and his aides.

The British Ambassador was an afternoon caller. It had to do with Mr. Balfour's visit and some other matters.

The Red Cross people directly interested in Balkan relief came at Davison's direction to get me to determine whether they should go into the Balkans at once to give such relief as they might. I advised going in.

Ambassador and Mrs. Sharp, Ambassador and Mrs. Page, the Greek Minister to Rome and Madame Caromilas took lunch with us.

Buckler, Crosby, Ralph Pulitzer, and many newspaper men came. The days are filled from arising until bedtime. I hope after the President's arrival I shall have some relief.

December 13, 1918.

Today has been another heartbreaking one. It was Hoover, Davis and Dr. Taylor again upon the question of supplying relief at Vienna and that immediate

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vicinity. It is a matter of hours almost and cannot be postponed. I took the
decision and told them to go ahead regardless of what the French and English Gov-
ernments might think. I sent Frazier to notify those Governments of what we in-
tended to do. I had Frazier take Hoover and Davis to see President Masaryk and
authorized them to say that the United States would condemn any policy of obstruc-
tion looking to the prevention of coal going into Austria for the relief of the
suffering population.

Masaryk claimed that the coal mines were in possession of the Germans and
that it was impossible for him to take action. However, we are insisting upon
someing being done and at once.

The British Ambassador came again to take up some matters of routine be-
tween the British Government and ourselves.

John Carty and Herbert Bayard Swope and I went motoring. We returned by
the Hotel Murat, which the President will occupy while he is here, to see that
it was properly heated. We found it thoroughly comfortable and ready for him.

Norman Davis was an afternoon caller. Sir Arthur Evans, Major Blayney and
others filled the afternoon. I have copies of the speech which the President
and Poincaré are to make at the déjeûner tomorrow. I had written the Presi-
dent and sent it by Gordon to Brest, suggesting the lines which he should follow.
Unfortunately, this letter did not reach him in time, for Poincaré's speech was
sent to the George Washington by wireless, and the President's reply returned in
the same way. I believe any impartial person will feel that Poincaré has made
a much better effort than the President. I am sorry for I had counted upon his
saying something and in such a way as to at once impress himself upon the people
of Europe.

I did not go to Brest because the Doctor thought it unwise for me to take
the trip. I readily yielded to his advice for the reason I do not relish such

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excursions. I shall see the President tomorrow at the earliest opportunity after he has reached his residence. The cables that have come during the last two days are parts of the record.

December 14, 1918.

This has been a glorious day in many ways. The day itself is the best we have had since we have been here, and the reception which the President received is said to be beyond anything in the history of Paris. I did not go to the station to meet him but remained at the Crillon until after he arrived and then went to the Hotel Murat.

I gave the President a brief summary of the situation, particularly the relations between France, England and ourselves, relations which seem to grow steadily better. Our relations with Italy have always been good.

I found him in an ugly mood toward Lansing. He did not know until he was on the ship that Leland Harrison and Philip Patchin had been picked by Lansing for Secretaries under Grew, nor did he know that Grew himself had been selected. He thought I was building up an organization and that when they got here we would determine together who should officer it. He declared he intended to put them all out, send Patchin and Harrison back home, and do the thing as it should have been done in the first instance. He wanted to know if I had anyone in mind for the places. I told him I had not. That when the cable came notifying Grew to take charge, and naming Harrison and Patchin as his assistants, I had bet the matter drop and had given it little thought except to advise with Grew when my advice was asked. I told him that Grew while not the man for the place, was a gentleman, was honest and trustworthy, and I hoped he would not remove him.

Sometime ago I determined to let Lansing carry his own fortunes without help or hindrance from me. He has not been entirely considerate, after what I have done for him. On the other hand, I always appreciate the fact that I have

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been what Gerard once terms "Super-Secretary of State"; and Lansing has played
a minor part and has done it without complaint.

We went to the Elysee Palace for déjeuner. There were some two hundred or more guests. I thought Poincaré's speech was more apropos and more eloquent than the President's. Poincaré had memorized his and did not use manuscript. The President read his. Of course, the President is much more impressive figure and his performance was creditable though not up to my expectations because he excels in that kind of thing. It was an occasion when I particularly desired him to be at his best.

He was visibly nervous. I suppose it was on account of acting a new role and on a new stage and he was not sure of himself. I think the fact that Poincaré spoke extemporaneously and that he read his speech shook his nerves a little.

The President and I had a two hour conference in the afternoon. We went over all matters of importance. I arranged that he should see Clemenceau tomorrow afternoon at six, and that he should dine with Lord Derby on the 21st, 22nd or 23rd as might later be arranged. We also settled upon a meeting with the King of Italy. The King is to call upon the President. At first, I thought to ask the Italian Ambassador to have them together at dinner, but upon reflection, I knew this was impossible because of the festivities that had already been arranged in honor of the King. I suggested to the President the protocol he should follow while here should include acceptance of dinners at the homes of Ambassadors, but not of Ministers, and that he should accept invitations if offered by high functionaries like the President of France, the President of the Council and the Foreign Minister. He accepted this without discussion.

We went hastily over the different methods of procedure for the Conferences which he is to hold. I advised making the League of Nations the centurion of

["(64)", "the whole program and letting everything revolve around that. Once that is a\nfait accompli, nearly all the very serious difficulties will disappear.", "The President and Mrs. Wilson urged me to remain to dinner but I declined\nbecause I knew the President was tired and I wanted him to rest, which he would\nnot do if I were there to talk to him.", "I have seen many other people today like Lansing, White and other members\nof the Commission. It was a great joy to greet Janet who came on the President's\nship. She had a delightful experience and said the President and Mrs. Wilson\nwere kindness itself.", "All of the Specialists spoke in the highest terms of the President, of his\ncourtesy and his generous praise of their work. They were equally critical of\nLansing whom they said was austere, and treated them with scant politeness. I\nam sure Lansing does not mean to be brusque and impolite, but he has ah unfor-\ntunate manner.", "I arranged with the President this afternoon to have his work done by\nGordon, Frazier, George Creel and the staff I have built up here. The code\nclerks and the typists I have also offered to turn over to him. It leaves me\npractically without a staff but I can readily build up another. I think he\npromised Tumulty that he would not have a regular secretary because of Tumul-\nty's hurt feelings at not being brought over. I shall give his\nmatters my personal attention so he may lack for nothing that I can supply.\nHe has never cabled me that he was relying upon me to look out for him while\nhere, therefore, while I offered to do so in a cable, not having heard from him\nI presumed he was bringing some sort of organized help himself. In this he is\nlike my brother T. W. who always expected me to know by intuition what he was\nthinking.", {"bbox": (749, 1359, 964, 1383], "category": "Text", "text": "December 15, 1918.", "I was to have gone to Picpus Cemetery with the President today to lay a"]

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wreath on the grave of LaFayette, but I missed him at church where we were to meet. He sent his car for me and that too I missed.

I have had an infinite amount of work to do. The President cheerfully unloads matters upon me. I am having worked out the boundary lines between the Jugoslavs and the Italians and a number of matters of that sort. I have no time for my correspondence and but little time for this diary.

I arranged yesterday for the President's trip to the Front on December 24th so he might spend Christmas with the troops. I also arranged, tentatively, his trip to Italy, and one to the devastated regions of France and Belgium.

Sir William Wiseman is back from London and gives me the latest news from the British Cabinet. When he is with me I often wonder how I got along while he was away. My letters to Balfour and others, cables which have come in for me form McAdoo and others are all attached.

I called on Clemenceau at 5.30 in order to coach him before he saw the President, and to take him to the Hotel Murat. I had already suggested to the President what he should say to Clemenceau.

Clemenceau, the President and I were together for an hour. I did little or nothing to guide the conversation for it was felicitous from start to finish. I have never seen an initial meeting a greater success. The President was perfect in the matter and manner of his conversation and Clemenceau was not far behind. Neither said anything that was particularly misleading. They simply did not touch upon topics which would breed discussion. I saw to that in advance. I took Clemenceau down stairs afterward and he expressed keen delight over the interview and of the President personally. The President was equally happy when I returned upstairs and discussed the matter with him. It was a pleasant augury for success.

When I was with Clemenceau at the Ministre de Guerre, he told me he had

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changed his mind about the President sitting in at the Peace Conference. After thinking it over, he had concluded it would be a good idea. It immediately flash-ed through my mind that the reception the President received from the French people was the thing that made him change, or it might be that he believes it will pull Wilson down from his high pedestal and put him on a level with George, Orland-do and himself.

When speaking to me about it first he said, "According to the Protocol, it is not right, but damn the Protocol. Let's do what we please. Poincaré will want to sit in and I will have a fight with him, but I do not mind that. I rather enjoy it. I will also have a fight with Lloyd George but that, too, I do not mind. If you think Italy will be with us, France, Italy and the United States will be three out of four and we will do it whether the English like it or not".

I had previously told Clemenceau that I had talked the President out of sitting in. I did this in less than ten minutes. It is a question now whether the President will want to sit in since I so thoroughly convinced him it was not the right thing to do. However, after the three of us had finished talking it was decided to leave the matter for final decision later.

Grayson tells me that McAdoo really resigned because he thought the President would bring Baker over as a Peace Commissioner. He said he understood that Gregory was to resign and that Tumulty was thinking of doing so. When I asked Grayson who was responsible for the President's pre-election address, asking for a democratic Congress, he declared he did not know. He said everyone believed it was the cause of democratic defeat.

December 16, 1918.

I had a long talk with Henry White this morning. He is very happy over his appointment as a Peace Commissioner. He told me of his conversations with Roosevelt, Root, Lodge and other republicans and of their views of the Peace

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Conference. Maxxer White has known next to nothing about the work we have in hand. I gave him a brief outline of what should be done with the League of Nations. Up to the time of my talk, he was of the opinion the League should not be formed until after the Peace Conference. He readily saw the necessity of pressing it to the fore.

He is a well meaning, accomplished old gentleman and may be of some service later on. I had a talk with Lansing and found him completely ignorant of most of the things with which he should be cognizant. He did not even know that Sharp had resigned, Maxxer neither did he know why Baker was not brought after he had been notified of his appointment. Lansing is a man that one cannot grow enthusiastic over, but I do think the President should treat him with more consideration. As the matter stands today the President and I are doing everything, the balance are marking time as far as I can see, except General Bliss who is busy gathering information about military matters, and preparing to be useful at the Peace Conference. He is a scholarly, statesmanlike, soldier. He has not the army point of view at all. His work will be of service as far as actual work is concerned, but of no value whatever from a political standpoint. In fact, he is so little known and understood that he will be a liability to the President when, indeed, he could have appointed someone who would have been a political asset.

I went with the President to call on Clemenceau and going and coming we settled many matters of passing interest. It has been a busy day with him and I have tried not to disturb him. His public receptions etc. have taken the larger part of his time.

I told him that a "head-on collision" was about to occur with Creel on the one side and with Lansing and the State Department on the other. I advised him to see Lansing and not allow the thing to get into an impossible condition.

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He said he would do so. I told him that Lansing's dislike for Creel was only equalled by Creel's dislike for Lansing. I urged him not to disrupt the organization which Lansing had suggested to Grew because while Harrison and Patchin were perhaps not the best selections, yet their removal at this time would be unfortunate.

I forgot to say the other day that Clemenceau asked me whether I thought it necessary to appoint Marechal Foch one of the French Peace Plenipotentiaries. I did not think so. He wanted to know then if Foch could be brought into the conferences from time to time when necessity for his advice was apparent. I said this could be arranged. I explained to the President what I had said to Clemenceau and why.

The President and I are contemplating with much concern the general lack of understanding of the world situation which we find amongst the Allied Governments. He and I realize how necessary for the future well-being and orderly conduct of all governments a liberal program is. I was glad to have the President ask me whether I thought something could be done or said at the Peace Conference which would bring the hours of labor, throughout the world, to a maximum of six hours eight out of the twenty-four. He said it was entirely irrelevant to a Peace Conference, but he wondered if it could not be brought in. I thought it could be. I do not know just how, but we will try and find a way. It can be done by resolution, but that would not be binding, and would merely indicate a sentiment.

December 17, 1918.

It is difficult to chronicle except meagerly the happenings of the past few days. I did something today which has pleased me more than anything I have done since signing the Armistice with Germany. I took Lord Northcliffe for a ride and a walk of an hour. I succeeded in committing him not only to a League

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of Nations, but to its immediate formation at the Peace Conference and making it
a part of the Treaty itself. I did more than that. I made him admit that the
Entente Governments as now constituted could not interpret the aspirations of the
peoples of their respective countries and that Wilson was the only statesman who
could do so. He agreed that the phenominal greeting which the President has re-
ceived in Paris was an expression of the great body of the people. That in Wil-
son they had found an exponent of their hopes for a better world and for a last-
ing peace. I urged Northcliffe to take the lead in England and become there the
voice of the people, and it is within the range of possibility that he may do
this. I told him the Entente statesmen were idling the days away while the
world was in agony, and that he ought to use his great press to stir them to ac-
tion. He promised to do this.

Sir William Wiseman, I approved, and Gordon largely wrote an interview
which we hope the President will give to the London Times. I saw the President
and told him my reasons for wishing this and he consetned to do it. My argument
was that Lloyd George had been telling the English people things about him which
were not true, and I wanted him in this interview to indirectly to brand them as
untrue.

Northcliffe and I agreed that the President should visit England at once
and reveive the reception there which we knew awaited him. The reception he re-
ceived in Paris has changed the political sentiment, even in governmental circles,
for the better, and we believe if he goes to England and gets such an endorsement
from the English people, Lloyd George and his colleagues would not dare oppose his
policies at the Peace Conference.

I asked the President to do this and he consented without argument. I
then sent for the British Ambassador and told him if the English desired the Pres-
ident to come, he would be able to come at the end of this month or the first of
January. I thought if he did not go to England at once, he would probably go to

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Italy, and I preferred him to go to England first because there was always the possibility of his being suddenly called home without giving him further opportunity. Lord Derby sent an urgent cable to his government asking if it would be convenient for the President to come at the time indicated. He hoped to receive a reply tomorrow. It will upset the plans of Lloyd George and Balfour who have in mind to go to the South of France for the holidays.

I called upon the President in the afternoon and we settled a good many pending matters.

Among the many people that called on me were, M. Aubert, who is to be liaison officer between the French Plenipotentiaries and those of the United States, Ellis Loring Dresel, who is to be attached to our Embassy in Berlin. He is going into Germany again to report on what measures of relief are necessary. I sent by him direct word to Walter Rathenau, who has addressed me an open letter in the *Vorwärts*. It is a pathetic appeal and all too true. I will do Rathenau the justice to say that from the very inception of the war he held these views and they seem never to have changed during my visits to Berlin. I desired Rathenau to know that I had brought his open letter to me to the attention of the President, and that I was conscious of that his attitude at the beginning of the war was the same as now.

I asked Dresel to see Solf, Secretary of Foreign Affairs, who had also sent me messages. I suggested that he meet Maxmilian Harden and say to him from me that his articles had been the only vocal note of sanity to come from Germany during the war.

Mark Sullivan came to inform me as to the newspaper situation.

The Spanish Ambassador called to tell me that Romanones, Prime Minister of Spain, would come to Paris on the 19th or 20th if he could see the President and me at that time. I told the Ambassador if the Prime Minister arrived here before the

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23rd the President would be able to see him.

I am in constant touch with Sir William Wiseman who is working earnestly and intelligently for the best interests of all.

Ambassador and Mrs. Sharp gave a dinner and reception to the President and Mrs. Wilson tonight. I went to the dinner and remained for a half hour afterward and then quietly slipped away. There was an enormous crowd crush before I left, and it was difficult for me to get from one end of the drawing room to the door as I knew practically everyone in the house—foreigners and Americans. I had to speak to each one as I passed by.

I had a talk with the Japanese Ambassador and rather disturbed his usual equilibrium by asking whether he thought the President should sit in the Peace Conference. I was amused at his efforts to give a non-compromising reply. I had talks with many Americans, Madame Poincaré and other foreigners.

At my request, Dr. Mezes brought the Specialists, twelve or fourteen, to call in a body. I stood for a half hour talking with them. They are as intelligent, scholarly lot of men as one could find. I believe that our expert organization will excel in material if not in quantity, and as an American citizen, I am proud of them.

December 18, 1918.

The four United States Plenipotentiaries held a meeting this morning. The other three were pretty much at sea as to what the President desired regarding the press arrangements, publicity etc. etc. I therefore suggested that I ask the President to meet with us. I did this and he came to the Crillon at five o'clock. We held a session of nearly three quarters of an hour and had our pictures taken together.

The President then met the newspaper men. Before attending the meeting, I brought him up to my personal quarters on the third floor of the Crillon in order

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to show him where his work was being done in conjunction with mine. It was agreed
to meet the newspaper people at 10.30 every morning.

When the President got home he remembered it had been agreed for the two of
us to meet M. Clemenceau at his home at ten o'clock. I told him it made no differ-
ence my attending the meeting of newspaper men, but he insisted that I should do so
and, since we could not put Clemenceau off, I am arranging for the newspaper men
to come at half past twelve.

This morning the President telephoned asking if I did not think we ought
to have a serious conversation with Clemenceau. I thought so. He desired to know
if we had not better take up the most important subject-- the League of Nations. I
agreed to this. He asked if I would not make an appointment for tonight at eight
or tomorrow morning at ten. I had Frazier arrangement the engagement with Clemen-
ceau at ten at the President's house. The President particularly wished me to be
present.

The President gave the interview to the London Times. Northcliffe is the
happiest man in Paris, so I am told. He writes me a letter expressing his warm
appreciation, which I attach. Northcliffe, himself, gave Grasty of the New York
Times an interview which has greatly pleased me. There is nothing that could be
better from our viewpoint. It will make opposition to the League of Nations sick
at heart, and it will help make the American people understand the need for it. The
President was immensely pleased when I told him of this.

Northcliffe told Wiseman, when he first let him know that the President was
willing to give an interview to the London Times, that he, Northcliffe, would go
up and take the interview himself. Wiseman knew this would create a sensation
that was not desirable and pointed out to Northcliffe the reasons why it was bet-
ter not to do so.

It has been another great day and everything so far goes well. I have not
yet heard from Derby concerning the President's proposal to make an early trip to

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England. Letters, cables and what not are attached.

At my suggestion, the President has asked Ray Stannard Baker to interpret for the newspapers of the world the American viewpoint regarding matters which will come up from time to time at the Peace Conference. Lansing wanted Patchin, but the President would have none of him.

December 19, 1918.

I went to the President's house fifteen minutes before Clemenceau arrived. I wanted to suggest a method by which the conversation could be easily brought around to the League of Nations. The freedom of the seas was the topic I thought best suited to this subject.

During the hour and a half we were together, the President did nearly all the talking. Clemenceau said very little. I thought the President indiscreet when he told Clemenceau, among other things, that the American people were anti-British and that the easiest thing in the world would be to get them to build a navy larger than the British Navy. Clemenceau expressed himself, in a mild way, in agreement with the President. He thought a League of Nations should be attempted, but he was not confident of success, either of forming it or of its being workable after it was formed. The truth is, he believes in war. He has something of the Roosevelt idea that war enables.

The President talked well, but he did not put the plan for a league of nations as I thought it should be put, neither did he argue as to the freedom of the seas in a way which I thought was most effective. He seems to have forgotten a good deal of what we agreed upon at Magnolia regarding the Covenant for a League of Nations, and I shall take occasion sometime to have this out with him again.

It seems necessary for him to get his mind refreshed.

Clemenceau said Lord Derby had told him the President was going to England next week and that Lloyd George and Mrs. Balfour would not come over on Saturday

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as planned. This disturbed the President as he had counted upon George and Balfour being here. Clemenceau said that Derby had ab engagement with him at 11.30 and suggested that I drive with him to the War Office and have it out there.

I did this and Derby gave me the cable from his Government which is attached. They have asked me to come with the President. In a telephone message which Wise-man had with the Foreign Office today, they almost insisted that I should come. I have no notion, at the moment, of doing so. Lansing wants to go and I have promised to ask the President to take him.

We have agreed that the President shall go on the 26th and remain in England the 27th, 28th, 29th and 30th. Derby thought if I would authorize him to insist upon Lloyd George and Balfour coming over to keep their Sunday and Monday appointment with the President, they would do so. I did not believe they would because all their plans for a Christmas holiday had been interrupted and I was quite sure this visit of the President next week was looked upon by them as something little short of a calamity.

I returned to the President's house and gave him the story. He hoped I would insist upon George and Balfour coming. He asked what he thought he had gotten along with Clemenceau. My reply was, "better than I expected, for you at least got Clemenceau to admit it was necessary to try to form a league of nations." I thought that he, the President, had successfully jumped the first hurdle.

I returned to the Crillon to meet the newspaper men with the other Commissioners. Later I saw Admiral Benson to go over with him matters relating to the Navy, and to discuss with him what may be done as to the sea laws of the future.

Tardieu called to ask several questions about which the Prime Minister and himself desired information. They were of minor importance.

I had a long talk with Hoover. I asked him the direct question whether

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he was a democrat or republican. He replied, "neither". "I would be a democrat if South it were not for the reactionary element in the South. I would be a republican if it were not for the reactionary element in the North. I shall give support to either one of the parties which has a progressive program." He declared that he did not desire the Presidency; that he intended to buy a newspaper in the United States and see what good he could do with it. In my opinion, he is mistaken in believing he would not like to be President.

December 20, 1918.

Lord Derby, Admiral Benson, Edward Hurley, General Finney, Colonel McKerhan, Count Horydiski, and many others made up my list for today. I cannot keep a detailed account of their conversations. I find that I shall have to curtail my diary unless the days are less full than now. I am so busy up to bedtime that it is not possible for me to dictate the happenings of the day.

I took lunch at the Quai d'Orsay-- a luncheon given in honor of the King of Italy. Loulie and I also went to a dinner at the Italian Embassy given in his honor. As the King passed down the line shaking hands with the thirty or forty guests, he stopped and expressed pleasure at meeting me and said a few other complimentary words. He was in undress uniform and held his cap in his hand. The simplicity of his costume and that of his son were in striking contrast to the gaudy uniforms and decorations of some of the ambassadors. One thing that amuses me at these functions is the lack of vivacity and conversation. The King and Poincaré at the table made no effort to keep up conversation and there were long lapses which they filled in by picking their teeth, something an American cannot understand. This happens at nearly every function of this sort at which I am present.

As usual, we were the first to leave. It was fortunate we did, as they had issued 900 invitations to a reception after dinner and the lights went out at

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ten o'clock. No one seems to know whh, but the rumor is that the working people
in the neighborhood were incensed because of the great display of wealth and had
communicated to their fellow workmen at the central power station and had the
lights turned off. There was tremendous confusion. Even when we left, with the
lights still on, we were unable to find our car and had to take a taxi that arrived with other guests.

Several Deputies from Dalmatia were among my callers today. I saw the
President early this morning. He had an engagement with Orlando and Sonnino. I
asked if he wanted me to be present but he thought he could manage it alone. He
later told me they did not get along smoothly and he hoped I would come at ten
o'clock tomorrow to be present at their next meeting. I suggested that I bring
Frazier, to which he assented.

December 21, 1918.

The President, Orlando, Sonnino and I were together from ten until twelve
o'clock. The President talked well but he did not convince the Italians that they
should lessen their hold on the Pact of London. On the contrary, Sonnino convinced the President that from a military point of view, Italy was pretty much at the
mercy of the nations holding the Dalmatian Coast.

The President afterward said in talking with me that the next time they had a
conversation he thought he would suggest some way by which their argument could be
met. This might be done by insisting that the forts along the Dalmatian Coast
should be demolished, and that the Jugoslavs should agree to have no navy and but
a small standing army. I thought this would not meet the Italian objections, for
the reason that they were not candid in their contention that it was for protection
they desired this territory.

My next important engagement was with the Spanish Prime Minister, Romanones.
The Spanish Ambassador acted as interpreter. I had agreed to call and take them

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will act upon it. The difficulty with him I am afraid will be the same as with
other public men. There will never come a good time to resign. It is always a
little further on.

A great many people called like Ambassador Jusserand, Curtis of the Round
Table etc. etc.

We went to the British Embassy to meet the President. The table was very
beautiful with the celebrated Duke of Wellington's gold plate, for which they had
sent to London to use on this occasion. I suppose it was sent to England during
the war because of the fear that Paris might be captured.

December 23, 1918.

Now that we are all crowded together in the Crillon, Hoover, Hurley, Benson,
Bliss, Lansing and the others come and go throughout the day. Hoover, Hurley and
Davis keep in close touch with me in order to work out the food and economic pro-
blems confronting us now even more vitally than during the war. I hope the memo-
randa, letters and cables I have on file give an explanation of this work, for I
have no time to cover it in the diary. There is a constant passage of notes and
conversations between these people and myself, and through me with the President,
and back again the same way.

Signor d'Osma, Spanish scholar and publisher, called. He speaks re-
markable English, which is accounted for by the fact that he was educated at Ox-
ford. He is very insistent upon my coming to Spain, and declares I will receive
a cordial reception. I would prefer to go to Spain when my going would not mean
anything, so I could travel and see it as an ordinary tourist. All these parades,
banquets and what-not tire me inexpressibly. There is seldom any real sentiment
of the people back of them. Anyone can come and go anywhere without particular
notice if one desires. I suppose such publicity has value to the politician who

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is seeking office. Parades, Banquets etc. can be used with effect upon a credu-
lous constituency. I am weary of the ordinary politician and his methods. Every-
thing is done to glorify himself and to make his opponent seem less important. The
result is the people get a totally erroneous idea of public situations. I have in
mind now Senators and Congressmen at home who are drooling about international
politics and the international situation, as it relates to the United States.
They are as ignorant as the constituency that credit their statements.

December 24, 1918.

The President asked me this morning to make an engagement for him to see
Clemenceau. I did this and he called at the Ministry of War at twelve. Before
going I went out to see him. He showed me a part of the speech he is to make at
the Guildhall in London-- the part he was afraid might cause some criticism. It
had reference to the anxiety of the people that the Peace Conference should begin
work-- a matter that we decided it would be well for him to touch upon at the ear-
liest opportunity. He was afraid that what he said was too pointed. I did not
share this feeling.

Gauvin of the Journal des Debats, Lansing, Tardieu, Derby and, of course,
Hoover, Davis and Hurley and all the Commissioners were with me during the day. I
shall have to let what telegrams and memoranda I have tell the story.

I definitely decided this morning not to go to England with the President.
Derby was in a perfect funk when he heard of my decision. He thought I ought not
to let the President go alone. The intimation was that he would make mistakes
and make enemies where he should have friends. He was a little too outspoken to
make it quite pleasant for me to hear. The President is fully able to take care
of himself and while he says some foolish things at times, he rights himself about
as quickly as anyone I have ever known. Then, too, the things which some of the
English count as mistakes might be considered by others as good policy.

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Gordon telegraphed from London tonight urging me to come. He said the King was particularly anxious that I should come and had sent me that message.

December 25, 1918.

I have had some quiet today although, being practically alone in Paris, I have had many important matters brought to me for decision. The President telephoned last night shortly before eleven. He was surprised and seemed disappointed that I was not going to England with him. He said he needed me to guide and counsel him.

December 26, 1918.

Clemenceau sent word this morning that he would like to come to see me before lunch. I asked if I might not call on him instead. I called at the War Office to find him rather excited over a statement which Marechal Foch had just made concerning the movement of American troops. Foch told him Pershing had said that within four months after the signing of the Armistice, all American troops would be out of France. I knew that Pershing had not made such a statement. What he may have said was that four months after the signing of peace all our troops would be out of France.

Clemenceau was quite content with my assurance, which I shall make more certain by communicating directly with Pershing. Clemenceau said that Pershing was constantly pulling against Foch. I told him that I had heard some criticism because I had not insisted upon having an American officer on the Armistice Board, and I hoped that he would consent to put one on even now, since the Armistice would probably be extended from month to month. He said he would name anybody I suggested. I mentioned Benson. He wrote his name on a pad and said he would tell Foch at once to invite him to sit when the Board convened again. As a matter of fact, I did this without consulting anyone. I feel that the Armistice was something so entirely within my province that I was merely rectifying what I consider-

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ed an oversight.

I suggested Benson rather than Pershing for the reason that Benson is our ranking military officer, and because he is more in accord with my views, and third because he will get along better with Foch and Wemyss.

I told Clemenceau I was arranging for the President to go to Italy on January 2nd so that he, Clemenceau, might take his much coveted vacation.

I took Melville Stone out for a motor ride. He is to lunch with me tomorrow. The A. P. is working cordially with us here and has ever since my arrival. I urged Stone to continue the policy of getting the Entente statesmen to announce their views regarding the settlement their countries favor. I thought if this were continued, it would help open discussions which we all feel is necessary if proper results are to be accomplished.

Hoover and I had a long talk upon relief matters. We agreed that the Entente countries are taking a perfectly impossible stand. They are making it more difficult for Germany under peace conditions than it was under war. They have restricted the German fishing fleet; they insist that no German gold shall be paid out for payments of food we are willing to send her; they are establishing certain zones from which no articles of commerce may be sent or brought in. We cannot get them to consent to the relief of Vienna under terms which will enable us to help. We now have an enormous amount of food at Trieste, but it cannot be moved to Vienna because of the difficulties that are raised.

When the President returns I have decided to have a heart to heart talk with him and arrange a program of common-sense justice and insist that it shall be put into operation.

The Chinese Minister to the United States, Dr. Wellington Koo, Stevens, Rublee, Major Helms, Admiral Benson etc. were callers.

December 27, 1918.

I had a long conversation with Gordon from London. He had a talk yesterday

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with Lloyd George which lasted three quarters of an hour. George went over the different matters he had in mind to discuss with the President. Gordon saw the President later and gave him some idea of what was in George's mind.

Balfour and George went to Buckingham Palace at 10.30 yesterday morning and up to 1.20 they had not finished, although they all had to go to a lunch at No. 10 Downing Street. Gordon is to give me the details of the conference in the morning. He is to get the British version from Wiseman and the President's view from himself. Gordon is to go to the banquet which the King is giving tonight at the Palace. It is a great opportunity for him and if I had gone to London, he would have missed most of it.

He said the President wished to know what I would advise saying to George and Balfour when they came. I suggested that he take up the League of Nations and to make that the keystone of his talk, and if the British yielded to our viewsson that part of the Treaty, not to contend for anything else at present. If they brought up the question of the freedom of the seas, colonies and other subjects, my advice was to listen sympathetically, but not to commit himself and not to antagonize them. The main thing is to get the League of Nations With that accomplished, everything else follows or becomes minor considerations.

Gordon gave the President this advice and he said he would follow it.
Melville Stone took lunch with me. We had a very interesting time. He seems better than when I last saw him and he talked in a way which made me understand his past great influence.

Lord Derby, Hoover and I conferred together, the substance of which is embodied in a telegram Derby is sending Mr. Balfour. He never gets his facts quite accurate, and this dispatch is no exception to the rule. Derby told me before Hoover came in that there would be no difficulty about the food administration except for Hoover himself; that what he wanted was to be food dictator and that the

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French and British Governments were willing to let us have what we liked, short of that. I take it there is some reason in his assertion, for that is Hoover's b setting fault.

Dr. Robert Moton of Tuskegee and Dr. Jones of Washington were other callers. Moton came to Europe at the request of the Secretary of War to talk to the negro troops and to urge them to live up to the high ideals of the American Army after they returned to the United States. Moton made an interesting statement, which was to the effect that the American Negro was treated better and had greater opportunities than his brothers anywhere in the world. I had not realized this, but it is so patent after one thinks of it that it is a wonder it is not oftener stated.

We held a meeting of the Commission every morning and see the newspaper men afterward. I shall not give any details as to what we do because I take it the minutes of our meetings will be written by Mr. Grew and become parts of the record.

December 28, 1918.

Hoover, Hurley, Crosby, Davis, Young, General Bliss and Admiral Benson came in for an important meeting with me today. It had to do with the general international economic and shipping situation. I asked Hoover to draw up the census of opinion of the meeting and I would try to get some action within a day or two from the Allied Governments.

Gordon telephoned from London that the President is very tired tonight. I hope his trip to Carlisle will rest him. The world seems moved by the President's devotion to his mother's memory. I would not shake its faith by letting it be known that Northcliffe and I arranged for him to go there in order that he might pass through the principal industrial sections of England. We also planned the Manchester trip.

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I heard from London by telephone that Lloyd George and the Coalition have won over-
whelmingly. It is fortunate that we got the President to England before the re-
sult was announced. He got under the wire by a nose. If Lloyd George had known
the result, he would probably have been much more "cocky" and much less likely to
agree with our views.

I told Gordon to tell the President that it would be best for him to leave
here for Rome Wednesday night of next week, rather than Thursday as planned. This
was arranged and I have had Frazier take the matter up with the Italian Ambassador
and plan accordingly.

December 29, 1918.

The Commissioners agreed not to work on Sunday and to give the office
force the entire day. I find this impossible as far as my immediate entourage is
concerned. There is so much that has to be done that it is necessary for some of
them to be on duty all the time.

December 30, 1918.

Dr. E. P. Dillon, Ralph Pulutzer, General, Dr. Bergson and
Mark Sullivan were my principal callers. They all desired information on one sub-
ject or another which I tried to give.

The vote which Clemenceau received in the Chamber of Deputies has interested
me most today, together with his speech and that of Pichon. It is about as bad
an augury for the success of progressive principles at the Peace Conference as we
could have. He has a majority of practically four to one. Coming on the heels
of the English elections, and taking into consideration the result of recent elec-
tions in the United States, the situation stragetically could not be worse. It
makes me feel how very fortunate it was that we got the American terms written into
the German Armistice. Without that, I am afraid we would have but little chance of

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of accomplishing the things we have so much at heart.

December 31, 1918.

Mr. Balfour has arrived from London and called this afternoon and spent nearly two hours with me. We went over every phase of the current situation and of all matters which might properly be brought before the Peace Conference.

I was interested to have him almost agree with my extreme views upon the freedom of the seas-- views which if incorporated would allow ever the belligerent commerce of the world go free. in time of war as well as in time of peace. He had obly one argument to controvert what I said, that it would deprive England of the power to help right wrongs such as she has been able to do during the present war against Germany. I met this by saying there would be no objection to her having as large a navy as now, and that she could use it in the event the League of Nations undertook to discipline an outlaw nation.

He seemed to see as I do that Great Britain would fare better under my definition than she would under the definition of her extreme "Blue Water School".

He presented a very curious theory regarding Jews. Some told him, and he is inclined to believe it, that nearly all Bolshevism and disturbance of a like nature, are directly traceable to the Jews of the world. They seem determined either to have what they want or to upset present civilization. I suggested that we put them in Palestine, at least the best of them, and hold them responsible for the orderly behavior of the rest of the Jews throughout the world. Balfour thought the plan had many possibilities.

He told me of the conversation which he and Lloyd George had with the President and of their fairly general agreement. I outlined to him my plan for the League of Nations, which he seemed to accept as practical and satisfactory. He hoped Lord Robert Cecil and I would get together next week and work out something. He