8

5/23/16

# KISSINGER MEETS WITH NORWEGIANS

## Takes Time Off for Fjords and Frolic as Parley on NATO Ends in Oslo

BY CRAIG R. WHITNEY

OSLO, May 22—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, who has said he would like to leave office at the end of this year with a program of political and economic interaction, is starting it to act like a man who knows he may not be back this way again.

Today he even took a couple of hours off to tour the Viking Ship Museum and cruise in bright sunlight around the Oslo fjord, dotted with sailboats and rings of sunbathing Norwegians eager for a glimpse of "Super Henry," as an Oslo tabloid called him this week.

The British and American press took him around the centuries-old Viking ships, and Mr. Kissinger asked, "Were the Vikings Christians?" his host, the Norwegian prime minister. "I don't know," Mr. Kissinger said. "No, they believed in Thor and Odin and all that."

On Thursday at 10:30 P.M. Mr. Kissinger held a meeting with the newspaper Verden Gang called a "nocturnal summit" with the Norwegian film star Liv Ullmer. The meeting was attended by two conference last two hours.

Mr. Kissinger came to Oslo for what could be one of his last meetings of the year, the meeting of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, an occasion marked by a great deal of touch-off talk about military maintenance, to detentee and few concrete decisions on anything, including what to do if the Communists were to gain the government in the next month's elections in Italy.

## Meetings at Royal Palace

But today the NATO meeting was over except for a meeting of the Turkish and Greek foreign ministers.

Mr. Kissinger spent the day meeting with norwegians, having a chat at the end of the summer residence of King Olav V and playing the waters of the fjord. A separate boatload of blue-uniformed Norwegian sailors, the ready, cruising alongside to protect him in the yellow "service boat no. IV" but wherever he passed people waved and cheering and shouted "Henry!"-L. Mr. Frydalen said to the Secretary of State, "You're here at the best time of the day to come to Oslo, for you have a completely wrong impression of the country." He also noted that Norway's North Sea fishery which has been fishing abroa last year, may make the land of rugged mountain forests one of the richest couns- tries in the world. "It would produce $5.3 billion in revenues," a huge offshore oil rig perched on eight immense legs is now under construction in Oslo harbor—less picturesque than the fisherman selling Arctic shrimp, but more valuable.

## Talks on Continental Shelf

Mr. Kissinger said today, "I look with terror to the period when my friend the Foreign Minister will have joined OPEC," the Organization of Petroleum and Natural Gas.

The serious discussions that were held today centered around Norway's claims to the North Sea shelf, the land of Spitzbergen in the Barents Sea, halfway to the North Pole. The Soviet Union has not yet made a decision and may not agree to Norway's claiming the oil that might lie underneath the surrounding waters, many of which are likely to be mined. "I've only begun to study this problem in detail," and added the American aim was to reach an agreement that would raise the claims."

Mr. Kissinger leaves Oslo to-morrow morning for a trip to Bonn and will spend the next day and a half in Stockholm.

New York Times

Kissinger
Faces New
Oil Issue

KISSINGER, From A1

equal-access provision gov-
ern only the four miles of
territorial waters around
the islands, says Norway,
with the rest its exclusive
property.

The Soviet Union has re-
jected this view. It contends
the shelf is part of Spitzber-
gen and all the treaty sign-
ers have rights in it.

In fact, the Soviet Union,
like the United States, is
pulled two ways. Moscow
would like a crack at the po-
tentially huge oil deposits.
But Moscow does not want
Western oil rigs interfering
with or watching Soviet nu-
clear submarines as they
slide out of Murmansk and
into position to fire nuclear
missiles on the shortest path
across the Atlantic.

The Soviets have held no
talks with Norway on the is-
sue nor are any scheduled.
Moscow would probably like
the dispute to remain unre-
solved indefinitely, with the
Arctic waters near Mur-
mansk left undisturbed by
Western rigs.

The United States, along
with Britain, has declined to
endorse the Oslo stand and
both have formally reserved
or held up any opinion. As
in Moscow, views among the
U.S. diplomats who have

studied the problem, are
divided.

If the shelf is governed by
the treaty, U.S. oil compa-
nies could drill into a possi-
ble bonanza of great dimen-
sions. At least formally, that
would put Washington on
Moscow's side of the argu-
ment.

But the United States also
appreciates the strategic im-
portance of the waters to
Moscow and the Soviet con-
cern over a possible new
Western presence off Soviet
shores. One expert here
compares this to the feeling
of concern that would be
touched off in the United
States if Soviet rigs drilled
in the Gulf of Mexico.

One possible way of
squaring this circle, accord-
ing to American experts

sympathetic to the Norwe-
gian claim, would be to limit
drilling to shallow waters
where no submarines ven-
ture. The drilling could be
opened up to nations other
than Norway, it is suggested,
if Oslo could maintain the
same tight controls it now
employs over its own undis-
puted waters.

At a press conference af-
ter his talks with Frynden-
lund and Prime Minister
Odvar Nordli, Kissinger in-
sisted there was "not a con-
troversy" with Olso over the
shelf. "I am confident," he
said, "we will get an agreed
position."

Kissinger said he thought
it would be "possible to rec-
ognize various points of
view" and that the formula
"will find approval of other
interested parties."

The Washington Post

Disputed oil reserves lie offshore from Spitzbergen.

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The New York Times Magazine/May 23, 1976

# The Secretary of State sweepstakes

## REPUBLICANS

Elliot Richardson: "Deeply moral or a man who clings to power?"

The race to fill Henry Kissinger's post is on, and the front-runners aren't playing by the old rules.

By Leslie H. Gelb

James Schlesinger: "His message is that the Russians are coming."

You can see them, if you've got the entree, at any number of foreign-policy seminars or conferences around the country. The faces are usually the same. There'll be a New York attorney named Cyrus Vance, who, like as not, will be listening intently to a presentation by a Columbia University professor named Zbigniew Brzezinski. Elliot Richardson might be doodling on his napkin, waiting for his turn to speak. A vice president of Reader's Digest named Melvin Laird would be sure, at some point, to poke the man next to him—perhaps a New York investment banker named George Ball—and the two would have a good laugh about something. The others would wonder a little uneasily what they were laughing about. All except a think-tank veteran named James Schlesinger. He would be leaning back wreathed in pipe smoke and thoughts of his own. A Washington lawyer named Paul Warnke and a one-time business boy wonder named Peter Peterson would seem a little impatient with the proceedings.

Melvin Laird: "Romances everyone . . . the Barry Lyndon entry."

These are the Big Eight, the current favorites in a field of contenders for a public office that will be filled by the vote of just one man—the President-elect. The office is that of Secretary of State. You won't find many in Washington who think Henry Kissinger would continue in office even if Gerald Ford is re-elected, and the quadrennial race for the barony of

Peter Peterson: "Lone wolf . . . the Nonpartisan Republican."

Leslie H. Gelb is a diplomatic correspondent of The New York Times who was a senior fellow of the Brookings Institution.

Foggy Bottom is on, Only this time with a difference.

The foreign-policy Establishment of Wall Street bankers and lawyers that used to put up the candidates for the mantle of Dean Acheson and John Foster Dulles has been infiltrated, transformed and subsumed by a new, broader grouping that calls itself the Community. The Community comprises professors, lawyers, businessmen, Congressional aides, foundation executives, think-tank experts—even some newsmen. At the top is a small world of some 300 restless, talented wielders of ideas and power ambitious for public office—some of them ready to challenge the Big Eight for the main prize, others eyeing the posts of Secretary of Defense or Assistant to the President for National Security Affairs or other top positions in the national-security structure. The emergence of the new class of foreign-policy experts, for whom advising or second-guessing the Government is virtually a full-time vocation, has swamped the smaller, tighter, WASP-ier old guard for whom it was an avocation demanding only occasional diversion from the counting-houses of Wall Street. The rise of the Community has changed the rules of the game, and even the way the Government works on foreign affairs.

Henry Kissinger was the first Community Secretary of State. Until Kissinger, universities and think tanks were appendages of the Establishment, places to get ideas and faithful subordinates. To be sure, the appendages gained a firm foothold in the Establishment in the Kennedy Administration with men like McGeorge Bundy and Walt Rostow. But with the ascendancy of Kissinger, they moved into the very heart of the Establishment and took over.

The world was now very, very complicated. Expertise was the new ticket to power, and they had it. The center of gravity shifted from New York to Washington, part of the general shift in power from businessmen to politicians. The nonpartisan, slightly Republican cast cultivated by Establishmentarians gave way to partisanship of one kind or another, diversity of views, greater openness to new ideas. And whereas Establishmentarians wrote little, if at all, about their opinions, publishing books and articles is central to building (Continued on Page 50)

## DEMOCRATS

Cyrus Vance: "Whether he has gone, he has left no footprints."

George Ball: "Running with specific proposals . . . a risky strategy."

Paul Warnke: "Can a man make it running on first principles?"

Zbigniew Brzezinski: "Portrays himself as the Good Kissinger."

# The education of Nancy Sokol

## As a third-year medical student, she is learning to balance her compassion against the doctor's need to remain detached.

By Joyce Maynard

From the big windows of New York's Bellevue Hospital, the city at night looks beautiful and distant. A few patients, in paper slippers and Bellevue's blue-and-white striped bathrobes, walk almost in slow motion up and down the halls of the 16th floor's north wing, and there's one old man, barefoot and barelegged, retreating to his room, wearing just his short white hospital gown, open at the back. If this were daytime, the halls would be filled with doctors and teams of medical students, because Bellevue is a teaching hospital, affiliated with N.Y.U. School of Medicine. But except for the sounds of a television comedy coming through very faintly from some of the rooms, the 16th floor is quiet now.

The medical team on 16 North is headed by two attending physicians. Under them are a resident, two interns and two fourth-year med students doing subinternships. And below them there are five third-year students.

The third year of medical school is the first time, after two years of lectures and exams and lab work, that a student has real contact with patients. Third-year students do not take complete responsibility for any patient; they do not make decisions about treatment, and they can't prescribe medication. But students work in the hospital not simply to learn but to care for patients. Their time is divided into five clerkships—psychiatry, pediatrics, obstetrics-gynecology, surgery and medicine—and spent in both University Hospital and Bellevue. Most of the patients at Bellevue are very poor and very sick, and the hospital is badly understaffed, so medicine at Bellevue is probably the students' most varied and demanding clerkship.

Five days a week, third-year students at N.Y.U. School of Medicine work at the hospital from 8 in the morning until whatever time it is—often 7 or 7:30 at night—that all the tests and physical examinations have been completed. Saturday the students come in only for the morning, and Sundays are usually free, which means that they are free for studying or going to the library. In addition, every fifth night, one of the students on a team remains on duty on the ward with one of the interns from his team. There may be a few hours during the night when the student and the intern can sleep, but both of them are on call for 36 hours straight. Tonight the intern on duty is a handsome, compact young man with a friendly, reassuring manner named Basil Papaharis. The third-year student working with him is named Nancy Sokol, and this is the story of one week during her medicine clerkship.

Joyce Maynard is a member of The Times's metropolitan staff.

Nancy Sokol is 29—older than most third-year students. She is an appealing-looking, large-eyed young woman. Her manner is brisk and serious, never effusive. A patient familiar with the ways of Marcus Welby might at first regard Nancy Sokol as almost cold. He would be wrong.

Nancy grew up in Brooklyn, where her mother was a secretary and her father a meat cutter. She went to Cornell when she was 16, and then to Harvard Graduate School, where she married Peter Loue and settled in Woods Hole, Mass. for a few years, while Peter did biology research. Peter gave up science to become a carpenter, and the Loues moved through a number of semicommunal living arrangements, with Nancy feeling moderately happy but restless. She began working on the fringes of medicine, doing abortion counseling, and joined a women's group. "Peter didn't keep me down, but I was just raised to take it for granted that his career came first. If he got a job in California and I got a job in New York, we'd go to California."

"When my father died, I suddenly felt it was time to make some decisions on my own. I told my mother I wanted to go to medical school and she said, 'Why don't you persuade Peter to go?' It was very frightening. I knew I'd have to leave Peter and everything familiar in my life, but I decided to try."

There were about 4,200 applicants for the 170 places at N.Y.U. School of Medicine in 1973, the year Nancy Sokol applied; 900 were women, and 45 of the women entered the class. Just 10 years before, only 1,500 applied for a similar number of places; only 137 of them were women, and only 8 women entered the class. The competition has continued to increase, even though tuition is up to $4,800 a year now, with very little scholarship money available. (Nancy is financing her medical education with a package of loans from banks, the school, the Government and her mother.)

"There's been no moment, in all our training so far," Nancy says, "when they gave us a class on coping with the death of a patient. It's funny—they hardly mention death. It just happens, and after a while you get used to it, the way you get used to everything.

"It was hard, the first time I had to do a rectal exam, the first time I had to draw blood. There seemed to be such a barrier between the needle and the skin. One of the first things we had to do was dissect a cadaver. I didn't think I could. But they started us on the back, so it was several weeks before we saw the face, and by that time, it didn't seem so bad.

"I'm not sure what kind of doctor I'll be," she says. "I'm tempted by the idea of general practice out in the country somewhere, but I'd like to be connected with a teaching hospital. Twenty years

The "medical team" gathers (at head of bank)

# Sweepstakes

*Continued from Page 13*

reputations in the Community.

The Establishment sought power in Congress and the executive branch, but quietly, in the back rooms, and incidentally to the end of aiding its business interests. The Community seeks influence more openly and over a wide range of foreign-affairs issues, courting the news media—and vice versa. Its members are sought after by newsmen (and Congressmen) for the ideas they can offer in challenge to Administration policies. They are continually going in and out of government; and when on the “outside,” they have come to constitute a permanent opposition, all the way from left to right. A sign of the times is that the Council on Foreign Relations, once the élitist New York headquarters of the foreign-policy Establishment, has had to open its doors to the new crowd in order to survive as just one of the power centers of the Community.

The Big Eight all know how to succeed in this new environment. They have reached the top by being better at the new game than most of the competition and by virtue of their past or present seniority in government. They are all able men, careful men. While they wait, they lay their electoral strategies.

At one extreme (if one can use that word about any of these mandarins of the political center) there is Brzezinski, the seeker; at the other, there is Vance, the sought-after. These two men define the boundaries. Like the other contenders, neither admits to any strategy, and both exude humility.

Humility fits “Zbig” Brzezinski about as well as Kissinger. A 48-year-old Polish immigrant, blond hair tightly combed to form a V in front, he is quick, brilliant and articulate. He also comes closest to the Kissinger mode of seeking power. Kissinger made his contacts early with the Rockefeller Brothers Fund. Brzezinski systematically broadened his network a few years ago by starting up the Triilateral Commission, an organization dedicated to fostering closer relations among Western Europe, Japan and North America. Henry had Nelson Rockefeller for a pa-

tron, Zbig has David Rockefeller, through David's presidency of the commission. Together, Zbig and David selected people from the core of the Community to be on the commission. Jimmy Carter, then simply ex-Governor of Georgia, with some far-out ideas of winning his party's nomination for President, was one of the outsiders chosen.

“Zbig was the first guy in the Community to pay attention to Carter, to take him seriously,” said someone who has had a chance to watch the courtship. “He spent time with Carter, talked to him, sent him his books and articles, educated him.” For the better part of three years, Brzezinski (along with Prof. Richard N. Gardner of Columbia) had Carter virtually to himself, while the Community as a whole was looking elsewhere, to Senators Kennedy and Mondale. It paid off. Brzezinski, with Gardner and Henry Owen of the Brookings Institution, is now described by Carter aides as the leading man on Carter's foreign-policy task force.

Brzezinski responds to Carter's interest in him with unconvincing modesty: “Kissinger broke the ground with his German accent, but someone with the name Brzezinski, with a Polish accent, could never be Secretary of State.”

“It wasn't as if Zbig put all his eggs in the Carter basket,” explained another observer. “He had eggs in every basket.” Senators Henry Jackson, Hubert Humphrey, Edward Kennedy, Walter Mondale and Birch Bayh were among the beneficiaries of private conversations with him.

He did not knock down their doors. By the time he came to them, they wanted him. He had met the Senators at the endless rounds of conferences here and abroad, dined with them, discussed affairs with them at Democratic Party conclaves, sent them his articles with little notes. It took time and a lot of work. Like Kissinger, he achieved a reputation for academic excellence and policy relevance relatively early. Most of all, like Kissinger, he knows how to talk to men of power—simply, clearly, always appreciative of their dilemmas and their risks. He throws in a mixture

*(Continued on Page 55)*

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The New York Times Magazine/May 23, 1976 49

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of high moral purpose, good policy suggestions and gut politics. And he does one thing as well as Kissinger: He is a phrase-maker. (Example: "Kissinger is an acrobat when what we need is an architect.") He gives the politician something to say to others when the meeting is over. It is never a waste.

His strategy seems to be portraying himself as the Good Kissinger—a man with Kissinger's intellect and maneuverability but with a different world view. Kissinger's global picture has an East-West axis and centers on Soviet-American relations, getting the Russians to accept the legitimacy of existing spheres of influence. Brzezinski, who was a State Department policy planner in the Johnson Administration, puts more stress on a West-West axis (focusing on relations among NATO allies and Japan) with a North-South (industrialized nations and developing nations) corollary.

If Brzezinski overwhelms Presidential candidates with his intellectual virtuosity and ideas, Cy Vance, 59, lures them almost irresistibly with his reputation, his balance and his complete respectability. His strategy seems to add up to a seduction process—seducing candidates by his personal integrity, soundness and experience. Jimmy Carter, like Senator Muskie in 1972, went to him.

While Vance does not come from a prominent family, every other ticket has been punched to qualify him for the old Establishment: Yale and Yale Law School; the Navy on a destroyer in World War II; a staff assistant to Senator Lyndon Johnson; Secretary of the Army; Deputy Secretary of Defense; Vietnam negotiator along with Averell Harriman in 1968; partner in the prestigious New York firm of Simpson, Thacher & Bartlett; president of the New York City Bar Association; a member of the board of directors of The New York Times.

Vance did not rise by scoring points off his fellow man. He always left his associates impressed. His technique is unchanging: In lawyerlike fashion, he memorizes his brief and never exceeds instructions. His judgment is always cautious and always sound. His superiors never got in trouble by giving Cy the job. And the job always got done. He wasn't tainted by the Vietnam War because he

never got out front on the issue, and he was out of the Government by 1967, before the country really soured on the engagement.

"If Vance and Zbig were at a meeting together," said one of Vance's very few detractors, "it would go something like this. Carter says, 'What do you think, Cy?' Cy says, 'We've got a very difficult problem on our hands.' Zbig would jump in almost immediately, without being asked, and wow them all. Then Vance would let the others at the meeting pick holes in Zbig's ideas. At the end, Vance would find the center of gravity."

In fact, he would define that center. Vance has seen too many good men go down the drain in Washington by picking sides too soon, becoming targets, losing their reputation for objectivity. Brilliance is O.K. for a speech; balance is necessary to survive. If he makes a proposal, it's going to be something that works.

Everyone would get a hearing with Vance. Like a good labor negotiator, he finds the gaps dividing the parties and maneuvers patiently and persistently to bring the two sides together. He is a healer, and wherever he has gone, he has not left any footprints.

A denizen of the Community prepares and positions himself for the whole of his professional career. It is done through timing — knowing when to speak at a meeting, when to look for a new job, when not to take a job (too much visibility, perhaps, or the job types its holder too much). It is done by having former government service to point to and by proving oneself on "the outside" (successful law practice, running a foundation, chairing a meeting). It is done by getting invited to the right conferences; being among those in "the little groups" (the insider's inside) assembled to advise the candidates; having thoughtful articles printed in publications like Foreign Affairs, Foreign Policy, The New Republic, The Washington Post and The New York Times; helping Senators with speeches, and operating through social connections known in Washington as "friends."

There are those—a lucky few—who don't have to endure this endless race but are in the running by reason of birth. Among the men now within reach of Kissinger's

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worth, both former Congressmen. Or to present Republican leaders in the Senate like Charles Mathias of Maryland or Charles Percy of Illinois. Or to one of a group of ex-Governors with international experience, like John Connally, Nelson Rockefeller or William Scranton. Carter or Humphrey could think of someone in the House of Representatives like Donald Fraser of Minnesota, or of Senators such as Sam Nunn of Georgia, Walter Mondale of Minnesota, Frank Church of Idaho, Dick Clark of Iowa or John Culver of Iowa. Or it could be a surprise like Theodore Sorensen or Paul Nitze, a major conservative figure in defense policy for years. The next President could also scour the country for a "new face." The Kennedy talent scouts did that and came up with Robert McNamara.

If a Ford or a Reagan were to study those now being prominently mentioned, they would not find important differences between their positions on the issues. Schlesinger and Laird, for instance, stand just a shade to the right of Kissinger on the critical issue of the use of power and military force in the world; Richardson and Peterson stand a shade to the left. Vance, Warnke, Ball and Brzezinski essentially share basic views, even though Brzezinsky and Ball have a background of greaterrocupation with the Soviet Union than do Vance and Warnke. Thus, the next President's choice will have to be made on stylistic and tactical grounds.

The men in the center ring know that for all their positioning and preparation, their chances come down to who will be President and how he will see his needs. Sorensen once wrote that Kennedy chose Dean Rusk not only because he wanted to be his own Secretary of State but because the others he might have preferred had something against them—like being “still young” or “already an elder statesman” or identified with “the Southern position on race.”

If a Republican President talked to the range of people I did, he would hear the following: Schlesinger — extremely knowledgeable, but too committed; Peterson — a new face, but try him at the No. 2 job first; Laird—skillful and a conciliator with Congress, but perhaps more a politician than a diplomat; Richardson—best bet, whether he is a More or a Wolsey.

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Henry Kissinger: Presiding over an "endless transition" from old to new.

If a Democratic President were to
make the rounds, he would be told:
Brzezinski — many of Kissinger's
strengths and weaknesses, try him in
another post first; Ball—still sharp
and well-known, but perhaps too old
a face; Warnke—mentioned as a first
choice by many, but held to be too
liberal by some; Vance—the consen-
sus choice and the consensus man.

The next Secretary of State is bound
to have a powerful effect on the next
President's foreign policy. He could
even approach the influence Acheson
had on President Truman and Kissinger
used to have on President Ford. None
of the remaining leading candidates—
including Ford—has had much experi-
ence in international affairs. To be
sure, every one of the Big Eight or the
other elect, except for Schlesinger,
would adjust to his boss's political
situation. Running tends to blur dif-
ferences between the elect and the
electable. This process of accommoda-
tion is already occurring. Nonetheless,
the next Secretary will enter office
with uncommon potential for changing

the direction of American foreign
policy.

Kissinger has been called the transi-
tional Secretary, the man who tried
to bridge the cold war and détente,
the old anti-Communist military pre-
occupations and the new economic
and moral concerns. But largely be-
cause he used new and more limited
means to the same old end of stopping
the Russians, and also now because
of Republican domestic politics, his
tenure has been an endless transition.
Perhaps the next President and the
next Secretary, uncertain of what is
happening in the world, will prolong
the transition (and each of the Big
Eight could carry out such a policy).
At the same time, the pressures are
building up for a change—either a
move back to confrontation with Mos-
cow or a move forward with the new
diplomacy. Not all of the contenders
for Secretary of State would support
the first and some of them would oppose
the second. Thus, the man chosen by
the next President, and the interplay
between them, will be pointers to what
the foreign policy is likely to be. ■

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63

Parent and Child

By Patti Hagan

Johnny not only can't write;
he can't handwrite, either. But a new way
of teaching an old skill offers hope
for a rebirth of penmanship.

Consider Johnny's ill-formed graffi-
ti. That Johnny can't write distresses
high-school and college teachers. That
Johnny can't handwrite, either, both-
ers them much less. Johnny will grow
up, acquire a secretary or at least a
typewriter. One or the other will trans-
late his thoughts into legibility, if not
parsability. Yet some parents, often
admitted illegibles themselves, do
worry and complain about the scrip-
torial decadence of their children's
hands. Schools, however, tend not to
recognize the problem or take it seri-
ously. Considered against the real
educational trauma of cut and bleeding
budgets, handwriting would seem to
have a curriculum priority somewhere
below Playdoh and jungle gyms. Amer-
icans, child and adult, are writing like
spiders, crabs and worse, hen-tracking
ballpoint pens across unreadable
pages.

The prolapse of the American Hand
is blamed on everything from the as-
cendancy of the typewriter to the
speed of modern living, to unlettered
teachers, to a lack of pride in hand-
craftsmanship, to the general accept-
ance of bad writing, to the thin-line
poverty of the ballpoint pen. Which-
ever, academically handwriting re-
mains the most orphaned of the three
R's. In 1954, Prof. Frank Freeman of
the University of California, Berkeley,
found evidence to suggest that "the
quality of handwriting in the schools
is inferior to that of a generation or
two generations ago" because of "the
general impression that because hand-
writing is not as important as reading,
arithmetic, and the content subjects,
careful attention does not need to be
given it; and second, the inadequate
preparation of classroom teachers to
teach handwriting."

The situation remains well out of
hand. Prof. Joanna Williams of Graff-
ers College, Columbia, notes "since
handwriting is not being taught, teach-

ers are doing any old thing. Handwrit-
ing is not valued at the graduate level.
I don't see any schools that use any
real method any more. Handwriting
has gone down and nobody cares to
make up excuses." The modern educa-
tor's attitude toward handwriting is
somewhat along the lines of mid-60's
creative expressionism, as stated by
Michael Padva, an elementary-school
teacher in Englewood, N.J.: "If the kids
are learning to express themselves
creatively, coherently and logically,
the handwriting will come as a natural
process." (Except that there is noth-
ing natural about acquiring a hand or
any of the other trappings of literacy.)

In New York City's public schools,
the assistant director at the Center
for School Development, Madeleine
Dorn, explains more emphatically,
"We don't have in-service courses in
teaching handwriting because this is
a motor skill. Handwriting is not a
cognitive-curriculum area. It's a com-
munications skill, not an art form."
Dennis Hagan, a fifth-grade teacher
in Springfield, Vt., observes, "People
have the idea that if you can't write
well now, there'll be machines that will
do it. Some teachers will say: 'I'll let
you type or tape-record if your hand-
writing's bad.'" And the grown-up re-
sult, in too many cases, is a mongrel
hand that defies description, much less
communication. A wretchedness of
handwriters.

American handwriting began to hit
the sprawls around the turn of the
century. According to a recent study
by Charles Lehman, an elementary

teacher and handwriting authority in
Tigard, Ore., "The history of handwrit-
ing research and literature in America
since 1900 is an academic tug of war
over two bad letter models: print
script and commercial cursive." Com-
mercial cursive was devised in the
1890's by two American companies
specializing in handwriting texts and
materials—A. N. Palmer in Illinois and
Zaner-Bloser in Ohio—to enable busi-
ness clerks to write longhand for hours
without tiring. Palmer and Zaner-Blo-
ser streamlined the ornate Spencerian
hand, homogenizing the letter shapes
and removing the flourishes and cur-
licues to make a running business
hand that links all letters by loose
loops and curves so that

a quick brown fox jumps
over the lazy dog

like this. Palmer and Zaner-Bloser pub-
lished widely used school texts and
continued, in the tradition of the early
traveling penmen and writing masters,
to launch children on their written
lives cursively.

Then in the 1920's a new writing
fad imported from England—print
script or stick-and-ball—was intro-
duced into American private schools
and soon spread through the public
schools. Print script replaced cursive
in the textbooks as the accepted first-
grade hand, to be followed by a sec-
ond-grade or third-grade "transition"
to commercial cursive, called "real
writing." The popularity of print script
for beginners continues, though in the

1960's some educators began to argue
that the switch from printing to cur-
sive was wasteful and unnecessary,
that "in other skill areas early learn-
ings are broadened and reinforced, not
replaced." Emeritus Prof. Lloyd Rey-
nolds, of Reed College, Ore., the art
historian and the penman responsible
for the current flourish of italic hand-
writing on the West Coast (in Oregon,
italic is now one of four officially sanc-
tioned handwriting systems in the
schools), condemns print-script letter
forms as "too wide, too vertical . . .
[requiring] too many pen lifts" and
altogether "a gross misdirection in
elementary education."

Print script depends upon the perfect circle and the perfectly perpendicular stick, as in

Stick-and-ball construction gives many
children a confusing time with rever-
sals such as

bdqqp

where it is hard to remember whether
the stick belongs to the right, left,
above or below the ball. This proves
to be poor preparation for longhand.
Critics point out that, initiating
the writing skill with stiff,
disconnected circular-perpendicular let-
ters, children fail to discover the
rhythm of writing, or the unity of
letters tied together by the cursive
within words. And then they
are made to drop ball-and-stick en-
tirely for the grown-up commercial
cursive. Says Professor Reynolds, "At
this changeover, many children be-
come frustrated, for the break in con-
tinuity is severe and the poorly de-
signed, homogenized forms of cursive
are confusing." Over the past 50 years
most American children have been de-
prived of alphabetic continuity be-
cause of the print-script/comercial-
cursive double standard. At the outset
children learn defective letter forms,
and when those shapes break down,
as they tend to do with repeated use,
the children (Continued on Page 68)

Patti Hagan is on the staff of The
New Yorker.