THE WASHINGTON POST

Friday, May 21, 1976

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OCTOBER 31, 1976

Canceled in California

Kissinger Won't Go West

The chairman of President Ford's election campaign says Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger has canceled speeches in California before the June Republican primary there to help Ford's campaign effort.

Rogers Morton, Ford's campaign chief, said yesterday Kissinger "apparently made the judgment that it would be better for the President's campaign if he didn't do it at this time."

Morton, speaking at Ford headquarters last night, added that no one at the White House or in the campaign organization was involved in Kissinger's decision to turn down invitations to speak from the World Affairs Council of Los Angeles and the Commonwealth Club of San Francisco.

The secretary of state is viewed by some campaign officials and White House aides as a liability in Ford's effort to win the Republican presidential nomination against former California governor Ronald Reagan.

REAGAN HAS scored his series of primary victories over Ford since he began

stressing the theme that the Ford administration, as represented by Kissinger, has been too ready to make concessions in foreign policy areas.

The criticism reached a peak when Kissinger's trip to Africa, during which he emphasized American support for black majority rule, coincided with Ford's humiliating loss in the Texas primary.

There has been no concerted effort to seek Kissinger's resignation, however. Ford aides feel that Kissinger's ouster would be read as a sign of panic on the part of the White House, and they believe that the President is not inclined to make such a move anyway.

As one White House official said, "It would look like we were shooting every tenth man in the French Regiment to make the troops fight harder."

The State Department, in announcing the cancellation of the speeches yesterday, sought to play down the political significance.

"The secretary has decided not to speak in California before the June 8 primary in keeping with his conviction that his office is not political," State Depart-

ment spokesman Robert L. Funseth told reporters.

FUNSETH announced that Kissinger has turned down "He didn't want to leave any room for misunderstanding," Funseth said.

Funseth acknowledged that Kissinger's appearance a few weeks before the California primary "might have been perceived as a political trip."

To questions on whether Ford had ordered Kissinger off the speaking circuit, Funseth said, "I'm convinced he made the decision on his own."

Kissinger was to leave today on a trip to Europe and is due back May 27. The appearances in Los Angeles and San Francisco therefore would have been within a matter of days before the primary.

As the presidential campaign heated up earlier Kissinger continued accepting invitations for public speeches across the country, insisting that his defense of administration foreign policy was not partisan but rather educational.

According to some Kissinger intimates, this represented a change of heart. He had tentatively decided late last year to restrict himself to very occasional dates or to cut them out entirely as the campaign progressed.

Funseth said Kissinger may speak elsewhere in the coming months.

THE NEW YORK TIMES, MONDAY, MAY 17, 1976

# Kissinger Wants to Quit Office
Even if Ford Wins in November

Continued From Page 1, Col. 1
exist, the necessities that the
President may feel he has, that
I won't even listen to him. But
on the whole, I would prefer to
leave."

Mr. Kissinger has been criti-
cized by some of Mr. Ford's
political advisers as a liability
to Mr. Ford's efforts to win the
Republican nomination.

An Issue in Primaries

Ronald Reagan, Mr. Ford's
rival for the Republican nom-
ination, has made Mr. Kissinger
and his policies a prime target
in the primary campaigns. In
particular, Mr. Kissinger's re-
cent African trip, on which he
promised to help to end white
rule in Rhodesia, has been cited
by some of Mr. Ford's aides as
having contributed to Mr.
Ford's defeat in the Texas pri-
mary.

Mr. Ford has publicly stated
that Mr. Kissinger can remain
as Secretary of State as long
as he wants, even into a new
Administration.

But some of Mr. Ford's aides,
such as Rogers C. B. Morton,
the head of the Ford Election
Committee, and Melvin R.
Laird, a close friend have said
publicly that they believed Mr.
Kissinger would not be Secre-
tary in a new Ford Administra-
tion. This was interpreted as
pressure from the Ford camp
on Mr. Kissinger to state his
intention of resigning, thereby
helping to remove him as a
campaign issue.

Those comments were not
well received by Mr. Kissinger,
who does not want to leave of-
fice under pressure, his aides
say.

The criticism of the African
trip from some people in the

Ford camp has also annoyed
Mr. Kissinger.

He said early last week in
an interview with the Hearst
newspapers, "I briefed the
Cabinet two weeks before go-
ing, and even though all the
political advisers—those re-
sponsible for political affairs—
were present, nobody raised a
political objection to the trip."

In the NBC interview, Mr.
Kissinger defended the African
trip as having given African
nations "a moderate alterna-
tive" to further wars in Africa.

He said that if negotiations
between whites and blacks
could begin in Rhodesia, "per-
haps all of the parties will
conclude that negotiation is
preferable to bloodshed."

On the Panama Canal, which
has become another campaign
issue, Mr. Kissinger rebutted
criticism of the current nego-
tiations by asserting that if
necessary the United States
"will defend the Panama Canal."
But the President, he added,
must be able to show that
every effort for a negotiated
arrangement with the Pana-
manians was taken first.

On the Middle East, he saw
no progress toward peace now,
but said he still believed that
progress was possible. "I be-
lieve that the chief element for
it exists, and it is only a ques-
tion of time before the momen-
tum starts again."

Asked about recognition of
Vietnam, Mr. Kissinger said
that there was no progress in
this direction, because Hanoi
tried to "blackmail us by using
the remains of Americans to
restore economic and other aid,
and we will not be blackmailed
by the American suffering, and
we will not attach any condi-
tions to the missing in action."

Doubts on Africa

5/16/76

NYT [LC]

Secretary of State Kissinger made clear in his report to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that he intends to hold firmly to his new policy of working for "a rapid, just and African solution" in pivotal Rhodesia. What remains in doubt is whether President Ford, buffeted by the right-wing attacks of Ronald Reagan, will follow through on the policy Mr. Kissinger has enunciated.

The most critical test for the new policy will be the zeal with which the Administration works on Capitol Hill for the repeal "this year" of the Byrd Amendment. This legislation allows the importation of Rhodesian chrome and thus puts the United States in violation of the United Nations sanctions against Rhodesia

Mr. Reagan has charged that Mr. Kissinger's promise of "unrelenting opposition" to Rhodesia's white rulers and his support for a British proposal for negotiations leading to majority rule in two years is likely to bring "increased violence and bloodshed" in a country where blacks outnumber whites by 24 to 1. In the face of the Reagan attacks, some White House aides have appeared reluctant in the last week to reiterate the President's support for Mr. Kissinger's African policy statements. However, failure to repeal will deal a blow throughout southern Africa to the credibility of all of the new American commitments.

Mr. Kissinger believes his recent African trip helped persuade important African leaders of the dangers of direct massive support for liberation movements by non-African powers, as occurred in Angola. But obviously the hopes both for minimizing outside military intervention and for keeping alive whatever chance remains for a peaceful negotiated solution in Rhodesia depend heavily on implementation of the American commitment to self-determination and majority rule made by Mr. Kissinger.

The Secretary of State's belated conversion to a constructive African policy seems to be an enduring one. The question mark remains President Ford.

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# Kissinger, S. Africa Envoy Confer

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger yesterday held his first official meeting with the ambassador of South Africa, a nation regarded as a key to the black-white struggle throughout Africa.

The meeting with Ambassador Roelof F. Botha is believed to be a significant step in the evolving American strategy for trying to resolve the spreading guerrilla war in Rhodesia and head off Soviet-Cuban penetration of Africa.

Although spokesmen were limited to a formalistic description of the meeting, the U.S. intention is to work with South Africa, which controls the remain-

ing access routes to land-locked Rhodesia, to put pressure on the Rhodesian white minority government. Black Africa's nationalist leaders have urged the same strategy.

Kissinger also met yesterday with Soviet Ambassador Anatoliy F. Dobrynin, who recently returned to Washington after an absence of nearly three months, partially due to illness.

During this interval U.S. Soviet relations have deteriorated, largely because of expressed American determination to prevent "another Angola," the Soviet-

backed Cuban military intervention that produced a victory for the Marxist-supported faction in that African nation.

Kissinger and Dobrynin discussed a broad range of issues, including the stalled talks on limiting nuclear strategic arms and the controversy over microwave emissions aimed at the American embassy in Moscow.

view with The Washington Post Tuesday that he told Church he would "stand back" from the Nebraska primary and that his operatives "pressured the hell out of Church's people" to stay out of Connecticut by reminding them that Udall was not entering the Nebraska primary.

However, Udall objected to the Post's characterization of these events as "a deal." Asked how he would describe them, he said, "by ex-

(UPI) — The Unification Church in America, guided by Korean preacher Sun Myung Moon, says it plans to turn its newly acquired Hotel New Yorker into a 41-story "Temple of God on Eighth Avenue."

The controversial church, which has been accused of brainwashing its members, purchased the unused 2,000-room hotel on Eighth Avenue from the Hilton Hotel Corp. for more than $5 million, it was reported.

years of tax laws and government guarantees against business losses that encourage American investment abroad.

## CORRECTION

An error appeared in our ad in Friday's Post on page A-17. The 20" White Bath Vanity priced at $39.88 should have read "Faucet Extra." We regret any inconvenience.

MONTGOMERY WARD

INDOOR

WALK

KISSINGER SCORES
REAGAN ON CANAL

Says His Policy on Panama
'Would Be a Disaster'

BOSTON, May 13 (AP)—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger has criticized the Panama Canal views of Ronald Reagan and says that "they have certainly not helped the negotiations," according to the Boston Herald American.

The article from the newspaper's Washington bureau today said that Mr. Kissinger had told the Hearst newspapers that negotiations on the Canal Zone began 12 years ago under President Johnson and that three successive Presidents had concluded "that it is in the nation interest to negotiate a better arrangement for the Panama Canal."

He said the Presidents had reached this conclusion "because of their conviction that our relations with all the countries in Latin America would be impaired if we do not make at least a good faith effort to negotiate an arrangement."

The Secretary said of Mr. Reagan's proposals, "The policy would be a disaster."

Mr. Reagan, former Republican Governor of California, said recently he believed the United States should keep the canal because it bought and built it.

Mr. Kissinger was quoted as saying, "Even if Mr. Reagan became President, he would soon be confronted with the imperative that you cannot rest the peace of the world on a constant threat of war that by every estimate will kill hundreds of millions."

7

plain to the Japanese people what's going on in America. Most Japanese simply don't understand the primary election system, and haven't much interest in it. Perhaps the most discussed aspect of the case is the strange and incongruous idea that a movie actor has a real chance of becoming President.

This report pointed out that President Ford is having difficulty turning his incumbency into a political advantage. And it also pointed out that Jimmy Carter's most successful strategy has been to emphasize that he is *not* part of the Washington-centered political world. Some informed Japanese see a major characteristic of this election as a general weariness felt by the American people over the kind of politics that brought about the Vietnam war and Watergate. Other Japanese fear a tendency toward isolationism. But the primaries are simply not an issue here. Japan is caught up still in the Lockheed bribery scandal, which threatens to cause a wider and deeper political upheaval than did the ouster of President Nixon in America. There isn't much speculation about the outcome of the elections, but one network has predicted that Mr. Ford will defeat Reagan for the nomination, and go on to win in November.

## IF THEY DON'T LIKE IT, THEY CAN LEAVE

David Hartman and Jack Anderson, ABC-TV "Good Morning America."

Hartman: Yesterday, Jack Anderson and I talked about Henry Kissinger's future role in our government, and this morning he's got an update on that. Good morning, Jack.

Anderson: Good morning, David. As I remember our conversation yesterday morning, you asked whether I thought President Ford would drop Henry Kissinger as Secretary of State. I told you that earlier the President had given Kissinger a private commitment to keep him at least until after the election. Well, I went back to my White House sources after the broadcast to find out whether the President has changed his mind.

They tell me that Ford is determined as ever to keep Kissinger. The President's already told some of his advisors that he's sticking with Kissinger, and that if they don't like it, they can leave. One of Gerald Ford's heroes, you see, is the late Harry Truman. The President remembers how Truman stood up for his Secretary of State, Dean Acheson, under political fire. In fact, the President has just about decided to eliminate Truman, and 'give 'em hell.' Don't be surprised if

8

Ford issues a **bold** endorsement of Kissinger this weekend in Michigan. I can tell you, he's strongly considering the idea. You see, some political advisors have criticized Kissinger for taking off on a diplomatic tour of Africa just before several key Southern primaries. The spectacle of Kissinger supporting the rights of the black majority in South Africa and Rhodesia, these advisors complain, cost the President votes among white Southern conservatives.

Well, I've got additional news for you. 'By White House sources say it was the President's idea that Kissinger go to Africa. The President was concerned over intelligence reports that the Soviets were making rapid gains on the African continent. He felt Kissinger should visit Africa at once to stem the Soviet tide. Ford was aware, I might add, that the Kissinger tour could hurt him on the eve of the southern primaries. But the President quietly decided that the fate of Africa was more important than the Texas primary.

I think you're going to be seeing the President take a 'get tough' attitude. He's tried to appease the right wing of his party. He dropped the word 'detente' from his vocabulary, for example, because of the right wing criticism of his foreign policy. But I don't think the President will modify his positions any more in the hope of pleasing the right wing.

## GENERALLY INACTIVE

### Marvin Kalb, CBS Radio, First Line Report.

The Middle East boils, but American diplomacy on the Middle East holds to a generally inactive line.

Talk to the Secretary of State, or any of his advisors, and they will express astonishment over the fact that foreign policy has become an issue in the presidential campaign. 'We are at peace,' they will say, 'the world's quieter now than in years.' One part of the world that knows neither peace nor war, but hangs chronically closer to war, is the Middle East. Yet, against the backdrop of America's activist policy in that area in recent years, - just recall Kissinger's shuttling diplomacy - it seems unusual, perhaps even strange, that the United States is now so inactive.

Rather than take the lead, it seems content to watch from the sidelines. What it watches is really disturbing to many officials who know that the once vaunted momentum toward peace negotiations has been blunted, and old habits in the Middle

[LC]

CBS News May 13, 1976

RINGOLD says the honor system operates at West Point is not realistic.

RINGOLD: The honor system is a black and white ideal; I mean, either something is not a violation or it is not, either - there is no grey area.

Well, when you are dealing with people, there is a lot of grey area. People make mistakes - people up here are no different from people anywhere else in the world.

We have faulty judgment, we make mistakes. We're sensitive about our mistakes and try to cover them up but the honor code doesn't allow for that.

When you deal with people, you have to allow for human error.

And here with the system the way it is, you have no right to fail.

SHEPPARD: The academy officially denies cadet RINGOLD's accusation that cheating here is wide-spread.

But a spokesman admits that General Sidney BERRY, the superintendent, when he endorsed a letter to the Army Secretary from ten West Point defense lawyers recently, concluded that an independent investigation of the cheating scandal here, quote, could have merit.

## Kremlin Stops SALT Ceremony

WALTER CRONKITE: In Moscow, the Kremlin was forces to cancel a ceremony at which that nuclear treaty was to have been signed.

But the Soviets were gracious about the cancellation. Foreign reporters who showed up were given tickets to a film preview or a concert.

## Commentary On Politics And Foreign Policy

ERIC SEVAREID: The monkey wrench thrown by Ronald REAGAN into the conduct of American foreign policy is continuing to jam the gears.

But it does so because the President won't pull it out and throw it back at REAGAN. He continues trying to change the gears instead.

He has delayed signing the new treaty with the Soviet Union on limiting nuclear tests.

This treaty ought to be a considerable gain for this country since it would permit something the Soviets have always before resisted - American inspectors on their soil.

It is delayed not because of REAGAN and the critical Michigan primaries says the White House, but because the treaty hasn't been read here. But no treaty gets even close to the signing stage without the officials concerned knowing

every semi-colon by heart.

Secretary KISSINGER testified at the Senate today - in reference to the Administration aim to repeal the BYRD amendment apparently was dropped from his formal text.

The amendment that permits Americans to import Rhodesian chrome inspite of the UN sanction. An amendment KISSINGER had just told black African leaders the Administration would try to repeal.

Mr. KISSINGER's demeanor during that colloquy on this amendment left little doubt that his biggest obstacle at the moment is the political minded side of the White House.

To add to the twist of irony of the whole situation, the Democratic majority of the Foreign Relations Committee is in effect begging the Republican President to act like a man who believes in his own foreign policies and to face down Mr. REAGAN.

KISSINGER's position is delicate and difficult in all this. Traditionally, Secretaries of State stay away from political campaigns. But this campaign will not stay away from him.

REAGAN has made KISSINGER an issue.

So gusts of gossip swirl around the town that the President will dump the Secretary as further appeasement of the Republican right-wing.

This seems highly unlikely. It would amount to the President repudiating his own foreign policies and would be taken by many voters simply as a sign of panic and indecision.

Whether or not FORD is nominated this August, KISSINGER is expected to stay on until January, though it would be hard for a definitely lame duck Secretary to negotiate effectively with foreigners.

Particularly since he has been made a domestic political issue like no Secretary since ATCHISON.

What is overlooked is that if REAGAN is nominated and KISSINGER, as Secretary, or as a private person, would almost certainly campaign actively against REAGAN. He is not unpopular with the American people as the polls show. And it is not conceivable that he would sit idly by and watch the crippling of foreign policy he has labored seven years to put into place.

## New Heavy Fighting In Lebanon

WALTER CRONKITE: There was new heavy fighting on several fronts in Lebanon today and it raised again the question whether the thirteen month old civil war could be settled politically.

Police said one hundred and thirty-

7

Friday, May 14, 1976

Policies and Politicians

By C. L. Sulzberger

PARIS—No one yet knows whether the new look of U.S. African policy is founded on the old adage, "If you can't lick 'em, join 'em," or if Henry Kissinger has decided to follow Talleyrand's advice: "The art of statesmanship is to foresee the inevitable and to expedite its occurrence." Probably his tactic combines the two theories.

It has become a contemporary cliché that Kissinger is the Metternich of his time, but the late French President Pompidou assessed him differently, "Let us say he began as Talleyrand," Pompidou suggested, "and that he will end like Bismarck." This could have been a prophetic hint. Bismarck was dropped by his master, Kaiser Wilhelm II.

If it is as a modern Talleyrand that Kissinger will be judged, there is no doubt that since he was forced by a reluctant Congress to abandon his Angola policy, the chances of "inevitable" black nationalist victory in southern Africa have been greatly improved. Therefore, presumably, Kissinger, having decided this movement can't be licked, seeks both to join it and to lead it away from Moscow.

Obviously that fundamental decision does not include South Africa. The territorial gains of black liberators there must inescapably follow patterns already laid down by Pretoria's combined program of new African states like Botswana and Lesotho or homelands like the Transkei. These lines may be substantially altered but not erased.

Whatever the abrupt shift in American attitudes produces, it is obvious Mr. Kissinger has been playing for time to tranquilize the situation. Such is the obvious meaning of his suggestion that Britain's former Prime Minister, Sir Harold Wilson, might mediate the Rhodesian crisis, a proposal greeted as "the joke of the year" in Salisbury. The only thing that particular idea might gain is time.

Washington needs time. Mr. Kissinger himself once wrote: "In the contemporary world, policy-makers have to make decisions on a range of issues in which they may not give many hours to the same problems that their experts have spent years studying."

This is true of Mr. Kissinger vis-à-vis his own African affairs department. It is true of President Ford vis-à-vis Kissinger. And it is true of Ronald Reagan vis-à-vis Ford. All of which gives all kinds of Democrats a fine free ride.

Africa has not yet achieved the prominence as a political issue in coming United States elections that it will probably gain. So far it is outshone by arguments about Soviet relations and the Panama Canal. On both of those matters American politicians are so accustomed to their illusions that they often mistake them for reality.

Such is the case with key phrases like "détente" and "Panama Canal." Mr. Ford appears to think that by barring use of the word "détente," symbolizing the fundament of his own and Mr. Kissinger's foreign policy, he can persuade people the latter is no longer the case. And Mr. Reagan seems to think it is worth losing all Latin America just to keep the Canal Zone. Will some genius argue it is worth preserving a white Rhodesia in order to lose black Africa?

Fortunately, meanwhile, the United States has been tending to some

FOREIGN AFFAIRS

affairs abroad through private diplomacy and has achieved more quiet success than open acclaim.

Thus, for example, the State Department coordinated with the mediation of, its special envoy, Dean Brown, its growing influence in Damascus with its already established influence in Amman, Ryadh, Cairo and Jerusalem to help quiet the Lebanon crisis. It has already managed to discourage at least two threats of full-scale Syrian invasion.

Likewise, although the emotional Greek people and the excitable Greek lobby in the U.S. Congress still don't know it, United States policy has succeeded in bringing Athens and Ankara closer together. As The Times of London wrote recently: "Greece and Turkey stopped hurling insults across the Aegean and are talking about ending their arms race and signing a nonaggression pact."

It is possible to ease some crises by normal diplomacy kept away from over-eager scrutiny and angry argument and at least to defer or slow down races to disaster in other areas by artful time-saving devices. As to the main issues, debated among political rivals, one can only hope they will survive electoral distortion.

Moscow now seems to understand the realities of American politics enough not to become excessively alarmed by campaign slogans. As for little Panama—it had already, on Washington's advice, refrigerated its negotiating demands until next January.

Kissinger Calls for an End
Of U.S.-Israel 'Wrangling'

5/10/76 NY Times [U]

By BERNARD GWERTZMAN

Special to The New York Times

BALTIMORE, May 9—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger said today that although peace negotiations must continue in the Middle East, the United States recognized that Israel faced serious “dilemmas and risks” in making further territorial concessions in return for less tangible Arab political moves.

In a speech prepared for delivery tonight to a Baltimore synagogue, Mr. Kissinger sought to assure Israel and its American supporters that the Ford Administration was sympathetic to Israel's political, economic and military needs and would not impose a diplomatic solution.

Mr. Kissinger called for an end to “political wrangling” between Israel and the United States, although he said the two sides should always speak candidly about differences and not tell “fairy tales” to each other.

He also said that in addition to military aid, the United States would help Israel's economy overcome the world recession, higher oil prices and

the costs of a strong military.

He added that the United States was committed to ending Arab economic boycotts against Israel and companies that trade with Israel. “Steps toward peace in the political and military field must include steps to end the economic warfare,” he said.

Aware of criticism, particularly in Israel, that the Administration had put undue pressure on Israel for concessions, Mr. Kissinger said the United States would be “understanding of Israel’s special circumstances in the process of negotiations.”

But organizers for the dinner at the Chizuk Amuno Synagogue said that the police told them that they expected groups of demonstrators outside the synagogue protesting Mr. Kissinger's receipt of the Synagogue Brotherhood's “distinguished leadership award.”

Moreover, The Jewish Times, published in Baltimore, was so divided on Mr. Kissinger's award that the paper ran two

Continued on Page 5, Column 1

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A Rainy Sunday

By MALCOLM W. BROWNE

Special to The New York Times

MAIANO, Italy, May 9—A steady, dreary rain drenched this devastated corner of northern Italy today, and Sunday became a day of mourning.

People are being fed and vaccinated, there is some kind of shelter for most of the scores of thousands of homeless, and men and machines are rapidly coming to terms with the dimensions of the tragedy caused by the earthquake that struck the region Thursday night.

The disaster is now believed to have taken more than 1,000 lives, although the official figure is lower. People today seemed at last to have time to fully sense the grief of their losses.

Most of the churches in the Friuli region are in ruins or in danger of collapse, so there were few masses today. Because of the sanitation problem, bodies were being dealt with rapidly and with no ceremony.

There are few obvious outpourings of emotion, at least in public, but the extent of the devastation is sometimes too much even for the most self-disciplined.

Stadium Taken Over

This formerly prosperous and attractive town of 6,000 is typical of the region. Practically every structure here is either razed or so heavily

Usually, Washington Does Only What Seems Necessary

# Kissinger Inches Toward A 'Rich-Poor' Policy

By CLYDE H. FARNSWORTH

PARIS—As a continental power with more than adequate food supplies, natural resources and technology, the United States, perhaps better than any other nation, could survive a period of economic warfare. Yet, as oil price increases and several post-war recessions have shown, even American prosperity is not immune to damage.

Enlightened self-interest has brought about fundamental changes in the policy of the United States towards developing countries. Basically Washington is now willing to go part way towards meeting their demands for new mechanisms to achieve a better division of the world's wealth, though still within the traditional framework and without the drastic economic restructuring poor nations want.

Both these inclinations were apparent last week in Nairobi at the fourth United Nations Conference on Trade and Development where the United States proposed establishment of a $1 billion resources bank to channel more capital into raw material projects and to help moderate commodity price fluctuations. Both morality and practical interest, said Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger, point towards a "dedicated enterprise of cooperation." He was the first American Secretary of State to address the trade group, one sign of the importance the United States now attaches to the exercise in détente between the rich and the poor.

There had been early indications of this change in attitude last September when the United States at the United Nations, agreed to take measures to insure economic security of the developing nations against cycles that devastate their export earnings and undermine development. In January, the International Monetary Fund expanded a compensatory fi-

nancing facility, as Washington had proposed, to make several billion dollars available to stabilize commodity export earnings.

While the United States response to the poor nations has been positive, Mr. Kissinger has been criticized for ignoring world economic conditions until they become critical. In Paris, a week before the Nairobi meeting opened, developing countries accused a "few" of the rich industrial countries, including the United States, of delaying progress on the North-South negotiations that have been dragging on since early this year.

Their strong statement indicated a barely submerged fury at the pressures placed upon them to reduce key demands on raw materials and debt. They warned that unless concessions were made in Nairobi, the dialogue between haves and have-nots could be broken off.

What many see—despite Mr. Kissinger's apparent concessions in Nairobi—as a faltering, piecemeal policy towards the developing world reflects both the political scene in the United States and Mr. Kissinger's preoccupation with relationships among the major powers.

Source: Agency for International Development

"There is no real policy towards the Third World," an American banker said privately. "Except to deal with emergencies as they arise and to dole out just enough to prevent a blowup."

According to United Nations figures, there are about 700 million people in Asia, Africa and Latin America who are destitute, and Mr. Kissinger is seen as conducting essentially a holding operation during an American election year.

In the absence of commodity agreements, some underdeveloped producers have aspired to imitate the oil exporting states by trying to form cartels to force prices higher. While it is unlikely that they would equal the success of the oil states (no other raw material is so heavily concentrated in the developing world), such action threatened to be disruptive.

The United States has been chiefly interested in assuring adequate supplies, while the developing world's main aim has been to improve terms of trade, to get earnings from their primary products at least to keep up with the inflated prices of manufactured imports. Guaranteed oil supplies at prices derived from internationally agreed guidelines and a steady flow of petrodollars into Western economies have been the principal goal of American foreign economic policy since the oil embargo.

Aware of the overwhelming American interest in oil, the 13 members of the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries sought to use their oil power to improve relations with no oil developing countries. Strategy was to make oil power into the lever that would pry concessions from the West on behalf of the poorer countries.

But conditions have changed. Because of the recession, there is no shortage of oil, and some experts wonder whether the oil cartel will be able to hold its price unity.

Against the background of reduced bargaining power among the developing nations and little apparent sympathy in the United States for the cause of the developing world, many now question whether enough can be done to reduce economic and political turbulence on the planet in the final quarter of this century.

Clyde H. Farnsworth, a correspondent for The New York Times based in Paris, specializes in economic affairs.

The subsidy payments on the ground that the panel was unconstitutionally established. But the ruling also provided candidates with a potential additional source of assistance. Under the First Amendment, unlimited amounts, the Court held, may be spent by unlimited numbers of people and political committees for advertising in support of a candidate, as long as such efforts are independent of the candidate's official campaign organization.

How much is being spent for —and by whom—is not yet clear, because under present law only individuals conducting separate advertising campaigns must report their expenditures, and then only quarterly. From the reports filed so far, Mr. Reagan has benefited the most. Joseph Coors, the Colorado brewer, reported spending $20,648 in newspaper advertising for Mr. Reagan in Florida, and the American Conservative Union, a national right-wing organization, has voluntarily disclosed that it has spent $110,000 on Mr. Reagan's behalf in seven states.

## Black Politics

A meeting of elected officials who are black has demonstrated again that the United States largest minority group has no continuing and effective mechanism for exerting influence in national politics.

The session, in Charlotte, N. C., was designed by the Caucus of Black Democrats to press positions of concern to blacks on the contenders for the Democratic Presidential nomination. The four active candidates who attended were presented with the caucus's positions — essentially those of most liberal Democrats—and questioned on theirs. But though the candidates were asked to adopt the caucus platform, they were allowed to leave and to give their assent later.

## The Navy Citing
Soviet Strength

The Ford Administration has asked Congress for extra funds for a shipbuilding program that it says is necessary to prevent the Soviet Union from achieving naval superiority over the United States. But questions have been raised in Congress about the accuracy of the Administration's estimates of Soviet naval strength and about the kind of ships that the United States Navy ought to build.

The Administration presented the Senate Armed Services Committee last week with a revised shipbuilding proposal for fiscal 1977, asking for $1.2 billion more than the $6.3 billion that was initially requested in January. The added funds were necessary, Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld said, to match expanding Soviet naval construction.

To support its appropriation request, the Administration had provided Congress with statistics showing that the Soviet Union now possesses a fleet with 20 percent more "Major surface combatants" than the United States. However, Senator Patrick J. Leahy, a Vermont Democrat obtained from the Pentagon previously classified data which he says indicates that many of these ships are relatively insignificant escort craft.

Despite these differences in estimating Soviet strength, the Congressional Armed Services Committees do not seem averse to giving the Pentagon more funds for shipbuilding. There is a disagreement, however, between the House Armed Services Committee and the Administration about what to do with the funds.

Supporters of the provision in Congress had argued that it was a constitutionally acceptable method of increasing Presidential accountability to the legislative branch in foreign policy. The War Powers Act of 1973 established a similar procedure for Congress to restrict the President's deployment of combat forces overseas.

## Minnesota's
Partial Victory

The State of Minnesota has won a subsidiary victory in a 6-year-old environmental lawsuit against the Reserve Mining Corporation, which the state accuses of polluting Lake Superior. A Federal judge has fined the corporation more than $1 million for dumping mining wastes in the lake and for violating court rules during the litigation.

The state, however, still has not achieved its main objective, forcing the corporation to find another way of disposing of the residue from its iron-ore mining operations. Minnesota, along with Wisconsin and Michigan, has contended in court that asbestos fibers in the waste are a cancer-causing agent that contaminates water used for drinking in communities on the lake. The corporation argues that the risk of cancer has not been established by medical evidence.

The judge who fined the corporation has ordered the parties to try to find a mutually satisfactory resolution of the dispute. Minnesota officials are now studying proposals for an on-land dumping site. The company, meanwhile, intends to appeal the fine.

Caroline Rand Herron

and R. V. Denenberg

## Midwest's

By SETH S. KING

As the Presidential primaries move through half of Middle America, the Republican candidate with a particular kind of politics, the Russians.

Rain at the right times in the Middle West other year of enormous crops and falling prices for farmers and small town merchants, many of whom were Ford Administration for their plight. And if in other round of large Russian grain purchases a price depressing surplus of wheat and corn...

After one of the driest winters in record it has started to rain again. So much fell and corn belt states in the last three weeks threatening the winter wheat crop was hope is expected to be the largest corn planting begun. Its potential is a record six billion this fall.

Only a month remains before the winter begins in southwest Oklahoma and moves north and Nebraska. The wheat still alive in nearing the point where little that is bad can be. Although this year's crop will not be as large as last year's, the record breaker, it could still reach a bumper 2

There have been some predictions, based sunspot cycle, of a drought in the Middle West has been 20 years since the drought of the mid-1960s since the worst drought, in the mid-1970s when it should this summer, the Midwest have to buy even more than the six million and corn (about 228 million bushels) they have to take each year to strengthen the market.

Each day that the weather conditions have meant another decline in wheat and corn signs of abundant supplies have increased the Middle West grain farmers and the small farmers who sell to them, intensifying their resentment. Ford for stopping grain sales to the Russians. In the last decade the size of the farm vote has been still many merchants and farmers.

SATURDAY, MAY 8, 1976

Size of Soviet Arms Budget

least 100 percent" and that in
terms of percentage of gross
national product, old estimates
of 6 to 8 percent were wrong.

"At a minimum the Soviets
are spending 15 percent of their
gross national product on the
military," the general wrote,
"and in my view the actual
figure is probably closer to 20
percent."

The then Secretary of Defense James R. Schlesinger: William E. Colby, at that time Director of Central Intelligence, and General Graham agreed not to introduce the new estimates until there had been a thorough re-examination of cost estimates. This decision was made while Congress was deliberating the defense budget.

Senator William Proxmire,
Democrat of Wisconsin, was in-
formed during budget testimony
that the intelligence commu-
nity's estimates "were going to
rise sharply," the general re-
ported. At the Senator's request,
some declassified testimony on
the new figures was presented.

"It seems strange to me that
the testimony remained unpub-
lished and unreleased for three
months," the general wrote.

"I cannot escape the con-
clusion that had Mr. Colby and

I testified that the Soviet military budget was lower than we had previously held, that testimony would have been released with alacrity."

Estimating the Soviet gross
national product at $750 to
$900 billion, General Graham,
using 20 percent as his figure
for the defense percentage,
presents "a rough estimate" of
$150 billion to $180 billion in
annual defense spending com-
pared with approximately $100
billion by the United States up
to 1976.

This figure, he asserted, is
"much more accurate" than any
"derived by the discredited
method that has produced the
eerroneous figures provided by
intelligence in the past."
Soviet military expenditure
alone does not lead to the con-
clusion that the United States
is "today in a militarily inferior
position," according to the
general.

It does demonstrate "Mos-
cow's resolve to extend Soviet
military advantages, where they
exist, cancel out the few re-
maining United States advan-
tages, where they exist, and
achieve recognition as the
prime military power in the
world."

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<table>
  <thead>
    <tr>
      <th></th>
      <th>Orig.</th>
      <th>Sale</th>
    </tr>
  </thead>
  <tbody>
    <tr>
      <td>8'2" x 11'</td>
      <td>$249</td>
      <td>$179</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>6' x 8'2"</td>
      <td>149</td>
      <td>99</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td>4' x 6'</td>
      <td>79</td>
      <td>49</td>
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      <td>49</td>
      <td>39</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
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      <td>39</td>
      <td>29</td>
    </tr>
    <tr>
      <td colspan="3">* Not Ballade</td>
    </tr>
  </tbody>
</table>

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A 12

Friday, May 7, 1976

THE WASHINGTON POST

# U.S. Proposes Bank To Aid Poor Nations

## KISSINGER, From A1

of cooperation." American officials privately acknowledged, however, that their proposals are bound to get a severe working over by, the most militant nations here who were demanding much more than Kissinger offered.

Kissinger is already under heavy attack in the American presidential campaign for offering Black Africa what some regard as costly and dangerous encouragement in the black-white struggle in southern Africa where spreading guerrilla warfare threatens white minority governments.

The centerpiece of U.S. initiatives here today, as forecast, would be an International Resources Bank. In essence it would serve as an intermediary between investors looking for profits and poorer nations looking for capital to develop their natural resources, especially minerals and energy.

The investing companies in the capital-rich countries are fearful that their plants will be seized just when they are becoming most profitable. The underdeveloped nations are fearful that capitalistic multinational corporations will exploit them and dominate their countries.

To offset both fears, the bank would guarantee investments with an initial

capital fund of $1 billion as projected by Kissinger. This capitalization would permit an initial investment flow of about $10 billion annually, it is estimated, with the program expanding as confidence in it develops.

Kissinger said the proposed resources bank "could be associated" with the World Bank.

American officials declined to put a precise figure on the contemplated U.S. contribution to the resources bank, but they are thinking in terms of about a $200 million share of the initial $1 billion guarantee fund.

In addition to the proposal on investment in resources, Kissinger outlined three other American initiatives:

* "We must design a far-reaching, long-term program to accelerate technology transfer" to needy nations. This includes an American proposal to establish "an international industrialization institute" to adapt industrial technology to the needs of poor nations.

In addition, Kissinger said the United States "will encourage the formation of a technology corps," a private nonprofit organization to provide scientific and technical personnel to guide development work.

* The United States accepted guardedly, and on a "case by case" basis, the

poor nations' demand for establishment of buffer stocks" of commodities to build up supplies of exports ranging from minerals to fibers. These would be used to moderate wild fluctuations in commodity markets. This was one of the greatest causes of controversy between the State and Treasury departments, with Treasury insisting on minimum interference with free markets.

* The United States balked at the underdeveloped nations' demand for wholesale rescheduling of their debts to the richer nations. Kissinger countered with an offer "to help countries suffering acute debt service problems with measures appropriate to each case." Kissinger said "generalized rescheduling of debts" would "erode the credit-worthiness of countries borrowing in private capital markets."

Kissinger said the United States "has already taken a number of steps to assist the most needy countries" and added: "We will do more."

As Kissinger addressed the UNCTAD session here, at which 124 of the 153 member nations are registered, the main conference room of the Kenyatta International Center was only partially filled. He received applause before and after the 50-minute speech outlin-

ing the highly complex American proposals.

Kissinger's presentation, the first by an American Secretary of State to an UNCTAD conference, was more comprehensive than any other nation's so far and marked new departures in American policy. Yet it was destined to fall short of the more militant developing nations' expectations for "a new international economic order."

It also is certain to be as-sailed by Marxist nations as American capitalism's vice for sustaining the status quo. The key factor is how it sits with the more

moderate nations.

One American specialist who is not a member of the official delegation said succinctly that what the United States has offered here is "a sandwich and a pickle, compared to the banquet menu that many of the underdeveloped nations demand."

"The very poorest nations," this source said "don't stand to gain on commodities—they don't have them to export" in any meaningful quantities. What these nations need most, he said, is relief on their debts, which escalated from the fivefold increase in oil prices since 1973.

United Press International

Kissinger says U.S. is ready to "get down to business."

THE NEW YORK TIMES, THURSDAY, MAY 6, 1976

Angolans Said to Split on a Cuban Pullout

By DAVID BINDER

Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, May 5 — Strains have reportedly developed in the Angolan leadership over proposals for a gradual withdrawal of 15,000 Cuban troops in the country, a truce with South Africa and a reopening of Angola to Western business interests.

According to United States specialists on Angolan affairs, this approach, which is favored by President Agostinho Neto, is being challenged by a radical leftist faction under the leadership of Interior Minister Nito Alves.

They note that Mr. Alves, in a series of speeches over the last month, has declared that Angola should be more militant toward the white minority Governments of South Africa and Rhodesia and should avoid involvement with Western business interests.

Tensions in Leadership

One American official said that according to information reaching Washington, mostly from Portuguese sources, "There are tensions between the political leadership under Neto and the Angolans who fill military positions."

American officials said that while President Neto has continued to place reliance on Angolans of mixed Portuguese and black ancestry. Mr. Alves has appealed to black militants in the Popular Movement "against the mulattoes."

"Alves wants strong exclusive ties with Soviet Union, Cuba, the third world and no technical links with the West," American official remarked.

So far, it was said, neither the Soviet Union nor Cuba has indicated a preference between the viowes of Mr. Neto and Mr. Alves. While they backed Mr. Neto's ascendency with arms and troops, it was Mr. Alves who attended the 25th Soviet Communist Party Congress as Angola's chief representative last February.

The Ford Administration estimates that the Soviet Union

has already spent $200 million in military and economic support for the authorities in Luan-da, the Angolan capital.

Should the views of Mr. Alves prevail, the officials say, the Soviet bloc would be obliged to continue a high level of assistance to Angola because little or none would be forthcoming from Western countries.

The American officials said they believed the Cuban forces now in Angola faced "a monumental task" in helping the ruling Popular Movement to consolidate control of the country and would have to remain "for a long, long haul."

They said the Cubans had found the Popular Movement unprepared to administer the country.

A Strain in Havana

One American official with access to intelligence reports said, "Some ministries in Havana are complaining that their industry sectors are 10 to 15 percent undermanned because of Angola."

"The analysts said that the Cubans had found it necessary to provide technical assistance in Angola for such projects as

repairing war-damaged roads and bridges, operating communications networks and directing transport.

The situation has led American analysts to conclude that Cuba is reluctant to free its military fore in Angola for further Actions in southern Africa and that the outlook for large-scale use of Cuban military units in Rhodesia or South-West Africa at this time is small.

The analysts said that Mr. Alves had apparently striven in recent weeks to intensify his struggle against Mr. Neto by rounding up "dissident" Popular Movement members at the very time the Angolan President was stressing a need for "conciliation" in the country.

According to reports reaching here from Luanda, Mr. Alves has ordered the imprisonment of the so-called Active Revolt faction of the Popular Movement, whose members were described by some of the analysts as "moderate" or "pro-West."

The Interior Minister has als ordered a crackdown on Popular Movement members linked to the so-called Angolan Communist organization, which the analysts described as Maoist.

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THE WASHINGTON POST

Thursday, May 6, 1976

A 29

# Primaries Haunt Kissinger's Tour

By Murrey Marder
Washington Post Staff Writer

NAIROBI, Kenya, May 5 — Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger is more upset than he or other U.S. officials here will publicly admit about the impact that President Ford's string of primary election defeats may have on the administration's ability to follow through on its bold new African policy initiatives.

The primary campaign and the African policy are interacting on one another to a greater extent than either the White House or the State Department had anticipated, officials in the Kissinger entourage conceded privately here today after Mr. Ford suffered defeats yesterday in three states.

Officials of the State and the Treasury departments—now jointly involved in U.S. initiatives in Africa after months of internal wrangling over how far the United States should go—are now concerned that there be enough political follow-through in the United States to show Africa that the turnabout in American policy is genuine.

The first test will be over the Ford administration's new pledge to try to overturn the Byrd amendment, which Congress passed as a major loophole in the United Nations' sanctions against Rhodesia.

The amendment permits the United States to import chrome and several other materials from Rhodesia despite the United Nations' economic sanctions against that white minority-ruled nation.

To overturn the Byrd amendment, the Ford administration must mount a much more determined effort in the House of Representatives than it ever has

before. In the past, repeal of the Byrd amendment has passed the Senate only to be blocked in the House.

If the Ford administration is going "to run scared" in the face of Reagan's string of primary victories, both U.S. congressional and executive branch officials here say in private, the American hopes for a major new African policy will be doomed.

The administration's intention, it was reported, had been to try to push ahead quickly on a Byrd amendment repeal during the next month.

U.S. officials here for Kissinger's mission and the simultaneous opening of the U.N. Conference on Trade and Development are receiving

the American primary election results with admitted discomfort.

The discomfort is increased by reports filtering across the Atlantic that some of Kissinger's critics inside the White House are attempting to blame his African proposals for the election victories of Republican presidential candidate Ronald Reagan in Texas and now Indiana, Georgia and Alabama.

The Reagan charge that Kissinger went too far in championing black-majority rights in this continent over. Africa's minority white-ruled regimes is reportedly matched by claims from some of Kissinger's critics

within the administration that his whole African venture was politically mistimed.

Kissinger, in his discussions with African leaders, has said that the Ford administration is totally determined to show Africa that it means business. President Ford has also declared publicly that the United States is more committed than ever before to the cause of self-determination for the people of Africa. Nevertheless, it is evident that not all Republican leaders share this enthusiasm.

A Republican official in Texas asked Washington Post reporter Lou Cannon, after Reagan overwhelmed President Ford in the Texas

primary last week, "Why, after waiting 15 years to recognize the Rhodesian black majority, couldn't the administration wait another three days?"—until after the ballot boxes closed in Texas.

A similar view has been heard from some of the most politically oriented officials at the White House.

Kissinger, it is said here, authoritatively takes the position that no one in Washington ever raised the possibility of postponing his African trip for a few days to move it past the important Texas primary.

That could have been possible, it is said, but any delay in the African presentation

See KISSINGER, A30, Col. 4

United Press International

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger chats with U.N. Secretary Kurt Waldheim in Nairobi, Kenya.

A 30

Thursday, May 6, 1976

THE WASHINGTON POST

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## Primaries Haunt Tour Of Kissinger in Africa

### KISSINGER, From A29

tions faced a hurdle of other primary elections and, ultimately, the Democratic and Republican conventions.

Therefore, it is argued, it was impossible to avoid a timetable that would have interacted in some way with the American presidential campaign; and time was pressing hard on the United States to head off the Soviet-Cuban penetration of Africa.

It was recognized, American sources said, that the African policy might cause the administration some political discomfort, especially in the primary elections.

No one thought for a moment, it is said, that the Ford administration would gain any political advantage by championing majority rule in Africa, because there was never any great illusion that this would draw significant support of black voters to the Republican side.

Some critics in Africa and Europe, with meagre knowledge of American politics, are accusing the administration of playing politics with the black-white crisis, particularly in Rhodesia.

One U.S. diplomat said wryly, "All those critics have to do is read the election returns.

Nevertheless, U.S. strategists are somewhat annoyed that the American black community has not been more vocal in recognizing the major step forward in American identification with black Africa's rights and aspirations.

Kissinger has told Africans, as he said in Monrovia, "America's historic identification with African aspirations is deeply rooted in the cultural heritage of 23 million black Americans—and in the moral sympathy of 200 million Americans. The assertion of black nationhood in Africa has coincided with a new affirmation of equality of opportunity and racial justice in the United States."

From a cold-blooded political standpoint this stance is expected to have some political dividends in the general election for President Ford, but is of no help in the uphill fight the Ford administration is now caught in with Reagan.

As a consequence, the critical internal decision for the Ford administraiton may well come after Kissinger's return to Washington, when the administration must decide what it is prepared to invest to turn its African pledges into reality.

Kissinger is told by two members of Congress who are present here that he must ignore the kind of charges now coming from Reagan and other members of the Republican right wing.

This advice, from Sens. Jacob K. Javits (R-N.Y.) and Abraham Ribicoff (D-Conn.), is helping to uplift Kissinger's spirits, but he and they well know that he needs reinforcement not from the liberal ranks of Democrats and Republicans, but from the conservative wings

ways in the Department of Agriculture research facility meander through magnificent trees of vast variety, and splendid gardens containing some of the finest collections of azaleas, camellias and dwarf conifers in the country. Treats to any one's eye, but visitors are seen primarily garden club members and other horticulture buffs.

UNTIL NOW. The Bicentennial is about to put the arboretum on the tourist map.

Its open spaces andura of quiet and aread drawing unprecedented tourists inviting respite from the fumes of downtown congestion.

And, in July, a virtually priceless collection of 53 Japanese bonsais, a birthday present to this country from Japan, will be placed in a $250,000 garden of the University, described by an arboretum staff member as "a sim-

ing the Reception there in 1963.

Late last week the project's architect, Mas Associates Inc., of Boston, flew in to cram "two weeks of work into four days" in the twisting garden, a prelude to the bonus collection, itself.

Bonsai is an ages-old Japanese horticulture technique in which trees and bushes are grown in small containers. Their growth is dwarfed and then are cut into tiny versions of their full-sized counterparts. The idea is to copy, in miniature, the gnarled and weathered plants seen growing in the mountains.

THE TWISTED trees symbolize mortality, the four seasons there, in general, fit in with the over-all Japanese aesthetic sense of tranquility and simplicity.

trees, over a pond and along a twisted path through a garden containing "a sequence of surprises," according to Kinoshita.

"The European garden," the kind Americans are accustomed to, said the Japanese-American, "hits you with the punch-line right away."

"The Japanese prefer to build anticipation."

Whether this approach will work on overgrown American gardens, the Japanese are tired feet and hungry children still is a question, but Kinoshita is turning all his Cornell-Harvard-Kyoto University training to the job.

WORKERS are hauling Japanese acre around in a frugary. Azaleas, landing of those gathered in Japan by Arboretum Director John L. Creech, sit in pots, ready for planting. And Kinoshita is everywhere, clippers

in terms of female teats "and" male "boldness." The rocks must marry, must kiss, he told co-workers.

All plant material in the garden is of Japanese heritage. Many of the plants have been dug from other spots at the arboretum. Other specimens have been purchased or donated, including the 20-foot tall temple trees. The 23 pyramidal shaped evergreen cousins of cypress were donated by a Norfolk nursery, to the tune of about $10,000.

CREECH BEGAN the process that brought the 53 bonsai to his arboretum in 1972 during a discussion with Japanese friends about the fame of the flowering cherry trees given to the U.S. by the Japanese in 1912. The Japanese were wondering if there were anything comparable they might do for the Bicentennial. While other American arboretums had significant bon-

Mas Kinoshita and Arboretum facilities manager B.

sai collections, Creech recalled, there was none in the Nation's Capital.

The response, Creech said, was staggering.

The collection, gathered by the Nippon Bonsai Association, turned out to include a 180-year-old Japanese red pine from the emperor himself and selection from two of his royal bloodlines ranged in age from 30 years to a 350-year-old white pine, nearly six-feet tall. The collection was

presented to Creech and the American ambassador in 1975. It has been in quarantine at Glendale ever since.

And the bonsai association, not entirely confident that even the Arğiculture Department had the

## PARENTS

Continued From D-I

The $315,000 three-year project of four in the nation, recently was named a Bicentennial HEW Showcase Demonstration and expanded to include an elementary school children.

ACCORDING TO the Child Care Association's executive director, Thomas C.Taylor, EPSDN covers all aspects of each child's mental and physical health. "We have a captive audience," said project director Yvonne Ali, who emphasized that

all data gathered is confidential; none is used to ferret out "deviant behavior and potential criminality."

Nearly 95 percent of the children tested needed dental care, Ali said, and at least a third have iron deficiency anemia. Where high lead levels were detected, the health department was contacted and "we insisted on home repairs. One woman had to spend about $5,000 and she was upset, but I think she understands now the importance to her child."

There is also treatment for emotional and developmental problems; "the majority of children with emotional problems have

a history of lead poisoning," Ali noted. Of the children, 95 percent come from one-parent homes.

"Most of the mothers are very young. We have one 19-year-old and four children, the eldest 5. Research is showing us that children of very young mothers often are mentally retarded and understimated. The mothers are kids themselves; it's hard when you're so needy to give to someone with so many needs."

NEW CHILDREN will be from Goding, Cooke, Slater-Langston and Harrison elementary

schools. So far, only children at Goding have been screened. Older children, Ali reported, need sex counselling as they are sexually active at 11 and 12. "They don't know the basic concepts of contraceptives or responsibility; they're really not aware of the consequences of their sexuality."

In 1972, Congress mandated EPSTD programs in the states, All pointed out. "But to date, only 12 percent of the 13 million children affected have been reached." The current project, she said, is to show the states how to reach these children and how preventive medicine

can prevent greater government costs as the children get older and the problems get worse.

The National Child Day Care Association, established 10 years ago by Taylor, is the largest single day care center in the District. Day care centers are funded by the United Planning Organization and Head Start and provide a child development program. "I see it as a way to help children before they get hard-nosed," Taylor said.

THIS YEAR, for the 10th year, the National Child Day Care Association is celebrating Child Day Care Week with appropriate hoopla. Mayor Walter Washington's proclamation opens the week officially on Saturday, when there will be a Fun Festival in Lincoln Park with music, dance, puppet show, multi-ethnic foods, displays and exhibits. The D.C. Youth Orchestra and the Black Repertory Company also will be on hand.

Monday, there will be a banquet at the Channel Inn Pier 7 restaurant with Dr. James Comer of the Yale Child Study Center as guest speaker. Wednesday and Thursday, workshops have been scheduled on Howard University's Dunbarton campus on adult attitudes toward handicapped children. Friday, D.C. Rep. Walter Fautzroy will be host at a reception from 7 to 9 p.m. in the Cannon House capacity room.

## He Blinks, Widow Flips, She Flaps

By Abigail Van Buren

DEAR ABBY. My husband is having an affair with a widow who lives right across the street. When he passes her house, he blinks his lights and she flips his venetian blinds. They signal back and forth, and then he makes up excuses to get out of the house to meet her.

He says they are only good friends, but I know that she is man-hungry and not at all fussy who she goes

Dear Abby

with. I also know that she likes my husband. How should I put a stop to this?

—Jealous

You can't stop a man from blinking his lights or a woman from flipping his venetian blinds. If you think he is "blinking" for her and she is "flipping" for him, get them both together and have a truth-or-consequence session.

## Tomorrow's Horoscope

By Sydney Omarri

Wednesday, May 5, 1976

ARIES (March 21-28) Strong emphasis on self-worth, self-worth, self-worth. Contradictions, unfinished business.

TAURUS (April 20- May 28) Relatives push — and some close neighbors too. Have strength; you need not back down.

MINI (May 21-June 20): Budget cracks, squarks and grows. Get rid of losing proposition — and no tears need be shed.

CANCER (June 21-July 22): Take initiative. People know you mean business.

LEO (July 23-Aug. 22): Backstage activity intensified. Visit one who is incapacitated. You make a marvelous impression.

VIRGO (Aug. 23-Sept. 22): Friends have problems and no hesitancy in telling you. Maintain balance — and humor.

LIBRA (Sept. 23-Oct. 22): Supers have problems and you could be called in to consult. Be direct, frank.

SCORPIO (Oct. 23-Nov. 21): Creative resources surface. Pressures are relieved.

SAGITTARIUS (Nov. 22- Dec. 21): Make domestic adjustments — including concessions. Strive for and achieve harmony.

CAPRICORN (Dec. 22-Jan. 23): Business, legal ties,

IF MAY 5 is your birthday you are analytical, fond of travel, express yourself in writing. Attractive to opposite sex. Your home lifestyle changes this year — September and November are significant.

DEAR ABBY: My problem is my in-laws: When I married their son three years ago I had a beautiful, 2-year-old daughter who had been born out of wedlock. Debbie never saw her "real" father, so the only relatives she has is mine.

My in-laws let me know from the beginning that they would never accept Debbie as their grandchild. (They even asked her to call them "Mr. and Mrs. Brown")

This she never bothered me much until I gave birth to Johnny, who is nearly 2 now.

Last Christmas my in-laws showered Johnny with expensive gifts signed, "With love from Grandma and Grandpa." Little Debbie got a cheap toy with a card, "From the Browns."

Abby, don't you think it's utterly ridiculous for one of my children to call my in-laws "Grandma and Grandpa," and the other "Mr. and Mrs. Brown"?

This situation is tearing me apart. What do you advise?

—Hurt in Baton Rouge

Where is your husband while all this is going on? If he puts up with it, shame on him. You have every right to avoid your in-laws and prevent them from seeing Johnny until they can treat both children equally. They are wrong, wrong, wrong!

Everyone has a problem. What's yours? For a personal reply, write to Abby, C/O The Washington Star, P.O. Box 69700, Los Angeles, Calif. 90069. Enclose a stamped, self-addressed envelope, please.

* * * *

United Press International

Arriving in Dakar, Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger is met by Senegal's Foreign Minister, Assane Seck. Mr. Kissinger left Senegal yesterday for Kenya.

## Kissinger to Urge Resources Bank for Third World

NAIROBI, Kenya May 2 (AP) — Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger flew to Nairobi today to propose the formation of an “international resources bank” to help stabilize the incomes of nations of the third world.

Reporters aboard the Secretary's plane were told that he would make the proposal in a major policy address to the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development, which is meeting here.

It will be an effort to clear the way for agreement between industrialized and developing countries on key issues of stockpiling raw materials and financing.

Mr. Kissinger is opposed to the concept of "indexing," a system of linking the price of oil and other raw materials to the cost of industrial goods that poor nations must import.

Speaking for the Ford Administration, he is expected to put forward a plan to direct private capital to developing countries, primarily through transnational corporations.

By proposing a new bank-

ing agency, the United States apparently hopes to demonstrate its concern for the economic duress suffered by single-resource countries when world prices fall amid rising costs of industrial imports.

While in Nairobi, Mr. Kissinger plans to meet with Manuel Perez Guerrero of Venezuela, chairman of a 19-nation developing group, President Ferdinand E. Marcos of the Philippines, and Gaston Thorn of Luxembourg, chairman of the European Community Council.

[LC]

A Day in Beirut: Death

76

Oviet Georgia

said, but it was not known how seriously.

"Simultaneously, a second explosion occurred in the courtyard of the guard quarters," the report continued. "The guard house was damaged by the explosion."

In an interview, David V. Mchedlishvili, editor of the Communist Party's Georgian-language daily Komunisti, confirmed that some of the fires and the bombing of April 12 had been reported on television.

"We don't know if there have been any arrests," he said. "We don't think there have been any."

He and other officials of the newspaper subscribed to the theory that black market operators might have been responsible because their businesses were being hurt.

"When the stables are cleaned," Mr. Mchedlishvili remarked, "many things that are there begin to move around."

The pick of perfection for soft and sunny

THE NEW YORK TIMES, SUNDAY, MAY 2, 1976

# Kissinger Urges Drive to 'Roll Back' the African Desert

Continued From Page 1, Col. 8

Cuban troops and Soviet-supplied arms aided Angola's Marxist Popular Movement in winning a civil war among black liberation groups in the former Portuguese colony.

Mr. Kissinger asked: "How can a government be considered African that requires 15,000 Cuban troops?"

The Secretary of State spoke luncheon given by the Senegalese Foreign Minister, Assane Seck, in a large hotel overlooking the Atlantic.

Mr. Seck appealed in his speech for the "total elimination of apartheid," saying that a minority of white racists was keeping blacks in slavery in southern Africa. He called this "an affront to the world's conscience."

## 'Change Will Come'

Mr. Kissinger assured the Senegalese that "change will come" and he again urged the white minority governments to negotiate with black liberation leaders.

to offer next week at the Conference Trade and Development in Nairobi.

In Monrovia, Kissinger also attended a dinner given by President William R. Tolbert Jr. last night. One of the guests, Shirley Temple Black, told reporters she was being recalled to Washington from her post as Ambassador to neighboring Ghana "for consultation."

This is considered a sign of disapproval over Ghana's cancellation of Mr. Kissinger's visit, which had been scheduled

for Thursday, because of what United States officials called "Soviet agitation."

Secretary Kissinger described as "totally irresponsible" any suggestion that American support for a blick government in Rhodesia would lead to a massacre of the white minority that now rules the country.

He said he was trying to provide a platform for negotiations between the black nationalists and the white Government. "It is the only hope of avoiding a massacre," he said.

The New York Times/May 2, 1976

The United States has proposed international aid to countries shown in white.

In Monrovia, the Liberian capital, Mr. Kissinger was honored by being named vail, or chief paramount, of the Pork-pai tribe. The Secretary was draped in a white brocade robe and a tall white hat was placed on his head.

Mr. Kissinger's tour has also taken him to Zaire, Kenya, Tanzania and Zambia.

Before flying here from Liberia, Mr. Kissinger promised $200 million in United States aid to black Africa in general and said he would have more

May 1, 1976

5

and only if he accompanied the sentence with an
explanation of his reason for deviating from the
standard. In addition, the defendant could appeal the
sentence (which is not possible now) if it were higher
than average, and the prosecutor could do the same if it
were lower. This would tend to enforce the norm.

In its most austere form, this approach attempts to remove human judgment altogether. In the ACLU's flat-time plan, parole would be abolished since it is said to impose unwelcome and irrelevant demands on prisoners. It also blurs the sharp outlines of the prison sentence, normally reducing the jail term by two-thirds. Nearly all the factors that should determine early release from prison. the ACLU believes, are known at the time of sentencing and can be taken into account in setting the penalty. Any rehabilitative programs inside the prison would be truly voluntary, and probably more useful to those who care to join them. The object of all this would be to shorten all prison terms, increase the speed with which people pass through the system and establish a clockwork method of sentencing that would not be affected by emotional factors. Attorney General Levi favors most of these proposals, including the abolition of parole, because he believes they would make punishment seem less "accidental" and more the "inevitable consequence of wrongdoing."

No major overhaul of the penal system such as this
will take place in 1976, however. The election season
seems to have put that out of the question. The logical
vehicle for reform, the criminal code revision known as
Senate Bill 1, has run its course in this Congress and is
expected to die before year's end. The credit for its
demise lies with the President, who gave it little visible
support, and with Senate liberals, who walked away
from the bill just as they began to win concessions from
the conservatives. (That's the subject of another story.)
The result is that the only changes likely to occur this
year, if any, will be superficial: the minimum sentence
variety.

False Prophecy

One of the risks of magazine journalism is that events will overtake the printing press. That's what happened last week in Robert Samuelson's article, "Trade War Ahead?". As *TNR* was coming off the presses, the White House was announcing that the President had decided not to impose any import restrictions on shoes. The article had anticipated that the President, confronted with conflicting recommendations from his advisers, would probably opt for some types of restrictions—a step that seemed to promote an undesirable drift away from freer world trade. We're glad the President did otherwise.

White House Watch
Kissinger's Future

A caller and Gerald Ford discussed Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and his standing and relationship with the President the other day.

The visitor said he just wanted to look the President in the eye and hear from him the truth about his attitude toward, relationship with and expectations regarding Kissinger. Mr. Ford answered that he'd meant every word, he'd been telling the absolute truth—straight from the shoulder—when he said publicly and often that he expects the Secretary to remain in office as long as he wishes and (at Green Bay, Wisconsin on April 3) that "I would like Secretary Kissinger to be Secretary of State as long as I am President." What about such associates and friends as Howard Callaway, Rogers Morton, Melvin Laird who'd said recently and variously that Kissinger should quit, was going to quit, intended to quit before the year is out or before another term begins? Was the President sending signals to Kissinger through them? Mr. Ford said he was not. Were they sending signals to the President? The President said rather cryptically that he has a fine relationship with Henry Kissinger and expects to keep it that way.

Mr. Ford was reminded that he'd said after his defeat of Ronald Reagan in the Wisconsin Republican primary that "I thought that the results in Wisconsin certainly fully justified my faith in Henry Kissinger" and that "my full support for Secretary Kissinger is fortified by the decision in Wisconsin"—the point being that Reagan had delivered a savage attack on Kissinger just before the Wisconsin primary. Would a serious loss to Reagan in Texas, where Reagan was pressing his attack on Kissinger as an appeaser and betrayer of American interests, lead the President to conclude that Kissinger was too much of a political liability to retain during the rest of this campaign year? Although the fact was not mentioned to the President, Kissinger was wondering about that and was prepared to quit if he were asked to. Mr. Ford said there was no such possibility, no such thought in his mind. The Wisconsin and Texas primaries were entirely different. Wisconsin was a head-to-head preferential contest. The Texas primary would be a contest for delegates and not a direct preferential confrontation. So the President wouldn't read the Texas result as a vote for or against Kissinger, however Ford and Reagan fared. Anyhow, the President said, the polls continued to show and he continued to regard Henry Kissinger as a political asset, not as a political liability.

Did all this mean that the President *wanted* Kissinger to remain in the office and *wanted* him to continue as Secretary of State in the next Ford term if there is one? The President said that he wanted Kissinger to stay and

6

The New Republic

that all he'd been saying applies to the next term. Finally, to what extent had he and Kissinger gone into the subject of Kissinger's future? The President said he'd said to Kissinger in private what he'd been saying publicly and that Kissinger had said that he'd quit whenever the President concluded that he was a political liability or ineffective for any other reason. That, the President said, was about as far as their discussions had gone.

It's plain to Kissinger associates who deal regularly and intimately with him that, whatever assurances he may have from the President, the constant barrage of speculation and the attacks from the Reagan Right keep him on edge. Personal sensitivities apart, and Henry Kissinger is abundantly equipped with them, he considers with reason that the speculation and the attacks in combination diminish his effectiveness with other governments. Lesser worries gnaw at him: among others, the flawed word portrait of him in the widely read and quoted Woodward-Bernstein book, *The Final Days*, and the distinct possibility that he may eventually be held liable for huge civil damages as a result of the suit brought against him and others by Morton Halperin, a former assistant who was wiretapped in 1969-71. Yet Kissinger sustains at least a semblance of his old élan. At this writing he is about to be off on his first tour of Africa, and he soon will be revisiting Latin America. At home he is often on the road, defining and defending Ford-Kissinger foreign policy in speeches, question-answer exchanges with his audiences, and private sessions with local leadership groups. These expeditions refresh him and, particularly at the leadership sessions, he impresses otherwise

critical hearers. In Phoenix on April 16, for instance, an editor of the conservative *Arizona Republic* attended a leadership discussion and wrote afterward that Kissinger "apparently chooses to fill his public pronouncements with eloquent platitudes and his off-the-record private conversation with earthy, direct and unmistakably revealing grasps of the crises brewing around American shores." Kissinger's public pronouncements are neither all that eloquent nor all that different from his private points. But the editor was correct in his perception that Kissinger is "tormented . . . by the painful suspicion . . . that America's political institutions lack the resolve and will to face up to international power pressures." It is from distorted versions of Kissinger's private talk to this effect that Ronald Reagan, retired Adm. Elmo Zumwalt, Jr., and other critics derive their mistaken impression and charge that the Secretary of State has relegated the US to "second place" in the world.

At an earlier leadership session in Boston, Kissinger provided an interesting insight into his thinking about his own and the next administration's future. A guest asked whom he would recommend to the next President as the next Secretary of State. Kissinger answered—and here I write with understanding that second-hand accounts of this kind can be no better than approximately accurate—that it would depend on whether the next President is a Republican or a Democrat and on what the President's priorities are. If the next President is a Republican and his first desire is for a Secretary of State who thinks conceptually about foreign policy and would be good at helping the President formulate it, Kissinger probably would

LOS ANGELES TIMES
SANDCATE
©1976 WASHINGTON STAR

"I have been advised that this statement is probably incorrect . . ."

May 1, 1976

7

recommend Elliot Richardson. If the first need were for a Secretary of State who could effectively explain and defend foreign policy to Congress, Kissinger would recommend Melvin Laird. If the first requirement were for a Secretary who could explain and defend policy to both Congress and the public, Kissinger's choice would be John Connally. If the demand were for a Secretary who would be reasonably good at all of these things—thinking out, formulating, explaining and defending policy—he would recommend his friend and sometime patron, Vice President Nelson Rockefeller. Kissinger said that he'd be in more difficulty if the next President is a Democrat. To the extent that he had thought this contingency through, and he hadn't thought it through very far, he probably and rather reluctantly would recommend former Ambassador and Deputy Secretary of Defense Cyrus Vance.

It was interesting that Kissinger, who must assume that if the next President is a Republican he will be Gerald Ford, didn't so much as hint that in that event he'd recommend himself. Many of his friends and associates are convinced that he's made up his mind to decline reappointment in the next term if Mr. Ford is the President and offers it to him. The question remains (and I don't think it's a serious question)

whether Kissinger at the crunch can bring himself to forego the delights and pomps of power. A friend who believes that he will forego all that if he has the choice, and devoutly hopes that he will have the sense to do it, is Melvin Laird. Laird figured in Kissinger's decision at the President's request to remain in the office after last January 1, when he had intended to quit, reasoning that it was the right time, both from his and Mr. Ford's standpoints, for him to go. He submitted a letter of resignation to the President. Like Richard Nixon in late 1970, Mr. Ford urged him to reconsider and stay on. Kissinger thought it over during a short vacation in the Caribbean and, when he returned, discussed the matter with Laird. Laird urged him to stay through this term but to make up his mind, and to tell the President, that it would be time for him to go at the end of the term. Laird had this history in mind when he said in answer to a question at a University of Wisconsin student session recently that he expects Kissinger to leave at the end of the term. Laird was signalling Kissinger, not the President. Mr. Ford knows that Laird has so advised Kissinger. I suspect but don't know that there is a connection between these facts and the President's generous indication that he'd like to have Kissinger remain into the next term.

John Osborne

## Byzantine Collusion

# Bloody Lebanon

### by Jon Kimche

There had been nothing like it since Balaam came to curse the Israelites and stayed to bless them; there had been nothing like it until this April 12 when Syria's President Hafiz al-Assad spoke to the annual conference of the "Union of the Youth of the Revolution" in the auditorium of Damascus University. Just three months earlier, on January 19, President Assad had ordered the Syrian-controlled Palestine Liberation Army and its guerrilla-wing, the Saiqa, to cross into Lebanon to assist the Moslem and Palestinian forces there to overcome the Christians and the regular army positions supporting them and to break into the Christian heartland on the coast. This they proceeded

to do and the days of the Christian community and of its political power and independence appeared to be numbered ("Bleeding Lebanon," TNR, Jan. 31, 1976).

We know now from President Assad himself (to quote his words to the Damascus students) just what the Syrian troops were expected to do for the Moslem Leftists and the Palestinians engaged in battle against the Christians: "They [Kamil Jumblatt, the Palestinian leaders and the Moslem Leftist commanders] said to us—let us continue the march for another two weeks. We shall purge the villages and the [Christian] areas. Details were discussed, the names of the mountain villages and the cities in the plain were mentioned." Across the border in Lebanon, it looked as if it were all over for the Christians but for the killing and the looting. The night of January 20, President Franjieh and

Jon Kimche, author of *The Second Arab Awakening*, edits *Afro-Asian Affairs*.

8

The New Republic

all the Christian leaders sent a last desperate message to President Ford. Ford referred it to Kissinger and Kissinger alerted Moscow, much in the way he had done in the final phase of the October War in 1973.

Very few of the details are as yet known of the pressures that were used and the reasons that prevailed to bring about a dramatic change. But we do know the end result, and we do know a good deal of the broad lines of a development that, however, took three months to complete the transition from the curse to the blessing. Assad, the "Hero-President," as the Lebanese Christians now hail him, was not quite as fast a worker of miracles as was the biblical Balaam. But it must have sounded like a miracle all the same to those Lebanese Christians who had not been party to this new transmogrification in Damascus when they heard President Assad's speech on April 12. "We Syrians," he said, "Moslems and Christians alike, are ready to move into the Lebanon to protect every oppressed person regardless of his religious denomination, to confront any aggressor or oppressor regardless of his religious claims." President Assad left no doubt that those whom he would confront in Lebanon were the so-called Progressives of Kamil Jumblatt, the Palestinian "revolutionaries" and the Moslem "traders in religion," the Leftist gang-leaders in Beirut and in Tripoli and the dissident Lebanese Arab Army. They were hatching a conspiracy against the Arab nation, he warned.

The response was instantaneous. Lebanon's Christian President Franjieh cabled expressions of profound gratitude for the action taken by President Assad—"May God preserve you as an asset for fraternal Syria, Arabism and Chivalry." Camille Chamoun, the hard-line Christian minister of the interior, welcomed "with great satisfaction" the Syrian initiative and its political solutions and the sentiments expressed in President Assad's speech. Pierre Gemayel, the commander of the Christian Phalange, publicly commented the following day that Assad's was no ordinary speech. "It was a historic speech," he said, "The Hero-President had torn the veil from the eyes of the hypocrites, the traders in politics who are wearing the mask of Arab causes and of Palestine." Their "deceptions, ideological intimidation and treacherous terrorism had gravely harmed the cause of the Palestinians," he added. And for good measure, in Jerusalem, Prime Minister Rabin counselled that "the Government of Israel would take only those measures demanded by Israel's security." He advised careful judgment in this complex Lebanese situation. "Matters have developed in such a way today that the Syrians are now the saviours of the Christians, at least for the present." That was on the day after Assad's Damascus speech, April 13. He doubted whether the Christians held any illusions about the longer-term prospects. Manifestly they don't: there is already in Lebanon a functioning and well-armed infrastructure for a Christian separatist state.

For Kamil Jumblatt, Arafat, Habash and their supporters, the militant Moslem groups, the Progressive Socialists, and the PLO leadership as well as the Rejection Front, President Assad's speech was the long-feared confirmation that Syria had crossed over to "the other side." For days they met in conference to decide whether to mount a military or political confrontation; but in turn, they abandoned first the military opposition and then open political confrontation. Instead, they sent Yasir Arafat and Hawatmeh to Damascus to negotiate with Assad. Arafat returned to Beirut on Good Friday; he brought with him an ostensible agreement designed to satisfy, if not exactly reassure, the Palestinians and the Leftists. In terms of the balance of power in Lebanon it changed nothing: it left the Syrians in a position of unchallenged authority to throw their weight into either side of the balance; it still further divided the Palestinians and was spurned by the militant Moslems. Beirut had a record 208 dead on that Good Friday and many were injured.

What then had happened in the interregnum between January 20 when the Christians cried out for help from Washington and April 12 when their cry was publicly answered—to their full satisfaction—by President Assad from Damascus? A crucial and significant role in all that followed was played by King Hussein of Jordan and the peregrinating Soviet Ambassador Vinogradoff. Between them they pushed President Assad into a remarkable posture of collusion with the United States, with the benevolent but not public approval of the Soviet Union, and with the massive financial inducements provided by Saudi Arabia to the Syrians. Kissinger provided the necessary protective cover for the Syrians, or more precisely for President Assad, by an arrangement restricting the Syrian intervention to clearly defined areas well clear of what is described as the Israeli security zone, south and east of the Hasbani and Litani rivers and the Mount Hermon region, which ensured Israeli non-intervention so long as these constraints on Syrian or Palestinian troop movements were observed.

The Russians provided President Assad with another kind of cover: Ambassador Muhidinoff in Damascus was able to reassure President Assad that such action as he might take to maintain the peace and stability in Lebanon on the lines proposed by the Americans would not be considered in Moscow as an unfriendly act. On the contrary, the Kremlin was becoming gravely disturbed by the possible repercussions to the growing anarchy in Lebanon, and by its impact on the Arab world with evidence everywhere of growing Arab disunity. It was largely Soviet persuasion that made Arafat go to Damascus and accept Assad's terms.

This Byzantine collusion could have provided for the rescue of the beleaguered Christians in Lebanon, for the time being; for an orderly succession to the presidency; and for an end to the senseless killing and destruction which, by its example, has probably put to

Wash Star 5/1/76

[10]

# Kissinger Signals Angolans on Ties

By Jeremiah O'Leary

Washington Star Staff Writer

Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger has given the Marxist government of the People's Republic of Angola a clear signal that it can expect U.S. recognition and economic assistance if it expels the 15,000 Cuban troops in less than a year.

He made the proposal, which goes far beyond any previous U.S. offer of cooperation with the government of the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola, in a speech in Monrovia, Liberia.

The proposal was directed to the Luanda government rather than to the Soviet Union, which sponsors the Cuban expeditionary force, or to Fidel Castro.

"We could work with the MPLA (Popular Movement) in Angola in the same spirit as with FRELI-MO in Mozambique," Kissinger said. "We have no quarrel with Angola. We can deal with it in a cooperative spirit. We are willing in principle to open discussions with the Angolan authorities with a view toward normalizing our relations and seeking a means of cooperating, including on economic development.

"BUT BEFORE we can go far down that road, we want to know Angola's intention with respect to the foreign forces on its soil."

The quid pro quo in Kissinger's message to Luanda is clear. Get rid of the Cubans, he is saying to Angolan leader Agostinho Neto, and all things are possible with the rich and willing United States; permit the Cubans to remain and Washington will devote its good will and resources to the neighbor states of Zaire, Zambia, Mozambique, Botswana and Tanzania.

But the Kissinger offer is cast in vague terms, nearly as general as the official description of his gastrointestinal problems said to have followed a Zairean feast of wild board and manioc.

The reported indisposition of Kissinger, who has not had anything resembling an illness since he came to Washington in 1968, immediately raised speculation that the secretary of state might have gone secretly off to meet somewhere with Premier Ian Smith of Rhodesia.

The precedence, of course, was Kissinger's first secret visit to Peking in 1972 which was accomplished under the cover story of a cold while Kissinger was in Pakistan.

HOWEVER, State Department officials here insist Kissinger really was sick in Kinshasa and reportedly groaned authentically in a coversation with his Washington office.

Kissinger said himself before leaving Zaire that

there had been no opportunity to be in touch with any of the parties in the Rhodesia struggle. He said, however, that all of the black African states he visited have urged that the United States play a more active role in possible negotiations between the white minority rulers and the black majority in Rhodesia.

Before his arrival in Monrovia, Kissinger leveled a broadside at GOP presidential candidate Ronald Reagan for warning that Kissinger's policy for supporting black majority rule in Rhodesia might lead to a massacre. On board the plane to the fifth stop of his African tour, Kissinger was reported to be visibly agitated at the Reagan statement and called it "totally irresponsible"

‘All states bordering on

Rhodesia have declared the armed struggle has already begun,” Kissinger told reporters traveling with him. “And as far as I can see, it has started. There is danger of outside intervention which could intensify it. I tried to develop a program that puts emphasis on negotiation and put a timetable on it as the only hope for avoiding a massacre.

KISSINGER'S new policy toward Angola is an about turn from the U.S. position of a few months ago when Washington was bending its efforts to help arm the two factions opposing Angola's Popular Movement.

Newsmen traveling with Kissinger were told that Washington now wants a substantial indication that the Cuban troops and their Soviet-supplied military equipment are removed from Angola in less than a year. If that occurs, he left no doubt that U.S. recognition and economic assistance would swiftly follow.

THE NEW YORK TIMES, SATURDAY, MAY 1, 1976

# U.S. Opening to Africa Finds Nigerian Doors Shut

By JOHN DARNTON
Special to The New York Times

LAGOS, Nigeria, April 30—
Secretary of State Henry A.
Kissinger's dual policy—warn-
ing against further Cuban-So-
viet incursions in southern
Africa on the one hand and

voicing increased
support for ma-
jority rule there
on the other —
arouses only anger
in Nigeria.

News
Analysis

The warning is seen as the
real crux of the policy, aimed
at countering growing Soviet
influence, and it is deeply re-
sented as a move that bolsters
the resistance of the white-
ruled regimes.

The support for black ma-
jority rule is regarded as just
words, if not hypocritical
words, given the record of
American trade relations with
Rhodesia and South Africa.

Since he began his African
tour, Mr. Kissinger has played
down his references to the Cu-
ban forces in nearby Angola.
But his earlier remarks caused
a storm of protest that has not
altogether subsided.

There are indications that
some Nigerian officials feel
that the United States policy
on southern Africa is not sal-
vageable — that the gulf be-
tween Nigerian and American
interests has simply become too
wide to bridge.

The bridging of this waning
influence on the continent.
Black Africa is too disparate
for any one nation to be its
leader, but Nigeria—because of
its size and wealth—is the
closest contender for the title.

The fact that Nigeria has a
close relationship with Ghana,
born of their common heritage
as former British colonies sur-
rounded by former French col-
onies, lends credence to the
reports that Nigeria prevailed

upon Ghana to cancel Mr. Kissinger's stopover there. Three weeks ago, Nigeria also ruled out a Kissinger visit.

Although the federal military
Government has said it will not
commit its 250,000-man army
to the fight in the south except
under the auspices of the Orga-
nization of African Unity, the
tempo for deeper involvement
is clearly rising. The major
liberation group in South-West
Africa, the South-West African
People's Organization, is to
open an office in Lagos soon.
Financial and material support
to other liberation groups is be-
ing stepped up.

Spokesman for Solidarity

After an initial barrage of
critical editorials, the press
here has given Mr. Kissinger's
movements scant coverage. His
speech in Lusaka, Zambia, in
which he presented a 10-point
program to put pressure on the
Rhosesian regime to negotiate
a settlement, has gone largely
unreported. One newspaper
gave it "qualified" praise in an
editorial titled "New Voice of
America?"

In contrast to Mr. Kissinger's
call for negotiations, the Niger-
ian Government, in announcing
$1.6 million in aid to Mozam-
bique this week, said, "It is
crystal clear that there is no
alternative to intensified armed
struggle in Zimbabwe"—the
nationalist name for Rhodesia.

In making the "liberation" of
southern Africa the focal point
of its foreign policy, the Niger-
ian Government is staking out
a position on an issue that it
views in terms of morality and
idealism. It perceives the over-
ture from Mr. Kissinger, who
seemed to ignore African af-
fairs until the Angolan war, as
a cold-war power grab.

"Where was the Secretary of
State these past four years?"
asked an editorial in The Niger-

ian Tribune on the day the Se-
cretary arrived.

Nigerian officials and editor-
ial writers continually point out
that Cuban soldiers and Soviet
armaments are in Angola at the
invitation of the Government.
Because of the United States'
involvement in Angola, it is dis-
ingentous, as one newspaper
put it, "for Americans to deliv-
er lectures on the evils of
foreign interference in the in-
ternal affairs of other coun-
tries."

By strongly supporting the
faction that won in Angola,
Nigeria became a pre-eminent
spokesman for Pan-African so-
lodarity and is experiencing a
new wave of nationalism at
home. Its suspicions of Ameri-
can motives run deep.

The fact that American in-
vestments have recently begun
to increase in South Africa and

to decrease here feeds the ar-
guments of those who claim
that American policy in Africa
is dictated by economic con-
cerns that automatically ally
the United States with the
white-ruled regimes.

Much of Mr. Kissinger's pro-
gram—including the emphasis
on peaceful transition—is like-
ly to be dismissed as behind
the times.

"The only thing that would
do would be for Kissinger to
announce immediately that the
U.S. is going to give X and X
millions of arms and money to
the liberation movements," said
one official in the Ministry of
External Affairs. "And even
that would be seen as jumping
on the bandwagon. It wouldn't
bring you up to the level of
the Russians because the Rus-
sians were there first."

# Peking Links Embassy Blast to Saboteur

Continued From Page 1, Col. 7

revisionist Street.

A statement from a Foreign Ministry spokesman simply said that the incident was "an act of sabotage by a counter-revolutionary" and that investigations were continuing.

## A Second Accusation

It was the second time this month that "counterrevolutionaries" were accused of political violence in Peking.

On April 5, rioters set fire to cars and a building in Tien An Men square, the worst violence here since the Cultural Revolution of the 1960's.

According to the Soviet version given to Western diplomats, the explosion was a powerful blast that slightly damaged buildings inside the huge compound.

One Western envoy said Soviet sources appeared to regard the blast as the work of extremists and appeared surprised and worried.

Another reported that he had been personally shown damage alleged to have been caused by shrapnel, including broken windows in an embassy reception room, and metal fragments.

The explosion was the latest turn in the long Chinese-Soviet cold war. Relations between the two Communist nations have been bad for more than a decade with no sign of a solution to bitter ideological and state disputes.

## Not Reported in Soviet

China's new Prime Minister, Hua Kuo-feng made no mention of the incident when he delivered a typically tough anti-Soviet speech last night. By tonight, the blast had not been raported by the state-controlled news services.

Extra troops and plainclothes security end guarded the Soviet Embassy tonight.

Instead of the usual pair of People's Liberation Army soldiers that guard all embassies here, half a dozen green-uniformed troops stood outside the gates. Others with fixed bayonets patrolled the narrow lanes behind the compound.

About a score of plainclothes men were discernible in An-

tirevisionist Street leading to the embassy.

Windows in a gatehouse blown in by the blast had been replaced, as had a heavy wooden door that earlier was hanging from its hinges.

Not far from the imposing embassy, Chinese residents of communal courtyards were hanging out paper lanterns for tomorrow's May Day celebrations.

Small factories in nearby streets had their entrances lit up by strings of colored fairy lights, and freshly painted hoardings bearing Maoist slo-gans had been erected at main intersections.

The festivities will be on a larger scale than for several years in an apparent show of unity and support for the new Prime Minister after four restless months.

The death of Prime Minister Chou En-lai in January led to a fiery radical-inspired campaign against former senior Deputy Prime Minister Teng Hsi-ao-ping, the man regarded as his most likely successor.

He was accused of being a right-wing "capitalist roader" in a power struggle that culminated in the Tien An Men riots. Mr. Teng's supporters were charged with instigating the violence, and two days later he was dismissed from all posts.

ISS, MASTER CHARGE, CARD.
DR (914) 946-7725.

THE ORIGINAL BFO

MANHATTAN—(6th 149 Fifth Avenue at Phone: (212) 254-0000
OPEN EVERY DAY

Championing 'racial justice'

[LCO]

Secretary of State Kissinger's major speech in Zambia has put the United States solidly behind black Africa in the contest against the white-minority regime in Rhodesia. The moral content of the statement is unexceptionable.

What tangible effects can be expected from his restatement of American policy backing "majority rule" on the continent, and from his promise of specific measures to advance that cause, especially in Rhodesia, must await events. Complete returns are not in from the several audiences to whom Mr. Kissinger's remarks were addressed, and some of these reactions are crucial.

Among his audiences near and far, Mr. Kissinger hopes to bolster moderate black leaders like Zambia's President Kaunda in the belief that black rule can be extended in the region without the help of Soviet arms and Cuban expatriationary forces. The secretary seeks to head off further Soviet intervention on the model of Angola — the experience that has propelled the United States into a more active African role.

With his 10-point program "for a just and durable Rhodesian solution" he wants to increase the political and economic pressure on the white regime in Salisbury to settle quickly with that country's black nationalists on a transition from white supremacy. He promises to approach "other industrial nations" (France? South Africa?) to make the United Nations' boycott of Rhodesia effective. He will try to sell the same policy to Congress, which permits imports of Rhodesian chrome under the Byrd Amendment. American aid would help offset the cost of the embargo to Rhodesia's black neighbors, but no weapons are offered for a violent campaign.

In less urgent tones, the secretary calls on South Africa to set a schedule for self-determination in the trust territory of South West Africa (Namibia) and to end its own policy of racial apartheid.

Mr. Kissinger is on firm ground in his advocacy of "racial justice" — a verity of domestic as well as foreign policy. But there should be no illusion that a more explicit American effort in Africa will necessarily speed the process of change, make it peaceful, keep the Communists at bay or assure that the results are democratic.

Rhodesian Prime Minister Ian Smith is pressing ahead with his own plan to share power with blacks at least on paper, giving cabinet titles to seven tribal chiefs and putting other friendly blacks in lesser posts. Mr. Smith sounds as resistant as ever to a deal with the black nationalists who threaten an ugly guerrilla war for control of the country.

As blacks take power in more of southern Africa, there is no guarantee that the new rulers will represent the black majorities (or attend to their material welfare) much better than their white predecessors. Or that they will honor what Mr. Kissinger spoke for as the "minority rights" of those among the formerly ascendant whites who seek to stay. Multi-party democracy and racial coexistence (even tribal coexistence between blacks) have fared poorly in post-colonial Africa.

Since the outcome in southern Africa may be far short of ideal, a certain American detachment will be wise unless we want to be blamed for whatever goes wrong. We can extend a helping hand to the more responsible black leaders in the region, offer an alternative to Communist influence, and champion human decency in the settlement of the region's problems.

["ment bankers report-", "ed.", "Industrials were down 5/8, utilities were off 3/4 and rails moved 1/8 lower.", "Yields on three-month Treasury bills rose three basis points to 4.91; six-month yields rose one point to 5.29; and one-year yields rose nine points to 4.91.", "Two-year government notes were down 5-32 in price. Seven-year government bonds fell 8-32 and longer term governments dropped 16-32.", "Municipals were 1/2 lower on average.", "Federal funds were quoted at 4 13-16 bid, 4 7/8 asked.", "<table><tbody><tr><td>USLIFE</td><td>36</td><td>5</td><td>243</td><td>151/4</td><td>113/8</td><td>12</td><td>3/8</td></tr><tr><td>UslifeF</td><td>96a</td><td>16</td><td>111/8</td><td>97/8</td><td>111/8</td><td>11/8</td><td>9/8</td></tr><tr><td>USM stp1.20</td><td>9</td><td>14</td><td>293/4</td><td>291/4</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>USM pf2.10</td><td>2</td><td>34/34</td><td>273/4</td><td>341/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td></tr><tr><td>USM pf1.50</td><td>2300</td><td>30</td><td>23/4</td><td>30</td><td>1/2</td><td>1/2</td><td>1/2</td></tr><tr><td>Utah Int la</td><td>13</td><td>198</td><td>57/2</td><td>463/4</td><td>565/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>UtahPL2.40</td><td>8</td><td>92</td><td>33/8</td><td>273/8</td><td>32</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>UtPLpf2.80</td><td>7</td><td>321/4</td><td>291/8</td><td>313/4</td><td>3/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>UV Ind lb</td><td>5</td><td>70</td><td>301/4</td><td>293/4</td><td>3/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>UV In pf5.50</td><td>1</td><td>60</td><td>563/8</td><td>61</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>UV In pf1.26</td><td>1</td><td>351/2</td><td>24</td><td>35</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Uvlyind 80</td><td>5</td><td>14</td><td>137/8</td><td>165/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Valley In wi</td><td>nt</td><td>8/2</td><td>8/2</td><td>8/2</td><td>1/2</td><td>1/2</td><td>1/2</td></tr><tr><td>Varian 20</td><td>13</td><td>83</td><td>177/4</td><td>143/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Veeder 80</td><td>16</td><td>14</td><td>24</td><td>151/2</td><td>237/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Vendo Co</td><td>20</td><td>29</td><td>5</td><td>63/8</td><td>31/4</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Venice 20</td><td>5</td><td>10</td><td>7</td><td>49/8</td><td>51/4</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Victor Comp</td><td>8</td><td>55</td><td>71/2</td><td>37/8</td><td>61/2</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPw 1.24</td><td>7</td><td>383</td><td>147/8</td><td>125/8</td><td>131/2</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPpf 7.55</td><td>24300</td><td>1021/4</td><td>1003/4</td><td>1013/4</td><td>3/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPpf8.84</td><td>270</td><td>95</td><td>83</td><td>94</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPpf7.72</td><td>nt</td><td>81</td><td>721/4</td><td>801/4</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEMpf 7.72</td><td>nt</td><td>801/2</td><td>721/2</td><td>801/2</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPpf7.45</td><td>2250</td><td>80</td><td>761/2</td><td>761/2</td><td>11/2</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPpf 7.20</td><td>nt</td><td>78</td><td>671/2</td><td>741/2</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPpf 5</td><td>nt</td><td>561/2</td><td>49</td><td>54</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPpf4.80</td><td>nt</td><td>451/2</td><td>511/2</td><td>511/2</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPpf4.20</td><td>250</td><td>46</td><td>411/2</td><td>44</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPpf4.12</td><td>nt</td><td>433/8</td><td>39</td><td>42</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPpf4.04</td><td>nt</td><td>42</td><td>41</td><td>42</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPpf2.90</td><td>17</td><td>303/4</td><td>277/8</td><td>301/4</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vaEPpf8.68</td><td>6</td><td>41</td><td>83/8</td><td>47/8</td><td>61/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>vulcMat 2</td><td>8</td><td>421/4</td><td>303/4</td><td>397/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>WabRpf4.50</td><td>nt</td><td>48</td><td>421/4</td><td>451/4</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Wachova 76</td><td>9</td><td>153</td><td>267/8</td><td>181/8</td><td>243/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Wachpf2.20</td><td>52</td><td>57/8</td><td>391/2</td><td>517/8</td><td>391/2</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>WachRity</td><td>22</td><td>5/8</td><td>23/8</td><td>33/8</td><td>33/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Walgreen 1</td><td>10</td><td>19</td><td>161/2</td><td>128/8</td><td>16</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Wlkra1.40a</td><td>9</td><td>22</td><td>333/4</td><td>283/8</td><td>301/4</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>WallBus 60</td><td>10</td><td>7</td><td>247/8</td><td>189/8</td><td>225/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>WallMu.80a</td><td>7</td><td>19</td><td>20</td><td>181/2</td><td>181/2</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>WallMpf1.70</td><td>nt</td><td>33</td><td>223/8</td><td>33</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>WallMart 08.17</td><td>32</td><td>51</td><td>103/8</td><td>81/8</td><td>85/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>WardFd.47f 14</td><td>5</td><td>121/2</td><td>11/8</td><td>11/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Warnaco.80</td><td>7</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr><tr><td>Wrmc pf1.50</td><td>nt</td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td><td></td></tr></tbody></table>", "<table><tbody><tr><td>MirroAl.96</td><td>9</td><td>4</td><td>201/2</td><td>181/4</td><td>201/4</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>MissEq.28</td><td>8</td><td>151/4</td><td>117/8</td><td>133/4</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>MissRiv.1.40</td><td>7</td><td>37</td><td>37/8</td><td>35/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td></tr><tr><td>MoPac pf 1</td><td>3</td><td>32</td><td>12/8</td><td>173/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td></tr><tr><td>MoPtCe1.60</td><td>7</td><td>12</td><td>261/2</td><td>201/8</td><td>221/4</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>MoPSv.84b</td><td>7</td><td>39</td><td>13/8</td><td>93/8</td><td>151/2</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>MobilOl.340</td><td>7</td><td>417</td><td>593/8</td><td>471/2</td><td>593/8</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td></tr><tr><td>Mobile Hom</td><td>8</td><td>50</td><td>25/8</td><td>31/4</td><td>51/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td></tr><tr><td>Mohasco.90f 14</td><td>52</td><td>75</td><td>157/8</td><td>207/8</td><td>5/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Mohk Data</td><td>52</td><td>23</td><td>3</td><td>51/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td></tr><tr><td>Mohk R.1.20</td><td>5</td><td>2.2</td><td>163/4</td><td>205/8</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td></tr><tr><td>Molycrp 60</td><td>11</td><td>34</td><td>24/8</td><td>273/8</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td></tr><tr><td>Molypf2.50</td><td>nt</td><td>38</td><td>28</td><td>371/4</td><td>1/2</td><td>1/2</td><td>1/2</td></tr><tr><td>MonhR.1.20a</td><td>5</td><td>23/4</td><td>16</td><td>213/4</td><td>1/2</td><td>1/2</td><td>1/2</td></tr><tr><td>Monogr.20</td><td>6</td><td>78</td><td>121/8</td><td>63/4</td><td>113/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td></tr><tr><td>MonrEq.20</td><td>27</td><td>244</td><td>123/8</td><td>87/8</td><td>87/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Monsan 2.80</td><td>9</td><td>101</td><td>98/4</td><td>913/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>Mons pf2.75</td><td>12</td><td>1083/4</td><td>843/4</td><td>102</td><td>1/1</td><td>1/1</td><td>1/1</td></tr><tr><td>MonDU 2.20</td><td>8</td><td>301/4</td><td>261/8</td><td>30</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>MonPw 1.80</td><td>8</td><td>115</td><td>28</td><td>23</td><td>231/4</td><td>1/8</td><td>1/8</td></tr><tr><td>MontSt1.87e</td><td>5</td><td>53</td><td>231/8</td><td>221/4</td><td>1/4</td><td>1/4</td><td

Kissinger Suggests Path to Angola Ties

By MICHAEL T. KAUFMAN

Special to The New York Times

—Secretary of State Henry A. Kissinger said here tonight that the United States would be willing to normalize relations with Angola if the 15,000 Cuban troops there were with-

In his speech at a dinner given by Liberia's President, Widrawn.

liam R. Tolbert, Mr. Kissinger said the United States would have no problem about recognizing an African Marxist government as it proved by establishing ties with the Frelimo Government in Mozambique. But, he asked, "How can a government be considered African if it has stationed on its soil a large force from Cuba?"

"We wish Angola well as a unified and independent state," said the Secretary. He added, however, that before discussions could take place on diplomatic ties, "We want to know Angola's intentions with respect to the presence of foreign forces on its soil."

Question to Angola

Reporters traveling with the Secretary were told that at a recent meeting between lower-level diplomats at the United Nations, the United States asked Angolan representatives what their country intended for the Cuban force. A reply is being awaited.

Mr. Kissinger's remarks tonight reflected a broadening of his earlier statements on

this continent, which had focused on the problems of southern Africa, specifically on Rhodesia. In his speech here he also discussed in a general way trade between developed and underdeveloped countries.

He spoke of the need to prevent radical fluctuation of the prices of raw mtaerials exported by African countries. He also urged that Africa be given "an equitable voice and role in international economic institutions" and in shaping the global economy.

Major Address Due

In this he was setting the stage for the major address he is to give in Nairobi, Kenya, next week when he speaks before the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development. In Naibori he is expected to make specific recommendations to narrow what many feel is the widening gap between developed northern countries and underdeveloped southern ones.

However, his references to Angola were the most significant here since the speech marked his first public statement of the tour in which he referred to the civil war there, a war that precipitated and certainly accelerated his current interest in Africa's problems.

Mr. Kissinger left Zaire this morning gafter having spoken with President Mobutu Sese several times. Most of their discussion was said to have been about United States military

assitance. President Mobutu who had backed one of the losing nationalist factions in the Angolan war, was the African leader most endangered by its outcome.

Zaire, once the strongest military power in black southern Africa, is encircled by Angola, Congo and Uganda, who have al lbeen heavily armed by the Soviet Union.

Before the Kissinger party left Kinshasa, President Mobutu Angola you have heavy tanks, in Zaire you have nothing." He said that while he had been assured by Soviet and Cuban diplomats that their countries did not intend to intervent anywhere beyond Angola's borders, precautionary measures were needed. "I do not want to imply that we live in fear but to live in peace we must be prepared," he said.

Angola Seeks U.N. Entry

Special to The New York Times

UNITED NATIONS, N.Y., Apr. 30 — Angola has applied for membership in the United Nations, a spokesman here announced today. He said that no date had been set for the Security Council to consider the request.

## Portuguese Act to Grant Islands Some Autonomy

The New York Times/May 1, 1976

## Republican Report Asks Re-evaluation Of Canadian Ties

WASHINGTON, April 30 (AP) — A 15-member panel of Republican Representatives said yesterday that "deteriorating relations between the United States and Canada force us to

Continued From Page 1, Col. 6

eral elections, the Navy Chief of Staff, Adm. Augusto Souto Silva Cruz, said in an interview that because of the prospect that "the nation will get a new civilian government without Communist participation he expected a full reintegration of Portugal into NATO.

Some NATO secrets had been withheld from Portugal when Communists held important posts in the Government.

### Campaign Has Waned

The separatist movement in the islands had gained momentum during Portugal's swing to the left last year. But islanders who arrived here this week say that the campaign has waned since the nation moved toward the center, since the Government began its consideration of autonomy demands and since the centrists and conservatives won most of the parliament seats in Sunday's elections.

Like the mainland Portuguese, the people of the Azores

## Turkish Jet Is Hijacked And Returns to Paris

PARIS, April 30 (AP)—A Turkish Airlines DC-10 was hijacked shortly after taking off from Orly Airport here last night for Istanbul and landed again at Orly 90 minutes after its original departure.

Before returning here, the pilot of the hijacked jet

and Madeira voted heavily Sunday, with a turnout of around 80 percent. They ignored calls by separatist extremists to boycott the elections.

Contrary to many predictions there was no great shift to the right in the islands.

The islanders voted largely as they did in last year's ballot-ing for a constituent assembly, in which they favored the cen-trist Popular Democratic Party. The conservative Social Demo-cratic Center added to its show-ing in Madeira, where it gained one seat, and the Socialists picked up one in the Azores.

## Military Is Alerted In Uneasy Madrid On Eve of May Day

Special to The new York Times

MADRID, April 30—Military forces were placed on the alert today in the Madrid area as the Government continued to crack down on all efforts by opposition labor groups to demonstrate in observance of May Day, a tradition common to most European countries.

A police forces covered the center of the capital, about 60 persons were estimated to have been arrested tonight and taken to police headquarters in hand-cuffs. They had attempted to gather near the Atocha railroad station, a terminal for trains from the industrial suburbs.

Everywhere in Spain, local authorities had instructions to