Page Twelve

the village VOICE, March 11, 1971

Portnoy in Tall Cotton

*Continued from page 10*

here, for he violated the Chase Manhattan house rules and refused to stay bought. (The moral here seems to be that Agnew can only be rented. But Rockefellers haunt Nixon like Marley's ghost and the bruisers to the Nixon psyche at the hands of these swells remain. The damage is permanent and the case is terminal. Seeking to make his mark in the concert of nations, the President is unsure to the point of being a virtual basket case and is totally hooked by the wily little academic. (After all,

Rockefellers
Buy the Best.)

This Teutonic lago has found the way to the President's heart and it is not through his stomach. Kissinger, a recent gourmet, has discovered table- phoning from the Chauvenier, where he appears to be a cross between Jonathan Kaiser and Swifty Lazar.) The President's weakness is for, flattery—balm for his decimated ego. This has ever been Kissinger's strong suit. On the flight to Paris, the President of the Gaulle's funeral, Kissinger regaled the chief executive and the press pool by recalling the many historical parallels between his chief and the great Frenchman. This little classic of its kind moved the President to modestly agree, singling "reserve" and "polite" as qualities of the "Patton" screenplay—rather than the brilliant performance by George C. Scott—must have got to the John Wayne movies, it is to be recalled. Nixon goes for "Chism" over "Red River."

Kissinger will go to any ends to cozy up to Nixon. He recently allowed a CBS interview, in a CBS interview, hour and a half of Strangeley accent of him, that "you are not in this chrib you are not a concourse of verking mitt zu moost powerful man in zuvor." (Kissinger is really more Weber and Fields than Waggard.) And his finest moment came in an appearance before the Foreign Relations Commission in which Kissinger shamelessly told the assemblored solutions that what was needed was "an act of national commitment to zu President. Even an act of luff." Kissinger did not bat an eye when he accompanied Nixon to the White House to watch the film "Patton" (which he knew, since he knew Nixon, might (and in fact did) tilt the scales in favor of the Cambodian invasion). Only a President like Richard Nixon would allow a script writer like Francis Coppola to affect the course of history. The President's basic gloss of the "Patton" screenplay—rather than the brilliant performance by George C. Scott—must have got to the John Wayne movies, it is to be recalled. Nixon goes for "Chism" over "Red River."

Kissinger
feels no qualms

about doing the lion's share of the Presidential reading since Mr. Nixon prefers television. (And blowing.) This gives Kissinger a matchless opportunity to control the Presidential input as well as upgrade the Presidential taste and quality of the audience. (Remember Nixon? Reminds you a lot of de Gaulle, right? Especially his "reserve" and "poise.".) Kissinger has also been known to warm the cockles of the Presidential heart by portraying Nixon a latter day Kaiser William I, reserving himself the role of the faithful Otto von Bismarck. (Kissinger's Bismarck to Nixon's Hohenzollern might be a little mind-bending to the shade of Richard Wagner. The sturm and drang of this dynamic duo might be more accurately captured with Kissinger's "Tannhäuser" as counterpart to a Nixon "Meistersinger" in a production of "Die Gottdammerung" by the Workmen's Circle and the Epworth League.)

For instance what about all those nobodies Nixon hangs out with? It is another professional man, the one who is a lonely man, although his loneliness is more Nixonian than Lincolnian in scale. He does not make friends easily and those who have succeeded in breaking through his defenses represent a kind of lowest common denominator of mid-American hustlers. Types like Murray Chotner, the Beverly Hills Fixer, Bebe Rebozo, the Miami Beach speculator, Walther Annenberg, the Philadelphia behemoth, and Robert Alpana, the aerosol king of Bronxville. Why, those guys look like a cast call for "The Untouchables." Kissinger wouldn't be caught dead with such like, not on his own time anyway. Why doesn't Nixon spend a little time at the clubs, make some "contacts" and "connections"? Meet a tonier crowd, people like John Gardner, George Franklin, Cary Haskins, Bob McNamara. People who can do something for you for God's sake. Although some might argue that the close association with Rebozo could be construed as social climbing on the part of the President, it is generally agreed that this is the one variety of opportunism that

has been spared him. Richard Nixon is an uninvited, unrepentant low-brow and makes few bones about it, certainly a point in his favor. And whether Kissinger knows it or not, his own schmalz is more than a match for the President's survival kit.

So, although Kissinger is almost aody of the noupeu, the girovristal Trimalchio at the Rive So, although Kissinger is almost Nixon is a determined, if unimaginative, egalitarian, they share much in common. Both are almost clinically insecure, secretive, suspicious, cold. Each has a brutish, uninviting, description, and they are back to the humilations of childhood. Each had been the neighborhood sissy boy, with all the misery and suffering implicit in that dreadful role. Anger for the memories. But all was changed now and the world was their oyster. Then they could humiliate. Now they could. But if Nixon would not, well then Kissinger would裕裕 but enough for both. And it was perfectly all right for Kissinger to be Nixon's Uncle Tom. Because, by God, everybody else in Washington was Tomming Kissinger.

And

Tom him they do. It's "Doctor" Kissinger is this and "Doctor" that and "Doctor Kissinger's office" and "the Doctor says" and "the Doctor feels" and "the Doctor thinks," etc. Evelyn N. Anderson, a descendent of some similar British ship-littlesspas as "vomit-making." As for Kissinger, he revels in this titled glory as much as any Great Neck dentist ever did.

One rival still remains to challenge Kissinger in this area. This is another professional man, Dr. Martin Anderson, angregious little flunky for the Vice-President and you had better remember the "Doctor" if you want to get along in the Agnew set. (How a man of Agnew's undoubted機械ism puts up with his staff remains a mystery. "Dr." Anderson is, or was, roughly equivalent to Cardinal, played off against Miss Ayn Rand's Popes, in the Objectivist church or synagogue then presided over by that gallant and indomitable lady. As it must to all true faiths, however, schioppanics appeared this band of true believers, with the heir apparent, an unappealing fellow named Brakington, taking the person of Eugene Dennis or Herbert Philbrick, according to the personelryturer's taste. In any case, "Dr." Anderson bears more resemblance to Eliza Cooke, Jr., in the "Maltese Falcon" than to Gary Cooper's in "The Fountainhead." ("Dr." Anderson has since foreseen the epistemology of John Galt for that of Spiro Agnew.) Incidentally, this administration is as warm with these so-called Objectivists who are now found slithering about Washington from Capitol Hill to Foggy Bottom. While this may appear strange (they are a rather noisy claque of thetheists) the truth is that their alien corn blends nicely with the domestic detergent of Richard Nixon. As for Dr." Anderson (whose fortunes rise and fall with those of Mr. Agnew.), those have not been ginger peachy lately. He was last reported in perfect snit after being mistaken for a chiropodist, buzzed in from Silver Spring to massag the Vice-

President dogs.

But let Kissinger take his salute. Let the Washington kowtowers and boot-lickers bow and scrape to him. It is, after all, his due. Long overdue, if the truth be

known. Let him strut. This will do him no harm. His danger lies elsewhere, in exactly the area where Kissinger feels he can best solidify his position. This is to say that, if he doesn't watch his job, his executive partner will prove a bit thick even for Nixon. Because, along with the soft soap, he had better come up with some hard answers. (Kissinger is no George Allen or Dave Powders. The vaunted Kissinger "wit" runs a close second to his "good looks and charm. Despite his spiteful, almost deranged, he will be a term President and that his tenure may be the greatest domestic centrality in almost half a century. Kissinger has correctly discerned that which has eluded so many Potomac watchers: that, for whatever reason, his chief of staff, Nixon, has reserved the right to the perquisites of the Presidential office at almost any predecessor. And that Richard Nixon, for better or worse, emerges as the strongest American President of modern times.) He pays well for advice and, like Rockefeller, has come to expect the best. He will not accept Kissinger's flattery as a substitute for performance. Since he created this Kissinger, since Kissinger is almost the only man admitted into the Presidential confidence, Nixon would not hesitate to squash Kissinger like a bug if he felt himself ill-serviceable. And there are those who enthusiastically assist in such a demo-

rium job.

But such volunteers play a dangerous hand in the Washington power game, and the scalds of two of these, old style newsmann Clark Mollenhoff and brilliant young Commerce aide Richard Davis, hang in the Kissinger teepee. Other Kissinger candidates for extinction include Maurice Stans and George Nixon. Kissinger is openly derisive of Romney, regarding him as little more than a cretin and making speculative jokes about the Romney I. Q. And many believe that was Kissinger's spy network, which operates at all levels of government, which ferreted out and later leaked the story of Stans' involvement in the Penn Central. He is also credited with an assist in the departure of Pat Moynihan (Kissinger is one of the Capital's more notorious gossips about Moynihan's drinking) and the firing of Walter Hickel. Kissinger does not even dislike Hickel, indeed would all most resolute speculators quote like "Bill Rogers may not be the brightest Secretary of State we ever had." The fact is that since the "Faithfully, Wally" letter, Nixon cannot stand Hickel. And, QED, heeding his master's voice, neither can Kissinger.

As for Rogers, the professor is privately contemptuous of the Secretary who titularly outranks him but who has a hard time

seeing the President. Kissinger, of course, hopes Rogers will remain on rather than be replaced by a stronger man. (The exception being, as always, that he would be a better one to replace him with both Nixon and Rockefeller to oust Rogers and put the New York Governor in State. This would give Kissinger what he believes would be final authority at the State Department as well as the White House. A fringe benefit to Kissinger would be having Rocky on tap for a final run for the roses in the event Nixon pulls a Lyndon Johnson in 1972.) In the meantime the Secretary is subjected to a series of small humilations at the hands of Kissinger, like the "expel the Russians from Suez" remark at a time when Rogers was attempting to restore some lustre to his office through personal diplomacy in the Middle East. There was also on network television a floating picture of a Kissinger, in whose position but would not melt, telling what pals he and Rogers are, that it was unfortunate that reports circulated about how he had usurped Rogers's position and anyway that it did not matter

"who vass opp
and
who vass down."

However much Rogers quietly fumes, however much he may privately despise Kissinger, there is little he can do about it, short of resigning. Dean Acheson or John Foster Dulles would almost certainly have resigned under those circumstances. But in the absence of a safe berth on the Supreme Court, Rogers still seems reluctant to be. Meanwhile, Kissinger does not care a fig for Roger's opinion.

But the Secretary of Defense and the Attorney General are another kettle of fish. Both are authentic tough guys and too highly placed to fool with. Once early on the game Kissinger tried to play one-upmanship, leaking

*Continued on page 54*

Page Seventeen

University, and a major interna-
tional air carrier (didn't even
want that one named) were all in
danger of an imminent Kissinger
take-over. (My God, is Kissinger
running the Mafia too? Shades
of Dr. Moriarty.) Few seemed
bowled over (or even very
surprised) by the new-found emi-
nence of their old acquaintance.
What chiefly interested them to a
man (and a woman) were the
frequent press and television
reports of Kissinger's unexpected
romantic prowess.

"Kissinger? Fat little Heinzie a cocksman? Don't make me laugh," laughs a classmate from New York's George Washington High School. He remembers him with "glasses thick as cookies, a long grey honk. That was Heinzie, like a fat little ant-eater." Kissinger apparently took a steady razzing about his habitual toadying to the teachers. For his pains he was celebrated in occasional bits of boy's room graffiti which scanned Heinzie Kissinger Can Kiss Mine, and, for the German scholars, Heinzie Kissinger Kuss Mein. "That was his name then, 'Heinz.' When he went in the Army he became 'Henry.' I told him once, 'Heinzie, you changed the wrong name,' but he never cracked a smile." Kissinger never saw anything funny about that old GW hazing and prefers to forget the entire affair. (Along with Mrs. Beloff and the Soviet Ambas-sador, the school chum does not recall a sense of humor among the strong points of Henry ne Heinzie.) He does recollect a Kissinger tendency to neglect old friends no longer useful. "Of course he dropped us. We weren't going anywhere he was headed."

"Henry a lover boy? Must be
those Swiss monkey glands."

marvels an astounded Army ac-
quaintance who got along with
Kissinger but found him little fun
on liberty. "Always had his nose
in a book when he wasn't busy
sucking up to the brass." At least
part of Kissinger's Army experi-
ence with its rough wartime bar-
racks humor must have seemed
like a replay of hard times in
Washington Heights. "Kissinger
used to take a good ragging. He'd
keep reading his book and pre-
tend to ignore it but it must have

Portnoy in Tall Cotton

*Continued from page 18*

Sancho Panza and decided to play a joke on him. They told him that Elliott could get him in the Vincent Club, which was chock full of Peabodys, Lowells, and Cabots. Henry went straight back and put it up to Elliott right away. Elliott told Kissinger, as kindly as he could, that the Vincent was a ladies club and that he was being had by the clubbies. But that never stopped Kissinger. He kept coming back for more. He had a hide like an elephant. He helped me a lot. But he sure gave the brush to many a townie who needed help as bad as I did. Funny little man. But this swinger business! I mean I can see him bucking for Phi Bete or a summa. But Kissinger a swinger? That's ridiculous. Not even in old Scollay Square. If he could even find Scollay Square."

Another view from the Charles River Bridge comes from one of the many girls who worked for him at the Center for International Studies. "Kissinger? Ugh. Uriah Heep." She plainly detests him, regarding him as both bully and braggart. She credits his Prussian drill master style with

putting many a promising little CIA type on the road to Aldermaston. "Kissinger is Women's Lib's best friend." She also found him habitually craven to his betters. Once a famous Kissinger patron called, but Kissinger, thinking it was some assistant.

> 'But that was in another country, and besides the wench is red'

had a secretary give him the Drop Dead routine: "Dr. Kissinger is in conference and cannot be disturbed—would you like to leave a message?" "The phone squawked back 'Yeah ... I'll leave a message—tell the pompous little ass to go — himself.' When Kissinger found out who it was he almost died. He practically crawled on his hands and knees all the way to Rockefeller Center." (These days, one hears, he monitors or tapes every incoming phone call.) On his new found fame as Washington's number one Sweeper: "That must be somebody's idea of a joke. Those Nixon people are even more awful than I think, if Kissinger is their idea of a catch. Ugh."

But that was in another country and besides the wench is red. (Kissinger is not above adding a little red-baiting to his brow beating, although his style savors more of Dave Dubinsky than of Richard Nixon.) Remember, these were Kissinger's salad days when he used catch phrases like "free world" and "slave states" and "Godless Communism" with the best of us. Never the coolest fellow, in fact downright un-hip. Even General Curtis LeMay would blush at the grisly assortment of goodies put forth in Kissinger's chef d'oeuvre "Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy." These were great days, days when Kissinger turned Nelson Rockefeller on to Fallout Shelters. The total inocence of that time is underscored by the fact that even the sophisticated Council on Foreign Relations, under whose aegis the manifesto was published, could think of nothing better to do than get jacket blurbs from Dr. Edward Teller and the Honorable Clare Booth Luce. (There were giants in the earth.) Kissinger still has an occasional lapse. There are those RAND Corporation reports he ordered. There was the day he threatened to expel the Russians from Suez. And they say that he sees nothing funny about that Orwellian device housed in our Paris embassy (a bug proof sci-fi pod right out of 1984 or 2001 in which he discusses affairs of state with Cabot Lodge, David Bruce, and Nguyen Cao Ky. But these are mere aberrations, and Kissinger is much more housebroken these days.

And, as has been indicated, the hottest ticket in capital society. One party-giver considered small fry by the Democrats, but doing all right under Nixon, sees a lot of what she cutesily refers to as "the Kissingers." (This is a facetious reference to Kissinger and Mrs. Barbara Howar, a lady that Briton Hadden's Time might have called his "great and good friend." Kissinger also dates such lovelies as fading starlet Jill St. John and polemicist Gloria Steinem but Mrs. Howar is or was more or less his steady.)

Portnoy

*Continued from preceding page*

you know how Bird and those
girls talk? That awful nasal red
neck? Well Barbara got them
down pat. Perfect Dogpatch. I
mean she ought to. She spent
enough time with them before
Lady Bird got rid of her."
(Southern accents are Mrs.
Howar's forte. Her own is best
described as Holton Arms-
peckerwood.) (Since the arrival
of John Connolly, the Johnson act
has been dropped by the crowd-
pleasing duo. Connolly is, after
all, a strong candidate to replace
Mr. Agnew on the ticket. It has
been replaced, one hears, by a
side-splitting rendition of Spiggy
and Judy Agnew playing the lead
couple in the movie "Joe.")

But not everyone is fair game
for Mrs. Howar's unquestioned tal-
ents as a mime. At one party she
started to take off on Mrs. Pat
Nixon and her daughters as
Barbie dolls. "Henry almost had
a fit. He jumped on her like the
Gestapo. She went home in tears.
And alone." Wit and talent are
not Mrs. Howar's only attribute,
according to another friend who
came to Washington with the
Kennedys and stayed on. "Bar-
bara's got balls. She was even
too pushy for Lady Bird Johnson,
if you can imagine that." This
lady thinks, along with most of
unofficial Washington, her friend
is "serious" about Kissinger. "Of
course she's after him. Barbara's
no fool. God knows she didn't get
much out of that Ay-rab." (Mr.
Howar is a Lebanese American.)
"Henry's no beauty. But he's im-
portant." She also feels that Bar-
bara is smart enough to know
this could be her last big chance.
She's a little long in the tooth

now and • Alice Longworth isn't
going to live forever." (Mrs.
Alice Roosevelt Longworth is a
sometimes social sponsor of Mrs.
Howar.) "Barbara was a pariah
after the Johnsons dropped her.
If it weren't for Henry she'd be
washed up in this town and she
knows it. He gets her asked
around and gets her name in the
columns. How do you think she
got that tv show? So she puts up
with him, although he's made a
fool of her more than once. Like
when she gave that big party for

'Henry's
very *naive*'
about women.
I hope he's
got more sense
about Vietnam.'

Gloria Steinem, Henry made a
big play for Gloria, right in Bar-
bara's own house, and prac-
tically under Barbara's nose."
Kissinger later became very
angry at Miss Steinem for telling
a reporter that he (Kissinger)
thought Nixon was stupid. (Writ-
er Murray Kempton, hearing
that Miss Steinem had been slip-
ping around with Kissinger, said,
"This confirms my opinion of
Gloria. You wouldn't catch Bella
Abzug going out with Kissinger.
Not unless the party told her to."
The promising romance between
Miss Steinem and Dr. Kissinger
was subsequently aborted by af-
fairs of state. The best laid plans
of mice and men. Gang aft
agley.)

This lady further reports that "the Kissingers" possess rare gifts of mimicry welcome in a dry season. Kissinger apparently does one routine of Secretary Rogers failing to get an appointment with the President and getting the brush-off from Nixon secretary Mrs. Rosemary Woods, played by Mrs. Howar with a pillow stuffed down the front of her dress and a faked Bronx accent. Another favorite in the Howar repertoire is a tipsy Martha Ann Mitchell on the phone to Mark Hatfield lining up support for the Carswell nomination. But if you like Barbara's Martha Ann, you'll love her Lady Bird. It seems that Kissinger had been down to Texas to give the former President a report and came back with an imitation of Johnson. "Henry was a scream. He had got hold of a 10 gallon hat, had his feet up on the table, was scratching himself and pretending to spit tobacco juice. And

Continued on next page

A more reserved view of Kissinger comes from a less frenetic Washington hostess, who pointedly does not invite Mrs. Howar (much less Jill or Gloria) to her salon. “I don’t know Mrs. Howar. But some of my friends do and they don’t think she’d fit in here.” Although Kissinger has been a guest in her house, this forbidding lady usually asks him to come alone under the pretext of extra man. “He’s very naive about women. He seems to be victimized by every exhibitionist, social climber, and publicity seeker in town. I hope he’s got more sense about Vietnam.” She fails to understand why so much fuss is made over him. “He’s too anxious to please, too glad to be here. And very insecure. He can get on your nerves. Like that business with Art Buchwald and Joe Alsop.” (Kissinger had apparently been kidding around with Buchwald about his play “Sheep on the Runway,” until he

heard that Alsop not only did not like the play, but did not like people who did.) "Kissinger went 180 degrees away from Buchwald. You'd think Art had contracted leprosy. But after all, Joe Alsop counts."

But home's home after all and Cambridge is where folks feel they know the professor best. In one Mt. Auburn street salon, the heady conversation was of little else, although it would have been easier to get an attributed quotation in Jersey City Hall on the day after the indictment of Little John Kenny was handed down.

Despite a pathetic effort or two at being Now (a chubby, bald, middle-aged fellow in a Pierre Cardin jump suit from Barney's Continental Shop, a few love beads and peace symbols, a Brookline Brahmin sporting a sari) this was largely a gathering of irrelevants, leather patched tweed jackets, not a few pipes, a Xeroxed copy of a recent article published in one of their interminable journals (never fear, this gang would never perish), a full flowering of pernicious academia. And chock full of gossip and Christian Brothers sherry. And not at all bad armchair sociologues. Some thought it odd that Kissinger never seemed to have anything to do with Jews. That he preferred the second rate WASP students from Exeter or St. Paul's to the brilliant ones out of Bronx Science or Roxbury Latin. That over the years he has dropped almost all his Jewish friends except those who can be of some use to him. That he was ashamed of the fact that his mother worked as a cook and waitress to rich Jewish families to help Kissinger through Harvard.

One fellow, himself quite Jewish, with an accent that would have passed muster in pre-war Dorchester, denied this, although his "defense" of Kissinger against the charge of bigotry was much more lethal than his colleagues' attack. "Henry's not anti-Semitic. He's a *Meshumed* or a *Morrano*. He has no final solution for us. We're like the *Golem*." Well, what about Kissinger's Jewish friends? "Oh sure, he can make it his business to get along with somebody like Teller, or Schlesinger, or Jonas Salk and Walter Lippmann. But that's different. They've all *made* it. But you notice all those clubs he tries to get in have almost no Jews. Kissinger wouldn't be caught dead at the Harmonie Club. It's The Right People for him, and to hell with Our Crowd. I used to make him nervous just crossing the Yard. He must have thought I was going to jump down his throat like a *dybbuk*. Heinz is an *echte* Cherman Jew, you know and the rest of us are from points East." He had a theory on why Jacob and Marian Javits had never made it with Kissinger. "They claim it's because Jake the Fake is the Zionist Lobby in Washington and Kissinger has to remain publicly neutral. But that's a lot of crap. Javits and his wife are like me, too *Jew-y* for Kissinger. *Look* at Javits. When he dies he ought to get a special wing in the Museum of Natural History. *Khazar Man*. Why, one of the reasons Kissinger moved out of Washington Heights was to get *away* from guys who looked like Jake Javits."

"So he's become a big ass man down there. Well good for him." This from another Cantabridgian who does not blame Kissinger for his arduous social climbing, even rather approves it. "Henry *wants* hogs. Take those clubs." Kissinger, perennially hard up for money, is poor no more and has gone to great effort to cozy up to his betters, people like the Rockefellers, Caryl Haskins, George Franklin, Cabot Lodge, Elliot

3, 1971

Portnoy in Tall Cotton

he has some good looking female
friends.")

She goes on to remark. "So Henry's a sexpot. Well. Imagine *Kissing Pete*. He's about as sexy as Adam Yarmolinsky. If he has his pick, why all those sway-back horrors in fright wigs he's always being photographed with? Wouldn't you think he'd show a little taste?" Her husband disagrees, thinks Kissinger's taste is not the point, that he is not even aware of "screwing down." While the little German can shrewdly pick and choose among men who can advance his career, all bets are off when he approaches women. "It's not bad taste, as much as no taste. He's like somebody tone deaf or color blind. He literally doesn't know. He's like a Martian, a stranger in a strange land. I doubt that he could tell the qualitative dif-

ference between Barbara Howar
and, say, Mary Lasker. As far as
that Jill St. John, you have to re-
alize that by Henry's lights she
used to claim to be a Countess
and was the daughter-in-law of
Barbara Hutton, the richest
woman in the world."

A lady, a Belmont neighbor,
sums him up this way. "He only
seems happy around those kind
of joke women. Real people are
too much for him. When he was
married to Ann, who was a genu-
ine human being, he couldn't
stand it. After she literally
slaved to send him through grad-
uate school he almost turned her
into a zombie with all that
screaming and shouting. Just
like the Gestapo. He was
ashamed of her New York accent
and always told her how she em-
barrassed him in front of 'impor-
tant people.' It got so bad she
was scared to even open her
mouth. That house in Belmont
was like 'Gaslight.'"

But let these Cambridge
gossips, scolds, and critics
prattle. Doubtless any one of
them would gladly swap names,
dates, and places with Kissinger
who no longer needs them. He
now lusts more after prestigious
boards and committees and
covets honorary degrees. He has
little or no intention of returning
to Harvard. The famous pilgrim-
age down to Washington by a
baker's dozen of Harvard's finest
old cold warriors (who had al-
most to a man been on the CIA
or Defense Department take)
was a feat of intellectual mascul-
bation that even his model
Portnoy might have envied. (Kis-
singer was later to say of this
fateful coming together that "it
vass a painful mitting for boat
us." But a better description ap-
peared in the Harvard Crimson
by Michael Kinsley (reprinted by
Washington Monthly) whose
chronicle of their antics at the
Hay-Adams is must reading for
anyone interested in this particu-
lar confrontation. The whole
pack who among them have had
everything but the whooping
cough were as sanctimonious as
a shift of whores in church.) Kis-
singer is after the big money and
the big time and has no intention
of returning to a situation where
hippies regularly "trash" Har-
vard- Square and where his
beloved Center is under siege by
a faction of Radicliffed lesbian

the village VOICE, March 18, 1971

Richardson, Stanley Resor, David Packard, and Joe Alsop who can get him admitted into them. Like the Century, the Metropolitan, the Brook. He wants in on Lyford Cay and the Bohemian Grove, he gets an almost sexual thrill out of things like that. When Rockefeller finally let Kissinger call him 'Nell-Zenn,' and he got to call Lodge 'Ga-Boot,' you never saw such ecstasy in your life. He almost had anorgasm."

A faculty wife ranges from amusement to bemusement at Kissinger as matinee idol. "Did you see him on tv? Did you hear him say he's too busy to be a 'public svinger, maybe a secret

svinger,' And that woman that Barbara whoosey-whatsie. Did you hear her tell Mike Wallace 'Henry's got everything it takes to swing, Mike, but it takes time to swing.' " (CBS saw fit to edit out Mrs. Howar's triumphant admission "Politics make strange bedfellows," surely an underground classic among climbers and name droppers everywhere. A UPI bulletin about the show reported Kissinger "extracted a promise from the producer not to follow him around socially on the West Coast, where

*Continued on next page*

*plastiquers*. If Kissinger heads that way at all it will probably be for his investiture as a Harvard Overseer, or for dinner at the Somerset Club.

Well, there he is. Warts and all. Kissinger. An unlikely Portnoy. But Kissinger is not so bad. And as Presidential advisers go, Kissinger's advice is likely to be as good or better than his more palatable predecessors. For the more substantial Bundy and Rostow appear to have been total catastrophes. Perhaps there is something at basis wrong with the institution of the academic in government, a dire tradition begun with the purse-mouthed Calvinist, Wilson, through Moley, Tugwell, and Berle to now. Again, though lacking their substance, Kissinger is their natural heir. Poor choices who do not work out. Cynical without wisdom, who see themselves in the perspective of history, somehow thereby missing the point. And natural disasters to the Republic.

It seems harsh to be this rough on Kissinger without granting the same favor to Dean Acheson, John Foster Dulles, McGeorge Bundy, or Eugene Rostow. After all, his track record is certainly no worse than theirs and will probably be much better. (In hindsight, always 20/20, the

Page Seventy-five

parently had greater need for
this than either his two prede-
cessors or successors. While Kis-
singer's style turned out to be a
little heavy-footed for Camelot
(the idea of him kneeling at
Jackie's feet a la Schlesinger and
Goodwin does bring a smile) one
feels that the spirit was willing
and that his subsequent fulmina-
tions at the New Frontier were a
matter of sour grapes. Hell hath
no fury like a lackey scorned.

The fact that the famous

*Continued on page 79*

above quartet appears to have
been wrong on almost every im-
portant historical question of our
time.) Yet there was a size to
them, a certain nobility that was
never open to question. Wrong as
they almost certainly were, no
one fair-minded and informed
could really doubt their motives.
And yet, one cannot feel the
same about Kissinger. There is
something about him. Something
that smacks of Arthur Schle-
singer, of Richard Goodwin, even
of William vanden Heuvel. Some-
thing of the hustler syndrome,
the sycophancy and intellectual
prostitution which flourished
most notoriously in our time
during the administration of John
F. Kennedy, a man who ap-

NEW YORK TIMES
3 March 1971 P21

BALTIMORE SUN 3 March 1971 P9

CONGRESS HAILS
APOLLO 14 CREW

By RICHARD D. LYONS
Special to The New York Times

WASHINGTON, March 2—The Apollo 14 astronauts gladdened their way through Congress today in support of the space program.

The three officers emergently
ally solicited support during a
House Science and Astronautics
Committee session that had met
to consider the space budget for
1972, at a luncheon with Capitol
Hill leaders, and at sessions of
both the Senate and the House
of Representatives.

After the two sessions, at
which each of the three fliers
gave brief addresses, they gave
the hands of every Congress-
men in sight.

On the House side, more than
200 Representatives, some car-
rying young children in their
arms lined up around the well
of the House. The pleasantries
—a handshake and a few brief
words.

Lieut. Col. Stuart A. Roosa,
the command module pilot on
the moon-landing mission,
seemed the most visible im-
pression, not that the last
time he had been in the room
it had been as a member of
a visiting class from Claremont
(Okla.) High School about
20 years ago.

All of the thrills of Apollo 14
none can match the thrill of
being here this morning," he
told the assembled Congress-
men.

His eight-year-old son, Stuart
A. Roosa Jr., almost stole the
show on the Senate floor by
standing in the reception line
and shaking the hands of some
60 Senators.

Leave for Camp David

After their Senate appear-
ance, Colonel Roosa, Alan
B. Shepard Jr. and Capt. Edgar
D. Mitchell, both of the Navy,
traveled to the Presidential
mountain retreat at Camp
David, Md., to spend several
days with their wives and chil-
dren. President Nixon extended
the invitation during the moon-
landing mission.

Captain Shepard, who told a
news conference yesterday that
he hoped "to be able to help sell"
the space program, showed his powers of persua-
sion today. He repeatedly em-
phasized that man has a place
in space and that the United
States should be willing to pay
the price for putting him there.

Dr. George M. Low, acting
administrator of the National
Aeronautics and Space Admin-
istration, told the House com-
mittee hearing that the astron-
auts had demonstrated that
"man belongs in space" and that
"man can achieve objec-
tives well beyond the capabili-
ties of any machine that man
can devise."

The committee got first-hand
reports of the crew's exploits.
It opened hearings on the Ad-
ministration's $3.2-billion budg-
get request for the fiscal year
1972, the lowest in almost a
decade. Groups of Congress-
men in both houses have re-
peatedly urged that the NASA
budget be trimmed still further.

Calley Trial May Hear Medina

By CHARLES WHITEFORD
Sun Staff Correspondent

Fort Benning, Ga. March 2—
Cap. Ernest Medina may yet
take the stand at the court mar-
tial of 1st Lt. William L. Calley,
Jr., to contest his former pla-
toon leader's assertion that Cap-
tain Medina ordered no less
than five times that all the in-
habitants at My Lai be killed.

That was disclosed today by
an authoritative source here.

The source added that Col.
Oran K. Henderson, who also is
facing court-martial on charges
of covering the My Lai slay-
ings, may also be given a
chance to tell his side of the
story the during the Calley trial.

Yesterday attorneys for Cap-
tain Medina filed suit to compel
the Army to allow him to testify
here. The suit charged that a
decision had been made to keep
him off the stand.

It was explained here today
that if the Army called Captain
Medina as a prosecution wit-
ness, it could be construed as
implying that Captain Medina,
who himself is accused of re-
sponsibility for the deaths of at
least 175 South Vietnamese in
the village, is a credible wit-

But this source close to the
Calley court MARTIAL said
there is nothing to prevent the
six-officer board that will weigh

Lieutenant Calley's fate from
calling Captain Medina as a
witness and for that matter Colo-
nel Henderson too.

Another source said that in all
likelihood that will be done.

The court martial of Lieuten-
ant Calley, who is accused of the
premeditated murder of at least
102 residents of the village dur-
ing Charlie Company's search-
and-destroy sweep three years
after this death was recessed
Saturday until tomorrow.

The回复 was given to Cap.
Aubrey M. Daniel 3d, the 29-
year-old chief prosecutor, and
Capt. John Partin, his assistant,
a chance to assemble rebuttal
witnesses.

BALTIMORE SUN
3 March 1971 P5

Major War Role
Ends For Berets

Saigon, March 2 UP—The col-
ors of the United States 5th Spe-
cial Forces group left today,
bringing to an end major role
for the Green Berets in the
Indochina war.

Escorted by a detachment of
24 officers, 2 warrant officers
and 68 enlisted men, the Special
Forces colors headed for the
Special Warfare Center at Fort
Bragg, N.C.

The Special Berets have oper-
ated in Vietnam for nearly a
dead. A few Green Berets will
remain here under the U.S. com-
mand, acting as advisers to
South Vietnamese special
forces. Another handful, also un-
der the U.S. command, will con-
tinue to conduct clandestine re-
communication operations in Laos
and North Vietnam.

NEW YORK NEWS
3 March 1971 P18
New GI Helmet's
At Panmunjon

Panmunjon, Korea, March 2
(UP1)—United States Army
guards, who were beaten five
months ago by North Korean so-
diers here, began wearing new
helmeteds today to protect them-
selves from expected new attacks.
Panmunjon is the meeting place
for armistice talks.

NEW YORK NEWS
3 March 1971 P10
New Red
Supply Road

Vientiane, Laos, March 2
(Reuter)—North Vietnamese
Engineers are building a major
road in Laos west of the Ho
Chi Minh Trail, a Loaitan mil-
itary spokesman said today.

The engineers were spotted
yesterday working with trac-
tors, graders and sows on the
road starting from Highway 9
to the west of Sepone and running
northwest toward the Mekong
River.

WASHINGTON POST 3 March 1971 P4

Activities in Congress

Senate

Meets at 11 a.m.

Committees:

Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs
Subcommittee—Withheld housing funds.
Mr. D'Alonzo—Housing and Community
Advisory Committee—Syracuse, N.Y.
Subcommittee—Newswatch, New York
and New Jersey, New Bldg.

Oceanic Subcommittees on Ocea-
nography—Ocean dumping. Martin Lang, NYC;
Nuclear Subcommittees on Sacrament, California
Porges, Trenton—10 a.m. Open, Room
6200, New Bldg.

Education and Labor—Committee on
Communica-tions—Fed. elections campaign.
Sens. Hugh Scott (D-Pa.), Charles McC.
Hillas (K-Md.); and John V. Tumney (D-
Calif.): Frank Stanton, CSB; Vincent
Waslewski, W-1—10 a.m. Open, Room
5110, New Bldg.

Government Operations Permanent Sub-
committees—Military non-operational
funds. Maj. Clement S.
Martin, former club officer, Vietnam—
10 a.m. Open, Room 3302, New Bldg.

Judiciary Subcommittee on Constitu-
tional Rights—Army surveillance and Fed-
computer. Robert Henderson, Honeywell
Corp., Boston Mayor Joseph L. Alito,
San Francisco—10 a.m. Open, Room 318,
Caucus Room, Old Bldg.

Judiciary Subcommittee on National
Penitentiaries—U.S. Bureau of Prisons.
John Griner, Amer. Fed. of Gov't Em-
ployees; Larry Kraft, Univ. of N. Dak.—
10 a.m.—Open, Room 7228; New Bldg.

Labor and Public Welfare Subcommit-
tee on Health, Health care crisis in
America. Joseph English, NYC Health
and Hosp. Corp.; James Aughton, Cook
Co., Inc.—9:30 a.m. Open, Room 4200,
New Bldg.

Labor and Public Welfare Subcommit-
tee on Health, Health care crisis in
America. Joseph English, NYC Health
and Hosp. Corp.; James Aughton, Cook
Co., Inc.—9:30 a.m. Open, Room 5200,
New Bldg.

Armed Services Ad Hoc Subcommit-
tee—Advanced mine development. G. L.
Healer, dir., Undersea and Stra-
 tegic Warfare Div.; R. Adm. P. B. Arm-
strong, project mar. AFW Systems In-
struct. Ocf.—10:30 a.m. Closed, Room
212, Old Bldg.

Services Services bomber defense sub-
committee of the preparedness investi-
gating subcommittees—Bomber defense in
China. Gen. Belzis, Air Force, Aherl,
Col. Street—10 a.m. Closed, Room 224,
Old Bldg.

Joint Atomic Energy Commission—Salt
Hill, 2—10 a.m. Closed, Room H 403,
Capitol.

House

Meets at noon on debt limit and interest rate.

Committees:

Agriculture—Cont. HR 4152—Pesticide
legis. Public Services—10 a.m. Open,
1300, New Bldg.

Armed Services—Cont. on draft and
voluntary force concept. Members of the
House—10 a.m. Open, 2118, New Bldg.

Education and Labor—Gen. Subcommit-
tee on Education. HR 1745—Equal Emp.
Oppor. Enforcement Act. David Norman,
Deputy Com. S. Silverman, Under Secretary of
Labor; and Wm. H. Brown III, chairman, Equal
Emp. Oppor. 10 a.m. Open, 226, New Bldg.

Education and Labor—Spec. Subcommit-
tee on Education. 10 a.m. Open,
2237, New Bldg.

Education and Labor—Select Sub-
committee on Labor. Cont. HR 17—Pub.
Serv. Emp. Public witnesses—10 a.m.
Open, 2175, Rayburn Bldg.

Interior—Pending business—9:45 a.m.
Open, 1324 Longworth Bldg.
Judiciary—Subcommittee No. 2, Organiza-
tion meeting—10 a.m. Closed, 2237 Ray-
burn Bldg.

Judiciary—Subcommittee No. 3. Pending
business—10:30 a.m. Closed, 2226 Ray-
burn Bldg.
Judiciary—Subcommittee No. 3. Pending
business—10:30 a.m. Closed, 2226 Ray-
burn Bldg.

Science—Cont. HR 3981—NASA auth.
Dr. George Low, acting NASA admin-
and Dr. Wernher von Braun, Dr. Assoc.
Admin. for Planning—10 a.m. Open, 2318
Rayburn Bldg.

Standards of Conduct—Pending busi-
ness—1:30 p.m. Closed, 2366 Rayburn
Bldg.

Veterans' Affairs—To receive recom-
ments of Cecil D. DAV
Mr. C. M. C. —10 a.m. Open, 345
Castle, 10 a.m. Closed, 3400
Bldgs.

Interests and Means—Interest Equalization
Tax Act Extension—10 a.m. Closed, Com-
mittee room, Longworth Bldg.
FY 1971 cont. appropp. (Inc. SSTV. Public
witnesses—10 a.m. Open, 339, Rayburn Bldg.

Appropriations—In interior, Transub-
committee. FY 1972 cont. appropp. Interior Sec.
Morton—10 a.m. Open, 339, New Bldg.

Appropriations—Subcommittees—Labor-
HEW, H-164; 10:30 a.m., State, Justice.

Commerce and HUD, H-310—10 a.m.
Closed.

BALTIMORE SUN 3 March 1971 P5

Arab Guerillas
Change Tactics

Cairo, March 2 (Reuter) — The radical Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine has decided to stop hijacking planes and concentrate on problems facing the Palestinian resistance movement, a course close to the group said today.

"The hijacking of planes has
served one stage of our struggle,
but now we should turn to con-
spiracies hatched against the

Palestinian revolution." The
source said.

The front has been known for
its hijackings of Western planes.
In one operation last year com-
mandos seized four airliners
during flights over Europe and
the Middle East.

Three of these planes—one
American, one British and one
Swiss—were blown up by front
commandos at an airstrip in
Jordan.

The fourth, an American ju-
bo jet, was blown up after land-
ing at Cairo airport.

4

THE ECONOMIST FEBRUARY 27, 1971

45

THE WORLD

American Survey

Nixon develops his doctrine

Washington, DC

Doggedly President Nixon and his assistant for national security affairs, Dr Henry Kissinger, maintain their insistence that American foreign policy must have a conceptual basis, a rationale. These are the phrases in season; reacting to events is not enough. To stick to the propounding of concepts was not easy when the drive into southern Laos, billed as a decisive stroke in the application of the Nixon doctrine to south-east Asia, had been brought to a standstill, one of the best South Vietnamese battalions practically annihilated, others cut off from their supplies and the supporting American helicopters shot down, if the television screens are an accurate guide, like pheasants in autumn.

Mr Melvin Laird, the Secretary of Defence, grappled with the task of explaining the events of day to day. Whenever things are going well in Indochina Mr Laird sensibly puts in a warning that setbacks are to be expected before it is all over; when they go less well he insists that it is all in order and according to plan. Thus he reiterated this week that the incursion into southern Laos had no particular territorial objectives and no particular time table: so it had not fallen short of the one nor was it behind the other. It was fulfilling its purpose of disrupting

the communist supply lines.

And so it is, doubtless. But there is equally no doubt that Mr Nixon and his advisers saw the incursion into Laos as a test for the improved South Vietnamese army, to show whether it can do battle with organised North Vietnamese forces without direct American ground support. Therefore its success or failure has substantial implications for the application of the Nixon doctrine in Indochina. As a White House official said in commenting on the President's report on the state of the world, released this week, the object in Vietnam is to withdraw the American forces, leaving the South Vietnamese able to take care of themselves, not to leave the country to be taken over by the communists.

Mr Nixon's report on foreign policy makes no mention of the present operation in Laos, confining itself to the events of 1970. It does, however, explain why some such action was thought necessary, pointing out that after the communist supply route through Cambodia had been cut off, southern Laos at the end of 1970

was becoming the hub and crossroads of Hanoi's campaigns throughout Indochina. Hanoi deepened the area's part in the Vietnam war, with direct implications for Vietnamisation and our

withdrawals.

Mr Nixon is still engaged in spelling out what the Nixon doctrine means. He used to insist on the novelty of it. This year he puts his emphasis on steadiness, continuity, the need to avoid any sharp or sudden change.

Abrupt shifts in our policies—no matter how sound in concept—are unsettling. . . . the Nixon doctrine recognises that we cannot abandon friends and must not transfer burdens too swiftly.

He has a warning against "oversimplified interpretations of the Nixon doctrine as a formula for heedless withdrawal." Some people thought that he was turning his back on his own doctrine when he sent his troops into Cambodia last spring. But he insists that he was not:

> The Cambodian sanctuary operations were not inconsistent with the plan for American disengagement. Rather they furthered the strategic purpose of ensuring the Vietnamisation and withdrawal programmes.

Here is a rationale for dragging out the departure from Indochina, and even for enlivening it with pugnacious military actions from time to time, that does not depend on any judgment of whether the United States commitment to South Vietnam was well-advised or ill-advised in the first place. "We will respect the commitments we inherited," says Mr Nixon, but he goes on to give alternative reasons which, in effect, divide the commitments into two kinds: "because of their intrinsic merit" and "because of the impact of sudden shifts on regional or world stability." Later he says "some vestiges of the past consist of essentially sound relationships and practices" and he makes it plain that he regards the North Atlantic Alliance, together with the maintenance of American forces in Europe, as among those. Other vestiges, he says, "must be liquidated, but the method is crucial" and he makes clear that these include "the inherited policy on Vietnam."

Europe is another question altogether. A year ago Mr Nixon fended off the pressure for reductions in the American strength in Europe by calling for a review of the European strategic

Kissinger, Rogers advise on the state of the world

46

AMERICAN SURVEY

ture, first in the National Security Council and then in the North Atlantic Council. These have borne fruit and the result, the President claims, is "a major achievement." From the summary of it in the report it could perfectly well have been put forward by Mr Robert McNamara six or seven years ago: nothing has happened to make a strong Nato force less necessary or a strong American component less essential to it. So Mr Nixon

decided, despite these pressures, that given a similar approach by our allies, the United States would maintain and improve its forces in Europe and not reduce them without reciprocal action by our adversaries.

This, too, he says, is consistent with the Nixon doctrine: the United States has considered what is necessary and will do it, but it has persuaded the European allies to contribute more as well, the result being "a realistic defence in which the European conventional share will be relatively larger."

This does not exhaust the subject of east-west relations in Europe: there is also the question of Ostpolitik or, as the report puts it, the fact that "our western allies are properly anxious to make their own contribution to East-West negotiations." What bothers Mr Nixon about it is that the Russians are tempted to offer a relaxation of tension selectively to some allies but not to others, and only on limited issues of primary interest to the Soviet Union.

He makes no complaint of Herr Brandt. On the contrary, the White House official explained, Bonn had been meticulous about consulting its allies: the report expresses a general philosophy, that is all. Still, the general philosophy reveals an element of nervousness—as in the judgment that

a differentiated detente, limited to the USSR and certain western allies but not to others, would be illusory. It would cause strains among allies. It would turn the desire for detente into an instrument of political warfare.

For the source of this nervousness one has to read on as far as the chapter on American relations with the Soviet Union itself and to the chapter on the balance of strategic forces. The first shows respect for "her undoubted status as a global power" and a degree of understanding that this may lead the Soviet Union to expand its influence beyond its traditional preserves. But the feelings that it expresses are mixed: ideology plays a big part in Soviet policy, it "dictates an attitude of constant pressure towards the outside world" so that "in certain fundamental aspects" the Soviet outlook on world affairs is incompatible with a

stable international system." Some expansion of Soviet influence is recognised as natural, but there is a warning against

ambitions for exclusive or predominant positions. For such a course ignores the interests of others, including ourselves. It must and will be resisted.

Here Mr Nixon is talking primarily about the Middle East. (There is a word about Soviet naval activities off Cuba, but the conclusion is that the understanding about offensive weapons systems in the Caribbean has been, after some discussion, reaffirmed.) The Middle East, to Mr Nixon, still enjoys the grim distinction of presenting the greatest danger of world war. Both the Soviet Union and the United States, he says, are now more deeply than ever engaged in the Arab-Israeli conflict, so that the diplomatic difficulties of the conflict itself, together with the broader world-wide interests that are involved with Middle Eastern politics, are complicated by the United States-Soviet military relationship. The United States seeks no dominant position there and "cannot allow others to establish one."

Apart from the Soviet inclination to get busy in parts of the world that it used to leave largely alone, there is an undoubted Soviet tendency to overtake the United States in the piling up of strategic nuclear weapons. Mr Nixon's report a year ago anticipated that the Russians would have 1,290 intercontinental ballistic missiles by the end of 1970: he now says that they had deployed by then 1,440, while the American figure (for land-based intercontinental missiles only) remained constant at 1,054. The mood of this passage is admirably calm. It is two years now since Mr Nixon dumped his pre-election demand for American superiority over the Soviet Union in strategic missile strength, adopting the concept of "sufficiency" in its place. He now clarifies that concept a little further, claiming it only as imperative that "our strategic power not be inferior to that of any other state."

Still, the apprehension that the Soviet military planners may be seeking a strength which would permit them to destroy the American force in a surprise attack, depriving the United States of the power of retaliation unless against civilian populations indiscriminately, has not been stilled. Whether this is so, says Mr Nixon in effect, will decide whether a new arms race is to begin. For the present "we are doing nothing that precludes any possible agreement" at the strategic arms limitation talks in Vienna.

## Independent Fed

The Administration's economic planners, who have been nudging the central bank to under-write their promise of a spectacular recovery this year, had better think again. Mr Arthur Burns, the independent chairman of the independent Federal Reserve Board, is not going to expand the money supply faster just to pull their chestnuts out of the fire. In his eagerly awaited testimony Mr Burns told Congress's Joint Economic Committee last week that stimulative fiscal and monetary policies were indeed needed. But he feared that they might reignite the forces of inflation if government spending got out of hand and if the Administration did not embrace an incomes policy.

Mr Burns assured the committee that the Fed would not allow the economy to stagnate for want of money and credit. But he also repeated that the central bank would not allow itself to become the architect of a new wave of inflation. He cast cold water on the Administration's forecast of a gross national product of $1,065 billion in 1971; this was an admirable target but optimistic as a prediction of what was likely to happen.

According to Mr Burns, the money supply, narrowly defined as currency plus private demand deposits, would continue to expand at about the rate by which it grew in 1970: 5.5 per cent, well above the historical average. The Administration's spokesmen have mentioned wistfully a rate ranging from 6 per cent to 9 per cent, but Mr Burns said that in the past any rate above 5 to 6 per cent, if sustained for long periods, had intensified inflationary pressures. The banks are, in fact, "flooded with money." Mr Burns jabbed sharply at the oversimplifications of some monetarists, speaking of

the confusion, which sometimes exists even in intellectual circles, between a shortage of confidence to use abundantly available money and credit, on the one hand, and an actual shortage of money and credit on the other.

For the first time Mr Burns was able to report that the entire Federal Reserve Board now agrees with him on the need for an incomes policy—that is, for

measures that aim to improve the workings of our labour and product markets so that upward pressures on costs and prices will be reduced.

The Administration should receive

JOYCE HABER

MAR 15 1971

Capital Way to Spend a Weekend

WASHINGTON—I haven't visited Washington since Lucy Johnson Nugent's confectionery wedding, when I found our capital anything but confectionery. Solemnly lay over the city and fear—our First Family was doggedly guarded—and the free, witty life-style of the late John F. Kennedy that still haunted the White House like a lone patch of brightness—a puzzling, unwel-come shade.

Returning, I discovered that President Nixon has set his imprimatur on the capital firmly and surely. The past no longer intrudes on the present, no longer hovers over day-to-day doings. The fated Kennedy brothers — JFK and RFK — have taken their rightful place in the hearts and minds of people. They are here to be reckoned with, and they are here in the annals of history.

Henry Kissinger

My host for the weekend was Henry Kissinger, President Nixon's much-talked-of assistant for national security affairs. I don't know whether he carries more weight, as Sen. Stuart Symington (D-Mo.) charged, than the secretary of state (nor am I sure that that is a relevant issue chosen, as it was, with an election year upcoming). But I do know that Dr. Kissinger, apart from being a very gracious host, is one of the authentic lights of this administration. He was recently cited by Peter Maas as one of the two "celebrities" in government—the other being the President's special assistant and writer, William Safire.

## Both Men Are Charmers

Maas said that Washington types are always eager to charm their visitors by producing Safire and Kissinger at parties. Both men are charmers indeed. Mr. Kissinger produced Mr. Safire and his English wife, Helene, at one of the parties he gave for us. It was a lunch at Washington's San Souci, an excellent restaurant that's only a diamond's (or a Safire's) throw from the White House. It has been said that whenever there is an international

crisis, Dr. Kissinger turns up there with another pretty lady for lunch.

The crises in this case were Laos and the Middle East: the pretty lady was stately New York socialite Nancy Maginnes. Nancy is a staff researcher for New York Gov. Nelson Rockefeller. Dr. Kissinger is a man who's as intrigued by the beauties of New York and the New Hollywood as I am by the politics of the old Washington. Joan and Tom Braden, former California residents, joined us for lunch. Tom is another top celebrity in government circles: He's one-half of the syndicated political column, Mankiewicz and Braden.

The press of Washington, unlike that of Hollywood, is big on the social scene. You never attend a social gathering, no matter how small, without meeting a handful of pressmen. In fact, the conservative veteran political co-lumnist Joe Alsop runs one of the very "A" salons in D.C. Alsop gave a black-tie dinner on Saturday night, and included among his dozen guests were two liberal journalists, Braden and Clayton Fritchey. Fritchey is the one-time chairman of the Democratic National Committee and a former executive assistant to President Truman.

## Ambassador of Goodwill

The Alsops live in a breathtaking Georgetown Townhouse. Joe designed it himself, with its antiques and indoor-outdoor gardens. The Robert McNamaras were there; George Shultz, who does wonderful things with management and the budget; Charles Whitehouse of the State Department, who's just returned from a stint in Vietnam and is reliably rumored to be in line for higher things, and Winton M. ("Red") Blount, the postmaster general. The Blounts are Alabamans, and fun. Mrs. Bount imported three Alabamans to paint their house in Washington. They stayed with her for three months, all the time complaining: "I wouldn't live in this city for anything, M'am."

Another night found me talking to Hollywood's ambassador of goodwill, Jack Valenti. Jack, the head of the Motion Picture Assn., had just got word from Jim Aubrey, Metro's president, that MGM was withdrawing from the alliance of major studios. Jack was understandably worried about the studio's attempt to save money in this year of depression. Jack claims, in fact, that the MPAA saves the studios millions of dollars despite the dues they pay.

Sally and Peter Peterson are newcomers to the administration. Pete, as head of Bell & Howell, was one of the country's outstanding businessmen. He quit his high-salaried job to become President Nixon's assistant for international economic policy. Another diner at Washington's Jockey Club was Dr. Kissinger's former student, Guido Goldman, a very eclectic fellow who knows all about contemporary painting and teaches political science at Harvard.

12 Part IV—Tues., Mar. 16, 1971

Los Angeles Times

JOYCE HABER

Tough Audience Previews Series

WASHINGTON—Hollywood had come to Washington only hours before my arrival. Universal's new CBS series (come September) starring David Janssen as a treasury agent had just been screened and enthusiastically received by a very tough audience, members of the

Treasury Department.

Gwen Cafritz, the perennial Washington hostess, hosted a black-tie opening of the American Art Business at the Corcoran Gallery.

Los Angeles was represented in the show by the work of accomplished artists like Sam Francis, Edward Ruscha, Robert Irwin and Edward Moses. These events, plus CBS' controversial special, "The Selling of the Pentagon" (rather unpopular in government circles), were the major topics of party conversation.

Joyce Haber

Again, to prove that D.C. is interested in Hollywood, I was frequently caught in discussions of Pauline Kael's recent, intriguing two-parter on the making of "Citizen Kane"—which is really a profile of that movie's late writer, Herman Mankiewicz. The story ran in the New Yorker. Not the least reason for the fascination in Washington is the fact that Mankiewicz was the father of lawyer, D.C. columnist (and former RFK press chief) Frank Mankiewicz.

At my husband's and my request, Henry Kissinger—and his ever-present security men—drove us to see the Kennedy graves at Arlington. I discovered to my surprise and a bit of shock that Universal has the tour concessions in our capital. Those same buses that cart you over the Hollywood lot to see Gene Barry alive here take you to Gen. Lee's ex-residences.

Hillside Burial Site

We joined a throng of hundreds, mostly people of 40 and under, many with children, to climb the hillside to the simple stunning slabs that mark the burial sites of J.F.K. and two of his children. Nearby, on the grass, and marked by a white picket fence, is the grave of Sen. Robert Kennedy. It bore flowers donated by a Boy Scout troop in Cleveland and a primary school in Atlanta.

Then Dr. Kissinger, who once worked for J.F.K., was our guide on a personal, universal (not Universal) tour of the White House. I saw the President's private theater, the room where he has screened "Love Story," "Patton" (twice) and "Around the World in 80 Days" (five times). The chairs look most uncomfortable. I think the movie industry should get together and donate some sofas and easy chairs to the White House.

The new official portraits of J.F.K. and Jackie by Aaron Shikler are hanging in the Green Room and the lower gallery, respectively. Jackie's is everything any

man could wish. She looks misty, romantic, reedlike, aristocratic, and beautiful all at once. J.F.K.'s is wistful, mysterious, a bit too remote, perhaps, for its official purpose. But both are extraordinarily distinctive, and possessed of a style that is truly Jack and Jackie.

Mr. Shikler, in short, can paint my portrait anytime.

A Pro-Am Ski Classic

Meanwhile, back in California, my man Paul was driving for hours (along with Marylou and Mike Connors, Natalie Wood Gregson and her Richard, Hugh O'Brian and Maggie and Clint Eastwood) to reach Bear Valley. Some three tortuous hours by car from Sacramento, Ja-

pet Leigh and her husband Bob Brandt were hosting a celebrity Pro-Am Ski classic which was underwritten by Benson and Hedges, the whole presumably to give a eff of new smoke to the community. Aspen Bear Valley: not!

Janet bounced around in elegant black silk Hotpants, crying not to worry about whether her new TV comedy pilot made CBS' fall schedule (sorry, Janet, it didn't).

The voluptuous star must have been reminded that her career was launched from a ski lodge where she was working as a waitress when Norma Shearer discovered her.

The top celebrity skiers were Natalie and Richard, perhaps because they went to Bear Valley a week early to practice. That dashing Clint Eastwood kept crashing into the snow all through the Grand Slaloms. He may have been regretting that he ever left his snazzy house in Carmel to drive down for the snowfalls. Desi Arnaz IV provided his own dash with a shrivelingly anonymous

young chic who bore no resemblance to new mother Paty Duke.

The crowds were dazzled by the on-skis and off-slope antics of a quartet of (former) TV luminaries, now snow swingers—Adam (Batman) West, Jim (Lancer) Stacy, Peter (Bracken's World) Haskell and Ron (Tarzan) Ely. All in all, says Paul, there was plenty of snow and sun and skiing for everyone; with the exception of TV's Mannix. Mike and Marylou, non-schussers, didn't take to the runs: They were just along for the lifts.

BOSTON HERALD TRAVELER 26 MARCH 71 (31)

Jeffrey Hart

# The Attacks On Kissinger

For about nine weeks there has been a rumbling and escalating attack upon Henry Kissinger which has steadily increased its decibels in the media, an attack, essentially about policy, which has recently surfaced on the the Senate floor.

The attack is not difficult to explain. Axiom one: Especially when issues are complex, the most effective form of political attack is one that personalizes an issue. It is then a question not of whether you are for or against the policy, which in any case is a difficult question, but whether you like or dislike the person who has come to symbolize it. "Hey, hey, LBJ, how many kids did you kill today?" And after Axiom One, political fact one: Richard Nixon has proved to be extraordinarily difficult to attack personally.

WHEN YOU THINK about it, and wonder how it has come to pass, this political fact is remarkable, considering the personal hostility that Nixon aroused during the 1950s. Nevertheless, it has happened. During his presidency, Nixon's "low profile," and the fact that his policies have been complicated and also subject to varying interpretations, have made him a very elusive target.

Therefore it follows, even as B follows A, Kissinger becomes the target. He is allegedly, though surely not actually, "the second most powerful man in the U.S. government, if not in the world."

If, as a useful exercise, you now set this column to one side for about three minutes you can easily sketch in the outlines of the predictable attack. No one knows much about Kissinger, and so his mysteriousness is sinister.

INSTABILITY, even madness, can be hinted at. He is foreign, a German "orn intellectual, therefore doubly alien. Presto! Strangelove.

And so, ho hum, turn to the January Harper's, and Joseph Kraft handing it all down on Kissinger. Guess what. "Superficially, at least, Kissinger is the prototype of Dr. Strangelove. He has the refugee background and marked accent."

The propagandist now must touch in a few neuroses, or worse! Kissinger, confides Kraft, "is rarely at ease with people," his "suspiciousness is proverbial," "few men are so secretive," "paranoia." General message: Our Cambodian and Laos moves were the product of a cock on a dung-hill, and a crazy cock at that.

I have sedulously monitored the flood of articles on Kissinger; even James Reston weighed in with one: Kissinger was an example—you rub your eyes—of excessive centralization on government. But of all the things on Kissinger lately, and it is a sort of adventure in reading, none is so contemptible as the piece by Noel E. Parmentel Jr. in the Village Voice.

KISSINGER, says the Village Herblock, is a combination of Von Papen and Strangelove, he is a "Teutonic Iago." But Parmentel has it both ways. For those who love Prussia, well, Kissinger is also a Jew, "more Sammy Glick than Matternich."

What Parmentel cannot get with his thumb in your eye he gets with his knee in your groin. But then he is a trifling intellectual who does not even know that Martin Anderson, a former presidential adviser, is one of the nation's foremost urbanologists, the author of The Federal Bulldozer. Yet it is fascinating that the broad outlines of the attack on Kissinger have penetrated even these Grub Street depths.

Finally, I would keep an eye on Daniel Ellsberg, a left-Democrat, whom the "suspicious" Kissinger hired, in the early Nixon days, out of the retiring Democratic administration. Ellsberg has now surfaced in the New York Review of Books charging Kissinger with "murder" in Laos. Ellsberg will be seen everywhere. Kissinger deserves this for keeping him around.

10

# The Indian Ocean

on ships that the Indian Ocean southern tip of

officials believe a plans to set up base in the equally, and that these warships will go to the Indian the Arab-Isaute simmers the Suez Canal

one, the Soviets off East African base, but has harbor andawbacks. Mostently, has not to let it build the most likely is that Russia into Trincomae a big British nylon, a nation

now friendly to the Communist bloc.

Although it is concerned about the Russians' moves, the Nixon Administration says that it is not alarmed over their increasing operations in the Indian Ocean. At first, the base at Diego Garcia will concentrate on improving communications among U.S. and British vessels by complementing a U.S. communications post in Ethiopia.

The U.S. does not maintain a permanent naval force in the Indian Ocean, but it has a token fleet consisting of a converted seaplane tender and two destroyers operating out of Bahrain in the Persian Gulf. These ships visit friendly and nonaligned nations around the Indian Ocean, the Red Sea, and the Arabian Sea.

So far there has been no move to add to this presence. But Defense Secretary Melvin R. Laird has raised the possibility that U.S. Indian Ocean patrols will be beefed up once the Navy is relieved of its support burdens in the Vietnam war.

TO GLOBE AND MAIL

OCH 1971 (31)

# Air Force shows interest in Singapore

## VAN PRAAGH

### The Globe and Mail

RE — A high- B. Air Force team more during the amid indications gton is widening interests in Asia Pacific at the same is thinning them

erald two-day n. Jack Merrell, ics commander, major-generals, a eral and two erted about the Friday as David esident Richard er Secretary of and now ambas- sier, quietly met ster Lee Kuan

Singapore Gov- the British Far and, based here i of this year, on this sudden interest.

Gen. Merrell, with Singapore ister Goh Keng ered No. 2 to Royal Air Force

ssy spokesmen nedy came here rest, and the for what was ization, adding thin Gen. Mer- obilities to know facilities exist world.

ree RAF bases seems most at- USAF for ser- ing and repairing ircraft operat-

But besides inspecting this base, Seletar, which in effect already has been turned over to Singapore as part of Britain's drastic reduction of forces east of Suez, the USAF officers visited the other RAF bases here, Changi and Ten-gah.

Their Asian and Pacific tour—including Hawaii, Guam, the Philippines, South Vietnam, Thailand and Formosa—comes at a time when it is increasingly clear to military observers that U.S. air power rather than South Vietnamese troops has played the decisive role in the invasion of southern Laos in an attempt to cut the Ho Chi Minh trail.

With North Vietnamese supplies on the trail reliably reported back to normal less than five weeks after the incursion, Saigon's troops have pulled out of Sepone—initially called their main objective—and their commanders say the major part of the Laos operation will end within two weeks.

Whatever the truth of U.S. claims that Hanoi has suffered crippling losses and that its war effort is set back by at least five months, it is clear that a strong U.S. air arm will remain over all In-dochina while U.S. troops withdraw from South Vietnam and some air base facilities in Vietnam are dismantled.

Informed quarters doubt that a Singapore base would be used by the USAF as part of this air arm. Bases for combat aircraft up to B52s,

CONTINUED NEXT PAGE

-2-

# 'Nonviolent Anarchist' a Confidant to Kissinger

*Continued From First Page*

talking in his cluttered Rox-
borough apartment. From his
neck hung a Japanese coin,
given to his wife, Alice, by a
Hiroshima blast victim. On
the coffee table was a biogra-
phy of the late Mahatma Gai-
dhi, whose nonviolent philoso-
phy McDonnell embraces.

"I can't get Henry into the
nonviolent bag," said
McDonnell, smiling. "For in-
stance, I think America
should disarm. We have more
guns than anybody else, so it
would be a more worthwhile
experiment for us than, say
Norway."

And what does Henry Kissinger say?

"Henry shakes his head and says, 'Brian, you are so innocent!'"

No Comment

Kissinger, himself declines
to comment on the friendship.

Kissinger, who works a 16-
hour day at the White House,
is notoriously inaccessible
for on-the-record interviews —
and to congressmen, accord-
ing to Sen. Stuart Symington.
But Kissinger's staff con-
firmed the close relationship
with McDonnell.

"The two of them get into
hot debates on 19th century
German metaphysics," said a
Kissinger aide. "The theories
of Kant and Hegel really fly."

"That's phenomenology,"
explained McDonnell. "Look,
first of all Henry is a damn
fine teacher. That's where I
want him, back in the univer-
sity. I've told him I'll even be
his job agent."

Suggestion to Henry

But the conversational mag-
net is usually Southeast Asia,
which drew McDonnell to his
Washington fast last spring.
Kissinger, he says, is no fire-
breathing hawk, as portrayed
in some leftists.

"Basically we agree on
Vietnam," said McDonnell.
"One, that we should get out;
two, that the war should
never have been started. But
I want us out of Vietnam
more honestly and speedily.
I've suggested to Henry that
the U. S., North Vietnam and
a neutral country negotiate
the prisoner-of-war issue."

Dr. Henry A. Kissinger

McDonnell tells Kissinger:
"Look, Henry, the war could
end tomorrow if you would
stand up and denounce it."

Says Kissinger: "Don't be a
romantic, Brian. If we pulled
out tomorrow, it would be a
disaster."

The No. 1 myth McDonnell
thinks he has demolished in
his nine-month colloquy is
that Henry Kissinger is the
Machiavellian string-puller
who directs Nixon's foreign
policy.

Pentagon's Power

"Henry," says McDonnell
flatly, "is not the Man behind
the Monster. I think his stab-
lity and integrity appeal to
Nixon. I also suspect Nixon
only listens to one-third of his
ideas. I'm convinced the only
real muscle directing the
President is the Pentagon.

"Continuity of power," con-
tinued McDonnell intensely.
"That's the key in Washington
I've seen. The generals. The
FBI. The Old Guard in the
House and Senate, Presidents
come and go, but the others
stay. Kennedy, Johnson.
Nixon, no President can stand
up to the generals."

Does Kissinger agree?

"Henry just smiles." said
Brian McDonnell. "Henry is
very clever."

Rogers Influential

From McDonnell's oblique
view, Kissinger (1) favored

the Cambodian invasion. (2)
was doubtful of the Laotian
incursion, (3) opposes an in-
vasion of North Vietnam, and
(4) has less influence than
Secretary of State William P.
Rogers on Middle East policy.
But in Kissinger's many reac-
tions, McDonnell has seen
or even one incident ignite his
race.

"He was terribly upset
when the Coast Guard treated
that Russian defector in such
a bumbling, miserable way."
said McDonnell. "You have to
realize that Henry was a refu-
gee from Nazi Germany.
When we wouldn't stand up
for a fugitive from Commu-
nism — that enraged him."

The nine-month dialog be-
tween McDonnell, the long-
haired peace disciple, and
Kissinger, the coldly efficient
dealer in world power, must
be put down as the strangest
in Washington — unless and
until Martha Mitchell and
Jane Fonda become bosom
pals.

The Insider

The paths to friendship of
the two men were wildly dif-
ferent. Kissinger, 47, born in
Fuert, Germany, is an ex-
Harvard professor with a two-
decade-string of credits as a
government consultant. His
book, "Nuclear Weapons and
Foreign Policy," earned
Nixon's attention. Henry Al-
fred Kissinger has been, in
brief, an Insider.

But Brian McDonnell has
long been the Outsider. He
has known the bars of several
jails. McDonnell came out of
Scranton, Pa., to McGill Uni-
versity (medieval philoso-
phy), then to the New School
for Social Research (gestalt
psychology). Gandhi and T.E.
Lawrence ("Seven Pillars of
Wisdom") turned him on.
Nine years ago he wandered
into a ghetto — New York's
Bedford-Stuvesant — and in
his words, "I'm still there."

Decision to Fast

McDonnell has gone without
food four times before prison
gates, here and in New York,
as a protest tactic. On April
30, 1970, he was working with
the Delaware County Health
and Welfare Council and
teaching at the Free Univer-

sity of the University of Penn-
sylvania when the U.S. went
into Cambodia.

After a discussion with his
wife, Alice, and about 30
friends, McDonnell decided to
stage a protest fast outside
the White House. The fast
began May 3, ended June 9.

McDonnell was arrested
twice in the park. His mother
died during the fast; there
was a trip back to Scranton
for the funeral. During the
protest McDonnell was joined
by Tom Mahany, 23, a carpen-
ter from Rochester, N. Y.,
who had served in Vietnam
with the 101st Airborne. The
actress, Shirley MacLaine, en-
countered them in the park
and arranged the meeting
with Kissinger.

The first meeting was in
Georgetown, where many of
Washington's elite live.

It included McDonnell, Ma-
haney, Miss MacLaine, Kis-
singer and Nixon assistant
Leonard Garment. McDonnell
remembers telling Kissinger
the Cambodian invasion would
create a war there. He also
remembers Kissinger asking
him "a question that stopped
me cold."

Kissinger: "If you had your
way, if we withdrew from
Cambodia tonight, what would
you do to support Richard
Nixon."

McDonnell: "Nothing."

Nixon? Never!

"I had to be honest," says
McDonnell now. "If I were in-
vited to talk with Richard
Nixon, I'd reject it. American
politics has dehumanized the
man."

McDonnell has asked Kis-
singer to use his influence
only once: for an opportunity
to talk to Father Daniel Ber-
rigan in prison. Attorney Gen-
eral John Mitchell reportedly
said no. According to the FBI,
the Berrigan brothers, Dan
and Phil, were part of a plot
to kidnap Kissinger and bomb
tunnels under government
buildings.

"Henry thinks the whole
story is ridiculous," said
McDonnell. "What does worry
him — me, too — is the
bombing. But things have
changed. There is always a
body guard when Alice and I
go to dinner with him."