Kissinger due in Cupertino

CUPERTINO — Henry Kissinger, secretary of state under President Nixon, will speak on the Washington scene at 8 p.m. March 6 at Flint Center.

His speech originally was scheduled for March 4.

Kissinger was secretary of state from 1973-77. After leaving the State Department, he joined the Georgetown University faculty to become university professor of diplomacy at the School of Foreign Service and counselor to the Center for Strategic and International Studies.

He will appear at Flint Center through Foothill College's Special Speakers series. There will be a $10 admission charge for non-series subscribers at the door as space allows.

S

For assistance in placing legal notices, call the Legal

Ownership recorded November 6, 1979 in Book E918 of Official Records, page 001, et seq., Santa Clara County Records.

TOGETHER WITH the following
appurtenant easements:

(1) The exclusive right to use the
Balcony shown on said Condo-
minium Plan as B No. 15, adja-
cent to the aforementioned Unit.

(2) The exclusive right to use for
Vehicle Parking purposes the
parking space shown on said
Condominium Plan as Parking
Space No. PS-15.

PARCEL TWO:

An undivided 1/27th interest in
and to the common Area of Lot 1,
of "Tract No. 6445, The Mon-
terey," filed November 2, 1979 in
book 452 of Maps, at Page(s) 50
and 51, Santa Clara County Rec-
ords, and as said Common Area

Mollenhauer, Director of Engineer-
ing, after 2:00 P.M., February 28,
1983.

All proposals shall be made out on
proposal forms supplied with each
set of specifications.

Work shall be completed within 90
calendar days of execution of con-
tract.

The Board of Directors reserves
the right to reject any and all propos-
als, and to waive any informality in
any proposal received.

A Bid bond or certified check or
currency of the United States of
America in the amount of ten percent
(10%) of the Base Bid amount of the
proposal shall accompany each pro-
posal, drawn to the order of the Se-
quoia Hospital District, as a guaran-
tee that the Bidder shall not
withdraw its proposal for a period of
sixty (60) days after the scheduled

Kissinger, Warnke
say (missiles) proposal
needs some reworking

APR 23 1983

3

NEW YORK (AP) — Henry A. Kissinger and former U.S. negotiator Paul C. Warnke, opponents in a trans-Atlantic television debate on "Euromissiles," both suggested Friday that President Reagan will have to give more ground in negotiations with the Soviets.

Warnke said the Soviets "aren't dumb enough" to accept Reagan's latest proposal — that an equal ceiling be set on U.S. and Soviet medium-range nuclear missile warheads in Europe. Moscow will want compensation for British and French missiles as well, he said.

Former Secretary of State Kissinger generally defended the current American position but said it would be "absolutely logical" for Reagan to propose that the United States field fewer warheads than the Soviets.

The two Americans were joined in the 90-minute CBS-TV "Great Nuclear Arms Debate," taped Friday for broadcast Saturday, by British Defense Secretary Michael Heseltine and Egon Bahr, a spokesman on arms control for West Germany's opposition Social Democrat Party. Walter Cronkite was moderator.

Heseltine, speaking via satellite from London, defended Reagan's proposal. Bahr, an outspoken

"dove" on the missile issue, said he favored cancellation of the planned NATO missile deployment in Europe, in exchange for a sharp reduction in Soviet missiles.

The United States, under a NATO decision, plans to deploy 572 medium-range missiles in five West European countries beginning late this year. The Soviets have had similar missiles deployed in European Russia for two decades.

Reagan first proposed the "zero option" — that the Soviets eliminate all of their intermediate-range rockets in exchange for cancellation of the NATO deployment. Soviet leader Yuri V. Andropov countered with a proposal for reducing the number of Soviet missiles in Europe to 162 — the number of British and French missiles — in exchange for cancellation of the U.S. missiles.

Last month Reagan offered an "interim" proposal: that both superpowers be limited to an equal but unspecified number of warheads on medium-range missiles.

Warnke, chief arms-control negotiator in the Carter administration, said that if the Soviets accepted the zero option or interim proposal it would be "great" for the U.S. side. "But my experience is they aren't dumb enough to accept it."

ago, then collected more than $17,000 from two insurance carriers for jewelry and other items that actually had not been stolen.

An unusual series of events brought the alleged fraud to light more than a year after the phony burglary, police said.

Detective Darrin said Jagow's

missing items). I got her to describe it and it sounded like the same one.

"I asked her to send me the bracelet and after a month, she sent it. It turned out to be the exact same one."

Darrin wanted to build a stronger case. He persuaded a fe-

Co-bat

con- hi- m-

Ja- ye-

## Road conditions

The state Department of Transportation and county public works and police agencies provided information for this report on San Mateo County and Santa Clara County road closures caused by construction or weather problems:

* Devil's Slide on Highway 1 in Pacifica remains impassable and will be closed indefinitely.

* The road barriers on Highway 1 are still in place two miles north of Montara, near Grey Whale Cove.

* Highway 9 between Santa Cruz and Felton will reopen today. The highway has been closed periodically for repairs, which were completed Friday.

* The eastbound lanes on the San Mateo Bridge will be closed from 7 a.m. to 11 a.m. Sunday for "The Charge of the Light Brigade," a Hayward-to-Foster City race.

## Police block

## Arson suspect

SAN CARLOS — caused about $1,000 of home on Walnut Street.

About six people were at 620 Walnut St., which units, Fire Capt. Richard in a second-floor apar- fire damage, Price said.

"It appeared to be said. He said the fire- arson.

## Weather

### Forecast

Northern California including Marin, Solano, Sacramento and El Dorado counties: Travel advisory for Shasta-Siskiyou and Sierra Nevada area through Saturday for snow and wind at higher elevations. Scattered showers over area through weekend. More frequent showers over Northwest California and a few thundershowers elsewhere Saturday. Cooler with snow level lowering to 4,000 feet north and 5,000 feet central Sierra Nevada. Gusty southerly winds. Lows in 40s and low 50s. Highs in 50s and low 60s.

Central California, including San Francisco, San Joaquin, Amador and Alpine counties: Showers likely

<table><tr><td>404 936-1111<br>ATLANTA</td><td>617 936-1234<br>BOSTON</td><td>312 976-1212<br>CHICAGO</td></tr><tr><td>SHOWERS<br>TODAY<br>and thunderstorms<br>high 64, low 45<br>TOMORROW<br>partly sunny,<br>breezy and cool<br>high 60, low 42</td><td>SOME<br>SUNSHINE<br>TODAY<br>and rather pleasant<br>high 56, low 42<br>TOMORROW<br>mostly cloudy,<br>some rain<br>high 47, low 40</td><td>SOME<br>SUNSHINE<br>TODAY<br>high 57, low 42<br>TOMORROW<br>partly to mostly sunny and cool<br>high 52, low 39</td></tr><tr><td>713 228-8703<br>HOUSTON</td><td>213 554-1212<br>LOS ANGELES</td><td>305 661-5065<br>MIAMI</td></tr><tr><td>BRIGHT<br>SUNSHINE</td><td>RAIN<br>TODAY</td><td>PARTLY<br>CUNNY</td></tr></table>

KISSINGER

JUL 18 1983

Continued from A-1

islative branch must bear its share of responsibility."

One day before the fourth anniversary of the Sandinistas' seizing power in Nicaragua, Reagan called that takeover "the revolution of broken promises".

"They rejected their pledges to their own people, to the Organization of American States and to the world," Reagan said in his prepared remarks.

Without referring specifically to this week's House consideration of cutting off the administration's not-so-secret aid to Nicaraguan rebels, Reagan asked, "Isn't it time that all of us in the Americas worked together to hold Nicaragua accountable for the promises made and broken four years ago?"

The House is scheduled to hold a rare closed-door briefing and debate Tuesday on a Democratic bill to

end the CIA's officially covert but well-publicized aid to rebels fighting the leftist Sandinista government in Nicaragua.

The Democratic bill would drop that aid and replace it with an unclassified $80 million program intended to help friendly Latin American nations.

A vote is not expected until next week, and its sponsors concede that they do not yet have the votes to prevail in a head-to-head confrontation with the White House.

Administration officials said Reagan hoped, with today's speech, to win back some of the support he has lost since his April 27 appeal to a joint session of Congress for solidarity in the struggle against leftists in Central America.

Reagan has turned to blue-ribbon study commissions twice before to overcome opposition when nationally televised speeches, addresses to joint sessions of Congress, personal lobbying and increasingly stringent rhetoric failed to produce the results he wanted.

## As expected, congressmen are divided

WASHINGTON (AP) — The naming of Henry Kissinger to a key Central American affairs post is winning praise from the congressional leadership, but old rivals from the left and right, predictably, say the move is a serious mistake.

Controversy over the Kissinger comeback began to swirl within hours after his appointment Monday by President Reagan as head of a bipartisan commission on Central America.

Sen. Jesse Helms, R-N.C., said he will call the former secretary of state as a witness to find out "what if anything he knows about Central America."

"There may be someone in this broad land who is lower on my list of choices than Mr. Kissinger, but I can't think of him," said Helms, R-N.C., the conservative chairman of the Western Hemisphere subcommittee of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee.

"I hope it is only a trial balloon, and as far as I am concerned, I would like to see it shot down," said Rep. Clarence Long, D-Md., a liberal whose House Appropriations subcommittee must approve funds for the administration's Central America policy.

Deputy White House press secretary Larry Speakes, taking note of the criticism of Kissinger, today said that "certainly the president understands people have strong opinions about the secretary of state."

Earlier, Senate Majority Leader

Howard H. Baker Jr., R-Tenn., said, "Few public servants enjoy such a distinguished background, and few carry with them such international acclaim and trust" as Kissinger. Support for Kissinger also was expressed by House Majority leader Jim Wright, D-Texas, and Sens. John Stennis, D-Miss., and Charles McC. Mathias, R-Md.

The mandate of the commission is to undertake a study of the Central American situation and make policy recommendations to Reagan by Dec. 1. The eight remaining panel members are expected to be named shortly. Senate confirmation of the appointees is not required.

An administration source who requested anonymity said Monday that former Democratic national chairman Robert S. Strauss and Cardinal Terence Cooke of New York had been named to the panel.

Sen. Henry M. Jackson, D-Wash., said today other members of the commission include Texas Gov. William P. Clements, San Antonio Mayor Henry Cisneros and Boston University President John Silber.

Jackson and three other senators were named today as senior counselors to the commission. Senate leaders announced the appointment of Jackson, Lloyd Bentsen of Texas, and Republicans Charles Mathias Jr. of Maryland and Pete Domenici of New Mexico as non-voting advisers to the panel.

## Zschau optimistic, Mineta outraged

By Mark Simons

Times-Tribune staff

**** JUL 19 1983

Three Peninsula congressmen took sharply different positions in reaction to Monday's announcement that President Reagan is naming a special commission, chaired by former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger, to study the problems of Central America.

U.S. Rep. Ed Zschau, R-Los Altos, was cautiously hopeful that the commission approach would provide the same kind of new outlook on the problems of Central America that a similar commission did on the issue of the MX missile system.

Zschau said Reagan's commission to study the MX "shed a whole lot of new light on the situation" and provided the basis for compromise that resulted in approval of the MX program in the House of Representatives.

The Kissinger commission faces a "very vexing, complex set of issues in which there is not agreement on what the facts are. There need to be alternatives considered and evaluated that haven't been looked at before," Zschau said.

Rep. Tom Lantos, D-Burlingame, said the concept of a commission has "considerable merit, at least in providing an opportunity for a broad-based, bipartisan approach to a serious problem."

But the appointment of Kissinger as chairman Lantos said, may be the undoing of the commission because of all

the "negative baggage" Kissinger carries.

"I would not expect someone to be named who is an articulate foe of the administration's policies, but there are others who have taken the more balanced view and who are perceived as more independent national figures."

Rep. Norman Y. Mineta, D-San Jose, who recently returned from a trip to Central America, saw the appointment of the commission as a step by Reagan to avoid his presidential responsibilities.

He called the announcement a "major mistake" and said Reagan is "failing to take the responsibility vested in him by the Constitution — the responsibility to shape and propose foreign policy."

Mineta said Reagan has "flouted congressional mandates and turned to military solutions (in Central America) that are not supported by the American people."

"Now, instead of reconsidering his policies, he is attempting to hide those policies behind the cloak of yet another commission," Mineta said.

Mineta also was sharply critical of the appointment of Kissinger, saying that Reagan was ignoring facts already available on Central America and "searching for the credibility of a celebrity. The draw of a celebrity — that's one thing the president can understand."

25 Cents

# State budget

SACRAMENTO (AP) — California's record state budget deadlock showed signs of breaking today after Democrats dropped a demand for a December presidential primary and the Assembly approved a major school-aid bill.

"The budget's ready to go," Assembly Minority Leader Robert Naylor, R-Menlo Park, said after Monday night's developments. "There are other issues ... but I doubt they're sufficient to hold it up."

Both the Assembly and the state Senate planned votes today on the $27.2 billion budget bill and a companion measure.

The big break in the 19-day deadlock came Monday

## Assembly, Senate

night when Assembly and nounced they were dropping guage requiring a Democrat on the same ballot as a special Republican reapportionment

Their decision, following a crats in the two houses, camt publican Gov. George Deukr special election on the initiati

*** JUL 20 1983

# Why the pranksters picked Kissinger for Central America

WASHINGTON — On this sizzling day in the middle of 1983, you can no longer make one charge against the Reagan administration. Not now, not ever.

You can't say it lacks a sense of humor.

The Reagan team is obviously made up of merry pranksters who enliven West Wing sessions with exploding cigars, hot foots and bawdy limericks.

For all we know, foreign policy is secretly run by Woody Allen, Steve Martin, Richard Pryor and the ex-cast of "Saturday Night Live."

Oh, there had been hints that someone in the White House had a wild sense of the outrageous. The Reagan regime tried to put a bloke who disliked human rights in charge of human rights. And they picked a guy who distrusted arms control to help run the arms control agency.

BUT THOSE were just warmups for Reagan's irrepressible jesters.

When they named Henry Kissinger to head a commission on Central America, the Reagan madcaps pulled the best practical joke since the invention of the whoopee cushion.

Even friendly senators had to receive this news from the Reagan crowd incredulously: "C'mon, fellas, quit kidding around. KISSINGER? To run Central America? You guys were hitting the martinis at Maitson Blanche again? You mean you're SERIOUS?"

The irony that lit Washington's guffaws was the Reagan administration's insistence that its Central American policies are not a repeat of the mistakes made in Vietnam.

Reagan spokesmen have been tattooing the national

eardrum: "This is not Vietnam ... This is not Vietnam."

NOW, AS THEIR peacemaker to symbolize their new approach to Central America, they pick Kissinger, the ex-secretary of state whose career was entwined with the Vietnam War.

Oh, sure, the White House could have named someone more inappropriate. Maybe Richard Nixon's and Gen. William Westmoreland's phones were busy.

Considering what he did for Southeast Asia, Dr. Kissinger's appointment should do wonders for bomb shelter entrepreneurs in El Salvador, Nicaragua, Honduras and Costa Rica.

I mean, isn't this same Kissinger who helped Nixon arrange the secret B-52 raids that turned Cambodia into a moonscape? Same Kissinger who even picked the bombing targets?

To congressmen worried about U.S. troops getting involved in Central America, it may not be reassuring that Dr. Kissinger helped plot the secret invasion of Cambodia.

OR THAT Kissinger's idea of peace negotiation in Vietnam was to threaten the use of nuclear bombs.

Maybe Reagan picked Kissinger to solve the Central America mess because this is one region Henry didn't louse up as secretary of state. In fact, he ignored

it. He doesn't even mention the region in 1,476 pages of his book, "White House Years."

But Henry did demonstrate his South-of-the-Border style in Chile. According to Sen. Frank Church's 1975 report, Kissinger encouraged the covert CIA plot to prevent Salvador Allende from becoming president.

Yes, sir, choosing Kissinger as a symbol for Central American policy is the Reagan team's most delicious joke since it named the MX missile the "Peacekeeper."

TROUBLE WAS, when Reagan announced Kissinger's name, Washington's big shots reacted in two ways. They laughed or they got mad.

Even the CBS network couldn't take it seriously. They ran film clips of Dr. K. leaping over shuttle planes. It was as funny as Charlie Chaplin on the speed-up assembly line in "Modern Times."

Right-wingers, who have always sworn that Kissinger would never get a job in the Reagan administration, were furious at Ron.

"There may be somebody lower on my list than Kissinger, but I can't think of him," fumed Sen. Jesse Helms, R-N.C.

"KISSINGER WAS in charge when U.S. foreign policy collapsed and we lost Angola, Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia," raged Richard Viguerie, the right-wing publisher.

"We can't win in Central America with Kissinger, the architect of the 'no-win' policy in Vietnam," stormed Howard Phillips of the Conservative Caucus.

The Reagan team, which is embattled this week in

selling its secret war in Nicaragua and getting more military aid for El Salvador, must wonder if it went too far with its Kissinger farce.

The splendid thing about Henry was that his choice made the liberals as angry as the conservatives. Rep. Ed Markey, D-Mass., called this a signal "that we're going into another Vietnam." Sen. Chris Dodd, D-Conn., called it a "sales job for the same old package."

FROM WHAT I hear, the Reagan honchos who chose Kissinger were White House aides James Baker and William Clark, and U.N. Ambassador Jeane Kirkpatrick.

They may not sleep as well if they spend $19.95 for Seymour Hersh's book, which details the way Kissinger wiretapped his associates' phones and double-crossed pals at the White House, Pentagon and State Department.

As for Reagan — well, look at the wonderful things Henry did for Nixon and Jerry Ford.

YEP, PUTTING Henry in charge of Central America is a rich joke, much like naming Genghis Khan to run a Central Asia Peace Commission or Jesse James to a Handgun Commission or Timothy Leary to a drug cleanup.

Folks in Central America must be cheering. Can Henry do for them what he did for Cambodia and Chile?

One tip: If Dr. K. announces, "Gentlemen, peace is at hand," head for the hills.

Knight-Ridder

Business

★★★ THE PENINSULA TIMES TRIBUNE, Wednesday, July 20, 1983 — B-8

Nation's business

John
Cunniff

Inflation remains cool
while economy heats up

John Cunniff is on vacation. Today's column is by
the Currier of the Associated Press.

NEW YORK — In the heat of summer, with the economy picking up steam, inflation is apparently still paying cool.

The Labor Department is due to report Friday morning on the consumer price index for June. Analysts at the investment firm of Smith Barney, Harrispham & Co. expect it to show a rise of less than half percentage point.

THAT WOULD LEAVE the cost of living, as measured by the index, only about 2.7 percent higher than was a year earlier.

As almost every expert agrees, the statistical evi-

Federal Reserve will limit money supply

WASHINGTON (AP) — The Federal Reserve Board, fearing inflation is more of a threat to economic recovery than temporarily high interest rates, is reining in the growth of the nation's money supply, Fed Chairman Paul Volcker told Congress today.

Volcker characterized the planned Fed tightening as "limited, timely and potentially reversible measures."

But he said the actions still were necessary to make sure that easy availability of money and credit would not rekindle the kind of inflation that crippled the economy in the late 1970s.

Volcker also announced a change in the way the Fed measures growth in the basic measure of the money supply, an adjustment that was greeted with a rally in the stock market and sent interest rates falling in bond market trading.

Thomas Thomson, chief economist at San Francisco's Crocker National Bank, said the testimony indicated the Fed has "tightened to a degree but gave themselves enough room to preclude another tightening" by its rejiggering of the measure for the weekly money supply growth, called M1.

Lew Smith, an analyst at Bear, Stearns & Co., called the stock market rally a "response to a change in the rules in M1 and its significance."

By midafternoon, the Dow Jones 30 industrial stock average was up more than 18 points.

Some Fed critics have said newly restrictive actions could leave the recovery weak, with a lack of sufficient money, pushing interest rates back up to levels that could bring a new recession.

And Volcker acknowledged that recent restraining moves had been accompanied by higher rates.

However, he also said that in recent meetings Federal Reserve policy-makers "concluded that pros-

pects for sustained recovery and for lower interest rates over time would be enhanced, rather than diminished, by modest and timely action to restrain excessive growth in money and liquidity."

Volcker made his comments today in his midyear report to Congress on the economy.

In his appearance before the House Banking Committee, he said the national economic recovery has picked up momentum.

But problems remain, especially in the "looming threats" of federal budget deficits projected at $200 billion or more for several years to come, he said.

If those deficits cannot be trimmed substantially, he said, government borrowing to finance the red ink will "squeeze out" private borrowers, who will be unable to find the appropriate credit they need.

"Left unattended, the situation remains the most important single hazard to the sustained and balanced recovery we want," he said.

The game is over
for some owners
of video arcades

THE WASHINGTON POST, FRIDAY.

Stephen S. Rosenfeld

Move Over, Henry

No policy game in this town is harder to break into than nuclear strategy. The heavy hitters have been at it for decades, and new boys, if they are not intimidated, are customarily waved off. All the more reason, then, to take note of Rep. Albert Gore Jr., a 34-year-old fourth-term Tennessee Democrat, the latest and in a way the unlikeliest member of the club.

Exactly a year ago this week, Gore made his debut as a strategist—quietly, in the back pages of the Congressional Record. Nice, earnest, boyish-looking, former divinity and law student, ex-journalist Albert Gore. There were few ripples.

But wait. A year passes and Henry Kissinger, an original heavy hitter, comes out in Time with his "new approach" to arms control. No one can convince me, as a lot of people are now saying, that Kissinger stole it from Gore. Kissinger need coaching? Still, it is eerie how his analysis mirrors Gore's: from the key concept to the key numbers.

Gore lacks the master's experience and mystique, but that's not everything. Kissinger, for instance, as much as anyone gave us what is increasingly widely seen (even, now, by him) as the colossal error of MIRV—putting many warheads on one launcher. MIRV made the nuclear soup we and the Russians are in now. We began it, they leapfrogged us, and we're in the process of trying to leapfrog them. Kissinger manfully concedes his new package is designed to undo the damage done by

his old one. The Gores do not have to apologize for being new at the game.

They do, however, have to know something. Gore had been pondering the subject a bit when, at a Girls' State meeting back home, he thought to ask if the girls expected a war in their time. Eighty-five percent of the hands went up. Could a war be prevented? Three or four hands. Gore, a strait-laced and ambitious man who happened then to be reviewing his purpose in politics, paused.

Early in 1981 he joined the Intelligence Committee, committing himself to spend at least four to six hours a week boning up. During this immersion he came upon "my conceptual breakthrough," bouncing it off experts and polishing it for a year until he felt ready to go public.

Last year, well, I meant to sit down with Gore but didn't get to it. This week I paid a call, alert for signs of the fanatic or the flake. There were none. Gore has gone beyond the catechism and is at ease with the flow of the debate. He has discipline, a readiness to listen and a hunger to persuade.

His "breakthrough": for a dozen years the driving factor has been one side's fear that the other has attained or will attain a capability to use its accurate multiple-warhead missiles to knock out the other's land-based missiles in a first strike. Whether such a strike makes military sense is arguable, but the very possibility casts a long political and psychological shadow. The fear of a first

strike is the definition of strategic instability: it is what makes nukes dangerous.

Reagan's approach, reducing the numbers of weapons but improving their striking power, would actually *increase* instability by leaving each side with a greater ratio of warheads to land-based missile targets—with a greater fear of the other's first strike.

To brutally foreshorten it: Gore's answer is to move from multiple-warhead missiles back to single-warhead missiles. Each side would have an invulnerable deterrent but neither would have a first-strike capability—stability at last.

The single-warhead missile is the hot idea of the '80s. Gore and Kissinger are for it. The Scowcroft commission, trying to salvage a strategy from the MX wreckage, likes it. Some hawks are for it, some doves. The Soviets have nibbled: it offers them the same stability it offers us. At this point, it is still different things to different people. I will not try to sort it all out today.

My point lies elsewhere: starting from scratch, in a brief time, through personal exertion, Gore can fairly claim to have had a major role in, as he puts it, moving a central set of ideas from the perimeter of debate to the center. At a time of disarray inside the administration and dismay outside, he speaks clearly for stability, at once the prime nuclear value and the best available ground on which domestic consensus and international agreement might yet be built. Move over, Henry.

3/25/88

WASH. POST 10/1/83

By Gerald Martineau—The Washington Post

Henry Kissinger and Anatoliy Dobrynin at yesterday's reception

# China Exchange

## At the Embassy, Kissinger Kids Dobrynin

By Donnie Radcliffe

Henry Kissinger and Soviet Ambassador Anatoliy Dobrynin ran into each other at the Chinese Embassy yesterday and Kissinger, being Kissinger, promptly applied the needle.

"I told him I'm going to Hong Kong in October and I'm going to let him know my flight number ahead of time," Kissinger said.

Dobrynin, being Dobrynin, laughed.

"A pained laugh" was how Kissinger described it later.

It all took place in full view of

hundreds of China-watchers and dozens of cameras at the party. Ambassador Zhang Wenjin gave yesterday to celebrate the 34th anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China.

"You ruined me," Kissinger chided Zhang, whose foreign minister he was to entertain at a private dinner last night. "I got my picture taken with the Soviet ambassador, smiling at each other."

According to Dobrynin, what he and Kissinger talked about was getting together for a talk.

See CHINA, C10, Col. 1

# China's 34th Anniversary

CHINA, From C1

"He wanted to talk about the Soviet point of view of what's going on around the world. So he invited me to meet him, maybe next week in New York. I don't know what he's going to ask me," the Soviet diplomat said. "But I said, 'I'm available.'"

"He said that?" asked Kissinger, feigning surprise. "He wants to talk to me!"

Red paper lanterns dangled from the embassy porte-cochere and inside, where dozens of gray-suited Chinese officials beamed welcoming smiles, huge bouquets of red flowers were other tip-offs that it was a real red-letter day.

With Sino-American relations enjoying a relaxed status at the moment, guests moving through the long receiving line encountered Chinese cordiality at its best. Dispersing it were Zhang and his deputy, Hu Dingyi, formerly China's counsel general in San Francisco, and their wives.

From there it was a hazardous but rewarding sprint to the buffet table where platters of dumplings, cakes, spring rolls, spiced meats and other Chinese delicacies were replenished even as the guests tried to gobble them all up.

"There's a little more sophistication this year," murmured one American expert, crediting "the erudite Zhang." The ambassador's intimate dinner parties for eight and 10 have become the rage along Embassy Row since he arrived last spring.

Old and new China hands included Evangeline Bruce, whose late husband David Bruce headed the U.S. mission in Peking starting in 1973, after a 24-year gap in relations.

Em-
bassy officials said 1,000 guests had been invited, from President Reagan down to "ordinary citizens." That applied to dozens of American businessmen like Carl H. Sandberg, a vice president of Gould Electronics in Illinois, which was awarded a $5 million contract last winter to put computer systems in 11 leading Chinese universities.

Kissinger called Defense Secretary Caspar W. Weinberger's trip to China this week "very successful." And optimism mounted among businessmen in the crowd over the announcements that Chinese Premier Zhao Ziyang would visit the United States next January and that President Reagan would visit China next April.

"There have been some remarkable changes in the last few months, largely due to the president's decision to liberalize the sale of high technology to China," said Christopher Phillips, who heads the National Council for U.S.-China Trade.

"For our company it means lots of dollars," said one high-technology expert, handing over his English-Chinese business card with the side up bearing his name in Chinese. "But don't quote me by name."

Kissinger optimistic
about Soviet leader

by James McCrory

Express-News political reporter

Former Secretary of State Henry Kissinger said Saturday the succession of Yuri Andropov to the Soviet Union leadership affords the United States an opportunity for arms negotiations.

But Kissinger cautioned that the new Soviet president, who previously headed the Soviet secret police, did not win that post by being a choirboy.

Kissinger and former Secretary of the Treasury John Connally wound up a two-day Texas Lyceum at a dinner in the Hyatt Regency Hotel.

Kissinger said there is considerable opportunity for negotiations with the Soviet Union because of the newness of its leader and because the Soviet economy "is in a terrible mess."

If there is to be detente, Kissinger said, the Soviet Union will have to stop its continuous assaults on the international balance of power and

its support of terrorist groups all over the world.

He said Andropov was playing games when he proposed cutting the 350 Soviet missiles facing Western Europe to 160 and placing the other 190 in Asia provided the U.S. would

have no missiles in Western Europe.

"If anyone can consider that a serious proposal, we are in deep moral difficulty," Kissinger said.

Kissinger said it makes him uneasy to hear the current debate on the defense budget. He said the defense budget should not be argued in relation to entitlement programs. He added that if a systematic review would be made of the defense budget, savings could be effected.

Earlier, Connally expressed optimism about the economy, noting the prime interest rate has declined to 11 percent and predicting it will wind up by mid summer at 9 percent. The Dow Jones average for the stock market has gone to 1,100, he said, and he expects it to reach 1,500.

Congress, Connally concluded, must cope with the entitlement programs, cut defense spending and levy new taxes to deal with the deficit and maintain a sound dollar.

Kissinger was introduced by San Antonio rancher-businessman B.K. Johnson.

Henry Kissinger

68 / Sunday, January 16, 1983 / THE SAN ANTONIO LIGHT

Foreign trade efforts

LYCEUM/From 18
It's one of its
claims to the
best
overseas
business
must offer more
than
the
Palestine Liber-
ation
for acceptance
of their other de-
mands.

Meanwhile, Ken-
nead, George of Midland,
determined the des-
ire of this great state.
George said, "I
believe the de-
tiny left at the start-
gate" in the race for
U.S. and Foreign
commercial Services
yesterday, told
toy laterday after-
night's session of the
Lyceum that the
economy's reliance on
foreign economy "will

prove in the next dec-
ade, George said.

The state government to
recover and play an
active role in that
recovery," the mayor
said. "The medium-sized
business to begin trad-
ing over the next
decade."

Lila Cockrell, the
executive director of
United San Antonio,
also said most Texas
manufacturers are
"missing the boat" of

foreign trade.
In a luncheon ad-
dress, Walid Khalid
of Harvard University
urged Union to at-
tribute to a Palatinnian ex-
pert on the Middle

East — called the
Reagan administration
to include the Soviet
Union in attempts to
bring peace to the re-
gion.

FAST TIMES

What can be done about the reckless, fast
drivers of pickups, passenger cars and even
motorcycles coming from McCulloch High
School, racing down West. Formosa toward
Pleasant Road? They drive up and down
the street, back and forth. Somebody is going
to get killed if something isn't done to slow
down the speeders! — N.B.

ACTION: Call 290-7400 and ask for St.
Robert Bracy. Give him the details, be-
route of the racers, and he will get one, and
more officers from the traffic bureaus to put
the brake on the accelerators.

FLEA MARKET GYP

I bought a bedroom set at a local indoor
flea market, and I took back the complete bill
and was given a receipt. The next day I went
to pick up the set, I was told it had been
restored to someone else for more money. What
do I do about this? I think I was swindled. —
N.M.

I certainly seems the flea market merchant
purchased a fast one on you. We assume he at least
returned your check, uncashed, as you didn't
get your credit card, and he didn't pay for
the gyp artist and were given a receipt, a con-
tract was consummated.

A consumer protection divi-
sion of the state attorney general's office.
Fablo Urist of that office says he will send
you a complete bill to fill it out for you.
The matter then will be investigated for: pos-
si ble breach of contract or deceptive trade prac-
tice. We say possible breach of contract, be-
cause it's possible you made an oral contract to
pick up the merchandise at a specific time and
failed to show up. Anyway, Urist would like
to discuss the issue with you.

PEACE OFFICERS

Thanks for your help in the past. Now, I
would like to ask you how you to get in touch
with the San Antonio Peace Officers Association,
how to join it, what the requirements are, and
if there is an age limitation for membership?
Also, how does a person become a justice of
the peace? — Mrs. M. Hernandez.

ACTION: There is no San Antonio Peace
Officers Association. There is a Texas Peace
Officers Association, however, and it has a San
Antonio unit. Napoleon Byrd, vice president
and treasurer of the local chapter, says there
are several membership categories: Active
members of some law enforcement branch (not
necessarily the police department associate
members, retired from some law enforcement-
branch; honorary members, not necessarily
former law enforcement members), but with
unquestionable "good records," and so on.
Auxiliary members (wives of law enforcement
personnel).

There is no age limit for membership. The
association meets at 8 p.m. the first and fourth
Tuesday of each month, at 217 Cactus St., and
you are invited to attend. It meets at 735
810 or 696-3030.

Now, about becoming a justice of the peace
A JP is not hired or appointed — JPs are elec-
ted.

SMOKEY THE BEAR

I would like some information about Smokey
the Bear, the popular billboard appealing to
people to prevent forest fires. Who created
this symbol? When? Has it actually helped prevent
forest fires? Can you tell me something about
this? Lawrence J.
ACTION: Smokey was spawned in 1945 by
cartoonist Rudolph Wendell, now 72 years
old. He became a national icon of the
1942, a Japanese submarine shelled the Califor-
nia coast, and fears arose that such action
might cause more forest fires. However, he
area of 30 million acres of woodland. A gener-
al awakening to possible widespread forest
insurance problems also arose. He has a
fire prevention campaign was decided
upon.

Several attempts at Smokey the Bear were
turned down, until Wendell, a Forest Service
draftsman took over. He succeeded in making
Smokey appealing by "humans want to dis-
making the paws and claws resemble human
hands, making the bear's shaggy hair gloomy
and well-groomed, making the pointed teeth
make it appear softer, and giving the bear a friendly
look; giving the sign its famous line, "Only
you can prevent forest fires." All this caught
the public's attention. Forest fires were re-
duced 50 percent, saving an estimated $16 bil-
lion over the years.

And the government has netted some $2
million of Smokey-related novelties.
Wendell and his wife, Carroll currently live
retirement in Arlington, Va. The theoretical re-
ligion of the peace officers is still active in
several educational projects.

CLASSIFIED DISPLAY

CLASSIFIED DISPLAY

CLASSIFIED DISPLAY

CLASSIFIED DISPLAY

There's a whole lot
of living at
Walden Square

Never have been too handy
around the house. Cooking, cleaning
... all those little things to look after
when you're living alone.

That's why I decided to rent an
apartment at Walden Square, a
really nice community of people
just like me.

My arrangement at Walden
Square is great. A maid comes in
once a week to do a spic and span
cleaning job. I take my main meals
of the day in the club dining room.

It sure is good and I can always whip
up a sandwich anytime in my own
kitchen.

It seems like the people who came
up with Walden Square must have
had me in mind. They've thought of
everything — all the leisure activities
of a resort plus security, and local
transportation.

Life at Walden Square... so
much simpler and so much more
enjoyable.

I'm over 62 and want to find out more about
living at Walden Square.

Name:

Address:

City
State

Zip

Phone:

Send to: Walden Square
30340 El Cajon Drive
San Antonio, TX 78229 680-3649

Walden
Square
(Take 410 West to Summit
Pkwy. Exit 1 Drive 1 block
turn right on Newforest.)

1-1-16

Face facts, then face
the future...sober.

The federal official was one of several
persons yesterday
who predicted poten-
tially bad economic for-
tune. On Friday, a po-
litical strategist and the
director of the
Texas 2000 long-
range planning ven-
ture both sounded
not much of a pessimist.

The market may
be a bad one, and
San Antonio,"
George said, "but the
competition is in
Japan, France and
Germany."

But George, like
many who spoke in
the first session, ex-
claimed San Antonio
to the warnings,
citing the city's active
pursuit of electronic
film that do foreign
business and the city
government's interest
in developing foreign
trade.

First, you must admit to
yourself that you have a
drinking problem—and need help.
That's where we come in. At La
Hacienda Treatment Center we
help people like you everyday.
Our staff of professionals—py-
chiatrists, substance abuse coun-
selors, psychotherapists, chaplain
and others—give individualized
treatment and group therapy
guidance.

San Antonio took a
major step toward
that end this summer
when it acquired for-
foreign trade zone jurien-
sions for three sites on
the city's East and
South sides. City offi-
cials said yesterday
that those sites should be
in operation by March
2001.

In another speech to the group, Mayor Henry Cinerano dis- cussed the city's ex- panded foreign trade, especially for Mexico. He said our main goal was to make our face more than just a courag- ous person in Mexico. We must take our face long term over their financial

facing facts, you can cope more
easily with the present and look
forward to the future.

* Family involvement (includes
cost-free weekends)

* AA emphasis

* Aftercare program

* Hospital insurance coverage

* J.C.A.H. accredited

24-HOUR INFORMATION LINE
Call Toll Free in Texas 1-800-292-6159
Call Giveup 512-238-6225

La Hacienda
Treatment Center

P.O. Box 1 Hunt, Texas 78024
(sear Kerville)

San Antonio
Referral and Aftercare Office
9200 Broadway, Suite 120
24-Line Hour 824-7571

Colonnade Fine Furniture
and
Roberta Shy's Staff

Presents The America of Martinsville Gallery of Living Room. Bedroom and
Dining Room Furniture at Grand Opening Prices. This Week featuring Custom
Designed Sofas and Loveseats in a wide range of Colors and Fabrics.

With eight-way hand tied springs — couplings down proof pinning — Enjoy
the beauty of those roll-arms sofas... the tight channelled or the equally
vastile tuardo with loose back pillows. With fine fabrics and craftsmanship
standards — quality that you have come to expect from
American of Martinsville.

Sofas - 82' L
Queen Sleeper - R
$1239.95
Convenient Love Seats Available
Loveseats - 50' L $139.95
$1239.95
$1999.95
$1699.95
$669.95

AMERICAN OF MARITZOWITZI,
Handcrafted upholstery

* Complete Interior Design Service Available

Colonnade Furniture

9859 IH 10 West at Wurzbach

690-0800

Open

Mon-Fri 9 a.m. to 9 p.m
Sat. 9 a.m. to 6 p.m

Washington Post

6/2/83

E15

JACK ANDERSON

# Seymour Hersh Rummages in Kissinger Closet

The indefatigable investigative reporter Seymour Hersh has been rummaging in Henry A. Kissinger's closet for four years and has rattled loose some fascinating skeletons.

Hersh's findings can soon be read in a new book, "The Price of Power." From an advance copy, here are some devastating examples of Kissinger at work:

* Nuclear tampering: President Nixon and Kissinger tampered with the safety catch on the nuclear trigger, Hersh alleges. Their action was cynical, they did it in secret and they lied about it to the American people.

They began in March, 1969, by dropping tons of bombs on neutral Cambodia, without the advice and consent of Congress. They were determined to conceal the bombings from Congress, the press and the public. "Kissinger's overwhelming concern was secrecy," Hersh writes.

Perhaps worse, Kissinger "insisted that the missions had to be conducted without the knowledge of the Strategic Air Command's normal command and control system . . . [and] wanted the Cambodian bombing arranged so that crew members

aboard the B52s would not know they were bombing Cambodia," Hersh reveals.

So an Air Force colonel, Ray B. Sitton, worked out a complex system of last-minute target changes controlled by radar personnel on the ground. Although it was impossible to fool the B52 crews, they were debriefed after each mission as if they had dropped the bombs on South Vietnam.

Concludes Hersh: "Nixon and Kissinger were casually tampering with the command and control system of America's nuclear deterrent"—the Strategic Air Command's B52s—"a system necessarily under constant high-level analysis to prevent accidents or unauthorized nuclear bombings." In effect, they were writing a primer for any loony general who might contrive a "Dr. Strangelove" scenario.

* Kissinger's Kissinger: Kissinger's dealing with Alexander M. Haig Jr., a young, ambitious colonel wise in the ways of Washington, began as a master-servant relationship. Hersh quotes a Kissinger aide at the National Security Council as describing it this way:

"Haig moved in on Henry and he moved in from the very beginning. First of all, he was Henry's butler and his chauffeur. Henry never knew the kinds of perks that could be arranged—private planes for trips to New York for dinner, limousines—

and he loved it . . . . When Henry had to wear a white tie and tails for his first White House dinner, it was Haig who went to Henry's house and helped him dress."

But Kissinger's military aide was more than just a dogrobber. He was politically astute where Kissinger was, at first, naive. Haig had military expertise where Kissinger was essentially disinterested. Hersh reports that Haig even claimed to have gone on a highly secret reconnaissance mission into Cambodia though "no record has been found that Haig did in fact participate."

But Haig went too far, Hersh reports: "Eventually he would accomplish the one thing Kissinger found intolerable—a separate relationship with Richard Nixon—and the two men would become bitter enemies. And eventually Kissinger would come to realize that Alexander Haig was not Kissinger's Kissinger, as the newspapers would later characterize him, but Haig's Haig."

* Inside China: Kissinger's greatest achievement, it seems, was also his greatest gamble. He set up Nixon's historic mission to China, Hersh says, "without a commitment that Mao Tse-tung would receive him."

Hersh reports that "Mao had suffered a series of strokes and had been living—in part out of fear for his life—outside of Peking." But the gamble paid off.

E16

Thursday, June 2, 1983

THE WASHINGTON POST

DART O
PRICE B

3 SALE DAYS ONLY - THURSDAY

2.39 (A)
VIDAL SASSOON

• SHAMPOO

EXTRA GENTLE OR REGULAR

• FINISHING RINSE

EXTRA PROTECTION OR REGULAR
8 OZ.

$149

MP5 28 DD-AS

1.99 (A)
COLGATE
TOOTHPASTE

• REGULAR 9 OZ.

• GEL 8.2 OZ.

$149

MP5 43 DD-AN

1.79 (A)
BRUT 33
STICK

DEODORANT

• REGULAR • ANTI-PERSPIRANT

• MUSK • ANTI-PERSPIRANT MUSK

2.5 OZ.

99¢

MP5 30 DD-AS

4.29 (A)
DEXATRIM

• REGULAR 20'S

• EXTRA STRENGTH 20'S

• EXTRA STRENGTH

CAFFEINE FREE 20'S

• EXTRA STRENGTH

WITH VITAMINS 16'S

$299

MP5 13 DD-AS

6.49 (A)
OIL OF
OLAY

6 OZ.

$539

MP5 10 DD-AS

2.39 (A)
MYLANTA
LIQUID

12 OZ.

$199

MP5 15 DD-AS

2.79 (A)

BABY
FRESH
WIRES

2.49 (A)
PETER PAUL
CANDY BARS

2.29 (B)
PLANTERS
DRY ROASTED
PEANUTS

Washington Post

E15

JACK ANDERSON

Perhaps worse, Kissinger "insisted that the missions had to be conducted without the knowledge of the Strategic Air Command's normal command and control system... [and] wanted the Cambodian bombing arranged so that crew members

and he loved it.... When Henry had to wear a white tie and tails for his first White House dinner, it was Haig who went to Henry's house and helped him dress."

But Kissinger's military aide was more than just a dogropper. He was politically astute where Kissinger was, at first, naive. Haig had military expertise where Kissinger was essentially disinterested. Hersh reports that Haig even claimed to have gone on a highly secret reconnaissance mission into Cambodia though "no record has been found that Haig did in fact participate."

THE NEW POWER BROKERS

Number
Two
with a Bullet

Shelton "Spike" Lee

He's Gotta Have It

BORN: Atlanta, Georgia, 1957

EDUCATION: B.A., Morehouse College,
1979; M.F.S., New York University

Tisch School of the Arts, 1983

POSITION: Filmmaker

"What good is power or influence if it
can't be put to good use?" Spike Lee
asks in the journal he kept during the
making of his recent movie, *Do the Right
Thing*. "And by good use I don't mean
getting a motherf---ing table at Spago,"
he adds, in case you didn't get the point.

Lee knows the power of movies, and
it's no coincidence that *Do the Right Thing*
comes smack in the middle of a racially
polarized mayoral campaign that has as
much to do with Tawana Brawley, Al
Sharpton, and Howard Beach as the man
in city hall. Everything about *Do the Right
Thing* is shot through with politics. After
Lee's early success with the light sex
comedy *She's Gotta Have It*, and its fol-
low-up, *School Daze*, he turned to per-
haps the most burning, but rarely con-
fronted, topic in America—racism.

Some of the people responding to the
film have been movie critics—Roger
Ebert called it “the most honest, un-
blinking film I have ever seen about rac-

ism”—but Lee has also become fodder
for political writers. New York's Joe Klein
speculated that the film could unhinge
David Dinkins's mayoral campaign, and
called Lee “a classic art-school dilettante
when it comes to politics.” Others sug-
gested *Do the Right Thing* would incite
riot. Klein's colleague David Denby
warned that “if some audiences go wild,
[Lee's] partly responsible.”

A consummate storyteller, Spike Lee is one of a small group of black filmmakers who have succeeded in putting out popular films clearly made from a black point of view. Called by one critic “a lyricist of racial tension,” he questions the very terms of the power game as it is played, demanding a place for blacks in the movie establishment. “I’ve been blessed with the opportunity to express the views of black people, who otherwise don’t have access to power and the media,” he has said. “I have to take advantage of this while I am still bankable.”
—R.S.B.

Dennis Rivera

General Hospital

BORN: Puerto Rico, 1951

EDUCATION: B.A., University of Puerto
Rico, 1971

POSITION: President of Local 1199 of
the Drug, Hospital, and Health Care
Employees Union, 1989-

They were shaking the rafters at River-
side Church, the brass band was playing,
and it seemed this time that the saints
really were marching in for the hospital
workers of Union Local 1199. Onstage
were Jesse Jackson, David Dinkins, and
Ruth Messinger, hands interlocked and
held aloft with the man who had brought

LEE

RIVERA

them all together—Dennis Rivera, the
newly elected president of 1199.

Young and dynamic, skilled in com-
municating his ideas, Rivera has rapidly
become one of the city's handful of
powerful labor leaders. He's also be-
coming a political power: as the Puerto
Rican leader of a union made up primar-
ily of black and Hispanic women, he
may be able to unite many of the city's
disparate Hispanic factions behind Din-
kins. And as Dinkins's campaign coordi-
nator in the Puerto Rican and Latino
communities, Rivera will use his organi-
zational skills to reach out to a full 12
percent of the electorate. If he suc-
ceeds, it'll be the first time that blacks
and Hispanics have been able to get to-
gether behind a mayoral candidate.
"He's a force," says Angelo Falcon of
the Institute for Puerto Rican Policy.
"He would have to be courted by any-
one seeking a political future."

Rivera has already proved his organiz-
ing ability. He led a force twenty thou-
sand strong in a march on the office of
the president of the League of Volun-
tary Hospitals, with which the union
has been engaged in a fiery contract bat-
tle, the week before the Riverside rally.
Earlier this year, to protest $280 million
in proposed Medicaid cuts, his forces
gathered 250,000 signatures on peti-
tions in just one day. The cuts were not
approved.

Having held three one-day strikes in
July, Rivera and the hundred thousand-
member union had to decide whether to
stage a full strike. "We are taking it one
day at a time," he said at the end of July,
"guided by the principles of Dr. King,
that it is important to correct injustices
wherever they are." Still, he used some-
thing a little more contemporary for a ral-
ly slogan at Riverside. What else? "Do
the Right Thing."
—L.C.

PHOTOGRAPHS BY LAURA LEVINE/OUTLINE PRESS (LEFT); N.Y.T. PICTURES

By Don Oberdorfer
Washington Post Staff Writer

Henry A. Kissinger played both sides of the street in the 1968 presidential campaign, providing secrets about the Vietnam negotiations to Republican candidate Richard M. Nixon and offering secret anti-Nixon files to the camp of Democratic candidate Hubert H. Humphrey, according to a forthcoming account by investigative reporter Seymour M. Hersh.

Kissinger's role as a secret informant, to the Nixon camp about the Paris peace talks, where he had been an unofficial consultant and confidential negotiator with North Vietnam on behalf of the Johnson administration, was disclosed previously in Nixon's memoirs.

In his book, "The Price of Power," to be published June 13 by Summit Books, Hersh also reports that Kissinger offered to help the Humphrey camp accumulate information to discredit Nixon, including private files that had been kept on Nixon by his Republican rival, New

Kissinger Said
To Have Courted
Both Sides in '68

York Gov. Nelson A. Rockefeller. Kissinger, who had served for several years as Rockefeller's foreign policy adviser, was quoted by Hersh as offering to show the anti-Nixon documents to Humphrey's campaign adviser on foreign affairs, Zbigniew Brzezinski, if the arrangement were kept quiet and if Humphrey were told of Kissinger's help.

Hersh wrote that by the time the Democrats decided to accept Kissinger's offer Humphrey had fallen far behind Nixon in the public opinion polls and efforts to obtain the information were rebuffed by Kissinger's aides. But as

Humphrey's poll ratings climbed shortly before the election, Hersh also reported, Kissinger wrote a letter to Humphrey criticizing Nixon and offering his services to a Humphrey administration.

By late September, 1968, according to Hersh, the Nixon camp had received its second report from Kissinger on the secret maneuverings at the Paris peace talks, and Kissinger was being informally slated to be White House adviser on national security if Nixon won the presidential race.

Meanwhile, in the Humphrey camp, a parallel process reportedly was under way. Hersh quotes Humphrey's confidant, Max Kampelman, as saying that Humphrey spoke of making Kissinger his White House adviser on national security if he won the election.

Neither Kissinger nor Nixon would comment yesterday on this or other aspects of Hersh's 698-page account, which has been long awaited

See KISSINGER, A6, Col. 1

THE WASHINGTON POST

Associated Press

Book reports that Kissinger, shown in 1975 photo with Rockefeller, in 1968 offered Democrats files Rockefeller had kept on Nixon.

White House and in the world of international diplomacy on a wide range of issues, including the Vietnam war and relations with the Soviet Union, China and other nations.

Among other things, Hersh wrote that:

* Morarji Desai, a veteran Indian political figure, was paid $20,000 yearly by the CIA during the Johnson administration and "undoubtedly" was the hitherto-unidentified confidential source who provided secret information from inside the Indian government during the 1971 Indian-Pakistan war. Desai later was Indian prime minister in 1977-79.

* A secret war plan commissioned by Kissinger and his senior military aide, Alexander M. Haig Jr., was completed in mid-1969 without the

knowledge of Secretary of Defense Melvin R. Laird. The plan called for "massive bombing" of cities, harbors and dike systems in North Vietnam and destruction, "possibly with nuclear devices," of main north-south routes of the Ho Chi Minh trail.

* Stephen W. Linger, a code clerk in the Pentagon's highly secret communications center for "back channel" messages, relayed sensitive information to columnist Jack Anderson in 1971, causing "a panic" in the White House and Pentagon and touching off an investigation. A Navy stenographer in Kissinger's White House office, Yeoman Charles Radford, also provided Anderson with classified information and spied on Kissinger for the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

* Under pressure from Kissinger, the National Security Council and the CIA in 1972 inflated the numbers of ballistic missile submarines that the Soviet Union would be able to build in the years ahead, in order to make a Kissinger-struck deal on this issue in strategic arms limitation talks (SALT I) seem advantageous to the United States.

Hersh's book is a near-encyclopedic recitation of information about specific maneuvers, with little overall appraisal of Kissinger or his place in history.

Asked yesterday what he thinks of his subject after nearly four years of dogged study, Hersh replied, "I don't know him. But he's going to view this as a personal plot."

Washington Post

D21

6/3/83

JACK ANDERSON

Book Describes
Nixon Effort to
Smear Reporter

Perhaps the most bizarre episode of the Nixon era was a campaign to discredit and, if possible, destroy an investigative reporter. I had the honor of being the victim.

The story has been pieced together by Seymour Hersh, an investigative reporter who has raised his share of hackles on the backs of official necks. The details can be found in his new book, "The Price of Power," which uncovers the sweepings under the rug of former secretary of state Henry A. Kissinger.

Hersh portrays former president Richard Nixon as a man haunted by dark secrets which he feared might leak out and drive him from public office. Kissinger tended, in the ways of an ambitious subordinate, to out-Nixon Nixon.

They used the classification system not so much to protect the nation's security as to censor the news. As an example of their carelessness with legitimate secrets, Nixon once boasted to reporters that the United States was able to recreate Soviet radar signals and see "what the Russian radar showed...."

"The Nixon statement created

near-pandemonium" at the National Security Agency, Hersh reports. He quotes one official as exclaiming, "I died when I heard it.... I just fell out of my chair. I literally did."

Nixon's statement caused the Soviets "to change every frequency, every crypt system, every net structure," and the United States lost "the incalculable advantage of knowing what the other side was seeing," Hersh writes.

But when I exposed the secret manipulations of Nixon and Kissinger in Vietnam, it "threw the White House... into a panic," Hersh writes, and then-Attorney General John N. Mitchell "ordered an extensive investigation."

Recounts Hersh: "In all, Anderson wrote 13 columns between March 18 and May 6, 1971..., and all were ignored by the rest of the press. In some cases, Anderson's information was recycled by other reporters in stories years later, and invariably each was treated as major news."

Later in the year, I published secret documents proving that Nixon and Kissinger had lied about the U.S. policy toward Pakistan. Investigators zeroed in on Navy Yeoman Charles Radford, whom they suspected of slipping me the documents.

They bullied and browbeat him for three weeks. They put him through four lie detector tests. They tapped his telephone. They finally

got their confession, not that he had passed Kissinger's secrets to me but that he had spied on Kissinger for the Joint Chiefs of Staff.

Hersh reports that Donald Stewart, the chief Pentagon investigator, was summoned to David Young's White House office on Dec. 23, 1971. "Young shocked Stewart by ordering him to 'establish' a homosexual relationship between Anderson and Yeoman Radford; it was clear from Young's tone that Stewart was not merely to investigate such a relationship but find one.

"Stewart, a former FBI agent who was nearly 15 years older than Young, objected emphatically. As Stewart protested, Young jumped up and shouted..., 'Goddamn, the president wants this, and every time we tell him we can't do something!'"

Hersh goes on: "Nixon's fear of Anderson, of what he knew or could learn, about the workings of the White House, was acute by the end of 1971, and yet [former Nixon aide John D.] Ehrlichman recalls, the president refused to grant John Mitchell permission to wiretap Anderson's telephone at the time the taps were placed on Radford's. Nixon apparently feared that Anderson's contacts inside the FBI were so extensive that he would be tipped off about a legally authorized wiretap. Perhaps Anderson would also be told of other wiretaps that had not been legally authorized."

BIG GEORGE VIRGIL PARTCH

DENNIS THE MEMACE

Washington Post

D21

JACK ANDERSON

"The Nixon statement created

WILL GEORGE VIRGIL PARTCH

DENNIS THE MIRACULOUS

# Kissinger Said To Have Courted Both Sides in '68

See KISSINGER, A6, Col. 1

THE WASHINGTON POST

Associated Press

By Don Oberdorfer

Washington Post Staff Writer

Kissinger's role as a secret informant to the Nixon camp about the Paris peace talks, where he had been an unofficial consultant and confidential negotiator with North Vietnam on behalf of the Johnson administration, was disclosed previously in Nixon's memoirs.

See KISSINGER, A6, Col. 1

you dislike someone who is that smart?"

BAD Campaigns, the consulting firm Berman operates with partner Carl D'Agostino, lost only one race last year.

Because the Los Angeles area is so large and television advertising is too expensive for congressional or legislature campaigns, Berman, with his talent for demographics and computers, developed remarkably effective mailings targeted at groups most in tune with the Waxman-Berman group's issues—teachers and support for education, elderly and national health care, Jews and support for Israel.

Levine also has the ability to raise money in the rich and liberal entertainment and business communities, partly because Levine and his wife, also an attorney, are from very wealthy families with a strong commitment to Israel.

In the spirit of the Waxman-Berman system, Levine contributed $15,000 of his own campaign funds last year to Santa Barbara liberal Democrat Gary Hart, who won a state senate seat and promptly led a fight to increase the budget for the beleaguered public schools.

Special correspondent Katharine Macdonald contributed to the

roaring like the dickens," said Mayor Dean Stahle. "Those who were close to it said they would never forget that sound."

The murky water made its way into town at a quarter mile a minute, with little warning. "As far as we know, everybody got out, but some of them just barely got out," Stahle said. Janice Haring said the electricity went off and she was hunting for a candle in her home when she heard the evacuation orders. By the time she got her children to her car it was stuck in mud. "We ran up to try to help sandbag, and we would put one sandbag up and another one would just be washed away," she said. "Finally, we just had to stop. Nothing helped."

About 1,000 residents were evacuated; many were allowed back today.

In Farmington, five miles away, a mud slide demolished a dozen homes and damaged 30 others Monday and Tues-

On Main Street, lined for six blocks with sandbags, the muck was hubcap-deep.

Volunteers were beefing up sandbags on streets bordering Stone and Barton creeks. Normally peaceful Stone Creek, swollen by melting snow in the mountains, cut a gorge 50 feet deep and 150 feet wide in some spots.

Stahle said 50 homes were damaged by mud and water and one was twisted off its foundation. The mayor said the mountains were being watched closely and "we have no reason for real concern" of another mud slide at this time.

The National Weather Service said cooler weather in the immediate forecast would keep mountain snow packs from melting and would lower streams throughout northern Utah; but forecasters also said there was a danger of rain.

Temperatures were in the low 70s

RENT
USED CARS,

The Washington Post

(ISSN 0190-8286)

Second class postage paid at Washington, D.C.

Thursday, June 2, 1983

A5

carryall
winning price

on carries wet clothes. Spacious holds track shoes, whatever. With on web handles. outside pocket. but Pentagon time

D & LOTHROP

THE WASHINGTON POST

Mont Is Looking Chilly

Rep. Glenn English, left, says Agriculture Secretary John R. Block and OMB Director David A. Stockman are "using the target price cost issue as an excuse for their mismanagement of the farm programs...."

Stockman are being accused of trying to subvert the farm program they accepted two years ago.

"They don't like the target-price concept. Block has always been frank about that," said Rep. Glenn R. English (D-Okla.). "But they are now using the target price cost issue as an excuse for their mismanagement of the farm programs.... The question arises if there is an effort to impose their philosophy by allowing costs to soar deliberately."

House Agriculture Chairman E Kika de la Garza (D-Tex.), after his committee last month rejected Block's effort to get quick passage of the freeze, promised to hold hearings on the proposal.

Part of the argument is over the freeze; part is over members' insistence that they must know details of

the 1984 payment-in-kind (PIK) program before they buy Block's freeze. Block says he can't produce a PIK program without knowing if he has his freeze.

The roots of the dispute go back to 1981, when Block and the administration objected to congressional efforts to peg target-price levels to the inflation rate. Inflation was high at the time. The White House insisted on—and got—a farm bill with specific yearly target prices spelled out.

That strategy backfired.

Block recently conceded to the House Agriculture Committee that he did not envision inflation tapering off as it has. And, in another miscalculation, neither he nor Stockman knew that this fiscal year's farm support costs would hit the record high now projected. Nor did they know that deficiency payments would account for an estimated $2.6 billion of this year's estimated $21 billion in price supports.

The USDA estimates that fiscal 1984 deficiency payments, assuming there is a continuation of the landidling PIK program, will be $2.1 billion. Without PIK, USDA says, the deficiencies will cost $3.1 billion. For fiscal 1985, the bill would be $3.3 billion with a PIK program; $4.3 billion without it.

"Our concern is that the target prices, which by law must go up, may give farmers an additional incentive to produce more when we are trying to cut surpluses," said William G. Lesher, assistant agriculture secretary for economics.

"Here we are forced by law to raise the deficiency payment, yet we're running the biggest payment-in-kind program in history to idle land and try to boost farm prices. The two ideas clash," he said.

THE WASHINGTON POST

Give the sport with the prize-only 10.00

Waterproof 420 denier my swimwear or work-out clothing 18"x11"x6" size easily holds stopwatch, tennis balls, water, and more. Choose navy, green or tan, contrasting piping and nylons. He'll appreciate the hands for his wallet and keys.
Men's Accessories: all stores
To order, call 783-7600 and

STORE FOR MEN

WOODWARD

## Contacts Not Widely Known

Mr. Nixon has written in his memoirs that Mr. Kissinger provided him with "information about the bombing halt" ordered by President Johnson just before the 1968 election and that this was a factor in his deciding to offer Mr. Kissinger the job of national security adviser after the successful election. But Mr. Kissinger's contacts with the Humphrey camp were not widely known.

Mr. Hersh quotes Ted Van Dyk, an aide to the late Mr. Humphrey, as saying that in late October, at a time when Mr. Humphrey had started to rise in the polls and Mr. Kissinger was aiding the Nixon camp, Mr. Kissinger wrote a letter to Mr. Humphrey criticizing Mr. Nixon and offering his services.

The book quotes Mr. Van Dyk as saying that "I remember Henry as being a both-sides-of-the-street kind of guy." But when reached today at a conference in Bonn, Mr. Van Dyk said that while he could confirm talking about the Kissinger letter, he does not remember saying that about Mr. Kissinger.

When asked for his reaction to the book, Mr. Kissinger replied through his office that he would have no comment because he had not seen it.

## Names a C.I.A. Informer

The book draws on previously published memoirs by both Mr. Nixon and Mr. Kissinger, as well as other books, and from 1,000 interviews that Mr. Hersh said he conducted over four years.

Among other things, Mr. Hersh says in his book that Morarji R. Desai, a prominent political figure in India who became Prime Minister in 1977, was a paid informer for the Central Intelligence Agency after his falling out with Prime Minister Indira Gandhi in 1967.

On another topic, Mr. Hersh says that, in 1969, as part of an effort to force an end to the Vietnam War, Mr. Nixon planned to threaten Hanoi with serious military consequences unless it negotiated seriously by Nov. 1, the anniversary of the Johnson decision to stop bombing North Vietnam.

This was previously divulged by Mr. Nixon and Mr. Kissinger, but Mr. Hersh adds the disclosure that among the contingencies discussed by Mr. Kissinger's staff was the detonation of a nuclear device to block roads from China to North Vietnam. He also says the Strategic Air Command was put on a 29-day combat alert in October 1969, but that in the end nothing came of the planning. In his memoirs, Mr. Kissinger said Mr. Nixon "never pursued the threat seriously."

The book also refers to long-standing rumors that Mr. Nixon received millions of dollars of support from the military junta that ran Greece in the late 1960's and early 1970's. Mr. Hersh writes that the House Intelligence Committee received sworn but unpublished evidence in 1976 from Henry A. Tasca, who had been Ambassador to Greece, that Thomas A. Pappas, a Republican fund-raiser, had "served as a conduit" to the Nixon campaign from the Greek Government in 1968.

Although Mr. Hersh says there is no firsthand proof that the United States was responsible for the coup that unseated Prince Norodom Sihanouk as Cambodia's leader in 1970, he writes that Samuel R. Thornton, a Navy intelligence specialist in Saigon, said Americans had made contact earlier with Lon Nol, who eventually led the coup, under the code name "Sunshine Park." Mr. Hersh said this is "hard-to-ignore evidence that at least some officials in the American Government were actively encouraging the overthrow of Sihanouk before 1970."

Efforts to reach Mr. Thornton and Mr. Pappas by telephone were unavailing.

## Discussion of Personal Strains

Mr. Hersh, a former reporter for The New York Times, won the Pulitzer Prize for reporting on the My Lai massacre.

Much of his new book is taken up with discussion of the personal strains within the Nixon Administration, including the well-known efforts of Mr. Kissinger to undercut the effectiveness of both Secretary of State William P. Rogers and Secretary of Defense Melvin R. Laird. Mr. Hersh says, for example, that Mr. Rogers's Middle East peace-making efforts in 1969-71 failed because of Mr. Kissinger's "spite" in refusing to cooperate.

The book gives only passing credit to the Nixon Administration for its opening to China, the conclusion of strategic arms accords and the ending of the American involvement in Vietnam.

Mr. Hersh said neither Mr. Nixon nor Mr. Kissinger would consent to his repeated requests for interviews in preparing the book.

He says Mr. Kissinger, in sharing confidential information with the Nixon camp, "would have astonished his friends in the Paris delegation who continued to trust him in the weeks before the elections as part of the team seeking a settlement of the Vietnam War."

Mr. Hersh quotes John N. Mitchell, Mr. Nixon's campaign manager, as saying: "Henry's information was basic. We were getting all our information from him."

In his memoirs from that period, Mr. Kissinger said several Nixon emissaries called him after he returned to Harvard, where he was a professor, after the Republican convention of 1968. "I took the position," Mr. Kissinger

wrote, "that I would answer specific questions on foreign policy, but that I would not offer general advice or volunteer suggestions. This was the same response I made to the Humphrey staff."

He said the only question he was asked came from Mr. Mitchell, who wanted to know if he thought the Johnson Administration would agree to a bombing halt before the election. Mr. Kissinger said he replied that he thought one would be worked out and therefore "I advised against making an issue of it."

He said Mr. Mitchell checked that opinion with him once or twice during the campaign and gave him the telephone number of H. R. Haldeman to call if he got "hard" information. But, he said, "I never used it."

Mr. Hersh says that Mr. Allen received a phone call from Mr. Kissinger 12 hours before Mr. Johnson announced the bombing halt. Mr. Kissinger "excitedly announced," Mr. Hersh says, that "I've got important information," then went on to describe that an accord had been reached in Paris allowing the halt in the bombing.

"My attitude was that it was inevitable that Kissinger would have to be part of our administration," Mr. Allen told Mr. Hersh. "Kissinger had proven his mettle by tipping us."

Mr. Allen served as national security adviser to President Reagan for a year. In a telephone interview today, he the accuracy of his quotations in the Hersh book.